УНИВЕРЗИТЕТ У БЕОГРАДУФАКУЛТЕТ ПОЛИТИЧКИХ НАУКА

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MEĐUNARODNA KONFERENCIJA

“DRŽAVA I DEMOKRATIJA”(Fakultet političkih nauka, Beograd, 28-29. novembar 2008. godine)

Knjiga sažetaka

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INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

“STATE AND DEMOCRACY”(Faculty of Political Sciences, Belgrade, November 28th – 29th, 2008)

Book of Summaries

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Panel 1

STATE AND DEMOCRACY IN MODERNITY

Prof. Milan PodunavacUniversity of BelgradeFaculty of Political Sciences

STATE AND DEMOCRACY

Problem. The topic of our conference is “State and democracy”, one of the most intricate problems that has vexed both classical and modern political theory. In my presentation I will try to explore some basic (ancient) issues of political theory in the light of contemporary social and political dynamic and changing of contemporary political discourse. In this sense I will try to back on some neglecting issues like constitutionalism, legitimacy, citizenship, social justice, fear etc. On the other hand as regard that most of contemporary political discussion of these tend mostly to fixate on North American experience neglecting largely European and, in particular, Central European and South East European variants, I will try to raise some fundamental questions in this field. I do believe that such kind of dialogue within political theory is of utmost importance in the sense that John Rawls refers on the last page of his paperback edition of Political liberalism to Schmitt’s antiliberalism restates explaining why constitutional stability and democratic legitimacy of liberal policy continues to require liberal and democratic political theory. Rawls knows and we, the people from the region overburden by negative heritage of war, dictatorship and anlegalism know that constitutional and democratic principles have not yet established unchallengeable claim to normative authority and that very specific ideological, constitutional and political battle is in front of us. These are the underlying matrix of my presentation.

Prof. Margaret BlundenUniversity of Westminster

DEMOCRACY, SECURITY AND THE SMALL EUROPEAN STATE

Defining “small state” for the present purpose in terms of relative defence spend, not population or territory, and focussing on Eastern and Central rather than Western Europe, this paper looks at the theoretical security options open to small states, and to the practical constraints upon their choices. The two principal security organisations in Europe, NATO and the European Union ( Common Foreign and Security Policy) formally subscribe to sovereign equality between member states and democracy within them, and NATO has some achievements

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to its credit in the promotion of defence reform and civil military relations in recent and prospective member states. However, the pace of innovation and the escalating costs of military technology are simultaneously reinforcing asymmetries of capability and influence between member states and weakening sovereign democratic control over security policy within the smaller ones.

Fulco LanchesterFull professor of Italian and Comparative Constitutional Law in the Faculty of Political ScienceUniversity of Rome ‘La Sapienza’

REPRESENTATION IN THE POLITICAL FIELD AND THE PROBLEMS OF SUPRA-NATIONAL INTEGRATION AND GLOBALISATION

In this paper, which takes into consideration the cultural suggestions made by this conference, I shall follow three main lines of enquiry: firstly I shall give a conceptual classification of acts of representation (see paragraph 2); secondly, I shall briefly point out certain difficulties in the relationship between democracy and representation (see paragraph 3); finally, I shall concentrate on political character, differentiating between the concept of representation in the political field and that of political representation (see paragraph 4). During the course of my analysis I shall selectively highlight the difficulties that, in our current historical and spiritual situation, are faced by the parliamentary institutions of single nation states in carrying out the function of representation and the risks that can follow (paragraph 5) and I shall conclude by making some suggestions for further development.

Vučina VasovićFakultet političkih naukaUniverzitet u Beogradu

GLOBALIZACIJA, DRŽAVA I DEMOKRATIJA

Savremeni svet, nesumnjivo, prolazi kroz rapidne i radikalne promene. Među najznačajnije treba, svakako, ubrojiti: velike tehnološke promene, povećanu ekonomsku i druge vrste međuzavisnosti, snažan razvoj mas medija, poraz komunizma i najzad proces globalizacije. Možda bi se moglo reći da pojava-proces globalizacije predstavlja u neku ruku zbirni izraz odnosno okvir za mnoge ključne i duboke promene savremenog sveta i u savremenom svetu. Postavlja se pitanje kako taj proces globalizacije utiče na pojedine aspekte i ravni našeg

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društvenog i političkog života. Za ovu priliku nas posebno interesuje kako proces globalizacije utiče na karakter i uopšte sudbinu države i demokratije, s jedne strane, i vice versa: koliki su otpornost, snaga i uticaj države i demokratije na ovaj novi orkan globalizacije.

U cilju sistematičnijeg prezentiranja ove složene građe, naše izlaganje je organizovano u tri dela. Prvi deo je posvećen nekim ključnim pojmovima, tokovima i genezi globalizacije. U drugom delu se razmatraju implikacije i posledice globalizacije na karakter i način funkcionisanja države. Treći deo analizira uticaj globalizacije na mogućnosti i tempo demokratizacije kao i na oblike buduće demokratije. U izlaganju se naglašava da iako ima velike razvojne i integrirajuće potencijale, koji bi trebalo da proizvode manje ili više pozitivna dejstva na sve zemlje i narode savremenog sveta, proces globalizacije različito pogađa pojedine zemlje i sredine.

U mnogim savremenim sredinama, posebno u krugu postkomunističkih društava, globalizacija se različito manifestuje i praćena je kako pozitivnim stranama i očekivanjima tako i izvesnim teškoćama i protivrečnostima. U svemu tome, opštu sliku o globalizaciji kvari odnos moćnih država prema manjim i slabijim državama. Zavisno od svog ličnog interesa, posebno od svojih ekspanzivnih i hegemonističkih pretenzija, najrazvijenije zemlje svrstavaju manje i slabije zemlje na one koje smatraju svojim prijateljima i koje na jedan ili drugi način pomažu i podstiču i na one kojima treba staviti omču oko vrata ili ih držati na distanci.

Pored toga, globalizacija otvara nova iskušenja kako u ravni unutrašnjih odnosa između pojedinih delova elite tako i u odnosima između elite i šrih društvenih slojeva. Može izgledati paradoksalno ali nije nerealno očekivati jačanje političke elite u odnosu prema drugim krugovima elita i prema bazičnoj populaciji. Sve to otvara pitanje smisla i daljeg postojanja odnosno funkcionalnosti legitimnosti kao osnove demokratičnosti. U sklopu toga, valja istaći i jedno uznemirujuće pitanje koje je inače prepoznao i istakao Rihard Minh (Richard Münch): da li se može s one strane nacionalnih država, na nadnacionalnom globalnom planu, opet preduzeti kontrola nad razornom snagom koju svetski kapitalizam ima u ekološkoj kao i u socijalnoj i kulturnoj sferi.

Najzad, treće, gobalizacija ostavlja veliki trag na ceo kompleks demokratije. Ako globalizacija znači desuverenizaciju države, postavlja se pitanje kakvog smisla ima demokratija uopšte, bar ona koja je dosad bila poznata u formi mehanizama ograničavanja i demokratizacije države, ako država više nema osnovne prerogative vlasti. Kakva je svrha partijskog i izbornog sistema, ako parlament kao ključna i finalna instanca procesa odlučivanja i demokratske države nema odgovarajuće prerogative? Kakvo je mesto demokratije i kako bi demokratija trebala da izgleda u uslovima globalizacije?

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Chris Sparks Institute of Technology Sligo

'CIVILITY AND BARBARISM AT THE EDGE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: WEAK POLITIES,

NEO-LIBERALISM AND CAPITALIST ECONOMICS'.

The original aim in drafting this paper was to discuss the dimensions of possibility and threat to weakly developed political communities entering in to the EU. The discussion was to be framed within a consideration of the contrary tendencies towards a social democratic federal polity and an enclosed zone of free market economics manifest in history of EU policy making. The issues involved have been intensified by the sudden and intense recession running though the economics of the western world -a turn of events that has intensified the importance of a core complex problem of political philosophy underlying the issue of the dimensions and purpose of the European Union. The problem of how economy and politics engage with the establishment and maintaining of functioning community . This problem is, of course, not new. It is so much discussed that it can be regarded as something of an old friend to political theorists.

Yet the intensity of the threat to political communities globally, to the integrity of the EU and to all the present and aspirant member states posed by the current economic turmoil suggest that the fashionable mantras of free marketers combined with w couple of decades of significant affluence has led even political philosophers to take their eye of this dangerously spinning ball. While we are all too familiar with the dangers of an over idealised state dispensing political status and micro - governing economic distribution, the current convulsing market collapse and economic shrinkage reveal in all too obvious factuality, to any one who is not too ideologically blinded to see, that grand schemes of unfettered global markets and ‘light-touch State’ - the conversion of a politically engaged citizenry to docile consumers, was a fantasy.

The failure of mainstream liberal politics to retain the sense of what polity is and to act consistently to preserve its integrity in the often complex and entwined relations with economy brings us to the point where we need to pause and consider a set of two points of dissonance between idealisations and actualities of human activity. So, in this paper, I shall dwell on the differences in what constitutes a ‘community’ and what constitutes an ‘economic entity’ – not only to simply to highlight the points of distinction between these two entangled spheres of life, but to explore the less considered and very significant differences between the idealisation and practice of community living and between the idealisation and practice of economic activity.

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Prof. Mijat DamjanovićFakultet političkih naukaUniverzitet u Beogradu

DISKURSI O DEMOKRATIJI

O tome šta je demokratija, kako se konstituiše i kako funkcioniše, kako se jača i kako se razara, koliko je stvarna, formalna ili fiktivna napisane su brojne knjige, naročito u društvima koja su se opredelila za takvu „avanturu“ i to naročito u onima koja su do demokratske opcije, pre svega uređenja vlasti, došla kroz epohalne revolucije.

Problemi sa autentičnim demokratskim sadržajima, ukoliko ih je uopšte moguće pouzdano identifikovati, nastaju već u krilu organizacije i funkcionisanja vlasti, a postaju gotovo neuhvatljivi kada se demokratija shvata kao kompleksan fenomen države, privrede i društva, kao ciljna projekcija nacije, socijalne grupe, porodice, individue. Demokratija je istovremeno slavljena kao jedna od najvećih civilizacijskih vrednosti, koja je ostala nepohabana kroz milenijume, ali i osporavana i omrznuta jer je defektna u inicijalnoj postavci da većina, populus, može uspešno da upravlja, vodi, usmerava i razvija društvo.

I u savremenom svetu hvalospevi o prednostima demokratije u odnosu na sve druge forme vladavine, ostaju samo zavodljive hipokrizije kada se spoznaju realni centri moći i na globalnom i na nacionalnom planu i kada se objektivno evaluiraju sve teškoće, nedostatci i protivurečnosti savremenog sveta. U ovom prilogu biće reči samo o nekoliko diskursa o demokratiji koji su vezani za „njen“ demagoški, populistički i nacionalistički karakter. Ostaće po strani svi oni vidljivi i merljivi nedostatci, destruktivnosti, nepravde, društvene patologije, koje savremene „demokratske“ države nisu u stanju da reše.

Prof. Zdravko PetakSveučilište u ZagrebuFakultet političkih znanosti

OBLIKOVANJE JAVNIH POLITIKA I DEMOKRACIJA

U radu se izlaže pitanje odnosa javnih politika i demokracije. Autor polazi od teze da su teoretičari javnih politika tradicionalno veliku pozornost posvećivali pitanjima efikasnosti, djelotvornosti i izvodljivosti pojedinih politika, zanemarujući utjecaj njihova oblikovanja na građane i njihovo sudjelovanje u demokratskom životu. U radu se ukazuje na zaokret ka tematiziranju demokracije do kojeg je došlo u novijoj literaturi o javnim politikama. Autori koji prihvaćaju takvoj stajalište smatraju da se politički znanstvenici, angažirani u proučavanju javnih politika, ne smiju zadržavati isključivo na mjerenju efikasnosti i djelotvornosti u ostvarivanju ciljeva pojedinih politika, već u znatno širim demokratskim implikacijama tih politika. Sadržaj „demokratskog zaokreta u javnim politikama“ uključuje niz strukturnih elemenata, poput strateškog interveniranja u složene sustave isporuke javnih dobara i usluga, poticanja mjera za lakšim pristupom informacijama, uspostavljanja ravnoteže među akterima

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koji stvaraju politike i osiguravanja prostora za vrednovanje pojedinih politika putem otvorene rasprave. U radu se posebno ukazuje na način na koji je literatura o tipologiji javnih politika (Theodore Lowi, James Q. Wilson) utjecala na proučavanje njihova utjecaja na politiku i demokraciju.

Doc. dr Dušan PavlovićFakultet političkih naukaUniverzitet u Beogradu

DRŽAVA KAO JAVNI IZBOR

Tekst pokušava da opravda upotrebu teorije racionalnog izbora kao najpogodnije teoretske paradigme kojom je moguće objasniti ulogu države u izgradnji demokratskih ustanova u procesu tranzicije. Tekst počinje definisanjem zadatka države u kontekstu tranzicije i paradoksa u koji država u takvom kontekstu neizbežno zapada. Potom se razmatra nekoliko alternativnih pristupa državi koji su u političkoj nauci bili dominantni do sredine 1960-ih godina. Nakon toga, izlažu se dve varijante shvatanja države izvedene iz teorije racionalnog izbora – novi institucionalnizam i teorija javnog izbora, te se pokazuje zbog čega te dve teoretske paradigme imaju najviše uspeha u objašnjavanju uloge države u procesu tranzicije.

Tekst se završava odnosom države i demokratije u kontekstu tranzicije, prilikom čega se odnos vidi samo kao jedan podslučaj opšteg zadataka države u tranzicionim uslovima.

Alpar LošoncUniverzitet u Novom Sadu

REPUBLIKANIZAM IZMEĐU DRŽAVE I TRŽIŠTA: NUDI LI ON RAZREŠENJE ZA PROBLEM DEMOKRATSKE REPREZENTACIJE?

Republikanizam će se definisati polazeći od značenja, a) socijalne slobode, b) hermeneutičkog tumačenja zajedničkih i javnih dobara, c) slobode kao ne-dominacije (što znači da je sloboda više od ne-interferencije), d) političkog egalitarizma i učešća u političkoj zajednici kao konstitutivnog momenta, e) normativnih ograničenja svojine. Pitanje se nameće u smislu republikanske artikulacije odnosa između kapitalizma, racionalnosti i reprezentacije.

Problematika demokratske reprezentacije pak počinje u momentu kada se uobličava uvid u pogledu nemogućnosti da se interesna konfiguracija društva „odražava“, „reflektuje“, odnosno, kako je to Hana Pitkin, naznačila kada se „dovodi do prisustva ono što inače nije prisutno“. Drugačije rečeno, suočava se sa tim kako se demokratski supstrat, to jest, narod reprezentuje u državnom nastupu u republikanskom poimanju društva. „Demokratsko društvo„ je suočeno sa konstitutivnim aspektom da postoji ugrađena napetost između apstraktnih

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principa i konkretne realnosti. U najmanju ruku poznajemo dva modusa političke reprezentacije: a) reprezentacija predstavlja prava i interese, b) reprezentacija predstavlja dubinsku društvenu strukturu. Republikanizam, čini se, pokušava, da predstavlja državu kao nosioca izvesnih apstraktnih načela, pomoću kojih ona postaje distinktna ali i zavisna u odnosu na društvo.

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Panel 2

SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL ASSUMPTIONS OF STATE AND DEMOCRACY

Doc. dr. sc. Berto ŠalajSveučilište u ZagrebuFakultet političkih znanosti

SOCIJALNI KAPITAL I DEMOKRACIJA

Koncept socijalnog kapitala intenzivno se u posljednjih desetak godina koristi u politološkim istraživanjima, posebice u pokušajima da se objasni djelotvornost demokratskih političkih sustava. Brojna istraživanja pokazuju kako socijalni kapital pozitivno utječe na kvalitetu funkcioniranja demokracije u etabliranim demokratskim državama, ali i u postkomunističkim demokracijama.

Ovo izlaganje ima dva glavna cilja. Prvi je deskripcija i eksplikacija samog koncepta jer, bez obzira na njegovo učestalo korištenje u istraživanjima diljem svijeta, on nije često korišten u politološkim zajednicama na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije. Drugi je cilj, korištenjem sekundarne analize podataka, prikazati aktualno stanje socijalnog kapitala u postkomunističkim državama, pri čemu će to stanje biti komparirano sa situacijom u etabliranim demokracijama.

Prof. Mirjana VasovićFakultet političkih naukaUniverzitet u Beogradu

POLITIČKA SOCIJALIZACIJA U VREMENIMA TRANZICIONE DEMOKRATIJE

Ponovno promišljanje i redefinisanje problema

U izlaganju se bavimo procesom političke socijalizacije u kontekstu tranzicionih promena u bivšim socijalističkim zemljama, u poslednjoj dekadi prošlog i prvoj dekadi ovog veka. Koji su uzroci i karakteristike obnovljenog interesovanja za političku socijalizaciju u izmenjenom političkom miljeu? Da li se danas mogu otkriti određeni obrasci, ili koncepti, obrazovanja za odgovorno, demokratski nastrojeno, građanstvo u zemljama postkomunizma, a posebno u Srbiji? Kakve su njihove osobenosti i očekivani, odnosno mogući ishodi? Osnovne teme i zaključci klasičnih istraživanja političke socijalizacije dovode se u vezu sa savremenim potrebama demokratskog obrazovanja u ovim društvima i revidiraju u skladu sa dosadašnjim iskustvima tranzicione demokratije. Posebno se razmatraju problemi građanskog vaspitanja

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mladih koji su povezani sa povećanjem nivoa i kvaliteta političkih znanja (kao preduslova demokratskog odlučivanja), uspostavljanjem pozitivnog odnosa prema novom političkom sistemu i poretku (fenomen tranzicione personalizacije politike) i razvojem partijske identifikacije.

Zaključni komentari ukazuju na to da osmišljavanje procesa vaspitanja za demokratiju i posebno uspostavljanje standarda u ovoj oblasti predstavljaju veliki izazov za postkomunistička društva, ne samo zbog svoje složenosti već, pre svega, zato što su koncepcije vaspitanja za demokratiju koje danas preovlađuju stihijno razvijane, nedovoljno artikulisane i prezasićene normativizmom (ideologizovane).

Srđan DvornikZagreb

DEMOKRACIJA S PREVIŠE NARODA

Demokratske 'revolucije' koje su uslijedile nakon urušavanja komunističkih režima promatrane su uglavnom s aspekta promjene ustavnog, pravnog i političkog sistema, te dakako uspostavljanja slobodne tržišne privrede. Uglavnom nisu do kraja promišljene implikacije činjenice da su komunistički režimi - čak i kada su vladali na relativno 'mekan' i otvoren način - bili totalitarni, tj. da su ne samo pervazivnom kontrolom, nego i sistematskim presijecanjem svih odnosa autonomnog djelovanja, uspješno razorili društva koja su im bila podređena. Zbog toga se u poduhvate 'izgradnje demokracije' i uspostavljanja vladavine prava, koji samo na različite načine izražavaju određen odnos između društva i države, ulazi kao u jednadžbu kojoj jedna strana posve nedostaje. One postjugoslavenske zemlje koje su nakon uvođenja formalno demokratskih ustava bile involvirane u ratovima vezanima uz raspad Jugoslavije osobito su jako proživjele etno-nacionalističku integraciju "naroda" umjesto građanskog društva, i njegovu autoritarnu mobilizaciju, čime je pitanje uspostavljanja društva i cjelokupne transformacije odgodilo i za desetak godina. U njima se - napose u Bosni i Hercegovini, Hrvatskoj i Srbiji - i sada, kada se govori o "konsolidiranju" demokracije, još očituju posljedice te neravnoteže, koje se očituju u previsokim očekivanjima od normativnih i institucionalnih reformi, te u zanemarivanju autonomnih društvenih inicijativa, koje će - bez socio-ekonomski utemeljenih pritisaka interesnih grupacija - još neko vrijeme ostati značajan korektiv i faktor pravnog ograničavanja i demokratske kontrole vlasti.

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Peder M. LysestølAssociate professorUniversity of Trondheim

HOW WILL THE ONGOING ECONOMIC CRISES INFLUENCE WELFARE STATE POLICY?

This paper deal with the consequences for the welfare state of the financial crises. From the history of the market economy we learn that regular business cycles sometimes turn into deep recessions or economic crises. A. G. Frank shows that there has been three deep recessions in the history of capitalism, including the one in the beginning of the seventies (Frank 1981). How have these recessions influenced economic policy and economic thought? It is well known that the crises following the crash in 1929, had a strong impact on the future of the market economies, but has the market economy since then been so solid that these types of consequences belong to the past?

Naomi Klein, in her last book, study how crises, or shocks, to use her own words, influence politics and ideology (Klein 2007). She shows how the theories of the Chicago school, developed by Milton Friedman, were driven through under dramatic events as the coup in Chile in 1973, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the bombing of Belgrade in 1999. From her study it seems as shocks, like deep recessions, will influence economic policy and economic thought. On the basis of these experiences, my paper discusses the likelihood of that the ongoing crises will result in a qualitative new policy that result in a strengthening of the welfare state. The future of the welfare state is of great concern for most Norwegians. Nearly thirty years of neoliberal influence on politics and thought has put the welfare state under strong pressure. In this paper I give several examples of how this pressure has resulted in weakening of both social services and social benefits. In a historical overview I show how the crises in the thirties was crucial for the development of the welfare state. I also show that the Swedish/Norwegian crises that started in 1988, was used by the political elite to intensify their pressure on the welfare state.

From historical experience I conclude that it is not unlikely that the current crises will strengthen pro – welfare forces. But I argue against optimistic ideas, introduced in the Norwegian debate, saying that the crises will result in an immediate return to Keynesian economic policy. Based on a discussion of the strength of political forces in Norway to day, the recent G-20 meeting and the governments economic political initiatives, I conclude that except for new regulations and better control of international transactions and the sector of finance, there is no reason to expect that the pressure on the welfare state will be reduced. But, the crises has challenged the idea of TINA (There Is No Alternative but capitalism), and actuated a critical discussion of the idea of a liberal market economy.

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Lee B. Becker and C. Ann HollifieldGrady College of Journalism and Mass CommunicationUniversity of GeorgiaAthens, Georgia, U.S.A.

MARKET FORCES, MEDIA ASSISTANCE AND DEMOCRATIZATION

In the last two decades, western governmental and nongovernmental organizations have invested heavily in the development of media in countries outside their borders in an effort to foster the development of democratic institutions and liberalized economic regimes. This paper examines the assumptions behind those investments in media assistance as well as the dominant views of the donors about democratization itself and the operation of market forces. It also examines the empirical work that either supports or contradicts these assumptions.

Prof. Ljubomir Madžar The Institute of Strategic Studies and Development of “Braća Karić” University of Belgrade

SOCIAL CONSTRAINTS IN INSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Economic development cannot be explained by sheer resource availability. Economic history abounds with examples of poorly endowed economies overtaking those that had been particularly blessed with natural and related resources. The key to successful development is not the abundancy of resources but the set of institutional arrangements determining what is being done with them and how efficiently they are being used. The basic institutions appear to be the property rights and mechanisms enforcing the contracts buttressed with some areas of public law. These supplementary segments of the legal system regulate the issues on which contracts for technical reasons cannot be either concluded or enforced. Property rights are the subject of transactions. They provide needed information about the assets being transacted, they greatly enhance the mobility of resources and make it possible for them to be allocated to the most efficient alternatives. By making the assets widely marketable, property rights increase the value of resources and by eliminating the externalities they prevent the value from being dissipated.

The reference is made to the widely cited Cheung theorem. By making the contracts enforceable the legal system greatly reduces uncertainty of transactions, keeps down transaction costs and increases the mobility of capital. All this enhances efficiency and significantly augments the growth potential of the economy. The legal system can be unerstood as a peculiar superstructure of the economy ─ or even as its infrastructure ─ which converts the assets into capital and, indeed, makes them fully effective by incorporating them into wider ecnomic

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envirnoments, including in particular the world economy. The underdevelopment of an economy and, indeed, of a society at large is to a great extent coincidental with backwardness of its legal system. Next are the wider social factors accounting for inefficient institutions looked into. These factors make the inefficient arrangements persist even in the long run and make it impossible to effect desirable improvements in the economy’s regulative structure. The existence of redistributive, i.e. rent seeking groups and their political strength to preserve socially harmful institutions are among the factors responsible for stagnancy of the economies.

Irrespective of the parochial interests of such groups, there are deeper structural reasons because of which the system appears to be nailed down to a set of obstructive institutions. This is demonstrated by invoking the theory of games and corresponding Nash equilibria. The state capture is also invoked and the domination of the executive power over the legislature.The bureaucratization of the system and its propensity towards excessive dirigisme is also brought out as a factor contributing to marked institutional conservativism.

Prof. Snjezana MilivojevicUniversity of BelgradeFaculty of Political Sciences

MEDIA IN TRANSITION: GROWING INDUSTRY AND PASSIVE STATES

This paper deals with the late media transition in SEE countries. According to recent research findings, media in CEE are influenced by some general pan- European trends (ownership consolidation, technical convergence and audience fragmentation) but also by some more specific tendencies such as re-politicization of broadcast media and regulatory passivity. The former trends are less and the latter more salient in the South-East European countries.

The paper focuses on media system and practices in Serbia but also includes examples of common trends from other CEE countries. While major pan-European developments indicate growing importance of media industry and rising media markets, domestic trends primarily reflect obsession with issues of political control. The outcome of these simultaneous processes is slow ownership transformation ( media de-monopolization as on of the major goals in the initial phases of transition) and low media independence ( political interference with regulatory authorities and governing bodies of public media, political clientelism etc.). As a consequence, transitional delay is visible both regarding international level (ratification of relevant international documents) and national level (late digitalization strategies, unclear development goals etc).

Inadequate response to contemporary media challenges reveals the state preoccupied with 20th century issues and unable to switch on to the 21st century media agenda.

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Panel 3 EUROPEAN UNION AND TRANSITION

Prof. Miodrag A. JovanovićFaculty of LawUniversity of Belgrade

DEMOCRACY WITHOUT STATE? THE CASE OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

This paper proceeds from the two prominent, yet conflicting, views on the relationship between the concepts of ‘state’ and ‘democracy’. One is exemplified in David Held’s argument in favor of ‘cosmopolitan democracy’, which views certain policies as appropriate for nation-states, others as appropriate for different regions, and still others, such as the environment, world health, or economic regulation, that need new institutions at the global level to address them. The opposite standpoint is advanced by Robert Dahl, who holds that democracy, for variety of reasons, is next to impossible in organizations and processes above the level of the classical nation-state (country). These two views will be contrasted on the case of the European Union.

The EU has long been charged to suffer from ‘democratic deficit’. The basic assumption of this charge is that the EU’s democratic capacities and achievements should be measured against some benchmarks of the traditional state. Since the EU is more than a mere international organization and less than the classical state, those who disagree with the previous thesis argue that this sui generis character of the EU polity should be taken into account when assessing its democratic nature. Thus, they commonly try to provide some alternative theoretical constructs in order to reflect this peculiar legal and political nature of the EU. Though this latter line of thought seems more plausible at first glance, this paper will, nonetheless, argue that if the EU strives to constitute itself as a democratic polity - and it normatively does so (Article 6 TEU) - then it will necessarily have to find ways to develop societal features that more closely resemble the traditional state, that is, a Europe-interested public in possession of some sort of common collective identity.

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Dejan PavlovićFakultet političkih naukaUniverzitet u Beogradu

POŠTOVANJE LJUDSKIH PRAVA U SRBIJI IZ PERSPEKTIVE EVROPSKE KONVENCIJE O LJUDSKIM PRAVIMA

Republika Srbija je od 3. aprila 2003. godine, kada je postala 45. članica Saveta Evrope, potpisala i ratifikovala 58 dokumenata usvojenih pod okriljem ove važne međunarodne organizacije. Još 15 potpisanih čeka na ratifikaciju, a više od stotinu konvencija, protokola i sporazuma stoji na raspolaganju Srbiji, kao orijentir i lakmus za dobre standarde u pogledu poštovanja ljudskih prava, ali i regulisanje mnogih drugih pitanja koja utiču na živote evropljana, u ovom slučaju shvaćenih kao geografska kategorija.

Najvažniji dokument koji je potpisala i ratifikovala (3. mart 2004. godine) Srbija jeste Evropska konvencija o ljudskim pravima (1953). Cilj Konvencije je sprovođenje određenih građanskih i političkih prava i sloboda na teritoriji država potpisnica, a njen važan kvalitet jeste činjeica da obezbeđuje i mehanizam za sprovođenje obaveza koje države potpisnice ratifikacijom Konvencije preuzimaju. Sinergijom aktivizma Evropske komisije za ljudska prava, Evrospkog suda za ljudska prava i Komiteta ministara obezbeđuje se da katalog prava i sloboda postane više od prepoznavanja dobrih standarda i evrospkih vrednosti u pogledu poštovanja ljudskih prava. Jedna od najvećih vrednosti ove Konvencije sumirana je u čl. 34. Protokola br. 11 (1. novembar 1998.) uz ovu Konvenciju, a koji omogućava pojedincu, grupi ili nevladinoj organizaciji da potraži zaštitu svojih prava garantovanih Konvencijom ili njenim protokolima ukoliko smatra da su joj ona povređena od strane države potpisnice.

Konvencija obezbeđuje, između ostalog, poštovanje sledećih prava: pravo na život, slobodu i bezbednost, pravično suđenje, privatnost i porodični život, slobodu misli, savesti i veroispovesti, slobodu izražavanja, okupljanja i udruživanja, pravo na sklapanje braka i na delotvorni pravni lek. Konvencija takođe zabranjuje svaki oblik mučenja, ropstvo i prinudni rad, kao i diskriminaciju.

U prethodne četiri godine protiv Republike Srbije je podneto više hiljada predstavki, od kojih je, do 31. decembra 2007. godine, od kojih je tročlanim sudskim odborima i sedmočlanim sudskim većima prosleđeno 2729 predstavki, odnosno tužbi. Kao prihvatljive ocenjene su njih 21.

U ovom članku biće analizirano koja su to prava garantovana Konvencijom i na koji način, kršena od strane Republike Srbije, a da je prekršaj odnosnih prava utvrđen od strane Evropskog suda za ljudska prava. Presude Suda, iako značajne za konkretne podnosioce predstavki, imaju i dalekosežniji uticaj i važan su indikator anomalija u pravosudnim sistemima država potpisnica Evropske konvencije o ljudskim pravima.

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Irena RistićInstitute of Social SciencesBelgrade

STUCK BETWEEN A ROCK AND A HARD PLACE: SERBIA’S EU-INTEGRATION PROCESS

Despite the fact that Serbia’s political elites believe that reforms and Serbia’s state-building process are an end in themselves, in reality it cannot be overlooked that these processes and their success directly correlate to Serbia’s approximation to the European Union (EU). That is why in Serbia, just like in other post communist states, the perspective of a EU-membership (in combination with a clear commitment for an EU-access of the given state) seems to be the most efficient driving force for the needed changes. Considering the fact that since 2000 neither Serbia’s EU-membership perspective, nor Serbia’s commitment for an EU-access were not always unambiguous, the progress of reforms has been oscillating depending on the state of affairs between Belgrade and Brussels: on one hand it depended on the level of support that Serbia was receiving from the EU, and on the other it depended on the level of Serbia’s focus on its own EU-access.

Taking this assumption as a starting point this presentation intends to point out the reasons for these oscillations in the relations between Serbia and the EU. After giving an introducing overview of the negotiations between Brussels and Belgrade (2000-2008), focusing especially on obstacles and slowdowns in this process, three crucial circumstances shall be pictured: the cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, the question of the status of Kosovo and finally, the Western Balkan-policy of the EU. The main aim will be to show how these three circumstances influenced not only the changing EU-support of Serbia’s citizens and political elites, but also a certain reservation of the EU towards Serbia. In accordance to this, this presentation will post the question to what extent these circumstances have indirectly contributed to a rather unsteady devotion to reforms and the building of a modern state in Serbia.

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Panel 4

MODERN STATE BUILDING AND DEMOCRATIZATION OF POLITICAL SOCIETIES IN THE REGION

Prof. Jovan TeokarevicFaculty of Political SciencesUniversity of Belgrade

POST-COMMUNIST POLITICAL SYSTEMS IN THE BALKANS:MAIN MODELS AND TRENDS OF CHANGE

This is going to be a synthesis of many, often unconnected and incomparable, analyses of, and conclusions about, political systems that have grown in post-communist Balkans. My goal is to present the main changes these systems have undergone in almost two decades since the end of communism, and to make a classification of the main models.

Despite the obvious growing diversity of the key features of political lives in the countries of the region, there are still some common trends in changes and results so far. Although specificities will be mentioned and dealt with accordingly, the main stress of the paper will be on the mentioned common characteristics. The analysis will ask, as well, whether the most influential models of political systems from the literature need redefinition because of the recent experience in the Balkans.

Post-communist Balkan political systems will be also compared with those from two other distinct areas of post-communist universe: from Central Europe and from the former Soviet Union. Both the horizontal and the vertical division of power will be taken into account in estimating the scope of changes.

Bodo WeberHannover UniversityGermany

ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEN MODERN COLLECTIVISTIC “IDEOLOGIES” AND THE STATE. SOME REMARKS ON THE

BACKGROUND OF THE BALKAN WARS

The end of the short 20th century with the breakdown of Eastern and Southeastern societies of real socialism in 1989 has been accompanied by hopes of an “end of history” (Fukuyama), by expectations that the democratic model of modern state would remain without

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alternative and that the new world order of the 21st century would be dominated by peaceful cooperation, and not by violent conflicts.

Yet such hopes have been rapidly squashed by the emergence of ethnic nationalist movements and ethnic conflicts of collective violence worldwide that, viewed from a perspective of the modern state, reveal an astonishing paradox: If one can at all identifiy any concrete ideological content of these political movements, it is the 19th century idea of the identity of state, territory, ethnicity and culture and/as well as the 19th century nation state and understanding of national sovereignity. Contrary to this the modern nation state in the second half of the 20th century has lived through a remarkable weakening as the consequence of changes taking place that have affected societies worldwide (intl. migration, revolution of transport and communication technologies, the globalisation of public, culture and ecomomy etc.).

The ethnicized violent dissolution of the socialist Yugoslav state has been and remains one of the main chapter of this seemingly paradox development over the last two decades. Yet the dissolution of the socialist state and the violent struggle for the creation of new ethnic nation states, on the phenomenological level reveal a second paradox, as the author will try to show: While on the ideological plan declaring to thrive for the creation of a nation state and switching from political means to the use of force to physically realize the identity of ethnicity territory and state, the new regimes in Serbia , Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina resorted to in fact anti-state means for state-building ends. These means include the dissolution of the state monopoly of force by state organs, the evelation of grey economy to the level of de-facto state economic policy, the instrumentalisation of the maintenance of provisionary legal arrangements in crucial state spheres (judiciary, army-police-state security, etc.) and the perpetuation of the state of emergency. The thrive of these regimes over the last decade of the 20th century and beyond to cling to this set of power techniques independently of changing military and international political conditions gives these means a systematic character. The author of the paper will argue that this paradoxical empirical observation of the falling apart of this specific governing sistems and its legitimizing ethnic nationalist ideologies can be of important help to understand that we are dealing with new collective (ethnic as well as religious) ideologies after 1989 that only pretend to be something old and of help on the way to understand what constitutes the specific new character of these “ideologies”.

Prof. dr Radmila VasićPravni fakultetUniverzitet u Beogradu

DEMOKRATSKI KAPACITET VLASTI U SRBIJI

Iako se kolokvijalnim izrazom „tranzicija“ označava status postkomunističkih država koje se političkim, pravnim i institucionalnim sredstvima preobražavaju iz autoritarnih u demokratske poretke, čini se nužnim da se teorijski ispravno demokratija kao cilj omeđi

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atributima liberalna i konstitucionalna ili da se, čemu sam više sklona, kao cilj označi vladavina prava, odnosno pravna država, a demokratija razume kao primereno sredstvo.

Teorijski koncept demokratije kao oblika političkog poretka može se analizirati apstraktno, u svim svojim značenjima, sa stanovišta savremenih naučnih dostignuća, pri čemu se njegova temeljna načela potvrđuju i učvršćuju ili, pak, preinačuju ukoliko je to razumno osnovano. Druga mogućnost bi bila razmatranje demokratije u kontekstu realnih društvenih tokova, međunarodnih i nacionalnih, kao što su, na primer, globalizacija i tranzicija. Najnoviji ciklus demokratizacije postkomunističkih društava od povesnog je značaja ne samo za njih same već i za međunarodni poredak, čija se budućnost, uprkos realnim opasnostima i ugrožavanju, može optimistički promišljati jedino uz obezbeđivanje i zalaganje za ekstrapolaciju i interiorizovanje demokratskih vrednosti i u kolektivne i u individualne identitete. I dok je prva mogućnost za temu demokratije uvek otvorena, druga je poželjna, ako ne i obavezujuća. Ovo naročito zbog toga što stručni diskurs, javan po svojoj prirodi, ukoliko hoće da bude angažovan, što znači i odgovoran, mora da korespondira sa stvarnim svetom, odnosno sa dominantnim preobražajnim procesima kao tematskim okvirom. U suprotnom, kao u „rezonovanju praznog bureta“, proizvodio bi se samo dugi niz opštih mesta.

O učincima demokratskih promena u Srbiji osam godina od uspešno sprovedenih prvih slobodnih višestranačkih izbora već se mora govoriti da bi dobijeni kvalititativni presek mogao biti osnov buduće strategije (rule of law) state and nation building. Pored literarnih ocena, manje ili više optimističkih ili pesimističkih, postoje brojne studije koje na osnovu predloženih merila ocenjuju prirodu vlasti, odnosno kvalitet vladavine. Merenje i indeksiranje kvaliteta vlasti jeste egzaktno, i kao takvo omogućava lako periodično praćenje rasta ili opadanja svojstava izabranih za pokazatelje, ali sasvim sigurno nijedno takvo istraživanje nije do kraja pouzdano.

Kao kriterijum za ocenu demokratskog kapaciteta vlasti, zato, najumesnije izgleda uvažiti one vrednosti koje kao zahteve civilizacijskog nivoa izražava korpus takozvanih evropskih standarda. Stepen ostvarenosti ovih vrednosti, odnosno usaglašenosti nacionalnih politika i institucija sa proklamovanim opšteprihvaćenim standardima, daje odgovor na pitanje o karakteru i kapacitetu demokratske vlasti u Srbiji.

Osnovne takve vrednosti, čiji stepen ostvarenosti pokazuje kakav je i koliki učinak demokratski ustanovljenih organa vlasti i institucija, jesu: vladavina prava; postojanje i funkcionalnost demokratski izabranih institucija; poštovanje osnovnih individualnih i kolektivnih sloboda i prava; dobra uprava; javnost rada, integritet i odgovornost javnih delatnika i ustanova; autonomija i delotvornost civilnog društva; naklonost međunarodne politike mirnom rešavanju sporova, opredeljenost za saradnju i doprinos globalnoj bezbednosti...

Za potrebe ovog rada, analiziraće se delotvornost načela podele vlasti budući da je ono izvorno načelo pravne države i temeljna pretpostavka države vladavine prava. U metodološkom smislu, načelo odeljenosti funkcija vlasti, njihovog međusobnog ograničavanja, kontrole, ali i saradnje, reflektuje, mada ne iscrpljuje, većinu navedenih standarda.

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Jovan Komšić Ph. D. The Faculty of Economics SuboticaThe Department for European Economy and BusinessNovi Sad

THE PARADOXES OF THE STATE IN TRANSITION AND DEMOCRACY IN SERBIA

Question: “Can the modern state, as a legitimate and efficient service of civil interests, be build on traditional understanding of goals of a state, party monopoly (oligopoly) resources, centralistic hierarchy and ethnocentralistic homogenization and consolidate the institutions and procedures of democratic competition for power”, is a specific starting point of the analysis paradoxes of transition in Serbia. The author, in that context, concludes that we have on our disposal numerous and very convincing theoretical arguments and comparative experiences, which point at the negative answer on the brought question. However, old and nonfunctional ideas and recourses, which provide political power, have today large number of supporters. About that and other paradoxes of transition in Serbia the author writes in following chapters: 1/ Theoreticians of paradoxes of democracy; 2/ Empirical evidence of valuable attitudes of the people of Serbia of desirable state type and 3/ Projection of possible outcome.

Rodoljub ŠabićPoverenik za informacijeod javnog značajaVlade Republike Srbije

SLOBODA PRISTUPA INFORMACIJAMA - BITNA PRETPOSTAVKA USPEŠNE TRANZICIJE

Pravo na slobodan pristup informacijama odnosno dokumentima u posedu vlasti je bitna pretpostavka za realizaciju tranzicionih ciljeva, a stepen njegovog ostvarivanja je specifična „mera“ uspešnosti tranzicionog procesa.

U odsustvu slobode pristupa informacijama mnoge druge demokratskom društvu imanentne slobode poput slobode misli, slobode izražavanja, slobode medija, slobode izbora i sl., više su predmet demagoških manipulacija nego realne bitne pretpostavke realnog transformisanja autokratskog u demokratsko društvo.

Sloboda pristupa informacijama, verovatno je najjače sredstvo za prevladavanje dva za tranziciona društva tipična problema – korupcije i odsustva poverenja u institucije. Samim tim i pretpostavka izgradnje modernog, odgovornog i efikasnog mehanizma vlasti.

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Panel 5

INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE. NORMATIVE IDEALISM, POLITICS OF POWER AND SYMBOLISM OF IDENTITY

Professor Julie MostovDrexel University

SOFT BORDERS: RETHINKING SOVEREIGNTY AND DEMOCRACY

Amidst projects to build higher, longer, and technologically more effective walls against illegal intruders and arguments for fortifying the legal barriers to entry to the United States and Europe, I have developed a very different approach to borders. Instead of hardening symbolic, physical, and legal boundaries, the object of my recent writing and research has been to think about softening borders, rethinking sovereignty and democracy for the 21st century. This soft border approach envisions democratic practices of social cooperation exercised through multiple and overlapping polities by individuals and groups with complex and fluid identities. It reimagines public spaces through practices of collective action that stretch across existing symbolic and territorial borders. It draws on my understanding of borders and the politics of national identity developed with respect to feminist theory and the recent history of conflict in the former Yugoslavia. The arguments, however, apply and are important far beyond this geographical context. Given the audience and occasion of this talk, I will highlight the ways in which this soft border approach draws on my understanding of the politics of national identity in Serbia and consider what a soft border approach might mean for the region going forward. It is an approach that attempts to reveal the dangerous and violent consequences of naturalizing ethno-national differences in traditional notions of sovereignty and offers an alternative based on transnational citizenship exercised within and across multiple and fluid spaces of political association.

Prof. Jim Seroka Auburn University USA

EXTERNAL SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRATIZATION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS: IMPACT OF THE EU AND THE USA

This paper examines the complimentary and conflicting roles of the European Union and the United States in promoting and supporting democratization in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia. Among issues examined are the similarities and differences in the policy purposes, objectives and visions of the EU and US in promoting democracy in the Western

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Balkans; the extent to which the policies of these international actors mutually support or contradict one another; and the extent to which pragmatic and political considerations have modified the activities and policies of the EU and US in each of these countries. The paper also assesses and compares the varying impacts, direct and indirect, of the democratization activities of the EU and US in influencing the foreign and domestic policies, political behavior, policy outcomes, and institutional developments in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia.

Aykan ErdemirMiddle East Technical UniversityDepartment of Sociology

THE CULTURAL (IL)LOGICS OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE:ALEVI AND KURDISH STRATEGIES AT THE EUROPEAN

COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS

Ethnic and religious minorities in oppressive and/or authoritarian states often have low expectations from parliamentary politics and litigation in domestic courts. Minorities, therefore, perceive greater opportunities in making use of international and supranational legal instruments. Legal regimes and discourses beyond the nation-state do provide numerically disadvantaged groups leverage to push for change within the nation-state. Within this general framework, this paper questions why two different minorities in Turkey, namely the Kurds and the Alevi, have radically different strategies when it comes to using the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) to redress the wrongs suffered at the hands of the Turkish and Sunni dominated state. Although the Kurds have frequently utilized the ECHR to redress a vast range of violations of their rights and freedoms, the Alevi minority have repeatedly shied away from taking their grievances to the ECHR. Understanding the local cultural (il)logics behind different minority strategies has the potential to inform us about the potentials and limits of international justice in reforming oppressive and/or authoritarian states.

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Prof. dr Slobodan SamardžićFakultet političkih naukaUniverzitet u Beogradu

POSTOJI LI DEMOKRATIJA I NADNACIONALNOJ ZAJEDNICI?(JEDINSTVEN SLUČAJ EVROPSKE UNIJE)

Polazi se od opšteg određenja demokratije, tj. pojmovnog i značenjskog okvira neophodnog za izlaganje osnovnog problema. Moderno iskustvo demokratije upućuje nas na tri osnovna pitanja: 1) na svrhu takvog poretka, 2) na njegova formalna (opšta) obeležja i 3) na istorijsko (moderno) mesto-topos nastanka i postojanja demokratije. Odgovori na ova pitanja su sledeći: Ad) 1) – učešće i kontrola (političke) vlasti; Ad) 2) – ustavne garantije prava i sloboda građana, političko predstavljanje, podela vlasti i vladavina prava; Ad) 3) – moderna država.

Evropska unija, u meri u kojoj ona postoji i deluje kao nadnacionalna zajednica, jedino je istorijsko iskustvo koje nastoji da demokratski poredak normativno i stvarno uspostavi s one strane (nacionalne) države. Ovakva tendencija jasno je uočljiva bar u poslednjih dvadeset godina postojanja Evropske zajednice/unije. U prilogu će se ispitati osnovne odlike, pravci i granice ove tendencije. Pružiće se elementi za odgovore na neka ključna pitanja tog procesa: šta je klasično, a šta specifično novo u ovom iskustvu; kakva je njegova evolucija u toku dvadesetogodišnjeg trajanja; koje su imanentne a koje aktuelno-političke granice ustanovljenja ovog transdržavnog nadnacionalnog koncepta demokratije; da li je proces globalizacije njegov prirodni ambijent ili ozbiljna prepreka realizacije.

Prilog neće dati potpune, a možda ni zadovoljavajuće, odgovore na sva ova pitanja, ali to mu nije cilj. Namera je da se otvori diskusija o jednom važnom aspektu odnosa države i demokratije u današnjem sve više globalizovanom svetu.

Alex LichtensteinFlorida International UniversityMiami

THE END OF THE SOUTHERN STRATEGY?BARACK OBAMA AND THE POLITICS OF RACE

This paper will look at the importance of the politics of race in the southern United States in five different elections years: 1868, 1948, 1968, 1980, and 2008.

Each of these historical moments marked a dramatic turning point in the political competition between blacks and whites that has all too often shaped southern politics in the US.

In 1868, southern blacks, enfranchised by “Reconstruction” governments after the overthrow of slavery and in alliance with Republican whites, secured some local political power, only to be met with a violent backlash over the next few years. In 1948, for the first time since

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Reconstruction a national political party—this time the Democrats—pledged support for black rights. The result was defection from the party by white southerners. In 1968, in response to the civil rights movement, white southerners voted en masse for George Wallace, who ran on an independent ticket based on racial hostility. In 1980, Ronald Reagan secured the allegiance of these voters to the Republican party, in part by a coded racial appeal to “states rights.”

Did the election of 2008 finally reconstruct southern politics on an interracial basis? Was Barack Obama able to build a coalition of blacks and working-class whites inside the Democratic party? Or did old patterns of racial division remain firmly entrenched in the U.S. South?

Vesna Knežević-PredićTanja MiščevićFakultet političkih naukaUniverzitet u Beogradu

TOWARD INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE THROUGH INTERNATIONAL LAW: INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE

One of the features of the late XX and early XXI century concerning the international public law is groving willingnees and readinees of the states to solve their disputes by judicial means. The most prominent forum in that respect is undoubtely International Court of Justice, whose docket has been overloded till 90-es. The Court, principal judicial organ of the United Nations, is empowered to solve disputes among states and to give advisory opinions on request of United Nations organs and specialized agencies. Its jurisdiction in contentious cases derives from the consent of the States parties to the case, which may be given either directly in respect of specific dispute, or in advance in respect of a defined class or category of disputes. The Statute of the Court also provides for acceptance of a general compulsory jurisdiction by siple declaration, which may, however be subject to reservations. The judgements are binding on the parties in respect of the case, but not otherwise.

Right of International Governmental Organizations to ask for advisory opinion of the juridical bodies is the only mean or remedy for them to resolve the problems in interpretation of their internal law. Advisory opinions of the ICJ becomes the instrument of the authoritative interpretation of the constitutional acts of International Organizations, they defined framework and the scope of the jurisdiction of their bodies, gave opinions on essential legal questions and served as a second instance for the administrative tribunal cases. The ICJ defined that advisory opinions does not have binding legal force, but at the same time used them as a precedent the same way as a binding decisions; additionally, some multilateral international treaties asked their contracting parties to consider advisory opinions as legally binding. Not only ICJ has possibility to issue advisory opinions – that type of remedy has been used by European Court for Human Rights, Inter-American Court for Human Rights and Court of Justice of the European Communities (opinion on treaties concluded with the third countries).

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Prof. dr. sc. Livia KardumFakultet političkih znanostiSveučilište u Zagrebu

O POLITICI I PARLAMENTARIZMU IZ DNEVNIKA JOSEPHA GOEBBELSA

Joseph Goebbels počeo je pisati svoj dnevnik od samih početaka Weimarske republike

koja je bila primjer neželjene i nevoljne demokracije. Tome je u mnogome pridonijela politika Antante koju je dugogodišnji ratni napor i iznenadna blistava pobjeda lišila svake političke mudrosti prema pobjeđenoj Njemačkoj. Goebbels je ogorčeno komentirao dvoličnu politiku europskih pobjednica koja je Njemačku gurnula u ekonomsku i političku krizu koja je opasno prijetila lijevim i desnim revolucionarnim raspletom. Godine 1928. Goebbels je bio jedan od dvanaestorice nacionalsocijalističkih zastupnika izabranih u Reichstag i od tada počinje u svoj dnevnik unašati vrlo kritične opaske i o parlametarizmu i njegovoj neefikasnosti. Povratak nacista na političku scenu i perspektivi koja im se ukazala zahvaljujući velikoj ekonomskoj krizi, potakao je razmišljanja unutar stranke o budućem političkom ustrojstvu Njemačke.Goebbels o tome raspravljao s Hitlerom koji je zagovarao trodiobu vlasti, ali uloga parlamenta koji bi se birao na temelju općeg prava glasa, ograničila bi se na debate bez mogućnosti donošenja odluka. Uoči dolaska nacista na vlast Goebbels je zapisao u svoj dnevnik da parlamentarizam umire od vlastitog dosadnog ništavila. Konačni smrtni udarac zadao je Reichstag sebi sam, kada je izglasao zakon o ovlastima vladi da bez sudjelovanja parlamenta donosi političke odluke, a koji je početkom 1937. produžen za još 4 godine što je bilo, kako je zapisao Goebbels, popraćeno ovacijama razvlaštenih parlamentaraca.

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