THE DIMINISHING

KU KLUX KLAN

EXAMINING THE BRANDING

OF A HATEGROUP

THE DIMINISHING KU KLUX KLAN

EXAMINING THE BRANDINGOF A HATE

GROUP

WRITTEN AND DESIGNED BY KATHERINE CARBERRY

This book is dedicated to my family

and my girlfriend, whose support,

understanding, and encouragement

made this work possible.

IN TROD

UCT ION

1

The Ku Klux Klan—It is a name that instantly conjures

up sinister images of white hooded figures, crosses

burning in the dead of night, and above all, a wellspring

of deep-seated hatred. “There was a weird potency

in the very name Ku Klux Klan,” John Lester wrote,

“The sound of it is suggestive of bones rattling together”

(qtd. in Bartoletti 25). The echo of those bones is still

heard today, despite the fact that the Klan is a mere

shadow of its former self. The Ku Klux Klan of today

is splintered into factions and marginalized by modern

society—yet the Klan has retained the name recognition

of a Fortune 500 company.

In stark contrast to the nation’s Nikes and Coca-Colas,

the power of the Ku Klux Klan name is not the result of

a cohesive and successful branding strategy, but instead

merely a legacy of the Klan’s horrifically violent past.

The Ku Klux Klan has no branding identity and therefore,

no ability to either enhance or, more importantly, alter

the existing public perception of the group.

An examination of the identity system of a group is

as revealing as a look at the habits, attitudes, and style

of an individual. Brands reflect the personality of an

organization. Examining the Ku Klux Klan through the

lens of branding reveals the true nature of the modern

Klan—it is a group bound together by fear and hatred

as opposed to any central organization. Its membership

and power have dwindled to a fraction of what they

once were and these days it is more

likely to appear in a punch line

than in a headline. The lack of any

cohesive branding on the part of

the Ku Klux Klan not only reflects

its current state but also ensures

that the power of the KKK lies in

its history, not in its present.

2

BR AN DIN G

Vintage Coca-Cola

advertisement from

the 1950s.

3

This is where the brand steps in.

“A brand is a ‘trust mark’,” writes

Tom Peters, author of best-selling

business and management books,

“It’s shorthand. It’s a sorting device”

(qtd. in Wheeler 3).

Though the brand may function as

a ‘trust mark’, it is important not to

conflate the notion of a company’s

brand with its logo or wordmark.

As graphic designer Milton Glaser

remarked, “A logo is the point of

entry to the brand”—it is far from

the brand itself (qtd. in Wheeler 4).

What, then, is a brand? The design

and marketing worlds are not short

of definitions. One of the most

intelligible answers to that question

lies in Jane Pavitt’s book Brand.new,

when she compares commodities

to brands. “Commodities are like

faceless brands—products or services

that achieve their functional aim

but do so without any distinctive

characteristics or identifiable

differences. Flour is a commodity.

Beer is a commodity. A plane

journey is a commodity. To under-

stand what a brand is we must

juxtapose Coca-Cola (a brand)

against a carbonated, caffeinated

beverage (a commodity)”(75).

Defining Brand

Each year the global brand consultancy firm Interbrand

ranks the world’s top 100 brands according to their

brand value. Brand value, also known as brand equity,

is “the value premium that a company realizes from a

product with a recognizable name as compared to its

generic equivalent” (“Brand Equity Definition”). More

plainly, brand value is the extra thirty-nine cents that

customers are willing to pay for a box of Kellogg’s

as opposed to a box of generic corn flakes. There is no

standard for calculating a company’s brand value but

many firms use a system similar to Interbrand’s, which

combines a company’s profit with an estimation of

the brand’s strength and the role it plays in a purchase

(“Best Global Brands 2011 Methodology Overview”).

According to Interbrand, the top five brands of 2011

(Coca-Cola, IBM, Microsoft, Google, and GE) are

valued at between $42 and $72 million (“2011 Ranking

of the Top 100 Brands”). These figures may appear

staggering but they’re not surprising considering the

influence wielded by these brands both in the global

market and in the mind of the consumer. Such brand

domination is summarized best by an excerpt from the

Coca-Cola Company’s official website: “In the remotest

comers of the globe, you can still find Coca-Cola”

(“Coca-Cola History: Coca-Cola Heritage Timeline”).

But what makes these companies so successful?

Certainly, a quality product helps. In the days of the

general store, quality was key—word-of-mouth and

the recommendations of store clerks and acquaintances

formed the basis of a product’s success or failure. The

brand was merely “a symbol of production” (Pavitt 73).

Today’s commercial landscape, however, is markedly

different—when a consumer enters a grocery store to

buy a tube of toothpaste, he is no longer greeted by

the smiling face of a trusted clerk, but instead by row

upon row of a seemingly infinite variety of toothpastes.

4

is so strong that new applications

of the brand can begin to serve as

shorthand—a glimpse of Coca-

Cola’s signature red and the mind

of the viewer fills in the rest.

The principles of branding are

often associated with commercial

output, however, they apply equally

to any group with visual representa-

tion. An identity system’s strengths

or weaknesses affects the public’s

perception of a group similarly

whether that organization is Nike

shilling shoes, the American Civil

Liberties Union campaigning for

justice, or even, as author Steven

Heller examines in his book Iron

Fists: Branding the 20th-Century

Totalitarian State, the Nazi Party

propagating genocide.

Design is, after all, primarily a

method of communication—“a

component that has been part of

every successful enterprise” since

the days of cave paintings (English

9). A designer functions much like

a bladesmith. A skilled bladesmith

creates a sharp, durable knife whose

sole function is to cut well, whether

it is cutting vegetables for a salad or

a victim’s flesh. A talented designer

constructs a branding system that

can communicate any message—

even one of hatred and violence.

In essence, a brand surpasses the physical output of

a company and instead attempts to encapsulate the

company’s spirit—its history, its attitude, its commit-

ment to the customer. The brand is “the promise, the

big idea, the reputation and expectations that reside

in each customer’s mind about the product and/or

company” (Wheeler 2). The brand is the personality

of the company—a personality calculated to sell.

Defining Brand Identity

If the brand is the spirit, the soul of the company, then

the brand identity is its skeleton—a carefully calculated

structure that serves as both a framework to help define

the brand and a vehicle to convey the brand into the

global marketplace. A strong brand identity system

works as a backbone for the company, ensuring that all

graphic output is in line with the brand personality and

retains a visual coherence specific to the brand. Coca-

Cola’s 2011 ‘Brr’ campaign in India is a prime example

of Coca-Cola’s brand identity at work (“Coca Cola

to Launch New Global Campaign ‘Brrr’ in India”).

Prominently displayed are the Coca-Cola logo, the

Coca-Cola glass bottle shape, and Coca-Cola’s

signature bright red. The soda itself leaps up out of

the bottle into the air, creating the word ‘Brrrr’ from

ice and insinuating that the drink is so dynamic and

refreshing that it defies both gravity and physics.

This combination of primary visual elements (logo,

bottle shape, and signature red) and implied emotion

(excitement, refreshment) is a cornerstone of Coca-

Cola’s brand identity. The true strength of Coca-Cola’s

identity system, however, lies in its consistency. The

visual and conceptual elements of the Coca-Cola brand

are transmitted so cohesively through a variety of

applications that even a sidelong glance at this adver-

tisement will implant the idea of Coca-Cola into

the viewer’s mind. A truly consistent brand identity

“Green Coca-Cola

Bottles”, Andy Warhol,

1962, oil on canvas.

Red overlay added

by author.

6

Key Components of Brand Identity

The principle considerations of an effective identity

system fall into two categories: the visual and the

conceptual elements.

The primary visual component of any brand identity

system is, of course, the logo—“the visual expression

of a brand”(Vaid 28). Other visual symbols can play

a large supporting role, however—consider the shape of

the Coca-Cola bottle which, though it does not share

the recognition afforded Coca-Cola’s logo, is a familiar

form to the global public. Choice and treatment of

imagery, use of color, and typography—all of these visual

elements function as both an enticement to the viewer

and an expression of the brand’s personality.

These visual aspects may serve to establish the brand’s

identity, but it is only through a strict adherence to a set

of overarching concepts that the identity can become a

system. As in all design work, content is king—a strong

identity system has a clear, concise message reinforced

through the content and style of all written copy.

Consistency and coherence are, in fact, essential in all

aspects of a brand identity system. Creating a unified,

consistent voice and visual style is integral to crafting

a brand that consumers know and trust. However,

identity systems must balance this consistency with

flexibility so that the brand can

adapt to different markets and new

applications with ease. Lastly, a

strong identity system will differen-

tiate a brand from its competitors.

a strong

brand identity

system works

as a

7

for a company, ensuring that all

graphic output is in line with the

brand personality and retains a

VISUAL COHERENCE specific

to the brand.

backbone

8

A proud Klansman stands

in front of a sign reading

“Welcome to Klan Country”.

THE KU

KLUX KLAN

9

The Ku Klux Klan: A Brief History

In her book Designing Brand Identity: a Complete

Guide to Creating, Building, and Maintaining Strong

Brands, Alina Wheeler emphasizes the importance of

conducting an “internal audit” as the first step of the

branding process. The internal audit, Wheeler explains,

streamlines the company’s mission, values, and goals,

while giving both designers and company stakeholders

a stronger understanding of the organization’s strengths

and weaknesses (60). Accordingly, the first step in an

examination of the branding of the KKK should be

a look at the group’s history and stated goals.

The KKK was founded in Pulaski, Tennessee in May

of 1866 by a group of six disenfranchised Confederate

soldiers who decided to “get up a club” (Bartoletti

25). The Klan quickly became a popular prospect for

angry white Southerners who channeled their feelings

of defeat and fear into a new pastime—dressing up as

hooded figures and scaring or threatening with violence

the now-freed slaves. As the Klan gained members,

the group became more organized and the violence

escalated, directed towards any black man or woman

who struck the Klan as impertinent or dangerous,

as well as any white sympathizers.

In 1871, President Grant, struck

by the KKK’s horrific crimes and

the corrupt government officials

who looked the other way, signed

what has become known as the

Ku Klux Klan Act, which made it

illegal for groups to conspire or

wear disguises to intimidate or harm

individuals (Bartoletti 129). The

Ku Klux Klan Act effectively

brought the first wave of the Ku

Klux Klan to an end.

Soon the Klan experienced an

intense revival. Sparked by the

release of D.W. Griffith’s film

The Birth of A Nation in 1915,

the KKK again became a national

organization. During its 1925

march on Washington, the New

York Times estimated the number

of marchers to be between 50,000

and 60,000 (Chalmers 2; Bartoletti

154). This time around the Klan’s

10

list of enemies expanded to include immigrants, Jews,

Catholics, and anyone the Klan deemed immoral.

In many cases this meant “sexually adventurous women”

and illegal drinkers, as the Klan were virulent supporters

of Prohibition (Pegram 3). Though involvement

dropped off sharply by the beginning of the Great

Depression, the second wave of the Klan did not fully

dissolve until the late 1940s, when it was strained

by the federal government’s request for back taxes,

internal strife following the death of leader Dr. Samuel

Green, and the arrival of World War II (Pegram 20;

Chalmers 335; Chalmers 424).

The third significant wave of Klan activity evolved as

a response to the civil rights movement. “It was the

Supreme Court decision against public school segregation

on May 17, 1954, that gave the Invisible Empire

a new impetus and environment for action,” writes

historian David M. Chalmers in Hooded Americanism:

The History of the Ku Klux Klan. “In a South marked

by growing hysteria, the Klans burst into activity”

(343). And burst into activity they did—a 1959 report

detailing Klan activity during the four years after

Brown v. Board of Education “listed some 530 cases

of overt ‘racial violence, reprisal and intimidation’”(349).

Though Klan membership in the 1960s hovered around

fifty thousand members, the Ku Klux Klan no longer

acted as a single cohesive movement: “most Klaverns

(local units) remained stubbornly independent” (387;

“Ku Klux Klan— History”). In the meantime, the

American attitude towards the Klan had soured and

local and federal law enforcement agencies, including

the F.B.I., worked diligently to infiltrate and break up

the klaverns (“Ku Klux Klan— History”).

11

Clockwise from top:

The 2nd U.S. Artillery,

at Fair Oaks, VA,

June 1862.

Klansmen march in

Washington, DC, 1925.

Photograph by Walker

Evans during the Great

Depression.

Police officials watch

as barrels of liquor are

poured into the New

York sewer system at

the start of Prohibition.

12

Klansmen listen to a

speech given by their

Grand Wizard.

The Klan marches

down a city street

in the 1920s.

An unmasked Klans-

man holds a gun while

smoking a cigar.

A half-burned 6-foot

cross leans against

Florida church after

it was extinguished

by firefighters.

13

In the years between 1970 and 2000, the Klan continued

to splinter and decline, most especially in the public

eye. The Klan did experience a brief revival in the late

1970s and early 1980s, but with the exception of a few

national organizations, klaverns were locally-based and

operated independently of each other. In the 1970s

David Duke, Imperial Wizard of the Knights of the Ku

Klux Klan, radically altered the face the Klan presented

to the outside world. By avoiding the use of racial slurs

and emphasizing the ideas of pride, heritage, and family

values, Duke attempted to broaden the Klan’s appeal

and soften its image in order to enlarge its membership.

Several of these tactics were picked up by the few

national Klan groups still remaining, among them the

American Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and the Knights

of the White Kamelia (“Ku Klux Klan— History”).

Near the end of the twentieth century, many American

cities were faced with “a significant influx of immigrants,

especially Hispanics, for the first time in their histories.”

In response to this rise in immigration, many klaverns

increased their focus on opposing immigration.

(“About the Ku Klux Klan”).

The Ku Klux Klan Today

According to the Anti-Defamation League, a civil rights

agency dedicated to fighting anti-Semitism, racism, and

bigotry, more than 40 distinct Klan groups are currently

in existence nation-wide. Many of these groups have

multiple klaverns, or chapters, and over one hundred

klaverns are currently operating around the country.

The ADL estimates the total number of Klan members

and associates to be roughly 5,000 individuals. Klan

members today often focus on issues like gay marriage,

immigration, and what they consider to be “assaults

on Christianity”(“About the Ku Klux Klan”).

The Klan today is a mere shadow

of what it once was. However, it is

still true that “of all the types of

right-wing groups that exist in the

United States, the Klan remains the

one with the greatest number of

national and local organizations

around the country”(“About the

Ku Klux Klan”).

14

VISUAL COM

PONE NTS

Overhead shot of

the Klan’s 1924 march

down Pennsylvania

Avenue in the District

of Columbia.

15

Visual Components of the KKK Brand

Al and Laura Ries, marketing professionals and

co-authors of The 22 Immutable Laws of Branding,

compare successful branding to occupying the mind

of the consumer. “If you want to build a brand, you

must focus your branding efforts on owning a word

in the prospect’s mind. A word that no one else owns.

What prestige is to Mercedes, safety is to Volvo”

(qtd. in Wheeler 65). An examination of the visual

components of the Ku Klux Klan brand reveals a desire

to own two words, specific to the consumer. In the

mind of the current or prospective Klansman, the KKK

aims to own the word “pride”. In the mind of its

enemies, “fear”. The visual aspects of the Klan brand,

its choice of symbols, imagery, color, and typography

all center around these two concurrent purposes—to

inspire a sense of pride and duty in its current and

prospective members and to instill terror in any and

all individuals who are at odds with Klan principles.

In some instances, the visual aspects of the Klan are

concise and striking; in others, they are convoluted

and clearly the spawn of individual egos. But all are

united by the fact that force of their visual effect is

the result of the bloodshed wrought by the Klan,

as opposed to any intrinsic power.

16

Klan Symbols: Klan Robes

The basis of the Klan regalia—the white robe and mask

that both inspire fear in the viewer and cloak the

wearer in anonymity—was the result of the first night

ride by the founding Klansmen in Pulaski, Tennessee.

“Bubbling over with the excitement of their new-found

plaything, the young members of the new Ku Klux Klan

decided to make a public manifestation of themselves;

so, borrowing the familiar idea of the easy Hallowe’en

disguise, they wrapped themselves in sheets, mounted

their horses and galloped through the streets of the little

town, greatly enjoying the sensation they created—

particularly the alarm and dismay of the negroes, to

whose superstitious minds the sight of white-sheeted

figures suggested nothing but spirits risen from the

grave, and who accordingly fled to their homes in

panic-stricken terror” (Horn 13).

Whether the Klansmen happened upon the white robes

and hoods or chose them purposefully in order to

resemble the ghosts of dead Confederate soldiers, the

members were undoubtedly pleased with the result

(32). Robes and hoods quickly became the Ku Klux

Klan uniform, though they were worn more often at

“raids, demonstrations or other group appearances in

public” than at regular meetings (Horn 58).

Klansmen took pride in their costumes. Style, color,

and ornamentation of robes differed greatly amongst

members though there were overlapping features.

“The matter of color and style was left largely to the

individual’s personal taste, although all [robes] were

of a grotesque nature calculated to impress and terrify

the ignorant and superstitious. White robes were

originally used by the Pulaski organizers of the Klan,

and were generally favored by other Klans at first…

There was, however, an early departure from the

popularity of the white robes, and black or red with

white trimmings seemed to be favored. Various schemes

of ornamentation were adopted in

different sections, governed chiefly

by the individual’s personal taste

and whim, and some of them

went in for ingeniously terrifying

appurtenances like the horns

popular in some states” (Horn 60).

Over time, klaverns began to

demand a mandatory robe

purchase in order to join and as

fewer Klan robes were sewn

by members’ wives, robes grew

to be less individualized (Pegram

16). Many klaverns, however,

developed their own systems to

indicate a Klansman’s ranking

using particular stripes and colors.

Today Klansmen often wear

open-faced hoods or cover their

face with a removable cloth.

Current Klan robes also feature

the Ku Klux Klan logo sewn

prominently over the left breast.

The robes and hoods worn by

Klansmen had the practical

function of uniting Klan members

and protecting their identities

so that acts of intimidation and

violence could not be attributed to

any particular individual. But they

also had a deeper, more sinister

effect perhaps best explained by

historian and civil rights activist

W.E.B. Du Bois.

“The method of force which hides

itself in secrecy is a method as old

as humanity. The kind of thing that men are afraid or

ashamed to do openly, and by day, they accomplish

secretly, masked, and at night. The method has certain

advantages…it shields itself in the mob mind and then

throws over all a veil of darkness which becomes

glamor. It attracts people who otherwise could not be

reached. It harnesses the mob” (Bartoletti ii).

The Klan robe is one of the strongest visual elements

of the Ku Klux Klan brand. Like Coca-Cola’s signature

red, the Klan regalia instantly evokes the KKK and all

of the violence and terror associated with it. Since the

Ku Klux Klan’s inception, the robe and hood have

retained their chilling effectiveness to communicate

the presence of the Klan.

The KKK aims to represent

the word PRIDE in the

mind of prospective

Klansmen and

the word FEAR

in the mind of

its enemies.

Two Klansmen display

the wide variety of

personalization among

individual regalia.

19

Klan Symbols: Burning Cross

The KKK’s involvement with the burning cross

originates, oddly, in medieval Scotland. Known as the

“Fiery Cross”, or in Gaelic “Crann Tara”, the flaming

cross was used by Scots to alert nearby clans of

impending danger (“History of Crann Tara”). It was

not until 1905 that the burning cross was first affiliated

with the Ku Klux Klan when author Thomas Dixon

claimed the practice as an early Klan tactic, despite

the lack of any correlating evidence (Chalmers 430).

Dixon’s novel The Clansman became the inspiration for

D.W. Griffith’s 1915 film Birth of A Nation, whose

sympathetic portrayal of the Klan and glorification of

cross burnings inspired an Atlanta klavern, led by

Grand Wizard William J. Simmons, to hold the first

Klan cross lighting ceremony on Thanksgiving Eve,

1915 (Chalmers 430, Koerner).

Cross burnings continued throughout the Klan’s

resurgence during the 1920s. Klansmen used the cross

lightings as both an intimidation tactic and an excuse

for a community gathering. “Cross burnings were

the Klan’s most spectacular and entertaining public

displays…[They] reinforced the fraternal bonds among

Klansmen, and, according to eyewitness testimony,

thrilled the often large crows of onlookers attending the

events” (Pegram 3). “‘Oh, it was fun’ to burn a cross,

recalled a woman from Indiana’s female Klan auxiliary.

‘The way they wrapped it in gunny sacks and soaked it

in oil and then those guys went up and lit it, it was

just a fun thing to do’” (Pegram 24). In this way, the

Klan cross burning ceremonies bring to mind the sense

of spectacle Hitler first admired at a demonstration of

Marxists in Berlin and later adopted himself during as

the head of the Nazi regime (Iron Fists 16).

Ku Klux Klan members often refer to cross burning as

“cross lighting” and base its importance on religious

20

significance. From kkk.bz, the website of the Knights

of the Ku Klux Klan—”We don’t burn the cross, we

Light the cross…The light of the cross symbolizes the

Light of Christ dispelling darkness and ignorance. It

is the fire of the cross that reminds us of the cleansing

‘fire’ of Christ that cleanses evil from our land” (“The

Christian Cross Lighting Ceremony”).

But to the Klan’s enemies, who had flaming crosses

placed on their lawns as a warning or a precursor to

violence, “the fiery cross of the 1920s was a threat”

(Pegram 3). The burning cross’ impact was summarized

by editor-in-chief James L. Swanson in the 2003

edition of the Cato Supreme Court Review: “For the

past eighty-eight years, ever since the first recorded

cross burning in the United States in 1915, that flaming

object has been the trademark of one group—the Ku

Klux Klan. To the members of the Klan, that symbol

represents an ideology of white supremacy and racial

solidarity. To African Americans, the burning cross

symbolizes a sinister history of toxic racism reaching

back to the Civil War. To this audience, a cross aflame

also symbolizes danger: threats, arson, violence, robed

night riders, lynchings, and murder” (82).

Swanson was writing about Virginia

v. Black, the 2002 Supreme Court

Case concerning the constitutional-

ity of a Virginia statute banning

the burning of crosses. In April of

2003 Supreme Court Justice Sandra

Day O’Connor ruled that states

have the constitutional right to ban

“cross burning carried out with the

intent to intimidate,” though the act

of lighting a cross itself cannot be

considered prima facie evidence of

this intent to intimidate. Citing

the Ku Klux Klan’s “reign of terror

throughout the South”, Justice

O’Connor stated, “…the burning

of a cross is a ‘symbol of hate’…

While cross burning does not

inevitably convey a message of

intimidation, often the cross burner

intends that the recipient of the

message fear for their lives. And

when a cross burning is used to

A Klansman douses

the flames of a burning

cross with water at

the close of an evening

Klan meeting.

21

intimidate, few if any messages are more powerful”

(“Virginia v. Black”). Despite this ruling, the use of

burning crosses as a threat has continued to this day.

In 2007, the Federal Bureau of Investigation reported

twenty incidents of cross burnings in the United States

during the previous two years (“Decidedly Uncivil:

Cross Burnings in the 21st Century”).

As a branding component, a fiery cross is a striking

visual, even when divorced from the context of Klan

history. Fire is an agent of destruction; it transforms

all that it touches to ash. Yet it was the discovery of fire

that propelled men from caves and into the world

of electricity. In this sense, fire could be interpreted in

a positive sense. But just as the swastika was transformed

from an ancient Sanskrit symbol representing good

fortune to a symbol of genocide due to the horrific

violence perpetuated by the Nazi regime, the burning

cross, once a cry for help from medieval Scots became

a signal of racially-motivated hatred, violence, and even

murder (The Swastika 19).

22

“…there is

no mistaking

its meaning…

even if the KKK

logo were not

associated with

the burning

cross, that

drop of bloodwould still indicate a violent ideology.”

23

Klan Symbols: Pure Blood Logo

Known as the pure blood symbol, the Klan logo

appears on countless Klan websites, merchandise, and

official robes. It is often referred to as the “M.I.O.A.K.”

or “Mystic Insignia of a Klansman” by Klan members

(“MIOAK”; “MIOAK Blood Drop Patch”). Despite

the splintering of the Ku Klux Klan into various factions

across the country, it is a consistent symbol and for

all intents and purposes functions as a logo for the Klan.

Much like Nike’s swoosh or Coca-Cola’s logotype,

the pure blood logo acts as a central branding element.

Internally, it unifies the KKK members, declares their

allegiance to the Klan, and stands as a symbol of the

principles the Ku Klux Klan was founded on. To those

on the outside, it serves the same purpose as the Klan’s

white robes and hoods—a visual representation of

the hate group, shorthand for the Klan itself.

Unfortunately, little scholarly information exists about

the origin of the pure blood logo, though considering

the level of secrecy surrounding many aspects of the

Ku Klux Klan, this is hardly surprising. In Volume

12 of the AIGA Journal of Graphic Design, Steven

Heller proposed that the logo was the outcome of the

“mixed marriage of Christian and pagan iconography,”

citing the use of black and red and the outline of a

“slabbed cross” (“Designing Hate”). The logo is actually

composed of several simple geometric shapes. The

white slabbed cross lies in the center of a red circle with

a black stroke. This outer circular shape unifies the

composition and reinforces the idea of a group. Inside

the white cross sits a black diamond that holds the only

organic shape in the composition—a drop of blood.

The Anti-Defamation League reports that, “According

to the Klan, the blood drop represents the blood shed

by Jesus Christ as a sacrifice for the White Aryan Race”

(“Hate Symbols: Ku Klux Klan”). However, like much

Klan mythology, this fact is highly debated, even by

members of the Klan themselves.

According to the anonymous writer

of kkklan.com, a self-proclaimed

Klan member, the current Klan

logo is actually an alteration of the

Imperial Seal of the KKK, instituted

by Grand Wizard Simmons in the

1920s. “You should be able to spot

the ‘mioak’ part of the seal right

away. You’ll notice in the center that

it looks like the oriental yin and

yang symbol, and that’s what it is.

The dates are 1915, in the white

part (the date the KKK was revived)

and 1866, in the dark part (the

date the revival Klan recognized as

the first official year of the original

Klan)…Now, you can see quite

plainly that all they did next was

to take the K’s and the yin yang

and place it on a round patch and

add the Klan colors of red, white,

and black…[This] was called the

MIOAK by the revival Klan and

not the blood drop cross. However,

it was hard to sew on the dates in

the center so they could be seen

and read. So, they were not put on

the patches. Also, the white part of

the yin yang could not be seen

against the white background of

the patch. So only the dark part

showed up in red…There was no

cross or blood of Christ connection

to it at all” (“The Mystic Insignia

of a Klansman”).

24

The anonymous Klansman goes on to explain the

presence of the white slabbed cross, which is often

surrounded by black lines of varying thicknesses in

variations of the symbol. “…Look at the black bracket

and black “arms” stretching out on each of the four

sides. These are four “K’s” symbolically facing the

four points of the compass. The four “K’s” stand for:

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan” (“The Mystic Insignia

of a Klansman”). For this reason, the author insists

that the correct placement of the pure blood symbol

is with the arms of the cross set at an angle as opposed

to straight up and down.

Historical accuracy or inaccuracy aside, it is clear that

there is some confusion among Klansmen as to proper

placement of the M.I.O.A.K. The pure blood symbol,

which also appears on newsletters, websites, and

memorabilia, is seen most consistently on official Klan

robes. The logo, in the form of a patch, is always sewn

on the upper left chest, above the heart. This common

placement ensures that the mark has proper “contrast

from its surroundings” (Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak

28). However, the rotation of the robe patch, as well

as the other incarnations of the symbol, seems to vary

from one klavern to the next.

As a visual symbol, the “pure blood”

logo is quite striking. Red, which

features prominently in the design,

has been long-recognized as the

most attention-grabbing of hues.

The blood red is contrasted with the

cross’ brilliant white, reinforcing

the Klan ideals of purity and the

supremacy of the white race.

The use of flat colors and simple

shapes help to create a strong,

memorable symbol. As Steven

Heller observes, “[It is not] as

geometrically precise, or as aestheti-

cally pure, as the swastika, but

there is no mistaking its meaning…

Even if the KKK logo were not

associated with the burning cross,

that drop of blood would still

indicate a violent ideology”

(“Designing Hate”).

The current pure blood

logo originates from

this “MIOAK” badge.

The pure blood logo,

shown here in both

the incorrect (top)

and correct (bottom)

positions.

25

Klansmen in uniform

cuddle ferrets in front

of a Confederate flag.

The movie poster for

The Black Klansman,

a 1966 film directed by

Ted V. Mikels.

A Klansmen holds his

young daughter in uniform

on the cover of a 1965

edition of The Saturday

Evening Post.

Klansmen salute the

cross.

A Klansmen rides on

horseback.

Klansmen kneel before

their Grand Wizard

during a ceremony.

26

Appropriated Symbols: Confederate Flag

In contrast to white robes and the burning cross, the

Confederate flag (also known as the “rebel”or “Dixie”

flag) is not a symbol associated solely with the KKK.

To individuals of different races and upbringings, it may

signal anything from Southern heritage and pride to

racially-motivated hatred and violence. As strong as the

divide is between these two viewpoints, they are often

held with an equally fierce strength. As David Sansing,

Professor Emeritus of History at the University of

Mississippi, succinctly explains, “There are at least

five or six different groups to whom the flag is very

important, but for very, very different reasons”

(“The Confederate Flag: Current Controversies”).

There are several misnomers concerning what is

referred to today as “the Confederate Flag”. First,

it is often mistakenly called the “Stars and Bars”,

a nickname that actually belongs to the first national

flag of the Confederate Congress, adopted in 1861

(McWhirter D3). Second, the rectangular flag seen

today on belt buckles and the backs of pickup trucks

never officially represented the Confederate Army

during the Civil War. As detailed in a 2003 article

from The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, the use of the

Confederate national flag, so close in appearance to

the American flag, created confusion on the battlefield

(McWhirter D3). The design of a flag specific for use

during battle fell to William Porcher Miles, one of

“the most vehement supporters of slavery” (McWhirter

D3). Miles was said to have been inspired by South

Carolina’s secession flag, a red field divided into quad-

rants by a blue St. George’s cross holding fifteen

white stars. A white crescent and a white palmetto

tree (South Carolina’s state tree) sit in the upper

left (“Confederate Battle Flag”). A square flag, Miles’

design features thirteen white stars (representing the

thirteen states of the Confederacy) aligned within a

“blue saltire, or X shape, with a

white border” on a red field

(“Confederate Battle Flag”).

Though a saltire is also known

as a “St. Andrew’s Cross”, in

Miles’s design it was not intended

to have any religious significance.

The majority of Confederate armies

adopted Miles’s battle flag, however,

a few divisions created a variation

of the flag by reformatting it into

a rectangular shape. It is this version

of the Confederate battle flag which

has endured today, due in part

to advertising companies that began

to use the Confederate battle flag

as a “generic symbol for the Southern

states” in the 1920s (Balloch B5).

The beginning of the Confederate

flag’s popularity began in the

1940s at college football games,

where students and fans would

wave them in the stands. This was

especially true at University of

Mississippi games (Balloch B5).

It was not until the civil rights

movement of the 1950s that Klan

groups began to display the

Confederate flag as, according

to one Klansman, “an act of

defiance to the federal violations

of State’s Rights” (Balloch B5;

“The True Flag of the Ku Klux

Klan”). During this period the

flag grew increasingly entwined

with issues of racial prejudice.

27

an

emblem

of southern

pride

or a

symbol of

racism?

28

The Anti-Defamation League comments, “Although

the flag is seen by some Southerners simply as a symbol

of Southern pride, it is often used by racists to represent

white domination of African-Americans” (“Hate Symbols:

Confederate Flag”).

Today the Confederate flag can be seen as a symbol of

racism and the Klux Klan as much as an emblem

of Southern pride. The image of the Confederate flag

appears on countless Klan websites and merchandise

and has been waved by Klansmen during marches and

rallies. The Klan’s adoption of the Confederate flag

has become so pervasive that members of the Sons

of Confederate Veterans, a group dedicated to “preserving

the history and legacy” of Confederate soldiers have

begun to stage protests against the KKK’s use of the

Confederate flag (Scv.org). During a protest on the steps

of the Owensboro Federal Building in Kentucky, Sons

of Confederate Veterans members carried placards

“that read ‘Ban the Klan, not the flag’ and ‘Confederate

flag is not a Klan flag’”(Lawrence 1).

The Sons of Confederate Veterans seem to believe that

it is the Ku Klux Klan’s usage that has transformed the

Confederate flag into a racist symbol, but it is important

to remember that the flag’s original intent was to unite

the thirteen states that chose to secede from the Union

rather than ban the horrific oppression and slavery of

black people. A Confederate flag does not necessarily

need to be in the hands of a man in a white hood in

order to be deemed a threat by a person of color. What

remains inarguable, however, is the malice with which

the Klan yields the Confederate flag and the fact that

the proliferation of Confederate flag images associated

with the Klan will only increase its reading as symbol

of racially-motivated violence and hatred.

Nazi flags hang in the

streets of Germany.

Spreads from the Nazi

pamphlet on branding

and iconography.

29

Appropriated Symbols: Swastika

In the first few pages of The Swastika: Symbol Beyond

Redemption? Steven Heller comments on the visual

impact of the swastika. “…It is one of the most visually

powerful symbols ever devised. Just set aside for a

moment what is known about it and compare the

swastika to other great signs of the past and present:

No other mark—not even variations of the cross or,

for that matter, the Nike swoosh—are as graphically

potent” (The Swastika 3).

Heller goes on to explain his fascination with the

symbol, remarking on its “geometric purity”, maximum

legibility and “illusion of movement” when balanced

on an edge. Indeed, the swastika seems to have held

a visual fascination for many civilizations throughout

history. “The word swastika comes from the Sanskrit

svastika, which means “good fortune” or “well-being.”

The motif (a hooked cross) appears to have first been

used in Neolithic Eurasia, perhaps representing the

movement of the sun through the sky. To this day it

is a sacred symbol in Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism,

and Odinism…Swastikas also have an ancient history

in Europe, appearing on artifacts from pre-Christian

European cultures” (“History of the Swastika”).

At what point did the swastika

transform from a symbol of good

will and benediction into a symbol

of the Nazi regime and its millions

of victims? According to Thomas

Wilson, a Smithsonian curator

who received federal support to

research the swastika in the late

1800s, “the swastika emerged in

both hemispheres and throughout

virtually every landmass, continent,

and country” (The Swastika 21).

The swastika took different forms

depending on its culture of origin

with some variations involving

dots, thicker bars, or more curved

edges. The “normal” swastika

however, according to Wilson, had

straight bars “of equal thickness

throughout [that] cross each other

at right angles, making four arms

of equal size, length, and style…

all the ends are bent at right angles

and in the same direction, right

or left” (Wilson 767).

30

In 1874, during an archaeological dig of Hissarlik

(the site of ancient Troy), Dr. Heinrich Schliemann

discovered multiple artifacts adorned with swastikas

(Wilson 771). Schliemann incorrectly interpreted his

findings as proof of Germans’ Aryan heritage, and these

views were published as fact by German writers and

scientists who were expounding on German racial

dominance and eugenics at the time (“History of the

Swastika”). By the end of the nineteenth century,

“German racist mystics and occultists adopted the

swastika as their sacred icon of racial purity and

invented a heritage and lore to support it” (The Swastika

38). In the years leading up to the formation of the

National Socialist German Workers Party (also known

as the Nazi party), the flat-edged swastika had been

adopted by several right-wing occult and political groups

and was even in fashion with German youth “much

in the same way the Egyptian Ankh was popular among

hippies during the 1960s” (The Swastika 59; 53).

Thus, the swastika was highly present in German culture

during the time when Adolf Hitler began searching for

a symbol to represent the 1918 German Workers Party

(renamed the National Socialist German Workers Party

in 1920). Most likely, the adoption of the swastika was

first suggested by Dr. Friedrich

Krohn, a dentist and member of the

German Workers Party who in

1919 submitted a report titled “Is

the swastika suitable as the symbol

of the National Socialist Party?”

which detailed a design involving a

clockwise swastika a color scheme

of red, black, and white (The

Swastika 64). As he did in many

other instances, Hitler took credit

for this idea, writing in Mein

Kampf, “I myself, after innumer-

able attempts, had put down a final

form: a flag with a background of

red, with a white circle, and in its

center, a black swastika” (qtd. in

The Swastika 64). As Heller notes,

“Hitler’s major contribution was

to reverse the direction of the

swastika” (The Swastika 65).

The blatant appropriation of the

once benevolent swastika by the

Nazi Party would perhaps have not

31

been successful had it not been supported by such a

strict branding policy. Under Hitler’s rule, the swastika

became the centerpiece of the Nazi identity system,

which “is a textbook case of how successful critical

mass communication can become. The legacy of the

Nazi’s branding campaign is its diabolical durability”

(Iron Fists 75).

In 1952, Germany passed a constitutional law that

banned the public display of the swastika or any other

Nazi symbology (Iron Fists 75). There is no such

corresponding law in America, where the swastika is

used often by “neo-Nazis, racist skinheads and other

white supremacist groups” (“Hate Symbols: Neo-Nazi

Swastika Flag”). As Klan members share many of the

same ideals as these groups—a hatred of immigrants

and a focus on white supremacy—as well as attend

many of the same events, it is hardly surprising that the

swastika also appears on several Klan websites and

in personal photographs of Klansmen.

32

33

34

A toddler dressed in

Klan regalia touches

the riot shield of a state

trooper.

Imagery

An examination of several Klan websites showcases

the prevalence of imagery in the Klan branding system.

Out of eight websites (belonging to the United Northern

and Southern Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the

Brotherhood of Klans, the Church of the National

Knights, the Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, the

Imperial Klans of America, the Knights of the Ku Klux

Klan and two divisions of the Georgia Knight Riders),

five devote a section to an image gallery or photo album.

All eight websites feature multiple images prominently.

Selection and style of imagery is an important aspect

of any successful identity system. Consumers tend to

prefer visuals—whether they be relatable, humorous,

exciting, or artists—as opposed to text. The style and

content of a company’s imagery is, in essence, the face

of the brand, a key component in the visual representation

of the brand’s “personality”.

An examination of the images that appear on the Klan

websites specified above clearly demonstrates the

weaknesses in the KKK identity system. Often, the

images featured on these sites are photographs of

individuals or small groups taken with personal digital

cameras. These photographs lack proper lighting and

are clearly taken by a fellow Klansman or a friend as

opposed to a professional photographer. If one were to

remove the Confederate flags, Klan logos, and Nazi

salutes from the images, they might be of a group of

average middle-aged Americans gathering in a backyard

or rec room. One could argue that this is exactly the

impression the Klan is hoping to make, one of a

convivial fraternity, but these images are at odds with

the Klan’s professed ideals and self-image as strong

defenders of white family values.

TEND TO PREFER vISUAlS AS

OPPOSED TO

CONSUMERS

TEXT

36

of Ku Klux Klan imagery

symbols: the pure blood logo, the

Confederate flag and other imagery

related to the Confederacy, and

religious imagery. These pixelated,

clearly handmade creations under-

score the Klan’s lack of funding

and national organization.

The greatest flaw of the Ku Klux

Klan imagery is that it reveals far

too much about its subjects. Far

from creating the impression of

a successful and coordinated

organization, the imagery that

appears on these websites shows

each Klan to be an individual

unit with straggling numbers and

a lack of funding and professional

marketing experience. These

are not images that could inspire

fear in the Klan’s enemies or

instill confidence in their potential

members and therefore constitute

a very weak point in the brand of

the Ku Klux Klan.

Images of Klan rallies, marches and cross burnings are

no more impressive. Far from creating an impression

of a large, cohesive group united in their dedication

to preserve the “sanctity of the white race”, the images

show straggling, isolated groups that appear to be

poorly organized and badly funded. In part, this effect

is caused, once again, by a lack of professional photo-

graphy. Better composition, angles, and lighting can

help create a mood for the scene as well as bolster an

impression of a group’s funding and strong foundation.

The photographs taken at Klan rallies reveal a glaring

distinction between the number of Klansmen and the

number of spectators present at these protests—a

distinction that perhaps could have been masked by

shooting from a different angle or not including these

images on an official web site at all.

Other visual aspects of these Klan websites seem

inexplicably dated and poorly designed. The websites

of both the Georgia Knight Riders and the Arizona

Realm Church of the National Knights of the Ku Klux

Klan feature repeating background imagery that

overwhelms the page. Many of the websites include

collages in their photo galleries. These collages are

typically poorly Photoshopped combinations of Klan

37

is that it

far too much about its subjects.

these are not images that could

The greatest flaw

of Ku Klux Klan imagery

or instill CONFIDENCE

reveals

inspire FEAR in the klan’s enemies

in its members.

38

Color

Color is a key component of a strong brand identity.

It is responsible for capturing attention as well as

establishing a consistent visual brand that differentiates

one group from another. “The brain responds to color

the same way it responds to pleasure or pain. It’s

immediate, primal (Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak 16).

Though not every organization can “capture” a color

to the extent of Coca-Cola or Tiffany & Co., color is

nevertheless a strong visual indicator that can serve as

a cohesive branding element.

The primary color scheme of the Ku Klux Klan is white

and red, a striking duo. Accompanied at times with a

deep black, this dominant color combination is evident

both in the pure blood logo (largely red and white with

outlines of black) and in Klan robes, which are often

a pure white accented with blood red. An early pamphlet

published by Mr. and Mrs. William B. Romine of

Pulaski, Tennessee explained the emotional reasoning

behind the Klan’s choice of colors concerning robes.

“As the Klan stood primarily for the purity and preserva-

tion of the home and for the protection of women

and children, especially the widows and orphans

of Confederate soldiers, white, the emblem of purity

was chosen for the robes. And to render them startling

39

and conspicuous red, emblem of the blood which

Klansmen were ready to shed in defense of the helpless

was chosen for the trimmings. Also a sentimental

thought probably was present in adopting the color

scheme, as white and red were Confederate color”

(qtd. in Randel 8).

The physical attributes of color most likely played

a role in this decision as well, though perhaps only on

a subconscious level. “Colors on the red end of the

spectrum are focused slightly behind the retinas in your

eyes. Therefore, a red color appears to move toward

your eyes while you’re looking at it…Because of

these physical reasons, red is the color of energy and

excitement. Red is an in-your face color. Which is

why red is the dominant color in 45 percent of all

national flags” (A. Ries and L. Ries 86).

Indeed, the Klan’s red, white and black logo is highly

reminiscent of the Nazi flag, an equally arresting visual.

The sharp contrast created by the use of red, white,

and black cause the colors to almost leap off the page

towards the viewer.

Less effective, however, is the Klan’s use of red, white,

and blue. Though these colors are not utilized as

purposefully as red, white, and

black, the KKK’s frequent display

of both Confederate and American

flags causes this combination of

colors to become a secondary color

scheme. Red, white, and blue,

especially when appearing in the

form of the flag, are a clear signal

of patriotism to American citizens.

This is certainly a useful symbol

for the Ku Klux Klan, which aims

to represent itself as the last bastion

of American ideals, however the

use of red, white, and blue as a

device to represent respect for the

United States is ubiquitous. The

colors of the American flag appear

so frequently and often with more

connection to commerce than to

patriotism that the Klan’s intended

message is hopelessly diluted.

Klansmen cluster

around their Grand

Wizard.

A lone Klansman

stands in front of

a burning cross.

40

Typography

In Designing Brand Identity: A Complete Guide to

Creating, Building, and Maintaining Strong Brands,

Alina Wheeler explains the role typography plays

in the creation and sustainability of a strong brand.

“Typography is a core building block of an effective

identity program. Companies such as Apple, Mercedes-

Benz, and Citibank are immediately recognizable

in great part due to the distinctive and consistent

typographical style that is used with intelligence

and purpose throughout thousands of applications over

time. A unified and coherent company image is not

possible without typography that has a unique

personality and information hierarchy…The typeface

needs to be flexible and easy to use, and must provide

a wide range of expression. Clarity and legibility are

the drivers” (88).

A brief survey of several Klan websites reveals that

the Ku Klux Klan has no discernible typographic system

in place. There is no consistency in style between

various chapters and most, if not all, of the websites

lack a clear typographic hierarchy and feature type

that borders on illegible.

The “Activism” page of the Empire Knights of the Ku

Klux Klan website, for example, is a black screen nearly

filled with bright red text—not a highly legible color

combination under ordinary circumstances, but made

increasingly worse by the small type, tight leading,

and lack of paragraph separation. The two (presum-

ably) most important phrases on the page, “Contact

Congress” and “Contact Senate” are a medium blue

and set at the same size as the rest of the type, two

factors which contribute to the two links being nearly

indistinguishable from the background. The Georgia

and Arizona chapters of the Church of the National

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan also sacrifice legibility

by putting their text in bright red, yellow, and blue.

and feature type that

ille

gib

le

The

websites

lack

a clear

typographic

hierarchy

borders

on

THE KlAN HAS NEvER BEEN

SIMPlY ABOUT FRATERNITY

43

The homepage of cnkkkk.net, the general website of the

Church of the National Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, is

representative of many of the Klan’s errors in handling

text. Type appears in six different colors and three fonts

are employed: Arial, Times New Roman and an ornate

display font used for both group’s title and a subhead

reading “Klansmans Kreed”. This use of an assortment

of fonts is reflected in the material of other klaverns.

The Imperial Knights of America, the Georgia Knight

Riders, and the Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan all

employ a serif, sans serif and display font. The serifs

and sans serifs tend to be the most generic available,

and the use of one over the other seems to be almost

arbitrary. For example, in a United Northern and

Southern Knights of the KKK flier, the street address

of the organization is written in a sans serif typeface

while the city and state information is set in a serif face.

Display fonts employed by the KKK tend to be

excessively decorative and often have a medieval or

gothic feel, perhaps in reference to an era in which

knights were hailed as heroes and protectors of what

was just and moral.

The KKK’s inappropriate employment of typography

is one of the weakest facets of the Ku Klux Klan brand.

“Legibility, flexibility, and consistency” are the pillars

of successful typography and the majority of the Klan

websites struggle to accomplish even one of those

components (Budelmann, Yang, and Wozniak 46). The

mixture of font styles, large blocks of text, and issues

of legibility reveal the Klan’s divisiveness and create a

convoluted message that even dedicated Klansmen may

not be able to decode.

STOP RACISM!There are thousands of groups working for the interests of blacks andother non-whites, but how many groups stand up for the culturalvalues of whites? Not many! As a result, we are faced with reversediscrimination in jobs, promotions and scholarships-high taxes fornon-whites welfare- a black and Hispanic plague of crime- guncontrol- anti white movies and TV shows. In short, a society orientedto the wishes of non-whites!

We of the United Northern & Southern Knights of the Ku Klux Klan areun-apologetically committed to the interest and values of the whiterace! We are determined to maintain and enrich our cultural and racialheritage! We are growing fast and strong because we have NEVERcompromised the truth! Want to learn more?

For more Information write to:

National Office

P.O. Box 26506

Fraser, MI 48026

OR VISIT OUR WEBSITE AT

WWW.UNSKKKK.COM

44

COM PONE

OVER ARCHING

NTSA young child lies

down on a wooden

cross as Klansmen

prepare to light it

on fire.

45

Overarching Components of the KKK Brand

A brand cannot subsist on visual elements alone. Just

as the logo must be supported by “a visual language

and a vocabulary”, this visual language must rest upon

a conceptual framework, one that takes into account

the organization’s primary goals (Wheeler 81). “The

best identity programs embody and advance the

company’s brand by supporting [its] desired perceptions.

The identity encompasses every tangible expression

of the brand and becomes intrinsic to a company’s

culture—a constant reminder of its core values and its

heritage” (Wheeler 12). Without a clear and defined

message, as well as a consistent approach to represent-

ing that message, a brand is without an identity as

well as a system. The Klan’s splintering into a multitude

of distinct chapters has ensured that the KKK is unified

in name only. Klaverns have conflicting views and

visual styles, and while several have made concerted

efforts to remain in the public eye, the Klan remains

deflated, unsupported by a central identity system.

OVER ARCHING

46

47

Message

W.E.B. Du Bois once referred to the Ku Klux Klan as

the “Shape of Fear”, an apt description for a group that

has so often coalesced during periods of upheaval in

American history (qtd. in Pegram 11). The Ku Klux

Klan, writes historian David Chalmers, “was part of

an enduring tradition, an available vehicle for the social

and racial anxiety of at least part of a stratum of Ameri-

can society” (Chalmers 7). For many Klansmen, their

decision to join the Klan was based less on political

motives and more out of a desire to be part of a group.

“The nature of the psychic value which the Klan offered

went far beyond night riding, reform, economic gain,

or political advantage. It provided recreation and a

sense of belonging. Probably the greatest strength of

the Invisible Empire lay not in its creed but in its

excitement and its in-group fraternalism…merely

belonging to the Invisible Empire solved many of the

Klansman’s problems” (Chalmers 115).

This sense of fraternalism mixed with an exotic

mysteriousness is the most successful aspect of the KKK

brand. “The best brands tend to symbolize something

in a culture beyond the specific, pragmatic offer…

Brands that are as much about belonging as they are

about buying tend to build the greatest value over time”

48

(Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak 42). If one were to

disregard the Klan’s horrendous acts of violence and

racist theories and speech, the Klan, with its inner

structure of “Wizards” and “Dragons”, coded greetings,

night expeditions, and secret handshakes would sound

like a children’s club. Certainly a great deal of the Klan’s

appeal to prospective members is due to its unsaid

promise to provide a sense of camaraderie, fellowship,

and self-importance.

Yet the Klan has never been simply about fraternity,

however cleverly it may present itself as such. The

KKK’s history is stained with acts of egregious violence

and its “rhetoric, both in public and within the

klavern, was frequently acrid, confrontational, and

by its very excess suggested the possibility of violence”

(Pegram 18). For years, the Klan’s violence and

intimidation went unpunished, but after time society

began to see the KKK as the “divisive force it actually

was in the community” (Chalmers 4). Between the

resulting federal investigations and the rising societal

disapproval, the Klan was forced to alter its message (at

least outwardly). Many Klan websites now specifically

state their objections to violence. The Church of

the National Knights’ site proclaims, “CNKKKK ARE

Spectators line

the streets during

a Klan march.

Illustrations of the

Klan by Branford

Clark, 1925.

49

Christianity and lambasting the

“Jewish media”. There is some

overlap between different factions.

For example, immigration, gay

marriage, and the election of Barack

Obama, are discussed on many

sites—yet the distinctions in content

and editorial style are large enough

that the discrepancy is clear. While

the Ku Klux Klan may be able to

successfully purport an image of

brotherhood and secrecy, its own

divisiveness convolutes the brand’s

message, undermining the identity

of the Klan.

100% LAW ABIDDIN [sic.] AND HAVE ZERO

TOLERANCE ON VIOLENCE, DRUGS AND ABUSE

OF ELDERS, WOMEN, CHILDREN, AND ANI-

MALS” (cnkkkk.net). The Knights of the Ku Klux

Klan was established by David Duke in 1975 with the

intention of creating a “kinder, gentler” Klan which

would promote its ideals through the media and court

system (“Knights of the Ku Klux Klan”). David Duke’s

efforts continue today, as evidenced by the Knights

Party’s website, whose primary visual is a large banner

image of a white American family set against a backdrop

of the American flag, gazing at the words “Welcome to

the Ku Klux Klan; Loving Our Family!” (kkk.bz).

The Knights Party’s website may be the most obvious

example of a “kinder” KKK online, but most other

Klan websites use equally “positive” language, emphasiz-

ing family values, pride, and patriotism as opposed to

hatred and desire for violence. It is at this point,

however, where the messages from various Klan chapters

diverge. The websites of some chapters have page

upon page of information specific to their members

with little general information about the Klan. Some

sites feature galleries of horribly racially offensive

cartoons and imagery while others focus on promoting

50

the

greatest

failing

consistency is its LACK of

of the KKK’s identity system

51

Consistency

The greatest failing of the KKK’s identity system is its

lack of consistency. In order for a brand to be successful,

it must be considered dependable. An identity system is

about forging a bond of trust between the organization

and the consumer—“Brands are promises, and keeping

promises is all about being consistent” (Budelmann,

Kim, and Wozniak 66).

The Ku Klux Klan’s identity system is inherently flawed

because the Klan is separated into multiple factions that

have opposing views, objectives, and visual styles. As

the Anti-Defamation League notes, “there is no ‘one’

Ku Klux Klan”—more than 40 Klan groups, broken

down into over one hundred chapters, currently exist

in the United States (“About the Ku Klux Klan”). All

of these groups operate under some form of the KKK

name and yet there is no overarching organization or

even a central registry for Klansmen of all KKK affiliates.

Worse still, the klaverns themselves are shoddily

assembled and are subject to infighting.

This absence of structural coherence is echoed by a lack

of visual consistency among the chapters. The varied

factions of the Klan draw upon many of the same symbols

and elements—the burning cross, the pure blood logo,

the colors red and white—yet they are applied in a

different fashion from website to website.

The Klan’s lack of cohesion, both structurally and visually,

is a huge impediment to the establishment of a strong

identity system. If one were to compare it to an organiza-

tion, it would be as if Nike split into separate groups

based on each county in which a Nike store was located.

Although each Nike group retained a connection to

the Nike name and “swoosh”, they were applied in a

multitude of ways depending on the local group. A lack

of cohesion can do nothing but dilute a brand.

52

Flexibility

In order for a brand to be successful, it must be

flexible. Flexibility refers to the ability of an identity

to be applied with equal force across any application,

as well as the ability of an identity system to alter itself

according to the changing market.

As previously examined, the Klan’s online presence

is extraordinarily weak. Klan sites are often dated in

appearance, overwhelmed with illegible text, and

provide no link from one Klan chapter to another.

The online Klan follows none of the prescribed rules for

strong web design—“Graphics should be eye-catching,

but not confusing…Typography should be simple but

unique…As a rule of thumb, designers should use few

typefaces, and avoid clashing colors, or colors that are

difficult to read against the background” (Vaid 102).

This is especially damaging to the success of the Klan

considering that the Internet, as described by Helen

Vaid, is a form of “pull” rather than “push” media.

Push media refers to print material, radio, and television,

while “the World Wide Web conform[s] to the ‘pull’

model, in that consumers actively seek specific informa-

tion and ‘pull’ it from whichever sources provide it

in the most authoritative, accessible, and visually

attractive manner”.

The Ku Klux Klan has attempted to

stay relevant through other means

as well, primarily through capturing

the attention of the media.

In 1994, Missouri Klansmen gained

national attention by applying to

participate in the “Adopt-A-High-

way” program. Citing the KKK’s

“racist membership policy and history

of ‘unlawful violence’”, the Missouri

Department of Transportation

refused their application, a decision

which the U.S. Supreme Court later

ruled to be unconstitutional (Reaves).

Four years later, the Missouri

branch of the Knights of the Ku

Klux Klan attempted to underwrite

NPR’s “All Things Considered”

(“Public Radio Versus the Klan”),

a move which generated a great

deal of controversy. More recently,

a Virginia branch of the Ku Klux

Klan called the Knights of the

Southern Cross was involved in

A Klansman kneels

during an initiation

ceremony.

Two married Klansmen

lean on each other

during a Klan meeting.

53

a counter-protest of the Westboro Baptist Church, a

group known for picketing the funerals of American

servicemen with anti-gay placards. While the Klansmen

did not seem to draw much attention at the event itself,

the resulting news coverage was extensive (Ure).

The Klan may be skilled at keeping its name in the

public eye but in all other ways it has been unable

to alter its presentation to conform to the expectations

of today’s consumers. Modern corporations target

individuals through market research, engaging and

professional imagery, and a dynamic use of new

technologies. While the Klan’s publicity-garnering

stunts point to at least a modicum of media savviness,

in the end it is only further evidence of the Ku Klux

Klan resting on the legacy of their name as opposed

to a formulated branding strategy.

Two Klansmen and a

Grand Wizard stare

directly at the camera.

56

Differentiation

The ultimate purpose of a brand is to distinguish one

organization from another; to establish in the consumer’s

mind one enterprise as the premier manufacturer of a

particular commodity, be it athletic footwear or racist

diatribes. While the number of national and local Ku

Klux Klan groups is greater than that of any other

American right-wing hate group, the ideals of the KKK

are hardly unique to the Klan alone (“About the Ku

Klux Klan”). The late 1970s began a period of rapid

growth for the American neo-Nazi movement and

today racist skinheads flock to groups like the White

Aryan Resistance, the American Nazi Party, Aryan

Nations, and American Front (“Ku Klux Klan—

Ideology”; The Swastika 124-127).

The Southern Poverty Law Center contends that

stormfront.org, an internet forum founded in 1995 by

former Klan leader Don Black, “may be the Western

world’s most popular forum for so called ‘white

nationalists’ to post articles, engage in discussions,

and share news of upcoming racist events” (“Storm-

front”). “One of the secrets to Stormfront’s success is

its focus on community building. Whereas typical hate

sites function as one-way transfers of information—

rather like a brochure that can be read but not responded

to — Stormfront has always been organized as a

message board. Members can post opinions, listen

to others respond, then post more feedback for

all to read” (“Stormfront”).

In this way Stormfront is vastly superior to any Klan

websites, which perhaps forms the basis for its banning

by the Church of the National Knights, whose website

proclaims, “CNKKKK WILL NOT BE APART [sic.]

OF NAZI OR NEO CON COMMUNITIES”

(“KLARION CALLS”).

57

Other branches of the KKK seem less conflicted about

joining forces with neo-Nazi groups. The headquarters

of the Imperial Klans of America in Kentucky is the

location of Nordic Fest, an annual festival of white

supremacist groups and music (“Imperial Klans of

America”). The Brotherhood of Klans, who often

connects with outside

white supremacists,

“most notably racist

skinheads and outlaw

bikers”, has chapters

who have participated

in Aryan Guard

rallies. (“Brother-

hood of Klans”).

There are several

differences between

the Ku Klux Klan

and the neo-Nazi

movement—the Klan

tends to focus its

hatred on African-

Americans and

immigrants, while

neo-Nazi groups are

known for their anti-Semitism, and Klansmen tend

to be deeply Christian while many neo-Nazis are

atheists or pagans (“Ku Klux Klan— Ideology”). The

principle of white supremacy, however, remains in

the forefront and many Klans have begun to take

advantage of this fact in order to gain larger appeal.

The ADL notes, “Many white supremacists, especially

younger ones, viewed the Klan as old-fashioned com-

pared to these newer movements. Some Klan groups

adapted to this challenge by imitating neo-Nazi and

skinhead groups, adopting their symbols, regalia,

tattoos, slogans, and even music.

A number of Klan groups have

abandoned the use of the traditional

hoods and robes, eschewing them

altogether or only using them

during ceremonies. As a result,

the modern Klansman might just

as easily resemble a racist skinhead

in dress and appearance as he

might the traditional hooded and

robed figure that most people

associate with the Klan” (“Ku

Klux Klan— Ideology”).

In the face of competition, the

Ku Klux Klan is merging with

other groups instead of working

to differentiate their brand.

Relating the story of Coca-Cola

versus Pepsi-Cola Al and Laura

Ries note, “Not only should

the dominant brand tolerate

competitors, it should welcome

them. The best thing that happened

to Coca-Cola was Pepsi-Cola…

choice stimulates demand” (56).

The KKK’s joining ranks with

neo-Nazi groups is the equivalent

of Pepsi-Cola merging with

Coca-Cola on the basis that they

both sell soda. By joining forces

with other white supremacists, the

Klan may increase its ranks but

only through further sacrificing

their already weakened brand.

Early Klan members

marching in full regalia.

A female Klan member

heads a local march.

Door of the Wheels

of Soul clubhouse,

an African-American

motorcycle club in

West Philadelphia.

58

CON CL

USI ON

59

In 1924, sociologist John M. Mecklin published The

Ku Klux Klan: A Study of the American Mind and

summarized the root of the Klan’s quandary. “Were the

Klan more closely organized and animated by a more

definite and comprehensive program it might become

a force to be reckoned with in national life. There is,

however, little danger that the Klan as a whole will ever

be able to utilize all its strength in a political or social

program. This is due to the essential local nature of the

Klan, its singular lack of able and statesmanlike leaders,

its planless opportunism, and, above all, its dearth

of great unifying and constructive ideals. In the language

of Freudianism, the Klan is essentially a defense mecha-

nism against evils which are more often imaginary

than real. It is for this reason negative rather than

constructive in its influence” (qtd. in Chalmers 296).

It is evident that Mecklin’s words are true to this day.

The Klan’s complete lack of an identity system, its

“dearth of great unifying and constructive ideals”, only

underscores the hollowness that pervades the Klan.

Brands have been explored in many ways, and explained

by many people. “A successful brand is all about detail,”

writes Alina Wheeler. “It’s an emotional connecting

point that transcends the product” (Peters 26). “Brands

are promises, and keeping promises is all about being

consistent” (Budelmann, Kim, and Wozniak 66). All of

these observations are true but they neglect to mention

what is more important that what a brand is—what

a brand can do.

“Branding,” writes Naomi Klein in her seminal book

No Logo: No Space, No Choice, No Jobs, “in its truest

and most advanced incarnations, is about corporate

transcendence” (21). Thanks to the brand, Nike is not

about shilling shoes, it’s about amazing feats of athletic

performance. Apple does not manufacture computers,

it makes ways to connect with friends, family, and the

60

world. Mercedes-Benz is not in the business of selling

automobiles, it is opening an avenue to luxury. And

thanks to the brand, the Ku Klux Klan could be not

about racial hatred, but about community and strong

family values.

Detractors could disagree. They could point to the

Klan’s legacy of violence and say that the blood on its

hands could never be washed clean, no matter how

well-designed the identity system. To this I would say:

I agree. As Paul Rand once said, “A logo doesn’t sell, it

identifies. A logo derives its meaning from the quality

of the thing it symbolizes, not the other way around.

A logo is less important than the product it signifies;

what it means is more important than what it looks

like” (Cass). No matter how cleverly and consistently

an identity system was applied, the Klan would not

be able to deny its heritage or the basic inhumanity

of its views. But could a well-designed and promoted

brand interest those who would not have been inter-

ested previously? Could it sway the opinions of those

on the edge of applying for membership? Absolutely.

This is the double-edged sword of branding—simply,

that it works. When we are speaking of our fledgling

company, this is exactly what we want to hear. When

we are discussing radical groups intent on eliminating

certain races from the Earth, the effect is chilling. Yet

after the horrific success of the branding of the Nazi

party during World War II, this should come as no

surprise. “Even the most vociferous opponents of

Nazism agree that Hitler’s identity system is the most

ingeniously consistent graphic program ever devised”

wrote Steven Heller in The Swastika: Symbol Beyond

Redemption? (68).

61

Branding and success go hand-in-

hand. “Why have brands become

so important?” Alina Wheeler asks.

“Bottom line: good brands build

companies. Ineffective brands

undermine success” (2). It is with

relief, therefore, that we should

conclude this examination of the

branding of the KKK. Not only

is its lack of an identity system a

reflection of the poor state the Klan

is in, it points to the future of the

Klan—a continual disintegration.

A woman watches as

robed KKK members

walk in downtown

Montgomery, AL, prior

to a cross-burning that

night, November 1956.

IN TERV IEW

63

KC: In The Swastika: Symbol Beyond Redemption?

you write about the swastika being used as shorthand

on the covers of books and movies about World War

II. Is there a danger in recycling symbols in such a way?

And if so, how would you encourage designers to

avoid relying on such devices?

SH: Well, I mean the danger is ultimately you get used

to a symbol and by getting used to it, it no longer has

its power. But the paradox is you need the symbol to

indicate what you’re selling—in this case a film, or

a book, or something else. And it’s the most logical

option that somebody has. So you see an awful lot

of swastikas and, contrary to what I just said, it still

strikes fear in me, so I presume it strikes fear in others

of a particular generation. I don’t know what it means

to people of my son’s generation. It may have much less

of an impact and it might have less of an impact inevitably,

not simply because it’s plastered on movies or books.

KC: You mentioned in the book that Fraktur was for

a while the official typeface of the Nazi party and it’s

used by a lot of heavy-metal groups and skateboarding

companies and I was curious about how you felt about

that as well, and whether it has the

same problem of losing its potency.

SH: Well, Fraktur’s just a typeface.

It happened to be to used as the

Volk typeface or the people’s

typeface in the Nazi era for a short

time, and now it’s used again in

a different context. I think on one

hand, in terms of the book that

I wrote, my point was to make

a statement about the power of

symbols—and particularly that

symbol, and how it needs to be

remembered for what it was.

Not for what it was before the

Nazis, but what it was during

the Nazi period and to respect

that—that evilness of it. But I take

a much more liberal view when I’m

just looking at something. It really

depends on how it’s used. If it’s

used in a benign manner, it’s benign.

If it’s used in an aggressive manner,

then it’s aggressive. So, I don’t have

STEvEN HEllER HAS PlAYED

MANY ROlES IN THE DESIGN

COMMUNITY.

For 33 years, he worked as an art director at the New

York Times. He is currently co-chair of the MFA

Designer as Author program at the School of Visual

Arts in New York. He has contributed scores of articles

to design magazines such as Print, Graphis, Eye, and

I.D. In addition he has authored, co-authored, or

edited over 100 books. His works The Swastika: Symbol

Beyond Redemption? and Iron Fists: Branding the

20th-Century Totalitarian State were especially useful

during the research of this book.

64

a rigid principle on this. Fraktur type goes back to

Gutenberg. It wasn’t always a Nazi type, it’s not

entirely owned by the Nazis. When it’s in the Nazi

context, it definitely exudes that sense of power

and ultimately what we know about the Nazis. But

when it’s done for Ketel One advertising or a logo

on the bottle of vodka, it’s a bottle of vodka and the

logo is handled very nicely.

KC: In the epilogue you make a strong case for

swastika control. I see some interesting parallels

between the swastika and the Confederate flag, which

is used today by a lot of hate groups including the

KKK, but it’s still sold as a symbol of Southern pride

and used on a lot of merchandise. Would you advocate

for Confederate flag control as well?

SH: No. In the best of all possible worlds there would

be education that explains to people why certain

symbols have dual meanings, or triple meanings, or

why their single meaning may offend others. I’m a

Libertarian in the sense that I don’t want there to be

too many controls over something because that just

puts us in the same position as the things that we’re

fighting against. In terms of the Stars and Bars, it does

have a very strong symbolism and until people say and

act upon that thing, that it doesn’t represent slavery,

it doesn’t represent a grotesque inhumanity to other

human beings, it has to be looked at with a certain

jaundiced eye. But it also represents, as you say, Southern

pride. And it’s hard to distinguish that. They’ve taken

it off of most state flags in deference to the negative

stereotypes. But you can’t just take it out of people’s

lives if they feel that it’s important to them. And not

everybody that shows the Stars and Bars is a racist.

KC: How does the branding of a movement differ from

that of a corporation?

SH: It doesn’t. I mean the outcomes

are essentially different, but the

branding of something is the same

across the board. A brand is there

to identify and create a bond between

the company or the movement and

the receiver of that information so

realistically speaking, you can’t

really separate out in a general way

one from the other. You can talk

about specifics, you know, certain

companies want to be friendly and

certain movements want to be

authoritative and vice versa. So in

that sense it’s the way branding

is applied, but branding in general

is similar on both ends.

KC: I’ve noticed in my research that

certain sects of the Ku Klux Klan

have attempted to present a friendlier

image—do you believe it’s possible

for the KKK to replace their image

of violence with one of patriotism

and family values?

SH: Well, the KKK has a history and

it would be very difficult to expunge

that history and, in fact, ill-advised.

But there are groups that have started

out more militant and have become

more community or charity-based.

The Black Panther movement, which

people were quite terrified of in the

sixties, did an awful lot of community

work. So one aspect of their brand

was this defiance against white

mainstream society and the other

65

part of their brand was aimed at their consumers

basically and that was as a benevolent group that

would help people survive. The KKK, as far as I’m

concerned, is a racist organization and when it tries

to put on a happy face, through David Duke or

somebody like that, it doesn’t work. Their underlying

ethos is pretty disgusting. And there’s just so much

anti-KKK propaganda out there that it would be very

difficult to convince people who do not subscribe

to that, that they are a wonderful organization. Now

they might convince people who are tempted to join

them for the wrong reasons—the wrong reasons being

white supremacy, but will also be wearing ties instead

of hoods.

KC: I’ve noticed a lot of, in my opinion, poor design

when it comes to Ku Klux Klan groups and their

websites and materials. Is it possible that a poor visual

language can at times be effective for an audience?

Whether poor design and an emphasis on hatred is

in some ways its own brand?

SH: Well, it’s an interesting and complex question and

the fact is, what is good design? What’s good design

to you at the Corcoran is not good design necessarily

to somebody else. Or let’s put it this way, what’s bad

design for you at the Corcoran is not bad design for

that particular constituency. They don’t care whether

the typeface is too smushed together or not, all they

want is an affiliation. And the KKK brand supersedes

all of the design. Their primary design motif is the cross,

and as long as you have the cross with a little drip

of blood, you’re not going to get too much better or worse

than that, basically. So you have to watch out, I think,

when you’re analyzing this stuff, what perspective you’re

analyzing it from. If you’re analyzing it from the position

of “I am a designer and I work in a sophisticated

world of typography and imagery and I’m going to

look at this stuff and take it apart

on those grounds,” then you have

to state that up front. But you also

have to be cognizant that it’s not

going to matter to a lot of people.

KC: Are there any aspects of the

Ku Klux Klan identity that you

think have a broad appeal or are

particularly strong in terms of a

visual or branding sense as opposed

to the message they send?

SH: There’s nothing positive about

the KKK. What could be considered

positive in a negative sense is that

they created an image that you can’t

get out of your mind and speaks to

the issues that they wanted to create.

They wanted to create terror and

fear and whenever you see that white

hood and robe, that’s the terror.

There are other groups that wear

white, like nurses, but none so

terrifying as the KKK. And part of

that is what they wear and the other

part of it is what they do. So they

put the two things together and the

calculus is pretty horrible.

Children of Klansmen

paint placards reading

“White Pride”.

A Klansmen prepares to

light a cross.

Klansmen in Jack-

sonville, FL, protest

the film Island in the

Sun, which features

interracial relationships.

August, 1957.

67

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Typefaces used in this publication

include DIN and Sabon. The

publication was printed on Finch

Fine paper and printed at Global

Printing in Alexandria, VA on an

HP Indigo Press.

A sincere thank you to Alice Powers,

Antonio Alcalá, and Maria Habib

whose input and suggestions helped

me immensely. To my team of fellow

students, I’m grateful to have spent

four years with such a smart,

talented, and most importantly,

hilarious class.

Corcoran College of Art + Design

Spring 2012

76