Powdermaker Leadership

7/28/2019 Powdermaker Leadership

1/24

The Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines

Leadership in Central and Southern AustraliaAuthor(s): Hortense PowdermakerReviewed work(s):Source: Economica, No. 23 (Jun., 1928), pp. 168-190Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science

and The Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related DisciplinesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2547798 .

Accessed: 03/06/2012 23:00

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Blackwell Publishing, The London School of Economics and Political Science, The Suntory and Toyota

International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,preserve and extend access toEconomica.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=blackhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=lonschoolhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=suntoyhttp://www.jstor.org/stable/2547798?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/2547798?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=suntoyhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=lonschoolhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black


2/24

[JUNE

Leadership in Central and SouthernAustralia'By HORTENSE POWDERMAKER

THAT the state is co-existent with society and that there hasalwaysbeen some form of authority is now becomingso generallyan accepted tenet by anthropologistsand sociologists that thequestionneed hardly be gone into here. Lowie, Maclver, Golden-weiser, all postulate the absolute universality of the state.2Naturally, in speaking of the state or government in primitivesociety, the concept of an exact replica of the modernstate can-not be used. In the following study the primitive state is con-sidered to be a force which controls, regulates and organisestribal life, and which maintains the peace of the group, so thatthe normal activities of the people may be performed. The leaderis one organ through which this force functions. Whereversociety has existed, there have been leaders exercisingsome formof authority.3 It may be displayed in ceremonial, economic orwhat might correspond to our concept of political activity,settling disputes, making war, etc. The leader is not necessarilylimited to one sphere of influencein the exercise of his authority.However, there will generally be found one type of activity inwhich his authorityis more predominantthan in others. The typewill vary from area to area and naturally each variety will callfor a differentkind of leader. In North-West America,amongtheKwakiutl Indians, it is the richest man, the one who has beenable to give the largest potlatch, who has the most influence;among the CentralAustraliansit is the old men who have power;amongthe CrowIndians it is the skilled warriorwho is the leader;

1 The subject matter of this article will form part of a general study of leader-ship in primitive society.2 See R. H. Lowie, The Origin of the State, I927, p. i-6, also passim; R. M.MacIver, The Modern State, I926, p. 42; A. A. Goldenweiser, article, " Anthropo-logical Theories of Political Origins," C. E. Merriam and H. E. Barnes, History ofPolitical Theories, I924, p. 455. Cf. also R. W. E. Michels, Political Parties, I9I5;E. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, I907.3 The opposing point of view, namely, that the earliest societies were completelycommunistic and that no individual authority existed was held by Rousseau andhis followers, by E. Durkheim and his colleagues and in a more modified formby the late Dr. W. H. R. Rivers.i68


3/24

i928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I69amongthe Bagandain East Africa, there is a despotic king whohas inheritedhis power. While authority is universal throughoutsociety, it is exercisedby differenttypes of leaders and differsindegree,rangingall the way from influenceto absolute despotism.Everywherethe leader has the same function to initiate andorganiseactivities and he is always surrounded with a certainamount of ceremonialhonour. But the type of person in whomthe authorityis vested will differas does the degree of his power.How can these differencesbe accountedfor, and what is the realnatureof leadership,are questions that must be asked.

The phenomenon of leadership in primitive society has beenstudied by many eminent anthropologists and sociologists, butpractically always from one point of view, namely to find itsorigin. Now the very concept of origins presupposesa time forthe non-existenceof the phenomenon. If society and authorityareco-existent, it is paradoxicalto considerthe origin of one withoutthe other. But there has been muchinterestingspeculationon thesubject of leadership and authority by those who have studiedit from the evolutionary and historical point of view.All agree in their hypothesis that there must be one origin,butdifferin what they think this origin is. It may, for instance, asSir James Frazer thinks, be the magician or medicine man.'Thenthere is a wholeschoolof thought which holds that the statearose in war and that the warriorwas the first chief.2 Orthere isanother theory that the first chief held his officebecause of hispowerfulpersonality.3 There are still others which derive everyrulinggroup from anotherruling group (throughdiffusion),whichultimately takes one back to Egypt.4-Thereis also Durkheimandhis colleagues who have a metaphysical conception of the evolu-tion of individualisedpowerfrom socialorcommunisticauthority.AAnd so one could go on almost indefinitely with these theories oforigin.But interesting as all these theories are, they are in reality buthypotheticalreconstructionsof a past which can never be proved.Onemay be as true as another. To understandsomething of thenatureof leadership n primitivesociety, it may, perhaps,be morefruitful to study the leaders as they function in the primitivesocieties we know, rather than as we imagine they were in some

1 J. Fraser, The Magical Origin of Kings, 1920.2 Herbert Spencer is one of the adherents to this theory; other adherentsinclude such men as Hume, Ferguson, Gumplowicz, Oppenheimer, Simmel andRatzenhofer. 3 See W. C. MacLeod, Origsn of the State, I924.4 W. J. Perry, Growth of Civilisation, i926.5 This theory has been most clearly expounded in G. Davy and A. Moret, FromClan to Empire,I926.


4/24

170 ECONOMICA [JUNEsociety we can never know. Moreover,the problem of authoritycannot be detached and studied alone. The leader cannot beextracted and put under some mental microscope. Rather musthe be seen as he functionsin his society. His authority cannot beunderstoodunless it is studied in the setting of its social organisa-tion.' The geographicalenvironment,the economic ife, any knownhistory of the tribe, its mythology, the degree of simplicity orcomplexityof the social organisation,and any dominant charac-teristical element of the tribal life must all be understood beforethe nature of the leadership in the society can be comprehended.Once this setting is known, it is then fairly easy to see what theleader does. Whether he manages a buffalohunt or an initiationceremonyor gives a big potlatch, or collects taxes, he must bestudied in the midst of his activity. The next step then followslogicalb'y-namely, to correlate the type of leadership with allthe factors of the social structure. The problemis not to find outwho was the first leader, but to throw some light on the natureof leadership by a series of intensive monographic studies ofvarious primitive societies, in which the leader is studied inrelation to all aspects of life, economic, ceremonial, religious andlegal.2A wide survey of this type shows how completely the type ofleadershipis moulded by the social organisation. WN'hetherheleaderis a warrior,a magician, a wise old man, or a despotic kingwill depend on what specific function3 he has to performin hissociety and this will in turn depend on the type of the society.A Baganda king and an Arunta headmancould not change placeseffectively. For the duties that the Baganda king is skilled inperforming would have no place in the Arunta tribe and viceversa. After a complete study of a number of societies has beenmade, some generalisations might be set forth as to the influenceof wealth, wars, size of territory, numbers of people, economic

1 By social organisation is meant not merely kinship organisation, as it is sofrequently used-but the complete social structure.2 The study of institutions in primitive society through their function andthrough their correlation with all the other social forces has been most effectivelyand adequately done by Prof. B. Malinowski. Prof. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown hasused the same method. R. H. Lowie and A. A. Goldenweiser are also in sympathywith this point of view. E. Durkheim and his colleagues were still earlier in theiremphasis on the functional point of view. See also L. T. Hobhouse, G. C. Wheeler,and M. Ginsberg, The Material Culture and Social Institutions of the SimplerPeoples, I9I5, in which they correlate the degree of the consolidation of powerwith advancement in the economic scale and find evidence of an advance inorganised government accompanying economic development. The present studyis interested in correlating not only the degree of power, but also the type ofpower, and in making the correlation with all social forces.3 The general function mentioned previously will be the same.


5/24

I928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I7Ilife, etc., on the nature of the leader and the development ofauthority.

But the following study is an attempt to correlatethe nature ofthe leadership with the social organisation in one area, centraland southern Australia. Put extremely briefly, it is the old menwho are the real leadersof the tribes in this area, and we find themfunctioning as such because of their knowledge of the totemicmythology which plays such a dominant role in the tribal life.THEORIES OF EARLY WRITERS.

Australia is a particularly interesting field for this study, for itis the land mentioned by many of the early writers as possessingno government, no authority and no leaders of any kind. To theearly explorers, travellers, and missionaries, it appeared that allthe aboriginals were equal and living under conditions of com-plete communism. Yet after setting this forth as their final con-clusion, most of these same authors in the descriptive part of theirwritingswill note that there were certain men of influence,certainmen who were respected more than others, even certainmen who enforced their will on people inferior to others. It is astrange combination of statements, yet a very common one amongearly writers on primitive peoples. Their theories are frequentlywrong,but many of them could not help being keen observers.An exampleof this contradiction s foundin Schurman'saccountof the Port Lincoln Tribes. He says: " It is a curious fact, as wellas a strong proof of the degradedsocial condition of the aboriginalinhabitants of this country, that they have no chief, or any personsof acknowledged superior authority among them. All grown upmen are perfectly equal, and this is so well understoodthat noneever attempt to assume any command over their fellows; butwhatever wishes they may entertain with regard to the conductand actions of others, they must be expressed in the shape ofentreaty or persuasion." But the writer continues in the samebreath to say that, " Considerabledeference, however, is shownto the old men by the younger generation, proceeding partly fromthe respect which superior age and experience inspire,butgreatlyincreased and kept up by the superstitious awe of certainmysterious rites, known only to the grown-up men and to theknowledge of which the young people are only very graduallyadmitted."'

I C. W. Schurman, " Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln," J. D. Woods, NativeTribesof SouthAustralia, I879, p. 226.


6/24

I72 ECONOMICA [JUNEE. M. Currwrites in the same contradictory manner, affirmingin one paragraphthat all men are equal and that no one has any

more authority than anyone else, and in the next paragraphsaying that there are men who take the lead, who are held ingreat esteem, whose opinions have weight and who, because oftheir performing certain useful functions, are entitled to specialprivileges. These men are always the old ones.' These earlywritersmay argueas to whether there was any governmentornot,but they all agree that it was the old men who were the highestin rank, and who possessed what authority there was.HEADMEN AND COUNCILS OF ELDERS.

The more recent writers on this area do not disagree on theexistence of authority, and they point out very clearly that theheadmanand the council of eldersare the organsof governmentalauthority. Among the Arunta, for instance, each local totemicgroup has its headman.2 While his position is hereditary, thereare certain limiting conditions: the headman must always be ofthe propertotem, he must be old enough to take the lead in theperformanceof the totemic ceremonies and he must, of course,bea fully initiated man. He has charge of the sacred store-house,containing the totemic objects of his group and the totemic cere-monies are carried out under his direction. But he would neverdecide upon anything important, such as the holding of a cere-mony or punishingan individual for breakingsome tribal custom,without first calling the elders together and consulting them.The exact degree of his authority is vague and will depend uponhis reputation and ability. As Spencerand Gillensay, " He is notof necessity recognised as the most important member of thecouncil whosejudgment must be followed, though, if he be old anddistinguished,then he will have great influence."Amongthe Dieri and kindred tribes, the oldest man of a totemis its head or Piinaru. Of these Pinnarus, there is one who issuperiorto the others, and he is the principal headman and pre-sides over their meetings. Here as among the Arunta, if a man hadexceptional ability, such as that possessed by one Jalina-pira-

1 E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, i886, vol. I, pp. 58-59. See also G. F.Angas, Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand, i847, vol. I; R.Brough Smyth, The Aborigines of Victoria, I878; T. L. Mitchell, Journal of anExpedition into the Interior of Tropical Australia, I848.2 The following description is taken from B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The

Arunta, I927, vol. I, pp. 8-TI.3 Op. cit., Io.


7/24

I928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I73murana,who wasthe principalheadmanof the Dieri in the middleof the nineteenth century, he might exercise a large amount ofpoweroutside of his own totem.'In the majorityof the tribes of this area, there is some positioncorresponding o that of the headman of the Arunta and theDieri. In general,his position tends to be hereditary; that is, thesonwouldinherit the position of the father if he had the necessaryability.2 The headman varies somewhat in type. But in generalhe has to be of mature age. Sometimes he was a magician asamongthe Theddora,the Yuin and Yerklatribes. Or he might bea brave man and a skilled orator, as for example among theKamilaroi.4But from the point of view of exercising authority, it is thecouncil of elders who are more significant than any individualheadman. He does nothing of any importancewithout consultingthem first, and their advice is almost invariably followed. Thecouncil consists of more or less informal meetings of the eldermales, whenever any matters o.fgeneraltribal interest are to bedecided,such as the time for holding ceremonies,the settling ofdisputes,the punishment of offenders, he makingof matrimonialarrangements,etc. The meetings are usually held at some placeapart from the camp. Among the Dieri, after the matter underdiscussionis decided upon, anothermeeting will be held at whichall the men will be present, the younger men remaining on theoutside of the circle and not taking any part in the discussion.But there is no rigidity about these council meetings. The wiseelders simply come together whenever necessary and talk overmatters of tribal interest. As Spencerand Gillenhave pointed outamong the Arunta, at the time when the sacred ceremoniesare being performed,the elder men who are respected for theirability meet daily around their campfires and talk over the tribal

1 A. W. Howitt, The Native Tribes of South-East Australia, I904, PP. 297-300,and "Organisation of Australian Tribes," Trans., Royal Society of Victoria,vol. I., p. I09.2 One exception has already been indicated, as among the Arunta, where theposition was definitely hereditary. Another is among the Mukjarawaint, wherethe opposite principle was in force, and the headman was elected by the peopleof his totem and a son never necessarily succeeded his father in office. A. W.Howitt, TheNative Tribesof South-EastAustralia, 1904, p. 304-305.3 OpJ.cit, p. 30I-3I3-4 A. W. Howitt, " Organisation of Australian Tribes," Trans. Royal Society ofVictoria, vol. I, p. I 2.6 A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, 1904, p. 320. Cf. alsoS. Gason, The Dieyerie Tribe, J. D. Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, I879,p. 262: When anything important such as the making of rain, or the movingof camp was to be decided, " one of the old men moots the subject late at night,

before the camp retires to rest." At dawn of the next day the question is proposedagain and answered.


8/24

I74 ECONOMICA [JUNEaffairs. It is even possible at this time, say the same authors, tointroduce changes in tribal customs.'

Among practically all the tribes of this area which have beenreported on, there has been found some form of council of wiseand eminent old men. In the tribes around Maryborough, theold men make up their mind as to the course to be followed in anymatter by holdingafternoon meetings in private. In the eveningthey stand before the camp fires and make speeches to the peopleon the subject under discussion.2 When a number of the divisionsof the Murring ribes were collected together, their headmen orGommerasmet and consultedat some place apart from the camp.The younger men sat at a distance and listened attentively, butdid not speak.3 The headmen of the Urunjerialso held meetingsand consulted on matters of importance. For instance, although aman could promise his infant daughter in marriage, it was theold men in consultation who decided when any marriageablegirl might be taken by her promised husband.4 These councilsof elders and the headmen are the organs of government. Theydecide when ceremonies should be held, presideat them, mete outpunishment to offenders, arrange for parties of revenge, deter-mine the time for fishing and hunting expeditions, make peaceand war, etc. In other words, it is these old men who take theinitiative and organise the tribal activities.Always are the members of the council describedas old men.It is not that old age itself confersdistinction, but only when it iscombinedwith special ability.5 This ability is generally a deepknowledgeof the ancient mythology of the tribe. It is the menwho possess this ancient lore who are looked up to by theothers.,All the other recent writers have noted this emphasis on age.To mention the more important ones, Knabenhans points out howthe Australians differ from many other primitive peoples, whoconsider ability in war and courage as the necessary qualitiesfor their leaders. But the Australians are not a warlikerace and,in fact, have but few wars. The young men have no social positionwhatever. It is the old men who have all the authority; theyare the keepers of the myths, legends and secret ceremonials.

I B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Arunta, I927, vol. ILpp. II-I3.2 A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, I904, p. 323.3 A. W. Howitt, " Organisation of the Australian Tribes," Transactions of theRoyal Society of Victoria, vol. I, p. io6.4 Op. cit. p. I09. See also descriptions of councils among the Gringai, theKiabara, the Turrbal and many others described in op. cit.r B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Arunta, I927, vol. I, p. 9.' Op. cit., p. 12.


9/24

I928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I75Becauseof their important position, respect and honour is shownthem.I

Howitt says very definitely that, " It may be stated as a generalrule that authority attaches to age . . . and that the headmenof the clan were, first of all, those who were the oldest, secondlyperhaps hose who, to some age, added exceptional qualifications.This principle regulating authority I (Howitt) believe to be notpeculiarto the Kurnai,but to be generalto the whole Australianrace."Thomas says that, judging superficially,there would seem to beno authority in Australia,but that this view would be a mistake,and he gives similardescriptionsof the councils of elders.3 Streh-low has indicated that while there are no chiefs with absolutepower, there are leaders who rank first among equals and that theold men dispense justice and exercise authority.4STATEMENT OF PROBLEM.

The early travellers and missionariesargued theoretically thatthere was no authority in this area and then described how theold men exercised power. The more recent writers have agreedthat there is a form of primitive governmenthere and have shownhow the authority was held by the elders. But none have posedthe problemof why it is the old men who arethe leadershere. Tofind an answerto this question it is necessaryto go a step furtherand correlate the type of leadershipwith the other aspects of thesociety. What is the dominatingcharacteristic of the life of theseaboriginals,as distinguishingthem from other primitive peoples ?It is their emphasison the complicatedtotemic ceremonials. Andwhat is the most specificand one of the most important functionsof the old men leaders ? It is the performanceof these ceremonies.They are the only oneswho are able to officiate,becausethey havethe exclusive knowledge of the mythology. Without this know-ledge the rites could not be performed. It is this wisdom whichcomesonly with age, whichis the foundationof powerin this area.In anotherarea, it might be skill as a warrior,or ability to amasswealth, or magical power, etc., that would be the basis of power.But here none of these are important. It is age that counts, forwith it comes knowledge to performthe most necessary and im-portant function in the life of the people.

1 A. Knabenhans, Die politische Organisation bei den australischen Einge-borenen, I9I9, pp. 59-60.2 L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, i88o, pp. 2I0-212.3 N. W. Thomas, Natives of Australtia, I906, pp. 142-155.4 C. Strehlow, " Die Aranda und Loritja-Stamme in Zentral-Australien,"Ver6ffentlichungenaus dem Stadtischen V8lkermuseum, IV Teil, 2 abt, I-2,


10/24

I76 ECONOMICA [JUNESOCIALORGANISATION.

The whole problemmust be set in the background of the socialorganisation-the physical environment, the mode of life, myth-ology, totemism, and other vital influences. The most strikingenvironmentalfeature is the lack of water, there being only onelarge permanentriver system, the Murray-Darlingsystem in thesouth-east. Over the whole continent the yearly rainfall is lowanda largepart of it is desert. In the centralarea,with which thisstudy is mostly concerned, there are times of drought when foodand water are scarce. But under ordinarycircumstances, exceptin the desert country of the south-west, the native's life in thisarea is not such a very hard one. He has no knowledge ofagriculture, but lives as a wandering hunter and fisherman.Kangaroo, rock-wallabies, emus and other forms of game arefairly plentiful, while smaller animals such as rats and lizardsare caught without much difficulty by the women, who alsosecure grass seeds, tubers and wild fruit. Because the nativesare constantly on the move in the search for food, they donot live in permanentsettlements. Parties of one or two familieswanderover their land and camp at favourite spots, where theycan procure food. Here they build their temporary lean-to(mia-mia) of shrubs. Clothing,ornaments and weapons are allfew and simple.IThe tribe is the larger unit, and is divided into a number oflocal groups, each one of which is identified with some particulartotem, from which the local group takes its name. The essentialpoint is that there are small units or groups bound together byties of kin, limited to a certain territory which it appears topossess, speaking a distinct dialect and divided into two or moreexogamousclasses or moieties.2From our point of view, the significant element in the socialorganisationis the totemic structure of the local groups. Eachnative of the tribes we are concerned with is a member of sometotem.a Thesetotems, in the mind of the native, have their origin

1 This description is based on B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes ofCentral Australia, I899 and G. C. Wheeler, The Tribe, and Intertribal Relations inAustralia, I9IO.2 For a long discussion on whether the unit is based on kinship or locality, seeA. Knabenhans, Die politische Organisation, etc. It is not a case of an " either-or"solution, for most probably the unit is based on both kinship and locality.3 The exact nature of the totem varies among the tribes. In one, as for exampleamong the Urabunna tribe, it is correlated with exogamy. In another tribe, theArunta, the totems have no reference to marriage and are not hereditary. B.Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, I899, pp. 113-II6.But in the general characteristic of being based on the doings of mythologicalancestors, there is agreement. The following description is of the totemism of theArunta tribe,


11/24

i928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I77in the Alcheringa imes, the dim past when human creatures firstoriginated. From this Alcheringa mythology, the Australiannative takes his beliefs, his philosophy and the rules for his dailylife. The myths give him his ideas of birth, of death, of life afterdeath and the necessary knowledge to carry on his daily life.Among the Arunta the individual is the reincarnation of hisspirit ancestorof Alcheringa times and at his death his spirit goesback to the totemic spirit centre from which it came.' His dailylife is concerned with a round of ceremonies, all connected withhis totem. There are the elaborate Intichiuma ceremonieswhichare thought to increase the totem and hence the food suipply.But these ceremonies do something more than give the nativeconfidencethat the totem is being increased. Their performanceimposes a collective and organised system of labour upon thecommunity.2 Then there are the initiation ceremonies, whichevery young man has to go through before he can enter into thefull life of the tribe or be considered an adult. These initiationrites are long and elaborate, as will be seen in the description tofollow, and they serve as -ameans of educationfor the young men.It is at this time that he is instructed in the tribal lore.It would be impossibleto imaginethe life of the native withoutits ceremonies, as they are a most essential part of it. For theperformanceof all these ceremonies an exact knowledge of themythology is necessary, because the ceremony consists in doingwhat the Alcheringaancestoris supposedto have done. Here thenis the crux of the matter. The life of the native, his actions andhis thoughts are dependent upon the mythology, the exactknowledgeof which is confinedto the old men. It is in the studyof this close correlation between the exclusive possession of themyths by the old men and the importance of these myths to theperformanceof the ceremonies and to the whole life of the tribe,that a deeper insight into the nature of leadership in this areamay be reached. The old men attain their leadershipin the per-formanceof the ceremoniesthroughtheir knowledgeof the mythsandin this role attain prestigeand authority whichis carried overto other tribal activities.The correlationmentionedabove will be clearerafter a detailedobservationof the ceremoniesand the Alcheringa myths accom-panyingthem.

'For a detailed description of the belief in reincarnation and the process bywhich it occurs, see B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Arunta, I927, vol. II, pp.42I-424.

2 This point was first made and elaborated by B. Malinowski, " Economic As-pect of the Intichiuma Ceremonies," Festskrift tillagna4 :ldvart Woskrmarck,912.


12/24

I78 ECONOMICA [JUNETHEALCHERINGAERIOD.

First it is necessaryto give a generaldescriptionof the Alcher-inga time.' As already indicated, it refers to the mythicalnon-humanperiod, when the ancestorsof the present natives werecreated. Beyond this time, there is no tradition and no storiesof origin. The whole period is generally divided into four parts.The first period is concerned with the creation of men andwomen. At this time, two beings, " Ungambikulza,"meaning" out-of-nothing" or " self-existing," lived in the Western sky.Theysaw in the East a numberof Inapertwacreatures,incompletehuman beings, with no distinct limbs or sense organs, who re-sembleda round mass with just the outlines of the various partsof the human being. These Inapertwa creatures representedstages in the transformation of various animals and plants intohuman beings. From them, the Ungambikulawith their stoneknives formed men and women. The individual thus formedbelongedthen to the totem of the animal or plant from which hehad been transformed.2

These individuals wandered aroundthe country, carryingwiththem sacred stones, which were supposed to contain the spiritsof the individuals and called by the Arunta natives, Churinga.At certain spots in their wanderings,a number of ancestorswentinto the ground carryingwith them their Churinga. Their spiritsremained in this spot and some natural feature such as a rockor tree arose to mark it. This then became the local totem centre,from which the spirits to be reincarnated in human beings nowcome. The whole countryis dotted with these local totem centres.They are known to the old men who pass the knowledge on fromgenerationto generation.The second and third periods are usually grouped together asthe Middle Alcheringa and are concerned chiefly with how therite of circumcisionwas done with a stone knife instead of a firestick, which had been used up to this time, and with the rite ofsub-incision or Ariltha. The tradition says that the men of theLittle Hawk totem possessed stone knives and the myth tells ofthe wanderingsof these men and of their introducing the stoneknifeas a new implementto performthe rite of circumcision Thename of the groundwherethe ceremonywas performedwas calledAipullaand at several of these spots, the Little Hawk men went1 The description is based on the account given by B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen,The Native Tnibes of Central Australia, I899.2 This first stage is found among the following totems, Plum Tree, Grass Seed,

Large Lizard, Small Lizard, Alexandra Parakeet and Small Rat-but is completelylacking in the Wichetty Grub totem,


13/24

I928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I79into the groundwith their Churinga. From their spirits, men andwomenhave nowsprung. At otherplaces, trees, or hills or curious-lookingstones mark the spot wherethe operationwas performed,or where the ancestors stopped in their wanderings, or wheresomeparticularevent happened,as for example, one man droppingdead. For each stone or tree there is a myth, and for each of theceremonies performed to-day there is its counterpart in theAlcheringatimes.In the final and later Alcheringa period, the present marriagesystem of the tribe was introduced. Up to this period, there wasno knowledgeof any marriagerestrictions. The myth relates thatthe Emu or Erlia people quite consciously introduced theserestrictions. It was proposed by a leader of the Thurathertwagroup,the Oknirabata an especially wise old man), and consistedin permitting Panunga men to marry Purula women and Bul-thara men to marry Kumara women and vice versa. The leadersof several other Emu groups also decided that this was a goodsystem. They therefore called all the people together for anInitiation ceremony, and at its conclusionre-alloted all the menand women to their proper mates. Even back at this time themyth tell us that it was an old man who presidedat the ceremony,andthat it was the old men who agreedon introducingthe change.It is truly believed that these exploits of the Alcheringa an-cestors took place and the ritual consists in doing exactly whatthe ancestors did. The mythology might be said to contain therules.1 The close relation of the Alcheringamyth to the ceremonycan be observedin the Initiation ceremonies and in them we alsoget an idea of the multitude of details required for their per-formance.It will therefore be wise to take one ceremony, such as theInitiation rite and work out this inter-relationshipbetween therite and the myth and the leadership of the elders.INITIATION RITES-THE ENGWURA CEREMONY.2

The Initiation rites are an integral part of the life of the groupand every native must go throughthem beforehe becomes a fullydevelopedmember of the tribe. It is one of the most importantoccasionsof a man's life. The rites vary somewhat in nature andnumber among the different tribes, the most elaborate beingfound among the central tribes. There they extend over a num-' The close connection between myth and rite has been pointed out by B.Malinowski, Myth in Primitive Psychology, i926.2 The following- description is taken from B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, NativeTribes of Central Australia, I899, pp. 272-367.

D


14/24

i8o ECONOMICA [JUNEber of years. The boy begins them at the age of Io or I2 and goesthrough the final one when he is 25 or 30. Among the Aruntaand Ilpurra, the ceremony is divided into four parts: i, thePainting and Throwingthe boy upinto the air; 2, CircumcisionorLartna; 3, Sub-incision or Ariltha; 4, the Engw7ra or FireCeremony. In all these ceremonies,each performerrepresentsanAlcheringaancestor, and the young men going through the riteslearn the traditions connected with them. According to Spencerand Gillen, their object is threefold: I, to bring the young menunder the controlof the old men; 2, to teach them habits of self-restraint and hardihood; and 3, to teach them the sacred secretsof the tribes, or the myths which are concernedwith the Churingaand the totems.For the purpose of this study, it will be sufficient to describemerely the last of the Initiation ceremonies, the Engwura, whichis a long series of rites, terminating in ordeals by fire. All thepreparations and directing of the ceremoniesare in the hands ofthe old men. Some particular group will decide to hold anEngwura. The initiative then rests with the Alatunja, the head-man of a local group, who, after consulting with the older men,sends out messengersto the other local groups of the tribe. Noonecanrefusethe summonsto appear. A secluded piece of groundfor the performance of the ceremonies is chosen, so that thewomen and children cannot see what is taking place. The menwho come to these ceremonies represent various local totemicgroups, each of which has its own ceremonies. What ceremoniesare performed will, therefore, depend upon which totemic groupsarepresent. The programme s arrangedby the leading man, who,however, consults with the other older men about it.1 On theoccasion witnessed by Spencer and Gillen, they say that " every-thing was underthe immediate control of one special old man whowas a perfect repository of tribal lore. Without apparently anytrouble or the slightest hitch he governed the whole camp, com-prising morethan a hundred full-grown natives, who were takingpart in the ceremonies. Whilst the final decision on all points layin his hands, there was what we used to call the " cabinet," con-sisting of this old man and three of the elders, who often met to-gether to discuss matters. Frequently the leader would get upfrom the men amongst whom he was sitting, and apparentlywithout a word being spoken or any sign being made, the other

' Spencer and Gillen do not specify very clearly just who this 'old man is. Asfar as we can gather he seems to be one particular old man, belonging to a southerngroup, and famous for his knowledge of the Alcheringa past. Op, cit., p. 28 I.


15/24

i928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA i8ithree wouldrise and follow him one after the other, walkingawayto a secludedspot in the bed of the creek. Here they would dis-cuss matters concernedwith the ceremoniesto be performed,andthen the leaderwould give his ordersand everything would workwithperfectregularity and smoothness. The effect on the youngermen was naturally to heighten their respect for the old men andto bring them under the control of the latter."'IThese particular ceremonies lasted about four months, Onevery day there was a ceremony performedand sometimes therewould be as many as five or six within the twenty-four hours.Therewere five clearly marked phases in the performanceof theceremonies. The first part consisted in the sending out of mess-engersandthe assembling of the tribe. Then came the performanceof the introductory corroborees,which lasted ten nights. On thesecond day the old leader chose a special spot, and digging upthe soil made a low mound called a Parra. This was ornamentedwith gum tree boughs to represent a tract of country, and theywere always arranged to run north and south, because in theAlcheringatimes the wildcat people had marchedin that direc-tion. Not the slightest deviation in the making of this moundwouldbe allowed.The second phase of the ceremonies lasted six weeks. The menwere now separated from the women and lived on the Engwuragroundwherethe sacredceremonieswereperformedday andnight.Thedays werespent in hunting, so that the young men couldbringfood to the old men, and in watching and taking part in thesacredceremonies. Thefollowingis a descriptionof the ceremoniesperformed only during the last eight days of this six weeks'period.On the first (of these last eight days), a ceremony called theQuabaraUnjiambaof Ooraminnawas performed.2 It refers to twowomenof the Unjiambatotem, who in the Alcheringacame fromthe north and travelled southward,keeping close to the tracks ofa party of wildcat men. However, they did not see or come incontact with the men, who were travelling in the opposite direc-tion. The preparations for this ceremony were most elaborate,taking more than three hours, while the performance tself lastedonly fiveminutes. First, therewas the makingofa decoratedpole,calledNtrtunja, the foundation of which was a long spear. Therewas much ceremony in the process of decorating it. It was first

1 Op. cit., p. 280.2 Quabara is the native name for the ceremony. The second name refers to thetotem and the third to the particular local group of the totem.


16/24

i82 ECONOMICA [JUNE

swathed in long grass stalks, except for the lower end. Then themen took off their hair waist-girdlesand wound them around thespear and to it fixed a bunch of eagle hawk and emu feathers.One manthen cut a vein in his armand drewout about a half pintof Elood, which was smeared on the pole. This made a con-gealing substanceto which the decorative rings of red and whitedown were affixed. Six Churingasupposed to have belonged tothe womenof the myth werenext attached to the pole. The wholeprocesswas accompaniedby singing. The decorating was doneexactly as the myth describes it should be done.

The bodiesof the performersweredecoratedwith designsdrawnin ochreand birds'down andthe polewas carriedto the ceremonialground. The other men weresummonedwith a specialcry and upthey came with an answeringshout, and danced aroundthe twoperformers,who bent the pole over the heads of the men. Twoor three of the men laid their hands on the shoulders of the per-formersand the ceremonycame to an end.This was followed by a solemn examination of the Churinga,after which came the performanceof a ceremonyof the Ulpmerka(uncircumcised)men of the palm tree totem. The night was spentin singing.On the second day, in the morning, the examination of theChuringa was continued and in the afternoon the QuabaraIruntarinia Irritcha was performed. The two men performersrepresent two eagle hawks quarrellingover a piece of flesh andthe ceremonywas imparted to a special individual by the spirits.Later on the same afternoon another ceremony was performed.For both there was an elaborate decoration of the bodies of theperformers.On the morning of the third day, the Quabara Achilpa ofUrapitcherawas performed. This ceremony was concernedwitha group of wildcat men, who walked from the south to the northin part of the country now occupied by the Arunta; in theirpassage across, they had camped at a certain spot now calledUrapitchera. For this ceremony, there were preparedtwo poles(Nu,rtnjas), about ten feet long. They had no spearfor a centralsupport, but were made entirely of a large number of flexiblegrass stalks bound around with hair string and decorated withringsof red and white down. The bodies of the performerswere ofcoursealso decorated. The carrying of the poles had to be donemost particularly, exactly as they were supposed to have beendone in the Alcheringa. " On the Parra ground, the Nartunjas(poles)were arrangedso that one end of each was underthe man's


17/24

I928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I83waist-girdle,while the other ornamented with a bunch of eaglehawk feathers rested on the ground, the two divergingfrom eachother. Then the other men were called up and began runningaround and shouting and then all passed under the Nurtunjaswhich the performers ifted up for the purpose, the men with theirhands and shoulders helping to support them, for they had beencarried n that way in the Alcheringa. Finally, the old Purulamanto whom the ceremony belonged, came up and embraced the oldperformer,who was in fact about the cldest manon the ground andalmost blind, but as full of energyas the youngest manpresent."'

On the afternoon of the same day a ceremony was performedwhich had no special relation to the Engwura, but which referredto the doings of certain Kurdaitcha men.On the morning of the fourth day a very special examinationof the Churinga was held. They were to be handed over to thekeepingof a certain man, just reaching maturity, from the groupto whom the Churingabelonged (the Lizardtotem). The Alatiunjasof the different totems first held a long whispered conversation,shared in by the other older men, about the holding of the lizardceremony. Whenit was properly decided,"the Churingawere aidon shields and small boughs cut from the gum tree under whichthey sat; there were about sixty of them altogether, and as soonas they were unpacked, the manto whom they were being handedover was called up and took his seat along with the older men nextto the Churinga. A long conversation, again carried on inwhispers and with much-solemnity, then ensued between therecipient and the two old men, who told the former what theChuringameant and to whom they had belonged."2Spencer and Gillen here make special mention of the prestigepossessed by the old men, who knew the traditions so well. Theysay, " It may be noted here that the deference paid to the oldmen during these ceremonies of examining the Churinga s mostmarked; no young man thinks of speaking unless he be firstaddressedby one of the elder men and then he listens solemnly toall that the latter tell him."3 " The old man just referredto (theone presidingin the last ceremony) was especially lookedup to asan Okniyabata r great instructor, a term which is only applied,as in this case, to men who are not only old, but who are learnedin all the customs and traditions of the tribe, and whose influence swell seen at ceremonies such as the Engwura when the greatestdeferences paid to them."4 Age in itself is important,but only

1 B. Spencer and F. J, Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, I899, p. 300.2Op.cit., p. 302. 3 Op. cit., P- 303. 4 op. cit. P. 303.


18/24

i84 ECONOMICA [JUNE

whenit is accompaniedby deep knowledge of the traditions is therank of Oknirabata ttained.Next came the lizard ceremony. The old Oknirabata,whosebody was well decorated, represented the lizard. At first, hewent some distance fromthe other men and then came forth fromhis hiding-placeto the Parra ground, throwing up clouds of dustas he camein his zig-zag course. Two men went to meet him andthe " lizard " pretendedto turn back. Finally, however, the twobrought him up to the group wherethe other men were and theycircled about him in the usual way The tradition for this rite

is, that " The two men who went to meet him represent littlebirds called Thippa-thippa,who are the descendants of Alcher-inga men who came and watched and ran round and round somelizard men who were travelling along towards Simpson's Gap.The Thippa-thippachanged into birds of the same name, whoever afterwardsbecame the mates of the lizard people "1 Thenight was spent as usual in singing on the ground.On the fifth day a rain ceremony was performed,the QuabaraQuatchaof Jdracowra. Instead of the Nurtunja (pole), a Waninga,which is a frameworkof sticks, somewhat in the shape of a cross,to which are fixed lines of string, was used. The Waningatakesseveral hours to prepare and each part has its special meaning,which depends on what totem is using it. The one described bySpencerand Gillen was used by the water totem. The red stringrepresented thunder; the white band, lightning; and the un-coloured string was the falling rain; the white patches and bandsof down were the clouds; the red of the feathers and the bloodsmeared on the parings of the wood worn on the men's headsrepresentedbrown froth which floats on the top of flood waters.The ceremony itself is not of special interest, but what is import-ant in this connection is that through it Spencer and Gillenlearned the following tradition regarding the wanderings ofcertain Kangaroomen in the Alcheringa. It also serves as a typeof the instruction concerning the doings of the Alcheringa an-cestorswhich is given by the old men to the younger ones duringthe performanceof the Engwura. " Somewhereout from the farwest there came two kangaroomen who carriedwith them a largeWaninga. They stayed for some time, first of all at a spot closeto Idracowra,at a water hole called Umbera-wartna,and theyformedan Oknanikilla,that is, they deposited some of the Chur-inga which they carriedin the ground, and so left behind spiritindividuals of the kangaroo totem; then they walked on down

1 Op*cit., p. 305.


19/24

i928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I85the Finke riverto a placecalled Urpunna, where they erected theirWaningaand formed another Oknanikilla. Then, carryingtheWaninga,they went undergroundand crossed beneath the Lillacreekwhichentersthe Finke from the west, and on the southernsidethey met a mob of kangaroosand euroswho cameto look at them.Travelling on they came out of the ground at a group of hillscalled by the natives Amanda. . . . Here they rested for sometime and formed an Oknanikilla.Then they turned to the south-east, and travelling undergroundcrossed beneath the Wichinga(now called the Hamilton) creek and then on under the Alberga,until once morethey emergedat Marpinna,where they formed anOknanikillaand where also they opened veins in their arms andallowed the blood to stream out over the ground, and so made agreat level clay plain which has remained to the present time.Then, after going still further south and passing out of what isnow the country of the Arunta, they turnedto the west and madea big circuit through the sand hills country now occupied by apart of the Luritcha tribe, until finally turning north they cameto the George Hill Range, and crossedthis so as to reach a spotnow called Temple Downs, where they formed an Oknanikilla.Then, followingthis to its junction with the Palmer, they went alittle way up the latter and together with their Waninga,theyceasedfrom wandering,and went down into a well-known water-hole called Illara, where they stayed forming an importantOknanikilla of the Kangaroo totem."' The myth just relatedwill give some idea of the great detail of knowledge which mustbe known by the elders and imparted to the young men. Thereis not a single part of the ceremony which has not got its corre-sponding myth.On the sixth day there was a ceremonyrelatingto the Ulpmerka(uncircumcised)men of the grassseed totem. The usual Nurtunja(pole) was made. There were two main performerswho " squatteddownclose to one another, each carryingon his hand a small twigof gum tree, the Nnrtunja being fixed in the head of the hinder ofthe two men, who simply swayed their bodies about from side toside, while the other men ran round and round them, except thetwo old men who squatted down to one side singing about thewalking about of the Ulnpmerka en in the Alcheringa." Hereagainis another example of the old men reciting the myth as therite is being performed.Onthe following day, a Quabaraof the Ulpimerka f Quiurnpawasperformed. Therewere seven performers,all very elaborately

1 Op. Cit., p. 310. 2 Op, Cii., p. 3I2.


20/24

I86 ECONOMICA [JUNE

decorated,with head-dresses,etc. The ceremony represented,asusual, a certain happening in the Alcheringa time and concernssome Ulpmerkamen of the plum tree totem who lived in thesouth. The first part of the performance represents them asdancingaroundtheir own Kukaitcha, an individual who was thehead of their localgroup. Then an individual with the same namecame fromthe north and told them to leave their own countryandfollow him. They did, and the second part of the ceremony con-sists of the men dancingaroundthe performerwho representstheKukaitchafrom the north, signifying that they now regard himas their leader. In this ceremony the dancing is quite elaborate,and is supposed to be an exact imitation of the Alcheringaevent.Onthe afternoon of the same day, the Quabaraof a fish totemwas performedand the actors imitated a fish. Just before mid-night another Quabaraof the Ulpmerkaof Quiurnpawas acted.It representedthree men eating plums.Onthe eighth and final day of this phase of the ceremonies, theQuabaraof the Irriakura totem of a place called Oknirchum-patana, was performed. The Irriakura s the name of a favouritefood of the natives. The performeris elaborately decorated torepresent the floweringIrriakura. He seats himself in front of adozen bunches of cockatoo tail feathers, which represent thegrowingplant. Thenhe moves slightly from side to side and scoopsup the feathers to representthe gathering of the Irriakura. Hepauses now and then and puts himself into ridiculous attitudesand appearsto be very frightened. The other men sit on one sideand sing about Unatunpika, the name of the man, whomthe cere-monyrepresented.Whenthe last featherwaspulledup, the ritewasended. The myth is that in the Alcheringa,UnatunpikawassittingeatingIrriakura,when he suddenly heard the ring-neckedparrots,his mates, cry out, warninghim that a mob of strange men werecoming up. He moved across to Oknirchumpatna; the groupcame up, left two individuals there and moved to another spot,forming a local totem centre. The close relation between themyth and the rite is seen very clearly in this ceremony.At midnight another ceremony was performed, which repre-sentedthe Alcheringaancestorseating plums. Duringthe eveningthe men sat closely packed together in a group, singing. Theheadsof the young men were decoratedwith twigs and the leavesof a shrub called wetta,which is worn until the end of the cere-monies. The presiding old man then alloted four or five youngmento an old man and these young men were then ab-moarao theold men who had charge of them and viceversa. They could not


21/24

I928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I87

speak to or in the presence of the old men without his per-mission. Fromnow on until the end of the ceremoniesthe youngmen are called collectively Illpongwurra.The thirdphaselasts eight days and the details of this perioddonot differvery muchfrom those of the previousone. The Churingacontinueto be examinedand the sacredcerenioniesto be enactedday after day. An interesting ceremony of this period was theQuabaraAmbaquerkaof Erathipa. " The performer s supposedto be a woman with a newlybornchild,the latter beingrepresentedby an oval mass of twigs and grass stalks. . . . The performerheld the supposed child in his hands while he sat down swayingabout and quivering,the other men dancing and singing as theyran around him. When it was over, the oval mass was pressedagainst the stomach of the Alatunja, who then took and pressedit against that of the old Purula man who presided over theEngwura." The tradition supporting this ceremonyis that in theAlcheringa,a man of the plum tree totem, named Inta-tir-kaka,after some travelling came to a place where he found a Nurtunjaerected. He could see no people to whonmt belonged, and so heappropriatedt. However,he could not pull it out of the groundand so he broke it off, whereupon t tumbled downto the groundwith a loud crash. This noise was heard by Unkara, a plum treewoman, whose property the N'rtunja was, and who with herlittle baby boys was out pickingplums. She hurried quickly backwhen she heard the crash and was very grieved when she sawwhat had happened. She put her baby and a large number ofChuringainto the hollow where the Nurtrnja was broken off.The boy and the Churingawent into the ground and a speciallyroundedstone called Erathiparose to mark the spot, which formsa centre of the plum tree totem; the stone is the home of manyspiritindividuals. The womanwent up to the sky, lookingfor herN7rtunja. She did not find it, and in her grief she died.1With the performance of similar ceremonies and singing atnight the eight days of the third period came to an end.Thefourthphase is a seriesof fire ordealslasting for two weeks,at the end of which the initiated men rank as Urliara (a full mem-ber of the tribe). At sunrise of the first day of this period, theyoungmen amidst much shoutingfrom the old men and the noiseof the bull roarer,were driven away from the camp and into thebushto hunt game for the benefit of the old men. On their returnin the evening they decorated themselves with fresh twigs andleaves, andformedthemselves into a densesquare. All this time

1 op. cit., p. 334-335.


22/24

i88 ECONOMICA [JUNE

the bull roarerswere going full force. Up to this point of the cere-monies,the women had remainedapart in their own camp. Butonthis dayjust beforethe return of the men,they left their campand assembledon the bank of the river, at a spot which they knewthe men wouldpass on their way back. Herethey collected grassand sticks with which to make a fire. Then, as the men came by,the womenset fire to the dry grass and boughs and threw themon to the heads of the men, who shielded themselves with theirboughs. The old men kept on whirlingthe bull roarers. The sameperformancewas gone through with a second group of women.Then suddenly amidst all the running and shouting, the youngmensuddenly lay down and wereperfectly quiet.About midnight a ceremony was acted in which the performerrepresentedan Alcheringaman of the frog totem. At three o'clockin the morning,there was another ceremony of the wildcat totem,an ordinary dancing festival of Alcheringatimes. At daybreak,a ceremony was performed, where the actor represented a par-ticular tree, which had appeared fully grown at a certain spotwherean Alcheringaman of the frog totem went into the ground.The second day was a repetition of the first, with different cere-monies. All through this period there was a combination of cere-monies and fire ordeals. One interesting ceremonyis the QuabaraUngamillia(eveningstar) of Ulkni-Wukulla,the name of the spot,where, accordingto the legend, the sun goes down every eveninginto a big white stone, which marks the spot where a certainAlcheringawoman, Auadaua,sat. Therewas a continuationof thefire ceremonies, the final ones being held in the women's camp.This periodwas now over and the men were Urliara.In the fifth phase, the Urliara men remainedin the bush, untila ceremonywas performedwhich removed the ban of silence be-tween them and their ab-moaramen. Theold menreturnedto theircampand the ordinarydancingfestivals were held. A special onewas a woman's dance which went on every night for two or threeweeks, and then another dance started. The final ceremony wasnow held. The Urliara men came in from the bush, each onebringinghis offeringof food to his ab-moaramen. Then the oldmenweresprinkledwith blooddrawnfromthe armsof the youngermen. Singingfollowedandthe eldest ab-moaraouchedthe mouthof those present with a bunch of feathers and the ban of silencewas removed. This was the end of the Engwura.'

1 The above description refers to only one tribe, the Arunta, and to just one partof a particular group of ceremonies. But in any of the tribes of this area, therewill be found these totemic Alcheringa beliefs. Details may vary, as in the Ura-bunna tribe, the ancestors are fewer in number and did not carry Churinga with


23/24

I928] LEADERSHIP IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA I89

CONCLUSION.In the descriptionof the Engwura ceremony (and, in fact, of

any other similar ceremony we might have chosen) certain im-portant points stand out. First, each part of the ceremony con-sists in reproducing he exact actions of the Alcheringa ancestors.Secondly, there is not a single instance in which the initiativeis taken by any but the old men. Over and over again it is speci-fically stated that it is the old men who are leading in the per-formanceof the ceremonies. The answer to the question of whyit is the old men who are leaders is found in this point. The oldmen are the only ones who have a full knowledge of the tribaltraditions, without which the ceremonies cannot be performed.The number, extent and variety of these myths can be compre-hended when it is realised that the condensed descriptionof theEngwuraceremony given above is just a part of one ceremony.The details are infinite and are naturally learned slowly. Onewouldby necessity be old by the time they are all learned. Evenif someone were specially gifted in intelligence and memory, hewould not be allowed to obtain a full knowledge until he was anelder. For in the Alcheringatradition itself it is always the oldmen who take the lead, and there are rules or rather customswhich would not permit the teaching of certain myths until amature age had been reached. The importanceof this knowledgeis seen in its role in the performance of the ceremonies. Themyths not only substantiate the rites, but contain the directionsfortheir performance.The old men of this area fulfil our concept of Leadership. Theypossess initiative, forwithout them no ceremony,no councilmeet-ing, etc., could ever be started. They have the organisingpower,them. But the general outline of the myths is the same. " These old semi-human ancestors wandered about all over the country now occupied by theUrabunna tribe, performing sacred ceremonies, and where they did this, they de-posited in the ground, or in some natural feature such as a rock or water poolwhich rose to mark the spot, a number of spirit individuals called mai-aurli.After a time these became men and women, who became the first series of totemgroups. Thus some of the mai-aurli left behind by the carpet snake ancestorchanged into carpet snake men and women; some of those left behind by thelizards changed into lizard men and women, and so on through the varioustotemic groups. Since that early time, when the totem groups were thus instituted,the mai-aurli have been continually undergoing reincarnation." B. Spencer andF. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, 1904, p. I46.Cf. also the myths of the ancestral hero Pulyallana, of the Port Lincoln Tribeand of Nurundere, a mythical being who instituted the rites and ceremonies nowpractised by the Narrinyeri. G. W. Schurman, " The Port Lincoln Tribe," G.Taplin, " The Narrinyeri," S. 'W.Woods, Native Tribes of South Australia, I879.See also the myths of the Witchetty Grub Totem, of the Snake Totem, andthe Rain Intichiuma of the Katish Tribes. All are concerned with the wanderingsof the Alcheringa ancestors and the rites reproduce these wanderings. B. Spencerand F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes etc., and Northern Tribes etc.


24/24

I90 ECONOMICA [JUNEfor it is they who performand control the ceremonies,direct thecouncil meetings and all the other activities of the tribe. Suchfrequent mention has been made of the deference and esteempaid to these old men, that it is not necessaryto go into it againhere. It can certainlybe said that the old men are the leaders andthe governingpower in the Australian tribes. They may possessother qualities besides age, but these are secondary.Why is age the dominatingfactor here ? Why is the warrioror the man of property or someone else not the leader. It hasalreadybeen noted how the warrioris ruled out as a very influ-ential person, because the Australians were not a war-like race.As for property-because of the climatic and geographical con-ditions,it barely comesinto the picture. In a countrywith a sparserainfall,a scanty food supply, wherethe peoplewander around forfoodin small groups,having no permanent headquarters, t wouldbe impossibleto accumulate property.What we do find in this area, is that tradition plays the leadingpart in determiningthe nature of the social organisation. For thelife of the tribe depends so largely on the ceremonialperformances,which are in turn based on the Alcheringatraditions. Withoutthe knowledge of these myths, the ceremonies could not be per-formed. The old men are the only ones who know these myths,and they are in positions of authority not only in regard to theceremonial procedures,but in all the other tribal activities. Inother words, the old men are the primitive government or therulers of these Australian aborigines. They are so because theyfulfil a function which is indispensableto their society.This correlationof the old men as leaders with the intenselytotemic structure of the society is an example of the method ofstudy suggested in the introductory part of this article. Leader-ship takes its peculiarform because of the specificrole it plays inthe social organisation. Thegeneralroleis to initiate and organisetribal activities. What type of activity is most important for thetribe will depend on its general configurationor social structure.In Australiait is the ceremonial activities. The old men, becauseof their exclusive knowledge of the traditions, are the only oneswho can performthese ceremonies. It is because of this functionthat they possess authority which is carried over to other tribalactivities.

Powdermaker Leadership

Documents

Transcript of Powdermaker Leadership