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1 MIT OpenCourseWare http://ocw.mit.edu Spring 2007 For information about citing these materials or our Terms of Use, visit: http://ocw.mit.edu/terms . 11.479J / 1.851J Water and Sanitation Infrastructure in Developing Countries

Transcript of Water Slums Bgl

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MIT OpenCourseWarehttp://ocw.mit.edu

Spring 2007 

For information about citing these materials or our Terms of Use, visit: http://ocw.mit.edu/terms.

11.479J / 1.851J Water and Sanitation Infrastructure in Developing Countries

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Understanding the Potential for Pro-Poor

Utility Reform in the Water Sector

MIT “W&S Infrastructure in Developing

Countries” Feb 20th 2007

Genevieve Connors

The World Bank

Note: Photos to illustrate this lecture are appended at the end

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The Puzzle of Slums

If the world’s slums dwellers arewilling to pay for improved W&S

services…

why aren’t utilities willing to supplysuch services to them?

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Why do Utilities Fail Poor People?

Some common arguments:

Government inefficiency

Political expediency

Low affordability

Competition for scarce resources Inherent nature of slums

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1. Government Inefficiency Most water utilities are public SOEs

Public supply has resulted in gross under provisionand inefficient performance

Civil service in need of reform, currently with badincentives and weak capacity

Financial bail-outs create a dependency and low-level

equilibrium trap

Solution seen as private sector participation in oneform or another

But…

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Reflections on Argument 1

Water is essential to life, a human right, a

commodity with public goods aspects… sogovernment must supply

Piped water as a service lends itself tomonopoly provision which precludesmarket competition… so government mustsupply

Any monopoly will be plagued by similarproblems regardless of asset ownership…so solution has nothing to do with private

versus public

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2. Political Expediency Politicians are unwilling to serve poor

They focus on that which is expedient to their politicalcareers—new, visible, short-term, ribbon-cuttingprojects

Result is a “build-neglect-rebuild” cycle

Vote bank politics exacerbates this—the poor vote in

greater numbers than the rich, so a perverse incentiveto keep them poor

The record is clear that political commitment to raisingwater tariffs has been slim

But…

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Reflections on Argument 2 Stereotypical view of politicians

Too much blame apportioned to them

Elected leaders trapped by their environments (e.g.

few in India who campaign on public servicesplatform ever win)

Utility staff are rent-seeking and may even be more

to blame for exclusion of the poor

Venal behavior is far-reaching anyway, not just inpolitics

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3. Low Affordability Given low wages, the poor simply cannot afford to

pay for piped water

Connection fees are impossibly steep

Tariffs are generally affordable but minimumconsumption requirements push up the unit costsfor the poor

Standards are high and no possibility for costrecovery of investments

But…

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Reflections on Argument 3 Poor pay more per unit (liter/cubic meter) of water from

vendors than utility customers pay the water company

In addition, poor incur high coping costs for low levels of service (storage, health, time, etc…)

Connection fees can be spread over time

Low-cost technologies more appropriate for the poor arean option (e.g. condominial sewers, shared taps, etc…)

Historically, middle class rarely ever paid full costrecovery so why should the poor?

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4. Competition for Scarce Resources Resources like water and money are scarce, especially

in developing countries

Increasing incidence of water conflicts is a goodindicator of the scale of problem

In India, water demand expected to exceed all suppliesby 2050

Network infrastructure expensive and poor cannot

finance own construction

Utilities and local governments are cash-starved, andpoor have no influence on budget expenditure

But…

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Reflections on Argument 4 Water scarcity never invoked as a reason to halt

connections for middle class

Poor consume far less water anyway

Absolute value of subsidies going into the watersector is huge and badly targeted. For example,95% of water subsidy resources in South Asiancities go to existing utility customers

Elite capture is real problem since middle classesnow feel entitled to cheap water

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5. The Nature of Slums Legal, economic, political and physical conditions

which define slum areas make them difficult to serve

Slums are often: illegal, informal, dense, badlyplanned, narrow, deeply political etc…

Land tenure is absent or ambiguous preventingutilities from connecting people at all

Slums reverse the common order of urbandevelopment from “planning, servicing, construction,occupation” to opposite pattern

But…

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Reflections on Argument 5

Despite tenuous claims to land titles, slums

have been there for decades anyway

Reverse development cycle just means

utility must be ready to step in post facto

Utility “just” needs to change its delivery

style, organizational structure, feestructure, and technical products on offerso that it is capable of serving slums….

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Snapshot of the BWSSB Parastatal created in 1964 to supply W&S to Bangalore

Serves city corporation area of 4.3 million people;

Circa 100 lpcd available in theory

Primary source Cauvery River 100 km away

One of leanest utilities in India, circa 2,000 staff 

Large segments of city area and population not connected

High connection fees but highly subsidized tariff 

Public taps for the poor

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Pro-Poor Reform AusAID pilot project in 3 slums

Establishment of Social Development Unit

46 slums targeted, circa 10% of slums

Half of these slums successful, circa 5% of slums

On average, 66% of households per slum connect

15 NGOs/CBOs brought in to mobilize communities

Bold policy changes at the utility

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Slum Program Beneficiaries

Beneficiaries of BWSSB Slum Program 2000-2005

Individual

Connections

Shared

Connections

Households People

3 Pilots 600 9 690 4,000

26 Post-Pilots 4,330 12 4,378 25,500

Total 4,930 21 5,068 29,500

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Reform Pressures  “INDIA SHINING”:

S.M. Krishna Government

New Global IT City Infrastructure Problem

PRECEDENTS: AusAID Master Plan Pilot Projects Experiments with changes in policy

THIRD FORCE: New breed of NGOs New captains of industry

NEW PROBLEMS: No more funding for public taps Network expansion program

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Policy Reform Executive Board adopts a resolution to consider

documents other than land title as proof of occupation

and amends Act (election cards, ration cards, ID card)

Board agrees to experiment with service levels andoffer shared connections for groups of poor

households

Board approves a new connection fee structure forpoor households (from $40 to $12) based on plot size

> income/means testing

Board introduces new tariff structure which lowersmonthly bill (lowers minimum consumption)

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Organizational Reform Creation of an in-house slum unit in 2002

charged with “scaling up” the pilot project

Had civil service rank which gave herseniority, had mastered the engineering

vernacular and utility specifics, was a socialdevelopment specialist

But… one woman show, no engineering staff,no social development staff, no resources

And… limited powers to enforce change andenforce program roll-out across the city

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Rolling Out a Slum Program Geographic targeting of slums

Community mobilization Community meetings

Application forms in bulk

Piped infrastructure provision

Meters distributed

Plumbers hired

Trial runs of water

Service (supply, billing, collection, complaints)

See Slide Show

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What motivates frontline staff?Professional Environment

High share of domestic customers in service station

Worker discretion and freedom to experiment

Area Resources & Slum Traits Sufficient water in local service station

Few illegal connections or bad public taps

Personal Dispositions & Preferences Public service motivation

Belief in technical solution

Non-Preference Characteristics Long tenure in service station

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A Private Sector Comparison:

The Buenos Aires Concession

Aguas Argentinas SA concession in the capital; 40% ownedby Suez, which has a global “Water for All” program

In 1993, expansion target of 3.5 million people, of which 2.3in poor neighborhoods

Redistributive tax to finance network expansion

Social tariff based on income and living conditions criteriaon bi-monthly basis, supported by the Regulator

Community development program started in 1999(Desarrollo de la Comunidad) tasked with forgingcommunity alliances, studying new technical/financialsolutions, training utility staff 

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Output-Based Aid (OBA) OBA is a strategy for using explicit

performance-based subsidies to support thedelivery of basic services

Payment of funds is tied to the delivery of 

actual services (outputs) rather than cost of materials or labor (inputs)

Outputs in water sector are usually measuredas working connections

Significant pre-financing required and time-consuming project preparation

For more information:

http://www.gpoba.org

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Sample OBA Payment System1. In-Fill Connections

Simple house connections to existing tertiary

network Utility reimbursed a fixed payment per

connection

2. Expansion Connections Extension of tertiary network to new areas Utility reimbursed fixed payment per connection

plus an “expansion payment” per connection

3. Master Meter Connections Provision of bulk meter for community supply

Utility reimbursed for meter and communitymaterials supplied by utility

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Discussion Topics What are the main financial, institutional,

legal, and political constraints associatedwith service delivery to slums?

How can utilities overcome these barriers?

What are the implications for a publicversus private water utility?

What about sanitation? Different issues?

Slum House Tent

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Slum House - Tent

Slum House - Basic Brick

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Slum House - Basic Brick

Slum House Formal Brick

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Slum House – Formal Brick

Narrow Lane

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Narrow Lane

Narrow Lane in Momimpura

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Narrow Lane in Momimpura

N L i G B

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Narrow Lane in G. Byapan

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Hard Rock in Slum Ground

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Handpump in Anekal

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Bike Vendor in P.J. Halli

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Public Tap in P.J.Halli

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Puddle Collection in P.J. Halli

W i i f P bli T Fl

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Waiting for Public Tap to Flow

Slum Development Unit (SDU)

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Slum Development Unit (SDU)

Knocking on Door, K.R. Temple

Meeting with Plumber K R Temple

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Meeting with Plumber, K. R. Temple

C t t ith SDU D J H lli

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Contractor with SDU, D.J. Halli

Men Discuss in Ganjendranagar

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j g

Engineer Contractor & SDU

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g ee Co t acto & S U

Discusses in Chetiappa Garden

SDU and BWSSB staff discuss in

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Mominpura

Valve Man in Discussions, Mominpura

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Valve Man in Discussions, Mominpura

Women’s Group 1, Anandapuram

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p , p

Application Collection in G. Byapanhalli

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AEE talks with his staff at Meter

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Mela Machalibetta

SS Staff Applications at Meter Mela

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Machalibetta

Slumdwellers outside of AEE office

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at Meter Mela Machalibetta

Meter Distribution

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Installed Meter

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Locked Tap

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Locked Tap

WatSan Committee Chandranagar

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WatSan Committee, Chandranagar