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Surprisingly little attention has been paid to the interaction between social movements and the state. This is all the moresurprising given the central importance of social movements as forces for political change in the contemporary world and theimportance of the state in shaping political change. Whether we look at the interaction between social protesters and partypolitics in the United States or Western Europe or at the democratization struggles in Eastern Europe, China, or LatinAmerica, the nature and development of social movements cannot be understood without reference to the central role of thestate. As the institutionalized center for the legitimate monopoly on the means of violence, the state is the ultimate arbiter forthe allocation of socially valued goods. The state is therefore simultaneously target, sponsor, and antagonist for socialmovements as well as the organizer of the political system and the arbiter of victory. As organizer of the political system, thestate shapes the relationships between social movements and the institutionalized interest representation system. In the Western democracies, the central relationship is that between social movements and political parties and the governmentalinstitutions that regulate the relationships between citizens and the state. Social movements that aim to alter social institutionsand practices have to come into contact with the state, if only to consolidate their claims.ContentsPart I. Introduction1. The Politics of Social ProtestJ.Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans22. Social Movements, Political Representation, and the State: An Agenda and Comparative FrameworkJ.Craig Jenkins7Part II. The Origins of Social Protest: Ideology, Regimes, and Oppositions3. Between Movement and Party: The Transformation of Mid-Nineteenth-Century French RepublicanismRonald Aminzade184. Left-Right Ideology and Collective Political Action: A Comparative Analysis of Germany, Israel, and PeruKarl-Dieter Opp, Steven E.Finkel, Edward N.Muller, Gadi Wolfsfeld, Henry A.Dietz and JerroldD.Green295. The New Class, Postindustrialism, and Neocorporatism: Three Images of Social Protest in the WesternDemocraciesMichael Wallace and J.Craig Jenkins486. Neocorporatism and Political Protest in the Western Democracies: A Cross-National AnalysisMichael Nollert68Part III. The Structure of Political Opportunities: Protest and Electoral Politics7. The Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements: Its Impact on Their MobilizationHanspeter Kriesi838. Opposition Movements and Opposition Parties: Equal Partners or Dependent Relations in the Strugglefor Power and Reform?Diarmuid Maguire999. Left-Libertarian Movements in Context: A Comparison of Italy and West Germany, 1965–1990Donatella della Porta and Dieter Rucht113Part IV. The State and Movement Outcomes: System Transformations and Political Reform10. The Success of Political Movements: A Bargaining PerspectivePaul Burstein, Rachel L.Einwohner and Jocelyn A.Hollander13511. Strategies of Partisan Influence: West European Environmental GroupsRussell J.Dalton14512. Starting from Scratch Is Not Always the Same: The Politics of Protest and the PostcommunistTransitions in Poland and HungaryBronislaw Misztal and J.Craig Jenkins159Bibliography 167Contributors 181Author Index 183

Transcript of the Politics of Social Protest

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  • The Politics of Social Protest

  • Social Movements, Protest, and ContentionSeries Editor: Bert Klandermans, Free University, Amsterdam

    Associate Editors: Sidney G.Tarrow, Cornell University Verta A.Taylor, Ohio State UniversityJ.Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds., The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and SocialMovementsJohn Foran, ed., A Century of Revolution: Perspectives on Social Movements in Iran

  • The Politics of Social ProtestComparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements

    J.Craig Jenkins andBert Klandermans, editors

  • Copyright 1995 by the Regents of the University of MinnesotaPublished outside North America by

    UCL Press LimitedUniversity College London

    Gower StreetLondon

    WC1E 6BTThis edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005.

    To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledges collectionof thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.

    The name of University College of London (UCL) is a registeredtrade mark used by UCL Press with the consent of the owner.

    All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrievalsystem, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,

    photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of thepublisher.

    British Library Cataloging-in-Publication DataA catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.

    ISBN 0-203-99267-9 Master e-book ISBN

    ISBN: 1-85728-296-5 HB1-85728-297-3 PB

    Cover design by Dawn Mathers

  • Contents

    Part I. Introduction 1. The Politics of Social Protest

    J.Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans 2

    2. Social Movements, Political Representation, and the State: An Agenda and Comparative FrameworkJ.Craig Jenkins

    7

    Part II. The Origins of Social Protest: Ideology, Regimes, and Oppositions 3. Between Movement and Party: The Transformation of Mid-Nineteenth-Century French Republicanism

    Ronald Aminzade 18

    4. Left-Right Ideology and Collective Political Action: A Comparative Analysis of Germany, Israel, and PeruKarl-Dieter Opp, Steven E.Finkel, Edward N.Muller, Gadi Wolfsfeld, Henry A.Dietz and JerroldD.Green

    29

    5. The New Class, Postindustrialism, and Neocorporatism: Three Images of Social Protest in the WesternDemocraciesMichael Wallace and J.Craig Jenkins

    48

    6. Neocorporatism and Political Protest in the Western Democracies: A Cross-National AnalysisMichael Nollert

    68

    Part III. The Structure of Political Opportunities: Protest and Electoral Politics 7. The Political Opportunity Structure of New Social Movements: Its Impact on Their Mobilization

    Hanspeter Kriesi 83

    8. Opposition Movements and Opposition Parties: Equal Partners or Dependent Relations in the Strugglefor Power and Reform?Diarmuid Maguire

    99

    9. Left-Libertarian Movements in Context: A Comparison of Italy and West Germany, 19651990Donatella della Porta and Dieter Rucht

    113

    Part IV. The State and Movement Outcomes: System Transformations and Political Reform 10. The Success of Political Movements: A Bargaining Perspective

    Paul Burstein, Rachel L.Einwohner and Jocelyn A.Hollander 135

    11. Strategies of Partisan Influence: West European Environmental GroupsRussell J.Dalton

    145

    12. Starting from Scratch Is Not Always the Same: The Politics of Protest and the PostcommunistTransitions in Poland and HungaryBronislaw Misztal and J.Craig Jenkins

    159

    Bibliography 167 Contributors 181 Author Index 183

  • Subject Index 187

    vi

  • Part I

    Introduction

  • Chapter 1The Politics of Social ProtestJ.Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans

    Surprisingly little attention has been paid to the interaction between social movements and the state. This is all the moresurprising given the central importance of social movements as forces for political change in the contemporary world and theimportance of the state in shaping political change. Whether we look at the interaction between social protesters and partypolitics in the United States or Western Europe or at the democratization struggles in Eastern Europe, China, or LatinAmerica, the nature and development of social movements cannot be understood without reference to the central role of thestate. As the institutionalized center for the legitimate monopoly on the means of violence, the state is the ultimate arbiter forthe allocation of socially valued goods. The state is therefore simultaneously target, sponsor, and antagonist for socialmovements as well as the organizer of the political system and the arbiter of victory. As organizer of the political system, thestate shapes the relationships between social movements and the institutionalized interest representation system. In theWestern democracies, the central relationship is that between social movements and political parties and the governmentalinstitutions that regulate the relationships between citizens and the state. Social movements that aim to alter social institutionsand practices have to come into contact with the state, if only to consolidate their claims.

    This volume brings the interaction between social movements and the state to center stage. Because it is primarilyconcerned with the politics of social protest movements in the Western democracies, it focuses on the four-way interactionbetween citizens, social movements, the political representation system, and the state. The primary focus is the three-waystruggle between social movements, political parties, and the state, looking at the op portunities that electoral politics presentto social movements, the impact of social protest on political parties and electoral processes, and, finally, the implications thatthese relationships have for the modern democratic state. The volume traces the emergence of the modern social movementout of changes in the conception of political representation that occurred during the construction of the liberal democraticstate in the nineteenth century through to its contemporary impact on the late-twentieth century state. Because movement-staterelations cannot be fully understood except through broad-ranging comparative analysis, the essays range from nineteenth-century France to the left-libertarian or new social movements of Western Europe to contemporary protest in Israel, Peru,and the Western democracies to the post-communist transformation of Eastern Europe. A central theme woven throughout thevolume is that political opportunities are central to the emergence and development of social movements and that theseopportunities are primarily structured by the organization of the state, the cohesion and alignments among political elites, andthe structure, ideology, and composition of political parties. In this sense, the state shapes the conflict and alliance systemsthat shape social movement emergence and development. At the same time, social movements are also agents of politicalchange. They act upon these opportunities, and their actions in turn often help to generate new opportunities. Any thoroughdiscussion of the state and social movements must focus on both sides of this relationship.

    We propose as an organizing device for thinking about the interaction between social movements and the state a diamondscheme (Figure 1). In this scheme, we assume the existence of an institutionalized political representation system based onmass parties and interest associations. In other words, this scheme is most useful for mapping movement-state relations in theWestern democracies. It would have to be modified radically to deal with nondemocratic contexts. In chapter 2, SocialMovements, Political Representation, and the State, we discuss how to revise this scheme to deal with nondemocracies.

    The diamond outlines the different relations that need to be addressed in discussing movement-state relations in liberaldemocracies. The left side of the diamond (arrows a and d) refers to the relationship of citizens to the political representationsystem, chiefly mass parties and formal interest associations, and the state. This is the traditional subject matter of politicalscience. Our primary emphasis will be on the center and right side of the diamond (arrows b, c, and e)on the impact ofsocial protest and movement efforts on the political system and the impact, in turn, of the political system back on socialmovements.

    First, some definitions. By state, we mean the institutionalized system for claiming a legitimate monopoly over the meansof violence over a specified territory. This ensures the ability to make and enforce binding decisions and thus places the stateat the center of political conflicts. By political representation system, we mean the institutionalized set of organizations thatclaim to represent and aggregate the interests of various social interests. This places political parties, interest associations, and

  • various social institutions claiming to represent broad constituencies at the center of the interface between the state and civilsociety. These groups have institutionalized access to centers of political decision making and are thus, in Charles Tillys(1978) phrase, polity members. By social movement, we mean a sustained series of interactions between the state andchallenging groups (Tilly 1984). Social movements, then, constitute a potential rival to the po