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VI

VARI um

A

JOURNAL

FOR

MEDIAEVAL

PHILOSOPHY

AND

THE

INTELLECTUAL

LIFE

OF

THE

MIDDLE AGES

REVUE CONSACRE

A

LA

PHILOSOPHIE

MDIVALE ET

LA

VIE

INTELLECTUELLE

DU

MOYEN

GE

ZEITSCHRIFT

FR

PHILOSOPHIE

UND GEISTES

LEBEN

IM

MITTELALTER

VOLUME

8,

1970

i

VAN

GORCUM

-

ASSEN

-

NETHERLANDS

Reprinted

with

permission

of

Van

Gorcum,

Assen

by

SWETS &

ZEITLINGER

B.V.

LISSE

-

1985

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

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VI VARI um

A

JOURNAL

FOR

MEDIAEVAL

PHILOSOPHY AND

THE

INTELLECTUAL

LIFE OF THE

MIDDLE

AGES

editors

C.

J.

de

Vogel,

Utrecht)

L. M.

de

Rijk,

Leyden)

J.

Engels,

(Utrecht).

Secretary

f

he

ditorial

oard

Prof. .

M.

de

Rijk,

Witte

ingel

1

Leyden,

he

Netherlands.

publishers Royal anGorcumtd., Dr. H. J.Prakke H. M. G. Prakke)

Assen,

he

Netherlands.

subscription

Per nnum: fl.

($.

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7

)

published Twice

yearly,

ay

nd

November;

ach

numbera 80

pages.

Contributions

ubmittedo

vivarium

hould

e

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rench

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he

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ootnoteshould

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8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

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CONTENTS

OF VOLUME

VIII

(1970)

FAROUK A.

Plato

nd

Al/arabi.

A

Comparison

f

Some

Aspects

san

kari

of Their Political

Philosophies

1

OshkoshWisconsin

L. m.

de

RijK

On the Genuine

ext

of

Peter

f

Spain

s

Summule

Leyden

logicales

(Conclusion)

10

servus Thomas

Gascoigne

nd

Robert

Grosseteste

Historical

GIEEN and CriticalNotes

$6

Rome

j.

ENGELS

V

autobiographie

u

jongleur

dans

un Dit

du

ms.

Utrecht Paris B. N.J. Jr. 837 68

JACQUES

Le latin mdival

t

a

langue

deschartes

81

MONFRIN

Paris

j.

ENGELS

Notice ur

Jean

Thenaud

99

Utrecht

L. M. de

RIJK

On the

Life of

Peter

of

Spain

the Author

of

the

Ley

en

Trac

atus,

called

afterwards

ummule

logicales

.

123

MISCELLANEOUS NOTES

I

REVIEWS

157

BOOKS RECEIVED

8o,

I

9

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Plato

and

Atfarabi

A

Comparison

of Some

Aspects

of Their Political

Philosophies

FAROUK

A.

SANKARI

This of

paper

theparallels

seeks to

between

answer

Alfarabs

the

following

and Plato's

question:

positions

What are

regarding

some

of theparallelsbetween Alfarabs nd Plato's positionsregarding

political philosophy

n

general,

and

the ideal

state and

the

ruler,

in

particular

I have

tried,

so far s

I have

been

able,

to

trace the

Platonic

sources

of

certain

aspects

of Alfarabs

political

philosophy.

This

process

has

revealed

that

some elements

are all

Platonic but

that

Alfarabi

has

elaborated

them,

in some

instances has

refined

hem,

and,

above

all,

has

woven them

together

for the

first ime in the

history

of

Islamic

thought

n

order

to suit

the Islamic

ordinance.

This

study

has

also

revealed that certain elements in Alfarabi'

political

philosophy

eem

to

be

a

development

riginal

to

him and

have no

counterpart

n

Plato.

Alfarabs

political

philosophy,

ike

classical

political

philosophy,

starts

with

ends.

It examines

how men

live

and

what

they

are,

and

it

takes

ts

bearings

y

how

men

ought

to

live,

and how

they

ought

to

be.1

Alfarabi

ells

us that man

is a social

and

political

animal

and

by

nature each

man

has to be

bound

with

other men

in

everything

e

seeks.

He,

therefore,

needs to

associate with

his kind

and

for this

reason

he

is

called

the

social or

political animal. 2

He

must, therefore,

combine

with

others in

communities:

Man

belongs

to

the

species

that

cannot

accomplish

their

necessary

affairs r

achieve

their

best

state,

except

through

he

association

of

many

groups

of

them n a

single

dwelling.

3

This

notion

reminds

us

of

Plato's view of

man's

needs

and

the

tate

.

.

.

so,

having

ll

these

eeds,

e call n

one

nother's

elp

o

satisfy

urvarious

1

Alfarabi,

lmadinah

lfadilahCairo,948,p.102-103.2Alfarabi,Tahsill-Sa'adah,Rasa*lAlfarabiHyderabad,34 A.H., . 16.

3

Alfarabi,

he

olitical

egime

translatedrom

he

Arabic

y

Muhsim

ahdi

n:

Medievalolitical

Philosophy

Glencoe,963,

.

32.

I

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

6/164

requirements

and

when

we

have alled

numberf

helpers

nd

ssociateso

live

together

n

one

place,

we

call hat

state.1

Alfarabi ubdividescommunities nto varoussizes:

Some

uman

ocietiesre

large,

thers

re

of

medium

ize,

till

thers

re

mall.

The

arge

ocieties

onsist

f

many

ationshat

ssociatend

cooperate

ith

one

notherthe

mediumnes onsist

f

nationthe mallre

he

nes

mbraced

by

he

ity.

hese hree

re

the

perfect

ocieties.

ence

he

ity

epresents

he

first

egree

f

erfection.2

Here we

observe

certain

parallelisms

between

Alfarabi

nd

Plato.

Alfarabi'

theory

of association

corresponds,

with

qualifications,

o

Plato's

polis.

However,

Alfarabiwent

a

step

further

han

Plato and

talked about a

large

association

comprising

the whole world and the

middle-sized nation.

This

may

well be due to

Alfarabi'

Islamic

en-

vironment;

it

agrees

with the universalism

f

Islam

as

a

way

of

life.

Alfarabi

dds,

in Almadinah

Alfadilah

that

the

first

ssociation

n which

the

highest

good

and the

utmost

perfection

ttainable

s

the

city-state,

not a

smaller

political

unit.

Since

man

is

guided

by

freewill

and

choice,

true

happiness

s attainable

only

n the

ideal state

(almadinah lfadilah).3

For

only

in it do men

help

each

other

in

promotinggood

rather

than

evil.

4

Plato's

views on

division

of

labor

based on man's natural

aptitude

can be traced

in Alfarabi'

emphasis

on the

need of

many

people,

who

must work

together

each

according

to

his

ability

n order

to

satisfy

one another's

needs.

Plato

expresses

this

view in

the

Republic

You remember

ow,

when

we first

egan

o

establish

urcommonwealth

nd

several imes

ince,

we

have

aid

down,

s a

universal

rinciple,

hat

veryone

ought

o

perform

heone

function

n

the

ommunity

orwhich is

nature

est

suited

im.

Alfarabi' emphasison cooperation and divisionof labor is shown in

the

following

assage

The

ity

nd

he

household

re

ach

omposed

fdifferent

arts

f

determinate

number,

ome

ess,

ome

more

xcellent,

djacent

o each

ther

nd

graded

n

different

rades,

ach

doing

certain

ork

ndependently,

nd

here

s

combined

from heir

ctionsmutual

elp

owardshe

perfection

f

the

im

n the

ity

r

households.6

1

See

.

M.

Cornford,

he

epublic

f

lato

Oxford

tc.

II,

367E,

.

$6.

2

Mahdi,

iyasah

lmadaniyjah

in:Medievalolitical

hilosophy

Glencoe,

963,

.

32.

3Alfarabiistinguishesetweenrueappinessndmaginaryappiness.4

Almadinah

lfadilahp.

97.

s

Republic

XII,

33A,

.

127.

6

Alfarabi,

usul

lmadaniedited

nd ranslated

y

D.

M.

Dunlop,

ambridge,

961,

.

37.

2

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

7/164

.Alfarabs

omparison

of

the

states

(city,

nations,

cultivated

World)

to the

body

and its members

corresponds

o Plato's.

Just

s the

members

of the body cooperate to achieve and preserveperfecthealth, so the

parts

of

the

city,

the

city-states

f a

nation,

and nations of

the

world,

cooperate

to

guarantee

nd maintain

happiness

hrough

irtue nd

good

deeds.1

In Fusul Almadani

Alfarabi onfines

his

comparison

to

the

city

and

thus

comes closer

to

Plato

than

n his Almadina

Aljadilah

The

city

and

household

may

be

compared

with

the

body

of

a

man. 2

What

applies

to

the individual lso

applies

to cities

and nations

another

dea

corresponding

o

Plato's

views

in the

Republic

3

In

the ideal

city

teaching

nd

education ead to virtue nd

the

arts.

Teaching

leads to the

speculative

virtues, and education

provides

ethical

virtues nd

practical

arts.

Alfarabidevotes

a few

pages

in

Tahsil

Alsa

adah

to a detailed

description

f

the fourfold

perfection

n

ethical,

intellectual

nd

speculative

virtues,

and

practical

rts,

the

possession

of

which

lead to ultimate

happiness.

Careful

examination of

Alfarabi'

views

on this

subject

reveals

parallels

with

Plato's view on

education

of

philosophers

and

guardians

in his

Republic

Alfarabi'

members

of the

body

are

of

hierarchical

nature;

at the

top

stands the

chief

(ra is),

that

is the

heart.

The

rank of the rest of the members

varies

according

to their

proximity

to

the

heart.

It is the

same with

the

state.

When all

parts

of

the state serve the

purpose

of the

chief,

we

have

the

ideal

state.

But whereas

the

members of the

body

function

involuntarily,

he citizens

of the state have

their will

and

freedom

to choose.

Alfarabi

distinguishes

between

the

'indispensable'

city,

which

corresponds

o Plato's

and the

deal

city.5

The

city

s

sometimes

indispensable

nd sometimes

deal.

The

ndispensable

(or minimum)itysthatnwhichhemutualelp f tsmemberssrestrictedo

attainingerely

hats

indispensable

or he ontinuancef

man,

is ivelihood

and

preservation

f

his

ife.The

deal

ity

s that

n

which

he

nhabitants

elp

each

ther

oward

he ttainment

f

the

most xcellent

f

things

y

which re

the

rue

xistencef

man,

is

ontinuance,

is

ivelihood

nd he

preservation

f

his

ife.6

Here

the

indispensable

city

seems to

be

contrasted

absolutely

1

Almadinah

ljadilah

op.

it.,

p.

97-98.

2

Fusul lmadani

op.

it.,

.

37.

3RepublicV, 27C-434D.Tahsillsa*

dah,

p.

it.,

p.

4-72.

5

Republic

op.

it.

,

369D.

6

Fusul

lmadani,

p.

it.,

.

39.

3

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

8/164

with

the

deal,

but

it is in

appearance

only.

Alfarabi

regarded

our

lasses

of

states

as

opposed

to

the ideal

city:

the

'

ignorant'

city

(almadinah

aljahiliyyah),the 'unrighteous' city (almadinah alfasiqah), the 'mis-

guided'

city

(almadinah

aldallah),

and

the 'altered'

city

(almadinah

almutabadillah).1

Of

these,

in

principle,

the

'ignorant'

city

does

not

know

the

true

good,

and

follows

false

goods;

the

'unrighteous' city

knows

the

true

good,

but

does not

follow

it;

the

'misguided' city

has

a

distorted

view of

true

good

and

the 'altered'

city formerly

eld

the

true

view,

but

has abandoned

t.

It

is

quite

obvious from he

large

space

devoted

to

the

description

of the

'ignorant'

city

in

Almadina

Alfadilah

thatthis

city

s the

most

important

mong

the states

apposed

to the

deal

city,

and unlike the others, it includes a number of distinct

types.2

When,

therefore,

Alfarabi,

peaks

of the

'indispensable'

city

n

contrast

with

the

ideal,

he is

simply

ntroducing

ne of

many

varieties

of cities

which

according

to

his

theory,

expounded

elsewhere,

are

opposed

to

the

ideal.

The

ignorant

cities

are

discussed

briefly

n

Almadinah

Alfadilah

more

fully

n the

Siyasah

are not

at all

in

Tahsil

Alsayadah.

lato clas-

sified

these states

according

to their

political

constitution;

Alfarabi

uses

some

of

the

same terms

without

showing

much

interest n

the

constitutions

rom he

political

point

ofview.

Alfarabi,

owever,

distin-

guishes

more

subdivisions

f

the state

hanPlato

As

for he

itizens

f

the

gnorant

ities,

hey

re

political

eings.

heir

ities

and

heir

olitical

ssociations

re

f

many

inds,

hich

omprise

i)

indispensable

associations,

ii)

the

ssociation

fvilemen

n

the

vile

ities,

iii>

he

ssociation

of

base

men

n

the

base

ities,

iv)

timocratic

ssociation

n

the imocratic

ity,

(v)

despotic

ssociation

n

the

espotic

ity,

vi)

free ssociation

n

the

emocratic

city

nd he

ity

f

he

ree.

The

states

mentioned

so

far

by

Alfarabi

ll

correspond

to Plato's

and

four

of

them

go

back

to

Plato's

Republic

where

they

are called

timocracy,

oligarchy,

democracy,

and

tyranny.*

To

the

Platonic

cities,

Alfarabi

dds three

more

ignorant

ities,

namely

the

vicious

(fasiqah),

the

altered

(almutabadillah),

and

the

erring

dallah)

cities.

All

these

three

terms occur

in the

Qur'an

and

1

Almadinahlfadilahop. it., . 109.2Almadinah

lfadilah

op.

it.,

p.

126-131.

3

Medieval

hilosophical

hought

op.

it.,

.

42.

4

Republic

III-IX,

43A-s76B.

4

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

9/164

had,

therefore,

definite

meaning

or

Muslim.

Rosenthal,

ommenting

on these

cities,

observes

It

seems

lausible

o

assumehat

Alfarabintroduced

hem

eliberately,

n

order

by

this

mplification

o effectn assimilation

f Plato's

mperfect

tates

o

Islamic

ations.

t is also

probable

hat

he

Muslim hinkernderstood

right

beliefsnd

convictions

nd

their

pposite

n

both

heir

latonic

nd

slamic

meaning.1

If we examine Alfarabi'

and

Plato's

conception

of the

ideal form

of

government,

we findcertain

parallels

and variations n their

views.

In Fusui

Almadani Alfarabi dmits four sources of

authority

When he

refers o the ideal city. The chiefsand rulersof this cityare of four

descriptions. 2

The

first

ource of

authority

s

the

King

in

Reality

n whom

are

combined

six

conditions:

wisdom,

perfect practical

wisdom,

excel-

lence

of

persuasion,

xcellence

in

producing

n

imaginative

mpression,

power

to

fight

he

holy

war

in

person,

and the

absence

of

physical

impediments

which would

prevent

him

from

attending

o the matters

which

belong

to

the

holy

war.

3

In Almadinah

Alfadilah

Alfarabi

speaks

of

twelve

qualities

(khaslah)

which the ideal

ruler must

possess.

Such

qualities

are innate,while the conditions do not

supervene

until after

maturity.4

Among

the

qualities

of the ruler laid

down in Almadinah

Alfadilah

re

the

following:

the

ideal ruler

must

possess

an inclusive

art

-

the

^rt

of

ruling

he

must

be

perfect,

n the

sense

of

being

a

philo-

sopher;

he must have

the

power

of

representing

n

words what

he

knows;

he must have

the

power

of

guiding

men to

happiness;

and he

must

have the

power

of

carrying

ut

actions.

Here we observe

Alfarabi

blending

certain Platonic and

Islamic

qualifications

f the ruler he is more

nclined

towardsPlato

in Almadinah

Alfadilah

nd

more towards slam

in the

Fusul.

n

Almadinah

Alfadilah

ll

the

twelve

qualities

are derived from Plato's

Republic

6

Alfarabi,

n

the

Fusul

is

very

slamic in

the

concept

of

jihad

(holy

war)

which

is

alien to

Plato.

He

insists hat he rulerwould devise methodsof

political

oratory

nd utilize them in

order to

support

his own character

nd to

1

Erwin

.

J.

Rosenthal,

olitical

hought

n

Medievalslam

Cambridge,

962,

.

137.

2

Fusul

lmadaiiy

p.

it.,

.

go.

3

bid.

Almadinahlfadilahop. it., p. of-107.

5

bid.

6

Republic

VI,

85-487.

S

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

10/164

persuade

the citizens

and

princes

of certain

actions

when

necessary.1

This,

of

course,

runscounter to Plato's

objection

to

rhetoric.The

ruler

describedhere appearsto be modelled more on the Islamicthanon the

Platonic

pattern.

Another

source

of

authority

n

Alfarabi' ideal

city

s

the

group.2

Alfarabi

distinctly

ealizes the

possibility

hat no one man

will

possess

all

the

requisite

conditions

for

ruling,

in which case

authority

will

have

to

be shared

by

a

group.

This

group

may

be a

substitute

or

the

rule

of

the

ideal

king.

n the

Sijasah

Alfarabi lso

envisages

he

rule

of a

group

of

virtuous,

good

and

happy people'

in the

following

passage:

And

when

it

happens

that

of these

kings

muluk)

at one

time

there s

a

group

(jama'ah) either n a cityor a nation or severalnations, ll their

group

is like

a

single king

(malik),

because of

the

agreement

of

their

plans

and

aims.

3

The

third

ource

of

authority

s the

chief

of the

city

n

whom are

united

the

following

ualities

the

possession

f

knowledge

of the

ancient

laws and

traditions

which

the first

generation

of Imams

acknowledged

and

by

which

they

ruled

the

city;

the

possession

of

excellent

discrimi-

nation

of

the

places

and

conditions

n which those traditions

must be

employedaccording

to

the

purpose

of the earlier

generations

herein;

the

possession

of the

power

to

produce

what is not found

explicit

in

the

old

traditions;

further,

he

possession

of excellence of idea and

practical

wisdom

in

the events

which

happen

one

by

one and are not

such

as to

be

in the

ancient

traditions,

n order to

preserve

he

prosperity

of the

city

and

the

possession

of

excellence

of rhetoric

nd

persuasion

and

production

of an

imaginative

mpression.

At the

same time

he

should

be

able to

go

on

to the

holy

war.

Such

a one is called the

king

according

to the

aw,

and

his rule is

called lawful

kingship.*

This is the second ruler forwhom

six conditions

are laid

down.

Perhaps

the

most

significant

eature n the

presentpassage

of the Fusul

s

the

naming

of the

man

who

represents

he

third alternative

s malik

al-sunnah

the

awful

king.

To

my

knowledge,

his

naming

oes

not

appear

anywhere

lse in

Alfarabi'

works,

and

the

explanation

f ts

appearance

in

the

Fusul

could

be looked

for

n the

Republic

f

Plato.

In the

Republic

it is characteristic

f the

right

government

f

monarchy

nd

aristocracy

that

the laws

of

the

city

are maintained.

In the Politicus

when one

1

Tahsil

ha*

dah

op.

it.,

.

72.

2Fusul lmadamop. it., . so.

3

Alfarabi,

iyasah

lmadaniyjah,

n: Medieval

olitical

hilosophy

op.

it.,

.

go.

usul

lmadani,

p.

it.,

.

$1.

s

Republic

End

f

Book

V).

6

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

11/164

man rules

according

to the

laws,

he is called

king.

Probably

t.

s

the

latter

which is the

original

of Alfarabs

naming

of the lawful

king

and

notthe awfulking'sconditions.

The fourth ource of

authority

s the chiefs

according

to

the

law.1

This

source occurs when no man is

found

in

whom all the

above

qualities

are

united,

but

they

exist

separately

mong

a

group,

and

they

together

ake

the

place

of

the

king according

to

the

law.

This

seems to

be a

development

original

to

Alfarabi nd has no

counterpart

n

Plato.

In

the

final

analysis

f

authority

nd

ruler,

t is

necessary

o

explore

more

fully

he

notion

of

equating

Alfarabs mam with Plato's

Philo-

sopher-King.

n his Tahsil

Alsa

adah,

Alfarabiobserves that

th

philo-

sopher,

supreme

ruler,prince,

egislator,

nd Imam s but a

single

man

So

et

t

be

clear o

you

hat

he

dea

f he

hilosopher,upreme

uler,

rince,

Legislator,

nd

mams

but

single

dea.

No

matter

hich

ne of

these

words

you

ake,

f

you

roceed

o

ook twhat ach

f

hem

ignifies,mong

he

majority

of

hose

ho

peak

ur

language,

ou

will

ind

hat

hey

ll

finally

gree

y

igni-

fying

ne nd he ame

dea.2

Proceeding

to look at what each of Alfarabi'

terms

signifies,

we

find hat

the

legislator

s he

who,

by

the

excellence of his

reflection,

has the capacityto find he conditionsrequiredfor the actual existence

of

voluntary

ntelligibles

n

such

a

way

as to lead to the

achievementof

supreme

happiness. 3

f

this

legislator

ntends to

possess

a craft hat

s

authoritative

ather than

subservient,

the

legislator

must be a

philo-

sopher.'4

The name

'prince'

signifies

sovereignity

nd

ability,'5

To be

completely

able,

he has to

possess

the

power

of

the

greatest

ability

which

comes from

possession

of

art,

skill,

and

virtue. Therefore he

true

prince

is the

same as

the

philosopher-legislator. 6

s to the ideal

Imam

n the

Arabic

language,

it

signifies

merely

he one whose

example

is followed ndwho is well received; that s, eitherhisperfections well

received

or

his

purpose

is

well

received.7

The

supreme

ruler is he

who

does not need

anyone

to rule

him

in

anything

whatever,

but has

actually

cquired

the

sciences and

every

kind of

knowledge,

and has no

need

of

a

man to

guide

him in

anything. 8

his

supreme

ruler

knows

1

Fasul

lmadani

op.

it.,

.

i.

2

Tahsil

lsa'adah,

p.

it.,

.

79.

3

Tahsil

lsa'adah,

p.

it.,

.

79.

4

bid.

s

Tahsil

lsa'adah,p. it., .78.6Tahsillsadah,p. it., .79.

7

bid.

8

Sisayasah

lmadanijyah,

p.

it.,

.

36.

7

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

12/164

what

he

ought

to

do.

He is' able

to

guide

others into true

happiness.

Therefore,

when

Alfarabi

sserts that the

meaning

of

the

philo-

sopher,supremeruler,prince, legislator, nd Imam s butja singleone,

he

creates

a

synthesis

etween

Plato's

Philosopher-King1

ith the ideal

Islamic

ruler.

t has been

achieved

by

the Greek

and slamic

requirements.

As

was

suggested

earlier,

this

synthesis

represents

Alfarabi'

great

contribution

o Islamic

political

philosophy.

The

focus

on

law in

both Greek and

Islamic civilizations

provided

the

nucleus

of the

synthesis.

But

we should

realize the

big

distinction

between

the

Sharah,

a

divinely

evealed

law to the Muslim

law-giver,

and

the

Nomos

of the

Greek,

the

Laws

of

Plato,

in

particular.

The

Sharah

guaranteed

wo-fold

happiness,

here and hereafter.

Philosophy

alone

enabled

man

to

understand

he

meaning

of that

law.

Generally

speaking,

Alfarabi

concentrates

on the

philosophical

qualifications

f the

first

uler,

especially

n Tahsil Alsa

adah.

In Alma

dinah

Alfadilah

he

briefly

alks about

the

dominant

position

of the

Sharah

as

the

guarantor

of

happiness

and

perfection,

without

giving

more

details

of

it.

This

is not

surprising

o

the

writer,

since Alfarabi

was

occupied

with

Plato's

arrangement

n the

Republic

although

this

applies

more

to

Almadinah

Atfadilah, lsiyasah lmadaniyjah

and

Tahsil

Alsa

adah,

which s

mainly

oncerned

with

happiness.

Since

it

emphasizes

the

role

of the

ruler

n the

ideal

Muslim

city,

t is naturalthat

Alfarabi

should

devote

large

pace

to the

conditions

nd

qualities

of

the

deal

ruler.

In the

last

passage

of Tahsil

Alsa'

dah,

Alfarabi

iscusses the

nature

of false

nd

vain

and

counterfeit

philosophers.

The discussion s modelled

after

Plato's

description

of

the false

philosopher

in the

Republic.2

The

false

philosopher

is he

who

acquires

the

theoretical

sciences

without

achieving

the

utmost

perfection

o

as to be

able to introduce

othersto whathe knows in so faras theircapacitypermits.

3

The vain

philosopher

s one

who

learns

the

theoretical

sciences,

but without

going

any

further

nd

without

being

habituated

to

doing

the acts

considered

virtuous

by

a

certain

religion

or

the

generally

ccepted

noble

acts. *

The

counterfeit

philosopher

s he

who studies

the theoretical

sciences

without

being

naturally

quipped

for

them. 5

In

conclusion

then,

certain

parallels

between

Plato's

and

Alfarabi'

1

Republic

,

417C-487.

2

RepublicI, 87-497.3Tahsilha*dah

.

80.

4

bid.

s

Ibid.

8

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

13/164

views

on

political

philosophy

re

explicit.

These

parallels

are

especially

abundant

n Alfarabs

deas on

man's

association,

the

virtuous

city,

ts

hierarchy, ts ruler, and its opposites. When Alfarabiequates the

philosopher,

first

ruler,

king, law-giver,

and

Imam,

he

completes

a

synthesis

etween

Plato's

Philosopher-King

with the

ruler of the ideal

Islamic

city.

Which

represents

Alfarabs

great

contribution o

Islamic

political

philosophy.

Political

cience

Department

Wisconsin

tate

University

Oshkosh

Wisconsin

54901

9

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

14/164

On

The Genuine

Text

of

Peter

of

Spain's

Summule

logicales

(Conclusion)

L.

M.

DE RI

J

K

V

Some

Anonymous

Commentaries

n

The

Summule

Dating

From The

Thirteenth

entury*.

Msgr.

Grabmann

found

several

commentaries

n the Summule

logi-

calesdatingfrom s earlyas the thirteenthcentury1Some of themare

anonymous.

This

group

will

be discussed

in this

part

of our

study

on

the

genuine

text

of Peter

of

Spain's

famous

text-book

of

logic.

The

first

anonymous

commentary

mentioned

by

Grabmann

is

found

in

Munich,

C.L.M.

19.438,

ff.

ira-i2vb.

The

manuscript

dates

from

the

fourteenth

r

the

beginning

of the

fifteenth

century

(not

from

the

thirteenth,

s

Grabmann

thought2),

nd

gives

only

a

fragment

of

this

commentary.

Inc.

Natura

est

vis

insita

rebus

ex similibus*

similia

procreans)*.

have

serious

doubts

whether

Grabmann's

dating

of the

commentary

tself back to the thirteenth entury s correct.

Its

composition

is

quite

different rom

that

of the

thirteenth

entury

gloss

commentaries

we

know.

The usual

divisio

textus

s

lacking

and

quite

a

number

of

interpolations

n Peter's

text

are commented

upon

without

any

reservation.

am sure

that

this

commentary

hould

be

struck

out

from

the

list of

thirteenth

entury

commentaries

s

given

by

Grabmann.

Next

Grabmann

discussed*

the

anonymous

commentary

Omnes

homines

found

n several

manuscripts.

Another

anonymous

ommentary

dating

rom he thirteenth

entury,

whichwas mentioned

by

Grabmann,

is

that

found

n

Montecassino,

Archivio

ella

Badia

362

V

V.

Both

com-

mentaries

will be

discussed

below,

(sections

4

and

7).

*

The

preceding

arts

f his

tudyppeared

n

this

ournal

(1968),

p.

1-34;

9-101

nd

(I9^9),

p.

-61

120-162.

1

Martin

rabmann,

andschriftliche

orschungen

nd

unde

uden

hilosophischen

chrien

es etrus

Hispanus

des

pteren

apstes

ohannes

XI

fi277)

n:

Sitzungsberichte

er

ayerischen

kademie

der

Wissenschaften,

hilos.

ist.

bt.

ahrgang

936,

eft

,

Mnchen

936,

p.

63-70.

2

op.

Cit.

.

6$.

3ex imilibusS;Grabmannronglyeadmobiibus.

4

t

bruptly

nds

f.i2vb)

n

the

pening

emma

Ratio

ultipliciter

icitur)

t

he

ract

e

octs.

5

Op.

it.,

p.

7-69.

IO

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

15/164

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

16/164

dici

proemium.

ropteruod

liter icendum

st

quod

ste iber

rima

ui

divisione

dividitur

n

partes

uas.

Primo

onit

uoddam

reambulum

d suum

rincipale

n-

tentimi;ecundo rosequiture principalintento. ecunda ars ncipitbi: Sed

quia

disputatici

Hec est

divisio

resents

ectionis.

t

dividitur

n

partes

res.

Primo

ifimit

yaleticam.

ecundo

onit

orrelarium1

quorelarium

S

.

Tertio

onit

etimologiam

ocabuli.

ecunda

pars

ncipit

bi: Et

ideo.

Tertia

bi: Et

dicitur

dyaletica.

ste

particule

emanentndivise.

t

sic

in

universo

n

presenti

ectione

sunt

res

articule.

Circa

primam

utem

ic

proceditur:

yaletica

st rs rtiumidest e

numero

eptem

artium;

el liter

ic

exponitur:

yaletica

st rs

rtium

er

excellentiam,

uia

excellit

artes

lias

quantum

d

modum

rguendi

uo

preparai

mnibusliis

scientiis.

t sic

dyaletica

st

rs

rtium

abens

iam>

dest

rebens

iam,

d

omniumetodorum

rincipia

aliorumse

declarando

a

per robabilia.

Tuncconcluditorrelarium.t sequiur ic. Quodprebet iam d omnes cientias

est

prius

n

adquisitione.

ed

dyaletica

st

huiusmodi,

t

dictum

st

irb).

Ergo

st

in

adquisitione

cientiarum

rior.

Vel ibi

est ocus ecundum

uosdam

regula

ue

dicit

uod

de

prioribusrius

st

agendum.

t

quamvis

stumocum

on

habeamus,

tamen

educitur

ste

ocus

d ocum

a>

onvertibiliecundum

uosdam.

am ecundum

Boetium

ulti

unt

oci

quos

non

habeamus,

ui

tamen

d alios

reducuntur.

Sed

hoc

nichil st.

Nam

multa unt

riora

n

adquisitione

cientie,

icut

ropria

rin-

cipia

niuscuiusque

cientie,

ue

tamen

on

rebent

iam

d

principia

mnium

rtium.

Nam

ola

principia

ommunia

rebent

iam d

principia

mniumrtium.

ropter

oc

dicendum

st

quod

bi non

st ocus

convertibili,

ed

potius

b nferiori

d

superius.

Nam uod rebetiamdprincipiamniumrtium,st riusn dquisitionecientiarum,

et

non

converso.

Consequenter

equi

ur

timologia

yaletice.

t

patet

uod

dicit.

ed notandum

bi

secundum

sidorum:

isputatio

iversorum

utatio

ationibusallata

2

Item.

Notandum

bi

quod

disputatio agis

ppropriaturyaletice

uam

licui

lii

scientie,

um

lie scientie

on

disputent

isi

nquantum

ccipiunt

odum

isputandi

a

dyaletica.

t

hoc

pparet

ic ad

multa

rgumenta.

i

enim

rguatur

ic

alie scientie

disputent

),

non ero

yaletica,

atet.

Et n hoc

terminatur

xpositio

iteralis.

(

Dubitabilia

Circa

presentem

ectionem

ubitanda

unt.

Primo

uedam

ue

sunt xtra

iterm,

secundo

ue

unt

n itera

stvidendum.

irca

rimum

unt

ria

el

uatuor

nquirenda.

Primm

st

uid

st

umma,

ractatus,

t ntroductio.

d

quod

dicendum

uod

umma

est

compendiosa

raditio

orum

ue

alibidiffusius

ertractantur.

ntroductio

st via

brevis

t

perta

eu

acilior

emonstratio

orum

ue

libi

ifusiusunt ractata.

ractatus

vero st raditio

orum

ue

x

dictis

utenticis

ttrahuntur.

Unde

notandum

uod

n

qualibet

umma

sta

tria

ttendenda:

acilitas

falcitas S)

(compendiositas

t

>.

Ratione

modi

dicitur

ntroduction

uia

'introductio'

diciturb intro*

et

*

duco

ducis'

uasi

ucens

ntro

cientiam

ducimur

utem

n scientia

( ) per acilia,

ecundum

ristotilem

rimo

hisicorum

Et deo acilitas

ttribuitur

ntro-

1

correlarium

not orrolarium

eems

o

bethe

sual

rthography

nMediaevalatin.

2

not

ound

nour

ext

f

sidore's

tymologiae.

I 2

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

17/164

ductioni.

ed

quod

ttendi

ur

n summa

st

compendiositas.

am

uando

umma

it,

ea

que

primo

rant ifusa

ub

ompendioompilantur.

inde

ompendiositas

ttribuur

summe.ertiumuod equiriturn ummast uod psa dictisutenticisxtrahuntur.

Et

deo

diciturractatus

uasi

ractus

,

quia

extraitur

liunde.

t

sic

patet

quod

sta ria:

umma

introductiotractatus

unt

dem n

re

seddiffrant

atione.

Item.

Notandum

uod

summula iffert summa

enes

brevitatem.

nde

ummula

potest

ic

diffinirisummulast

brevis

raditioorum

ue

libi unt radita

qua

non

otest

esse

revior

que

artis umma ontineatur

eclaret.

Secundo

idendum

st

quid

est

ars,

et

quid

methodus

t

quid

tudium.

rs

utem

magistraliter

ic

diffinitur:

rs

stnitum

nfinitatisompendium

nam a

que

sunt n arte

quasi

nfinita,

ontinentur

initis

regulis

t

factis

?);

insigne

ationis

iraculum

nam

miraculum

st infinita

educi;

quod

in

arte

contingit;

mperiosum

ature

onsilium

(iva)

sed notandum:sta

natura st

ingenium

aturale,

e

quo

dicit

Ugo

de

Sancto

Victoren ibrouoDemagistro1ingeniumstvis nsitanimo,ue mmoderatoabore

obtuditur

)

sed moderatoxercicio

cuitur.

sta autemnatura

eddit

otentem

hominem

d

completum

cientie

dquirendum.

t dicit

Tullius:

natura

otentem,

ars

facilem,

sus

romptm

eddit

rtificem.

um

?)

autem

rtemi

per

e

consideres

minimam

eperiesuantitatem

si

vero

ad)

subiecta

pplices,

dest

d materiamibi

ubiectam,

maximam

eperiesotestatem.

nde

na

regula

modice

uantitatis

otest

n

plures

on-

structions

Ex

predictis

gitur

rtis

iffinitio

pparet

ue

talis

st ars

st

initum

nfinitatis

ompen-

dium,

nsigne

ationis

iraculum

imperiosum

ature

onsilium

quam

i

per

e

onsideresminimam

reperies

uantitatem

si

verod

subiecta

pplices

maximam

eperiesotestatem

.

Aliter iffiniturTullio: ars st ollectioidest ggregatio,ultorumreceptorumidestmultarum

aximarum,

d unum

inem

idest

rinciplem,

endentiumDico

principlem

quia

n

scientia

ossunt

sse

plures

ines on

principales,

icut

atet

n

gramatica.

inis

principalis

st

congruumligendum

t

ncongruum

vitandum.

ines utem

on

prin-

cipales

unt icut ecte

onstruere,

ee

e

pronuntiare,

ee

e

itteras

n

dictione

rdinare.

Ex

hoc

patet

olutio

uius

argumenti:

ramatica

st

ars;

et

non

habet num

inem,

secundum

etrmlie

uper

rimm

aior

s,

mmo

lures

ergo

male

ictumst

quod

tendit

d unum

inem.

t am

patet

olutio x

predictis.

Dicitur

ars'de

arto, rtas'

quia

nimumrtat

t

retrahitcura

storum

ensibilium.

Methodus

utem

st

rs

brevis

evi ans

bliqui

a

es

et

confusiones.

nde

notandum:

*

methodus

habet

uas

significations

Uno

enimmodo dem

st

methodus

uod

recta

semitauecitius ucit dterminmuam iapublica.nalia tarnensignificationee-

thodus

dem st

quod

scientia

revis

n

qua

omnis

onfusiot

obliquitas

vitatur.

t

sic

eeipitur

ic.Unde

methodusi

eeipitur

ic

metaphorice

d

similitudinem

ie

brevis

que

citius

ucit d

terminm

uam

ia

publica.

Item.

Notandum

uid

st

tudium.

tudium

st

ve

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

18/164

Nunc

videndum

st de istis

nominibus,

cilicet

sciential

sapientia

'

philosophic

'facultas*

'ars*.

ivl))

methodus*,

doctrinaet

4

disciplina

qualiter

onveniunt

t

quali

er

differunt.t nunc uerendumstquare eptemrtesnominanturmagisrtes uam

scientie

el

discipline.

ciendum

uod

sta

uatuor

omina,

cilicetscientia'

sapientia*,

'philosophic*

facultas*

ifferuntb stis

uatuor,

cilicet

doctrina*,

disciplina

,

methodus*

et ars*

Nam

prima uatuor

icunt

abitm

nformativum

nime

bsolute,

lia vero

quatuor

icunt

abitm

nime nformativum

on

bsoluteed

per

exerci

ium.

tem.

Prima

utem

uatuor

ifferunt

nter

e,

quia

unume

habet

er

dditionemd

alterum.

Nam

scientia*

icithabitm

nformativumnime bsolute

ui

consistitn

sola

cogni-

tione.

Sapientia*

utem

ddit

upra

cientiam

aporem,

t

sapientia

icitur

uasi

saporosa

cientia

.

Philosophia

utem

upra apientiam

ddit

morem.

am

quod

est

saporosum

ost aporem

eddit

morosum.

upra

utem

hilosophiam

ddit

acultas

facilitatem.

am

mor

eddit

mnia

acilia

ecundumullium ibro

e

quod

patet

er

Aristotilem

n libro

Poster

orum

(33vb)

>.

'affines

ontra

ffinesugnare

alumst

sedTolosanos

ontra

ascones

st

ugnare

ffines

ontra

ffines

ergo

olosanos

ontra

ascones

ugnare

alum

st'

Similiter

n alio debet

ccipiparticulare

robatum

n

minori

ropositione

ic:

4

quoscumqueffines

ontra

ffines

ugnare

alum

st

sed

igorianos

ontra

earnenses

st

ugnare

ffines

ontra

ffines

ergo

igoreanos

ontraearnenses

ugnare

alumst*

Sic

patet

eductio

xempli.

1

Compare

ur

uthor,bove,. 16,

with

rnaldi's

emarks

n

his

tem,p.it., . 1342See p. it,p.10.

3

For

his

nterpolation,

ee

he

irst

rticle

f

his

eries,

n

VIVARIUM

(1968), pp.

3-4.

See

bid.,

p.

-3.

I8

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

23/164

So

we

find mentioned

here

the

inhabitants

of

Toulouse

(

Tolosani

,

those

of

Navarra

and

part

of

Biscaya

(

Vascones

l,

those of

Bigorre

and

Barn Bigoriani t Bearnenses, all of them people from the South of

France

and

(or)

the

North of

Spain.

The

conclusion

may

be drawn

that

our

commentary

was written

n

that

region.

Finally,

the

tract

on fallacies

commented

upon

by

our

author

is

the

o-called Fallacie

maiores

not

the Fallacie

minores

printed

y

Bochenski

in

his

edition.

2

-

Two

Glosses

found

n

Ivrea,

Bibi

Cap.

79,

and

Rome,

Biblioteca

VallicellianaB. mise

63

The

manuscript

79

(XIV)

of

the

Biblioteca

Capitolare

at Ivrea2

(in

Pimont,

Italy)

consists of

189

folios,

not 181 as

Dr.

Alfonso

Pro-

fessione

says

in

his

catalogue

of

the

library.

This

manuscript

eems to

date from

he

second

half

of the thirteenth

century*.

t

measures

2^6

x

ijS

mm and is not

foliated,

with

the

exception

of

the fourth

page

which

is

numbered

f. 1.

Four

pages

numbered

,

t, c,

and d

precede.

The

manuscript

contains a

complete

copy

of

Peter

of

Spain's

Summulelogicales ff. ir~97v) and nearlythe complete text of his Syn

categoreumata

ff.

99r-i89r);

the

first olio

(98)

which contained

the

opening

ines of the

latter

tract,

has been torn

out,

presumably

ecause

of

a

beautiful nitial

n

the

opening

ines

of

the

Syncategoreumata.

A

gloss

commentary

n the Summule

as been

written

n a con-

temporary

hand

on the folios

c,

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

24/164

tury.

It

has the

heading

logice

tractatus

in

a

later

hand)

and

contains

a

gloss-commentary

n the

following

parts

of the

Summule

I De introductionibus

(2

84*8-29

rb)

II

De

predicabilibus

(29iva-293rb)

III

De

predicamentis

(293rb-296rb)

IV De

sillogismis

(296rb-298va)

V De

locis

(298^-307)

VI De

suppositionibus

(307ra-3o8ra)

breaks off

VII

Defallaciis

(308rb-309ra)

only

a

few

notes.

It endsas follows

308^-309^)

:

De

sufficien-(309ra)-cia

etarum

ueritur

uare

unt

uinqu

t

non

plures

eque

pauciores.

d hoc dicendum

uod

omnis inis

ophiste

ut

estex

parte

ctus,

ut

ex

parte

ei,

ut x

parte

ermonis.i

ex

parte

ctus,

ic

est

redargutio.

i

ex

parte

ei,

sic

duplici

er:

autex

parte

ei

secundum

e,

aut ex

parte

ei

comparate

d

animam.

Si secundum

e,

sic

est

nopinabile.

i

comparate

d

animam,

ic

est

falsum,

uia

ab

eo

quod

es

st

el

non st

tc

Si

ex

parte

ermonis,

ic

dupliciter

aut

x

parte

ermonis

comparati

d

ntellectum

et

sic est olecismus

,

aut x

parte

ermonis

uperfluentis,

et

sic est

nugatio.

EO GRACIAS

The

Vallicelliana

glosses

on

Tracts

II-VII

are

completely

different

from

those

given

in

the

Ivrea

gloss,

but

those

on the first ract

of the

Summule

open

in a similar

way.

I

give

the

opening

words of

the

Valli-

celliana

gloss

2

84ra)

Ut

vult

Aristotiles

n

Phisicis,

mne

ompositum

x duobus

onficitur,

cilicet

x

materia

t

forma.

ed cum

b eo

quod

dat esse

unumquodque

erfectionem

abeat,

ab

ilio a

quo

aliquid

abet

sse

necessario

b eodem

erficitur

t

completur.

um

ergo numquodqueompositum

aturale

forma

abeat

sse

t

non

materia,

uius-

libet einaturalisormast

erfectio1

This is

practically

the

same

incipit

s

that

of the Ivrea

gloss,

folio

c.

It is true

that

folio

c

of the

Ivrea

codex

is almost

illegible

as

a

result of

damp

stains,

but

many parts

are

pretty

eadable

with

he

help

of the

Vallicelliana text:

Ut dicit

...

in

Phisicis,

s.

tum

x duobus

onf

ex materiat

forma.

Sed cum b eo

quod

dat

esse

).

Third,

that

our

glosses

were

compiled

in

the North

of

Italy

Bologna?)

may

ppear

from

he

example

of

Exemplum

as

it

is

given

by

our

anonymous

uthor

1

1

3vb)

Exemplum

st

quod

per

unum

articulare

robatur

liud

articulare

er

liquod

imile

repertumnhiis,ut Bononiensesthe nhabitantsfBologna)ugnareontra utinenses

(the

nhabitants

f

Modena)

st

malum.

rgo ugnare

ontraffines

stmalum.

4

-

The

Compilations

Omnes

omines"

preserved

n

eight

manuscripts

Msgr

Martin Grabmann

found

n six

manuscripts

commentary

n the

Summule

hich

certainly

dates

from

s

early

as

the thirteenth

entury.

1

See lso 9: t cientiacientiarumidest eserviens

mnibus

cientiis

t

disponens

t

regulansintellectumn mnescientias.

2

For

hese

nd

ther

nterpolations,

ee he

irst

rticle

t his

eries,

n his

ournal

(1968),

PP.

2-4.

30

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

35/164

As

we have

seen

before,

it

is

decidedly

not the

only

commentary

f

those

days,

nor

the

earliest work

of

this

kind.

However

it

seems

to

have enjoyed a large circulation in the thirteenth nd fourteenth

century

chools,

since

it is found in no less than

eight

manuscripts

dating

ll of

them from bout the second

half of the thirteenth

r

the

first

alf f the

fourteenth

century.

(a)

Paris,

Nouv.acq.lat.

cod.

308

is a

parchment manuscript

dating

from

bout

the middle

of the

thirteenth

century1

The famous

ibrarian

and

keeper

of

the

Parisian

manuscripts

Barthlmy

Haurau

wrote

on

f.

ir the

following

peculiar

notice:

Manuscriturvlin, ortncien, ucommencementu 13esicle, rcieux our a

matire

malgr

ne

lacune

la

fin.

Pierre

d'Espagne

ameux

thologien,

taitun

Juif

spagnol

onvertiu catholicisme

ui

vivait

u 1 e

sicle.

On a de lui un

Dialogue

contre

es

Juifs

insr

ans a

Bibliothque

es

Pres.

Nous vons ci une

compilation

anonyme,

ais

ertainement

ontemporaine,

e tous es traits e

dialectique,ui

n'ont

as

encore

t

retrouvs.

et

abrg

ous n

dispense

n

quelque

orte

t trs

certainement

e

manuscrit

st

unique

t entirement

ndit.

No

modern

student

of Mediaeval

logic

would like to be

responsible

for

those

words,

written

down

about

a

century

go

by

such

a

famous

scholar s Haurauwas.

The

work is entitled

Compilationesupra

tractatus

magisti

etri

Yspanij

)

on

the

top

of

f.

3ra.

It breaks off n

the

discussion of

the

fallacy

ecundum

ausamut

non

causam n

Tract

VII of the

Summule.

(b)

Nuremberg,

Germanisches useum

cod.

27.773.

This

manuscript

dates

from

about 1260 and

contains

ff.

ioora-i29rb

a

tract

entitled

by

a later

hand

in

the

colopyon

on

f.

1

29rb

as

Compilationes

upra

umulas

Magisti

etri

Hispani

.

It is

a

complete

commentary

n

all

the twelve

tracts fPeter ofSpain's SummuleThe manuscript eems to come from

one

of

the

Parisian

schools.3

(c)

Another

thirteenth

century

opy

of

these

Compilationes

s

found

n

the

Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek n

Munich,

C.L.M.

22.294,

ff.

134-

1

7ovb

The

work

s

complete

here,

too.

1

Lopold

elisle,

anuscritsatinst

ranaisjouts

u

fond

es ouvelles

cquisitions

endant

es

annes

87^-91

Inventaire

lphabtique,

artie

I,

Paris

891,

.

41,

dates

his

odex

n

he nd

f

thehirteenthentury.2Forhe therontentsf his

manuscript,

eeL.M.de

Rijk, ogica

odernorumI1,

pp.

54-5S

iS-i6o.

3

See

bid.

31

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

36/164

(d)

An almost

complete copy

is

found

in

the famous

library

of El

Escorial

(Real Biblioteca)

in

the miscellaneous

manuscript

F.

Ill

26.

It certainlydates fromthe thirteenthcentury.Our Compilationesre

found

ff.

28ira-3o8ra.

(e)

A

complete

copy

of the

work

dating

from the fourteenth

century

is found

in

the Oesterreichische

Nationalbibliothek

n

Vienna.

The

codex

V.P.L.

2389

(old

number

941?)

contains on

if.

ir-6or

the

com-

mentary

n Peter's

work which has

this

colophon:

Explicit

pus

ractaum

)

Explicitumma agistietri yspaniallici.

Scriptoris

unus

eus sto rinus

t

unus.

The same

hand

immediately

continues

with

the

prologue:

Omnes

homines natura scire

DESiDER

nt

.

Ut

dicit

Aristotiles

n

principio

veteris

methaphisice.

Sed

cum

etc.

(see

below,

p.

33).

This

prologue

is

found

complete

on

f.

6or-v.

This

copy

of the

Compilationes

ontains

a

number

f

interpolations1

(f) The manuscriptMunich,C.L.M. 690^ originally ontained complete

copy

of the

work.

This

part

of our

manuscript

47r-$8r)

seems

to

have

been written

n the South

of

France

in the second

halfof the

thirteenth

century.

Between

the

folios

2V

and

$3*

two

squires

must have

been

lost

containing

art

of

the

commentary

n

Tract III

up

to the

beginnings

of the

commentary

n

Tract

VII

(De

fallaciis).

From there

on the

text

is

complete

nd ends

f.

:

Explicitxpliceat

criptor

ine armineivat.

Explicit

ste

iber.

criptor

it armineiber.

(g)

I found

n

the

Biblioteca

del

Collegio

at

Osimo,

Italy,

n

incomplete

copy

of the

Compilationes

The

manuscript

cod.

VI,

49)

dates from

about

1300

and consists

of

320

pages

and

is not

foliated.

It

opens

as

follows:

Ad

honorem

ei et beatissime

irginis.

icut

scribitur

n

principio

Methaphisicorum

omnes

omines atura

ciredesiderant.

ed

cumnaturevel

aliquis

appetitus

aturalis

non sit

frustra

. . etc.

This

copy

breaks off

in the discussion

of

figura

dictionis

n

Tract

VII.

Then

follows an inter-

polated copy

of Peter's

Summule

logicales

which

abruptly

nds in the

firstract.

1

The

remaining

art

f his

manuscript

6ir-7ir)

ontains

he

Opusomputi

nd

pus

phere

y

Fridericus

roldishusanus

inc.

omputus

st

cientia)

nd

ome

metereological

otes.

32

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

37/164

(h)

The miscellaneous

manuscript

Munich,

C.L.M.

4603

(old

number:

Buranus

103)

consisting

f

177

folios

dating

rom he

twelfth,

hirteenth

andfifteenthenturies, ontainson ff. 44ra-irb partialcopyofour

Compilationes

it

ends

in De loci

).

This

part

is

written n

a

thirteenth

century

handwriting1

The work

gives

rather

hort

glosses

on the

twelve

capitula

f

Peter

of

Spain's

Summule

logicales

I

give

the

complete

text

of

the

first

ectio

after

he

Parisian

copy

our

nr

a).

f.3 aIncipiuntompilationesupra ractatusagistietriYspany. mnes omines

natura

cire

esiderant,

t dicitAristotiles

n

principio

etaphysice.

ed

cum

natura

vel

aliquis

ppetitus

aturalis

on est

frustra,

equi

ur

quod

n

nobis

ossibilis

st

acquisitio

cientiarum

t virtutum.

oc

enim st

uod

Tullius

icit: natura

otentem,

ars

facilem,

sus

proptum

eddit

rtificem".

uod

autem

it n

nobis

appetitus]

t

appetitus

espectu

cientiarum

t

possibilitas

receptionis)2,otest

aberi

er

Aver-

roym,

ui

comparai

umanum

ntellectum

abule ude3

arate

d

depictionem,

ullam

autem

icturam

abenti

n

ctu.

Quoniam

gitur

natura

umus

otentes

cire

ecundum

predictum

erbum

ulli,

ligamus

rtem

ue

nos

faciles

eddatn

sciendo,

sumque

assumamus

ue

nos

promptos

aciat

n

sciendo.

rs

nim ature

otentiam

edigit

n

facilitatem.Intermnesutem rtes

rincipaliter

uerenda

st lia

que

modum

rocedendi

ocet

in cientiis.ec

utemst

oyca.

Sed

notandum

uod

1

loyca*

uobus

modis

icitur.

ogos

nim no

modo

dem st

3rb)

quod

ermo

t

sic dicitur

ommuniter

logica>*

uelibet

ermocinalis

cientia.

lio

autem

modo

ogos

el

exisdem

st

uod

atio

et

secundumoc

dicitur

oyca

ationalis

scientia.

t

ic

proprie

ccipitur.

Quoniam

gitur,

t

dictum

st,

oyca

modum

rocedendi

eterminat

n

scientiis,

eque

cum

liis

neque

ost

lias ed

ante

lias st

ddiscenda.

uod

non

um

liis,

ignifcat

Aristotiles

n

Sexto

Metaphysice

um

dicit:

"inanes

st

querere

cientiamimul

t

modum

ecundum

uem

eclaratur".

ui

enim

oc

facit,

imilisst

medico

nsipienti

quipropinatgrooet librosnspexittmortuussteger6. tquia ogica stmodus

omnium

cientiarum

t

regula

ectificans?

as

imulque

eipsam

ectificans,

icut

manus

alia

organa

ectificat

t

seipsam,

deo rs rtium

erito

uncupatur.

Et

notandum

uod

doctrina,

isciplina,

ethodus,rs,

t scientia

dem

unt n sub-

stantia,

ifferunt

utem

atione.

icitur nim octrina

rout

st n

doctore,

uod

1

n

act

f.

3or-i77v

ate

rom

he

3th

entury.

2

supplied

rom

uremberg

7.773

nd

Munich

C.L.M.

2.294.

3

thus

uremberg

nd

Munich;

aris

as

he

sual

ase.

upplied

rom

he

ther

SS.

s nane uremberginanumarismalumunich.6Munich,.L.M.

2.294

as

f.

1

4ra)quiprimo

edit

grotanti

iberet

postea

ibros

nspexit

si

bene

ecisset

t

mortuus

st

ger.

regulating.

33

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

38/164

patet

er

ius

escriptionem

doctrina

st

ermo

rogrediens

b

ore

doctoris

onsimilem

habitm

erelinquens

n

animo

uditoris.

isciplina

icitur

rout

st

n

discpulo,

quodpatet pereiusdescriptionem)1:isciplinasthabitus octorisx doctrinan

discipulo

3va)

derelictus.

tem.Methodusst

prout

st

quoddam

reparamentum.

t

denominatur

rs hoc nomine

methodusmethaforice.

ethodusnim

roprie

st

via

compendiosa.

nde

diffinituric: methodus

st emita

ompendiosa

trate

ommunis

obliqui

ates

devi

ans.

Et

quia

traditio

rtis

st

compendiosa

t

devitat

rolixitates,

propter

anc

metaforam

ethodus

uncupatur.

indeAristotiles

n

principio

opicorum:

"propositum

uidem

st

negotium

ethodum

nvenire

quo

poterimus

illogizare

e

quolibet

roblemate";

ethodum2

idest

ompendiosam

octrinami e

artem.

dem

enim

dicitur

rs

prout

ctu,

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

39/164

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

40/164

tum

n scientia

e

quo principaliter

eterminatur

n

ea.

Sed

de

sillogismo

olum

eter-

minatur

rincipaliter

n

dyaletica

t omnia

lia

ad

ipsum

inaliter

rdinantur.

rgo

sillogismusst solummodoubiectumn dyaletica.ed ab uniate ubiecticientia

dici

ur

una.

Dyaletica

st

huiusmodi.

rgo

st

scientia.

uod

concedo.

Ad

primum.

aioremoncedo.

Minorem

nterimo.

d

probationem

espondeouod

duplex

st

oyca,

cilicet

tens

t

docens.

Undeverum st

quod

utens

ircamulta

versatur.

t

de tali

n-(ra)-telligit

risto

iles.

ed

oyca

ocens

ersatur

antumirca

proprium

ubiectum.

t

de tali ntendimusic.

Vel die

quod

est minor

uplex

t

distingue

arn icut ictumst.

Ad

liud

icendum

uodquamvis

yaletica

eterminet

de

terminis

t.,

e omnibusarnen

de]

psis ropter

illogismum.

deo

olum

illo-

gismus

st

ubiectum,

uoniam

bicumque

num

ropter

lterum,

trobique

antum

unum

st.

Nunc

e

tertio,

trum

illogismus

it ubiectum

stius

cientie.

t

videtur

uod

non.

Diciturnimnferiusuod illogismusit nstrumentumius.Tunc rguo: ichil num

et

dem

otest

sse

ubiectum

t nstrumentum

iusdem,

icutmalleus on

potest

sse

instrumentum

abri

er

quod

fabricat

t materia

upra

uam

abricat.

ed

sillogismus

est

instrumentum

oyce

per quem

facit idem.

rgo

non

est

subiectum

iusdem.

Contra.

llud

st ubiectum

n scientia

e

quo

principaliter

eterminatur

n

scientia.

De

sillogismo

rincipaliter

eterminatur

n

dyaletica.

rgo

est

subiectum

n

ea.

Quod

concedo.

Ad

oppositum

icendum

uod

dem t

eodemmodo

onsideratimi

non

potest

sse subiectum

t instrumentum.

ed diversimode

umptumotest

sse

hoc t

llud.

ico

rgo

uod illogismus

otest

onsideran

uantum

d

ui

onstitutionem

si

e

composi

ionem

am

$rb)

x

principiis

omplexis

uam

ncomplexis.

thocmodo

est ubiectumrtis. elquantumd finemdquem rdinatur,cilicetdfidemacere.

Ethocmodo

st

nstrumentum.

Then

follows,

in the

Parisian

manuscript,

the title

Capitulum

introductionum

That

De introductionibus

nd

not

De

propositionibus

is

the

correct title

of

the

first

chapter

of the Summule

was

already

argued

in one

of the

previous

studies

of this

series1 and it

appears

also from

the

opening

phrases

of

the next

lectio

where our author

gives

the

general

division

f

the Summule

rb)

Dialetica est arsartium tc.

Cognitis

ausishuius

peris

nunc ccedendumst

ad formam

ractatus,

ue

estdivisio

ibri.

Dividi

ur

utem

ste

iber n duodecim

api-

tula.

n

primo apitulo

eterminatur

e

ntroductionibus

in

secundo

e

predicabilibus,

in

tertio

e

predicamentis,

n

quarto

e

sillogismis,

n

quinto

e ocis

yaleticis,

n

exto

de

suppositionibus,

n

septimo

e locis

ophisticis,

n octavo e

relativis,

n

nono

de

ampliationibus,

n

decimo

e

appellationibus,

n undcimoe

restrictionibus,

n duo-

decimo

e distributionibus.

bi

capitulancipiant,

idebitur

n

processu.

1

On

he enuine

ext

f

eter

f

pain

Summule

ogicales.

ll

TwoRedactions

f

Commentarypon

the ummule

y

Robertus

nglicus

nVIVARIUM

(1969),

pp.

-61],

p.

29-30; 7-48.

ike

Grabmann,atherames.Weisheiplinhis xcellenttudy:evelopmentsn he rtsurriculumt

Oxford

n

he

arly

ourteenth

entury

n:Mediaevaltudies8

1966),

pp.

^1-17^],

.

n.

13)

wrongly

akes

he itle

ntroductiones

or

hewhole

ork.

n

my

iew

his

itle

snot orrect

or

William

f

hyreswood's

ork

ither.

ee

VIVARIUM

1969), .

30,

n.

3.

36

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

41/164

There

is

another

gloss

on this

item

in

the second lectio

It

is found

as.

the

first

ubitabile f this esson

($vb- ra):

Ad

evidentiam

orum

ue

proposita

unt,

uedam

ccurrunt

ubitabilia.

rimo ubi-

tatur

e divisione

apitulorum

uius

ibri.

ecundo

e dictis

n

ittera.

e

primo

ic.

Dictum

st

6ra)

quod

n

primoapitulo

eterminature ntroductionibus

in

secundo

e

predicabilibus.

ontra.

otus

ste

iber

ntroductorius

st,

cilicet

n

ibros

ristotilis.

Ergo

uodlibet

apitulum

st ntroductorium

n

libros

Aristotilis.

rgo

nulla

divisio.

).

Ad

primum

icendum

uod

icet otus

ste

iber

ntroductorius

it,

tamenllud

rimum

capitulum

on

solum n

librosAristotilised

in

capitula

equentia

ntroducit.

deo

anthonomasice

)

introductions

apitulumuncupatur

The

meaning

of the

phrase

ars artium

too,

is discussed n this

ectio

(6ra-rb)

Ad liud

icendum

uod

dyaletica

iciturrs

rtium,

on

uod

it

melior

liis

rtibus,

sed

quia

deservit

liis

rtibus

mnibus,

icutmanus

icitur

rganum

rga-(6rb)-norum,

non

uod

it

melius

organum

liis

omnibus,

ed

quia

deservitmnibusliis.Sed sta

solutio

on

onsonai

xpositioni.

deodicendum

uod

diciturrs

rtium

er

xcessum,

non

uod impliciter

it

maior

elmeliorliisutratione

ubiecti,

ed

quia

dat

modum

procedendi

n

omnibusliis rtibust

rectificai

mnes

lias

rtes.

The distributioccommodas adduced as an

explanation

or he

phrase

omnium

ethodorum

principia

6rb)

Ad tertium

icendum

uod

sic est

ntelligendum

habet

iam

d omniumethodorum

principia'

cilicet

liarum

cientiarum

se.

Similiterie: celum

egit

mnia

;

ergo

e;

et

*

Deus

reavit

mnia

;

et

ipse

stde

numero

mnium;

rgo

reavit

e.

Unde

st

bi

distributioccommoda.

Unlike the

introduction

he

glosses

on the lemmataof the Summule

are rather oncise. Theydo not containanything oticeableas compared

with

the

previous

commentaries.

Unfortunately

he

lemma

on

Exem-

plum

does

not

give

any

geographical

name.

Therefore he

origin

of our

commentary

annot

be

concluded from

t,

as was

possible

for the

other

commentarieshitherto

discussed.

As a

matter of fact could

not find

any

clue to

the

school

in

which

our

glosses originated.

However,

it

should

be

noted

that

he

oldest

copies

of the work came fromParisian

libraries

our

items

a),

(b), (e),

(f)

and

(h)].

To be

sure,

one of

them,

Munich,

C.L.M.

6905

[our

(f)]

seems to

have

been written

n

the

South

of France in the second half of the thirteenthcentury.From this the

conclusion

might

be drawn

that,

like the

previous

commentaries,

these

glosses,

too,

originated

rom

ome school

in

the South

of France

37

8/9/2019 Vivarium - Vol. 8, Nos. 1-2, 1970

42/164

or the

North

of

Spain

and

that

this

commentary

was

introduced

to

the

Parisian

Faculty

of

Arts,

as

early

as

the second

half of

the

thirteenth

century. n this connection it should be rememberedthatAdenulfof

Anagni,

who

was a

professor

n

Paris bout

1270,

after

his

death

(August

26th,

1289)

left

to the

College

of the

Sorbonne a

copy

of

Peter

of

Spain's

Summule

logicales

nd

Syncategoreumata1

from

which

it

appears

that

Peter's

work

had

already

been

introduced

n

Paris

by

the

i2

7o's.

-

The Gloss

Quia

instrumentumound

n

MS Cordoba

Bibl.

del

Cabildo1

$8

Heinrich Denifle

pointed

to a thirteenth

century

manuscript

of

Peter

of

Spain's

Summule

nd

Syncategoreumata

elonging

to the

Biblio-

teca

del Cabildo

at

Cordova

(Spain).

He mentioned he

ancient

number

3182.

It

must

be the same

manuscript

s that

mentioned

by

Heine in

Serapeum

II,

p.

203

:

membrn.

III-XV.

ragmente

us

Boetii

ib.topic.

nd

de

cathegor.

yllab

),

M. Petri

Hispani

ialctica

beginnt

Dialcticast rs

rtiumd omniumethodorum

rincipia

iam

habens).

arnach

ragmente

inesCommentars

ber iese

chrift.

on

verschiedenen

Hnden.

During

my

visit to this

library

n the

autumn

of

1968

I

found this

manusc