NCERT Class XII Sociology - Socila Changes in India

SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA

Textbook of Sociology for Class XII

SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA

Textbook of Sociology for Class XII

M.N. KARNA

CONTENTS

1. Structural Processes of Change 1

2. Cultural Processes of Change 14

3. State and Social Change 25

4. Legislation and Democratic Decentralisation 36

5. Economic Development and Social Change 47

6. New Groups, Classes and Globalisation 57

7. Education and Social Change 69

8. Mass Media and Cultural Change 77

9. Dissent and Social Change 86

10. Social Deviance 99

1STRUCTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE

CHAPTER 1

Structural Process of Change

Change is a fact of human life. We maynot be aware of it in our day-to-dayexperience but it continues to affect usin one way or the other. A hundred andthousand years might be a moment inthe life of rocks and mountains but inhuman society changes take place inthe course of merely a generation or two.Think of a situation in which yourgrandmother was living in a villagewhere a large number of familymembers were staying together in onehousehold. She had to maintain purdahand was not allowed to come out of thefour walls of the house till she hadbecome old. Now compare it with thecondition of your mother. Do you notfind a change in the structure of yourown family, now when only a fewmembers are staying together ? Youruncle is living in another householdwith his wife and children. Likewise,your grandfather was an agriculturistbut your father might have shifted tothe urban area to take up a job in agovernment office. You will noticeseveral corresponding changes even inthe life-style of your own family. Thesealterations have occurred merely in ageneration or two. A close look will

reveal changes both in the structureand function of family and in patternsof occupations.

It is this dimension of change thatwe intend to study in the presentcourse. Our focus will be on the natureand extent of social change incontemporary Indian society. Thestudy of social change in India isimportant for several reasons. It tells ushow contemporary Indian society istransforming from a traditional societyto a modern developed society. It showshow changes are occurring in our socialinstitutions and what are the factorsbringing about such changes. It alsoindicates our achievements as a nationand identifies problems and setbacksin certain areas of our life.

Social change is a process, in thesense that it involves a series of eventsover a period of time. The idea ofcontinuity is implied in it and shows asequence of operations that bring aboutchange. Thus, the notion of processindicates two major dimensions of socialchange—its nature and direction. Whilethe nature of change reveals content ofchange, the direction speaks about theline in which it is moving. We intend to

2 SOCIAL CHANGE IN INDIA

discuss here both the substance andthe factors of change.

Sociologists in India have analysedthe process of social change under twobroad categories—structural processesand cultural processes. Structuralprocesses of change are due to atransformation in the network of socialrelationships. Caste, kinship, familyand occupational groups constitutesome of the structural realities. Changein these relationships is a structuralchange. When the traditional agrariansystem based on family labour istransformed into agrarian systembased on hired labour with a view toproduce for the market, we may call ita structural change. The transfor-mation of joint family to nuclear familybrings about change in structure andfunction of family. It is through theprocess of differentiation of roles thatstructural change takes place. To putit differently, role of a social institutionchanges due to specific sequence ofevents making it more effective in thechanged situation. In fact, structuraldifferentiation of roles leads tofunctional specialisation. Reverting toour earlier example, in addition toprocreation and rearing of children,joint family performed numerous rolesin traditional society in the fields ofeducation, occupation and socialsecurity . But after its transformationinto nuclear family most of thesefunctions have been taken over byspecialised agencies such as schools,economic organisations, governmentdepartments and other institutions.Structural change as a result of role

differentiation is noticed in almost alldomains of social life.

You are already familiar with thefactors of social change. Therefore, weshall focus on structural processes ofsocial change namely, industrialisation,Westernisation and modernisation.

INDUSTRIALISATION

Science is an important element ofhuman heritage that produces asystematic knowledge of nature.Technology, on the other hand, is thatelement which contains the applicationof this knowledge. In this sense,technology has a utilitarian goal. It hasdeveloped mainly due to a desire toapply it for the advantage of commonpeople. This goal has been realised inalmost every sphere—industry,agriculture, transport, communicationand such other areas. The rapidchanges that we experience in our day-to-day life are related to thedevelopment of new techniques, newinventions and new modes ofproduction. The application of moderntechnology in industry has influencednot only our economic life but also oursocial and cultural system.

Industrialisation is a process oftechnological advancement fromdomestic production with simple toolsto large-scale factory based production.However, sociologically, the term impliesa process of economic and socialchanges arising out of the change in thestructure of industry. Industrialisationinvolves a broad range of social factorsthat deeply affect the character of social


life. For instance, factories give rise toelaborate division of labour, new workculture, etc.

Industrialisation in India

A wide network of domestic and cottageindustries was existing in India evenprior to British colonial rule. Butmodern large-scale industry came onlyduring the later part of the nineteenthcentury after the Industrial Revolutionin Europe. Between the 1850’s whenthe first major industries started, and1914 India had established the world’slargest jute manufacturing industry,the fifth largest cotton textile industryand the third largest railway network.In this manner, India had almost acentury of industrial development onthe eve of the independence.

After independence, the pace ofindustrialisation was significantlyaccelerated during the periods of Five-Year Plans. It saw the expansion anddiversification of the industrialstructure with the establishment ofseveral new units. In 1951, there wereonly two major units producing ironand steel. The number of such majorsteel plants increased to six by 1980swith the installed capacity of 80 lakhtonnes. The country has madeconsiderable progress in the field of newindustries, agricultural tractors,electronics, fertiliser etc., which werepractically nonexistent in 1951. Thetextile industry is no longer confined tocotton and jute textiles but to a largenumber of units producing differenttypes of synthetic fibres. An important

feature of industrial growth afterindependence has been the rapidexpansion of the public sectorenterprises. These produce diverseproducts such as steel, coal, heavy andlight engineering goods, locomotives,aircraft, petroleum products andfertilizers. A brief sketch of industrialgrowth in India may give us an idea ofthe extent of industrialisation that hastaken place in the country sinceattaining independence.

Social Consequences ofIndustrialisation

We may now turn our attention to theeconomic and social consequences ofindustrialisation. Our economic life haswitnessed tremendous structuralchange in the wake of industrialisation.Production has been broughtsubstantially to the factory. Elaboratedivision of labour, specialisation oftasks and the growth of a class ofindustrial workers have resulted fromchanges in the industrial system.Similarly, the nature of agriculturalproduction has also changed becauseof change in agricultural practices.With the alteration in agriculturalpractices, alterations have alsooccurred in agrarian relations and thelife-styles of farm households.

Moreover, industrialisation haschanged the family mode of productionand women are increasingly found infarms, firms and factories to performdifferent tasks. The new economic rolehas placed women in the new


environment where they experience achanged social status. This new role ofwomen in turn has brought greaterparticipation of women in decisionmaking in the family. These changeshave occurred due to occupationaldiversification that has been broughtabout by industrialisation. Forexample, it cannot be expected that allworking members of a family will getjobs in similar occupations andprofessions and will be posted at thesame place. One member, for example,may be engaged in the cultivation offamily land in Uttar Pradesh and theother may take up an employment asan engineer in Chennai. Under thesecircumstances, the break-up of a jointfamily into small nuclear families isnatural. Such structural changes arealso accompanied by functionaldistinctive-ness. For example, thetraditional joint family as mentionedearlier, was a multifunctionalinstitution. It had innumerableeconomic, educational, recreational,socialisational and biological functions.Now, except for the biological andsocialisational functions of the family,most of the other functions have beentaken over by formal economicorganisations, associations and thestate.

Development of transport andcommunication have resulted in farreaching consequences. Railways,automobiles and marine transporta-tions have not only increased spatialmobility but have also quickened therate of internal and external migration.A large number of people are migrating

from rural to urban areas to take upnew occupations. Similarly, both skilledand unskilled women and men aretravelling out of the country in searchof better careers.

Changes are also witnessed in thesystem of social stratification.Significant changes are observed in thecase of caste system, which is animportant structural reality of Indiansocial system. The separation betweencaste and occupation is a significantchange that has taken place. Theoccupational diversification has madeseveral occupations ‘caste free’. It is,however, more in towns than in villagesand even greater in the largeindustrialised cities. A considerablenumber of people located earlier at thelower levels of caste hierarchy andengaged in caste-based occupationsare now entering into new occupations.Likewise, castes considered higher inthe hierarchy are coming forward foroccupations not preferred earlier. Themembers of lower castes dispensed withtraditional occupations primarilybecause they were considered ‘impure’and were endowed with low statusbesides being less profitable. On theother hand, members of upper castessuch as Brahmin, Rajput and Kayasthin North India were compelled to takeup work like manual labourers, peonsin offices and such other low statusjobs. In addition to modifications inoccupational structure and mobility,changes are seen in the inter-castepower structure.

We have so far analysed thesocio-economic consequences of


industrialisation but we should notoverlook one basic fact in this regard.The way in which a society responds tothe industrial changes depends on itsown creative genius and socialenvironment. We, therefore, find asubstantial difference between onesociety and another in the degree towhich changes take place as a result ofindustrialisation.

URBANISATION

Urbanisation is a process by whichpeople instead of living in villages startliving in towns and cities. It involves amode by which agriculture-basedhabitat is transformed into non-agricultural urban habitat. The growthof urban centres is the result ofaccelerated industrial and servicefunctions. An increase in the size oftowns and cities leading to growth ofurban population is the most significantdimension of urbanisation. Thesecentres are essentially non-agriculturalin character.

Urbanisation as a structuralprocess of change is related toindustrialisation but it is not always theresult of industrialisation. In certaincases, urbanisation has taken placeeven without industrialisation.Industrialisation is always connectedwith economic growth but we cannotsay the same about urbanisation.

Urban environment produces aparticular kind of social life whichLois Wirth, a core member of theChicago School, calls urbanism. Sociallife in cities is more formal and

impersonal. The relationship is basedon a complex division of labour and iscontractual in nature.

Urbanisation in India

India is a land of villages and will remainso for decades to come. However, it doesnot mean that cities have been absentfrom this vast sub-continent. Existenceof cities in India can be traced back toas early as third millennium B.C.Archeological excavations reveal oldertraces of urbanisation. Historians tell usthat a truly urban civilisation emergedin the Indus Valley with Mohenjodaroand Harappa as important urbancentres. In addition to these two cities,several other urban settlements such asKalibangan in northern Rajasthan,Lothal in Gujarat and Banwali inHaryana also emerged as the majorcentres. In the subsequent period,urbanisation was not confined to aparticular area. This phase ofurbanisation finds mention in the post-Vedic literature in the north and Sangamliterature in the south. The Buddhisttexts also mention the existence ofthe urban centres. Furthermore,urbanisation during the medieval timeswas spread out from Srinagar in thenorth to Madurai in the south. Thisperiod was marked more by the revivalof old cities than the establishment ofnew cities and towns. These pre-industrial cities, however, existedprimarily as centres of pilgrimage, asroyal capitals and as trading centres.

Cities with modern industrialcharacter grew in India only after the


contact with the West. The process ofurbanisation was accelerated duringthe British colonial regime. The BritishIndian administration promotedurbanisation on a large scale. Themajor port towns of Kolkata, Mumbaiand Chennai owe their beginning,growth and importance to the colonialefforts. Similarly, regional summercapitals were established in remotemountainous areas like Srinagar,Shillong and Shimla. The princely statesdid not develop as fast but even theyhad capital towns. Some of the princelystates like Hyderabad, Indore, Jaipurand Mysore had population exceedingone lakh.

The urban scenario changedremarkably after independence. Theproportion of urban population to thetotal population increased from 17.6per cent in 1951 to 25.7 per cent in1991. The number of cities withpopulation of one million or moreincreased from 5 to 23 during the sameperiod. According to the census of 2001urban population stands at 27.78 percent and number of cities havingpopulation more than one million hasincreased to 35. The noteworthygrowth of urban population afterindependence has been largely due tothe rapid increase in population, rural-urban migration, city-centredindustrialisation and the over allneglect of villages.

The emerging trends ofurbanisation in India reveal that urbanmigration is fairly significant. A largenumber of people from rural areas areshifting not only to big cities but even

to medium-sized cities and smalltowns. Distance is not a barrier. Onereadily finds villagers moving from far-flung areas of north Indian state to thecities in south India. Migrants aremainly employed in manufacturing andservice occupations. Besides, theseasonal migration of unskilledlabourers, too, has become common.We find labourers from AndhraPradesh, Bihar and Orissa working inagricultural farms of Punjab, Haryanaand western Uttar Pradesh. Labourersbegin with seasonal migration and lateron start settling permanently in areasof their choice.

Social Effects of Urbanisation

Let us now turn to the social effects ofaccelerated urbanisation. Urbanisationhas altered the structure of joint familyas a result of occupational diversi-fication. Consequently, the functions offamily and kinship have declinedconsiderably. The traditional familynorms are relaxed and interpersonalrelationships have become more formal.An urban child now grows within muchsmaller world. No kinsmen are availablein nuclear family to take care of her/him. The child has to select playmatesoutside the family. In this manner, thechild develops a new type of personalitycharacterised by ideas of freedom andinnovation. Such a situation isremarkably different from theenvironment of dependence found in ajoint family. The nature of love andaffection in interpersonal relationshiphas also changed. While children and


their mothers receive considerableattention, sentiments and attachmenttowards other relatives have weakened.Likewise, the division of domestic dutiesbetween wife and husband is changingin the urban settings. They both sharedomestic duties, as there is no otheradult member available to sharethe burden.

Thus, social life in urban areasfaces isolation due to diminishingkinship obligations. Several ties thatformerly bound members of the familyto group and community life are nowbroken. Consequently, the quality ofhuman relationships tends to becomemore formal and impersonal.

Another visible change is in thedomain of caste identity. Urbandwellers participate in networks thatinclude persons of several castes.Individual achievement and modernstatus symbols have become moreimportant than caste identity. Castenorms are not strictly maintainedwhich is manifest in commensalrelations, marital alliances and inoccupational relations. It is, thus,possible to suggest that urban way oflife has made people think more asindividuals than as members of aparticular caste. The importance ofascription as the basis of social statusis declining and the significance ofachievement is taking its place. Thelevel of education, nature of occupationand the level of income are now majorindicators of one’s achievement in anurban setup. Therefore, peoplerecognise education, occupation andincome as prerequisites for higher

social status. It does not mean that theachieved status has completelyreplaced ascribed status and class hasfully overshadowed caste.

It is, however, necessary to clarifythat changes brought about byurbanisation have not altogetherreplaced the traditional patterns offamily, kinship and caste. They gothrough adaptations and theirfunctions are not completely eroded.

Urban Problems

We have already seen how urbanisationis proceeding at a considerable pace inIndia. It has affected different domainsof people’s life. The expansion of urbancentres has also given rise to a varietyof problems. The physical space isdingy, quality of life is poor and urbangovernance is unimaginative. Over-crowding and pollution, sub-standardhousing and slums, crime anddelinquency, alcoholism and drugabuse are a few of them. We shalldiscuss some of them which have farreaching consequences for the country.

Urban overcrowding is the result ofthe massive size of India’s urbanpopulation. Its impact is visible indeclining services in the areas ofhousing, water supply, sanitation,transport, power supply andemployment opportunity. Increasingnumber of homeless people, high rateof rent and a scramble for the fewavailable houses are commonly foundin most of the cities and towns. Thedensity of urban population in Indiaworks out to be around 3,500 persons


per square kilometre in 1991. This ismore than the accepted norm of 400per square kilometre. Thus, urbanareas have more people than they cansupport with the available infrastructure.

Related to the problem of housingand overcrowding is the problem ofslums. The slum is an area of dingyneglected houses where people live inpoverty without minimum civicamenities. The estimates of India’surban population living in slums varywidely. However, according to anestimate, not less than 45 million peoplewere living in slums in 1995 and as theurban population is increasing fast,their number must have had increasedby now. It is said that the Indianpopulation living in slums is more thanthe total population of about 107countries of the world. Generally, thelarger a city, the more the people live inslums. Naturally, metros like Mumbai,Delhi and Kolkata have more slumsthan the small and medium size towns.In 1991, slum-dwellers formed 45 percent of the population in Mumbai, 44per cent in Delhi and 42 per cent inKolkata. The situation is no better inother metropolises like Chennai,Bangalore, Hyderabad, Ahmadabadetc. In reality, the problems of slumsare multiplying in the wake of city’sincapacity to meet the rising demandsof growing population.

Pollution is another major problemof cities. There are several sources ofrising pollution. Cities discharge 40to 60 per cent of their entire sewageand industrial effluents into theadjoining rivers. The smaller towns

dump garbage and excreta into thenearest waterways through their opendrains. Likewise, urban industriespollute the atmosphere with smoke andgases from their old chimneys.Vehicular emission in Delhi accountsfor 64 per cent of its air pollution. Infact, Delhi has the dubious distinctionof being one of the most polluted citiesin the world. The poison that we put inthe environment comes back to usthrough air, water and food. Itgradually causes diseases anddisorders making life miserable andhazardous.

The issue of environmentalpollution in urban areas has beenrecognised and steps have been takento ease the situation. Even the SupremeCourt of India intervened and orderedclosure of polluting industrial units inDelhi. Recently, the use of non-polluting Compressed Natural Gas(CNG) has been made mandatory forbuses and three-wheelers in Delhi asper the order of the Supreme Court.

There are a number of otherproblems faced by urban centres whichare not discussed here for the sake ofbrevity. Important among them are theproblems of urban poverty, urbanplanning and urban governance.

MODERNISATION

Modernisation is both an idea and aprocess. As it is an idea, there is noagreement among social scientists onits meaning and interpretation. In thedecades after the Second World War itwas believed in industrial capitalist


countries such as Britain and theUnited States that the key to economicdevelopment in the Third World wasmodernisation. The concept ofmodernisation, thus, emerged as anexplanation of how these societiesdeveloped through capitalism. Byproviding such an explanation Westernscholars desired to convince theunderdeveloped countries like Indiathat economic development waspossible under capitalism.

According to this approach,modernisation depends primarily onintroduction of technology and theknowledge required to make use of it.Besides, several social and politicalprerequisites have been identified tomake modernisation possible. Some ofthese prerequisites are:

1. increased levels of education,2. development of mass media,3. accessible transport and

communication,4. democratic political institutions,5. more urban and mobile

population,6. nuclear family in place of

extended family,7. complex division of labour,8. declining public influence of

religion, and;9. developed markets for exchange

of goods and services in placeof traditional ways of meetingsuch needs.

Modernisation is, thus, supposed tobe the result of the presence of theseprerequisites in the social system. It is

clear that the term modernisation hasbeen used here in a very broad sense.We, therefore, find different views aboutthe scope and area to be covered by theconcept of modernisation.

Some sociologists limit moderni-sation to its structural aspect, othersemphasise its cultural dimension. A fewstudies highlight the issue of politicalmodernisation and still others analyseits psychological meaning. Of course,the treatment of the concept in terms of it being a process of social changeis found in Learner’s writing.Daniel Lerner in his essay on‘Modernisation’, included inEncyclopaedia of Social Sciences,explains modernisation in these words:“Modernisation is the current term foran old process — the process of socialchange whereby less developedsocieties acquired characteristicscommon to more developed societies.”He further writes, “Modernisation,therefore, is the process of social changein which development is the economiccomponent.” Obviously this under-standing of the term corresponds withthe meaning which we have given to theterm at the beginning of our discussion.Accordingly, modernisation is a processof change, which takes a country fromunderdevelopment to development. Itproduces social environment foreconomic development. The growth inindustrialisation, urbanisation,national income and per capita incomeare taken as criteria of development.

However, while accepting theeconomic criteria of development, somesociologists have added non-economic


criteria to judge development. Theyargue that rising output alone is notsufficient to assess the level ofdevelopment. A society has to move fromrising output to self-sustaining growth.Therefore, non-economic criteria suchas the level of education, function ofmedia, growth of communication andsocial norms conducive to change haveto be taken into consideration.

The meaning of modernisationgiven above incorporates primarily,structural aspects of change. In otherwords, with modernisation structuraltransformation takes place in economy,polity and social institutions. It is to benoted here that the concept ofmodernisation has also been explainedin cultural terms. In this sense,modernisation implies change in valuesand attitudes. Modernity involvesvalues and norms that are universal innature. Explaining this aspect ofmodernisation Yogendra Singhsuggests that modernisation implies arational attitude towards issues andtheir evaluation from a universalviewpoint. Thus, technologicaladvancement and economic growth arenot the sole criterion to judge the levelof modernisation of a society. Thecommitment to scientific world-viewand humanistic ideas are equallyimportant.

Moreover, the idea of modernisationhas also been analysed in terms of thepaired concepts of tradition andmodernity. It has been argued thatmodernity stands as opposite oftradition. In this sense, all theunderdeveloped societies are

characterised as traditional and thedeveloped societies as modern.Modernisation, thus, implies a changefrom tradition to modernity. Changeoccurs, according to this view, inpredictable direction. In other words,in order to modernise, every society hasto follow the same direction and adopta similar path. All the existing valuesand structures have to be replaced bythe new values and structures.

Nonetheless, sociologists from thedeveloping countries are critical of thisunderstanding of modernisation. Theymaintain that modernisation does notstand as a polar opposite to tradition.Traditional values and institutions arenot necessarily discarded while takingup new values in the process of change.Society adopts new values because theyare considered more efficient andrewarding. In view of this, thesesociologists hold that modernisationwould develop typical forms in differentsocieties. Patterns of modernisation,thus, may vary from society to society.The discussion shows that processes ofmodernisation involve both structuraland cultural dimensions. However,given the present context, we shall dealwith modernisation primarily as astructural process of change.

Modernisation in India

Some sociologists make a distinctionbetween social change andmodernisation in order to assess thenature of change in the traditionalIndian society. Though, social changeoccurred in traditional India, it wasessentially pre-modern in nature. One


traditional institution was just replacedby the other and no basic structuralchange took place in social system andculture.

Historically, modernisation in Indiastarted from the establishment of theBritish rule and has continued evenafter independence. The nature anddirection of modernisation during thesetwo phases have been different.Therefore, it is appropriate to examinethe processes of modernisation undertwo distinct phases — the colonialphase and the post-colonial phase.

As has been mentioned earlier,modernisation in India commencedafter the arrival of the British rule. Thecontact with the West brought about farreaching changes in social structureand cultural institutions. Changes werewitnessed in almost all important areasof life. The British administrationintroduced new arrangements inlegal, agrarian, educational andadministrative domains. Most of theseled to structural modernisation.For instance, the bureaucratic systemof administration and judiciaryintroduced by them were based onmodern rational norms, which replacedthe traditional Indian legal norms,based on the principle of hierarchy andascription. A similar transformationtook place in the system of educationand agrarian structure. The Westernsystem of education was introducedtowards the middle of the nineteenthcentury and expanded significantlythereafter. New patterns of landsettlements such as Zamindari,Raiyatwari and Mahalwari covering

the whole of British India resulted insystematisation of revenueadministration. Some other areasexperiencing modernising trends wereindustrialisation, urbanisation,transport and communication, armyand the emergence of industrialworking class and so forth. Theemergence and growth of a nationalistpolitical leadership was also the resultof growing modernisation of Indiansociety. In fact, the nationalistleadership became so strong towardsthe early part of the twentieth centurythat freedom movement itself generateda new culture of modernisation.

It is apparent from the above thatthe colonial phase of modernisationcreated a wide network of structure andculture which was modern and had anall-India appeal. However, it isimportant to point out here that duringthe colonial phase the local regionalstructures of family, caste and villagecommunity remained more or lessunaffected by the forces ofmodernisation. At these levels, theBritish, by and large, followed a policyof least interference. Consequently, wedo not find much change in thestructures of family, caste and village.

Let us, now, briefly examine theprocess of modernisation in the post-colonial India. Modernisation processhas undergone some fundamentalchanges after the Independence. Everydomain of social system is under theactive influence of modernisingprocess. Modernisation has, now,become an integral part of thedevelopmental strategy.


The political system has assumeda new shape after the adoption of aparliamentary form of governmentbased on adult franchise. Politicalparties have emerged as powerfulorgans of the system. Thus, democraticpolitical structure has effectively led toincreasing political consciousnessamong people. The process ofpoliticisation has, further, beenaccelerated through the Panchayati Rajinstitutions.

The foundations of traditional familystructure have come under theinfluence of legal reforms in marriageand inheritance. The family introducedegalitarian norms in family leading toraised status of women. Similarly, castehas assumed new functional roles. Ithas acquired an associationalcharacter. New consciousness hasemerged among dalits. Increasing roleof caste in politics is a pointer to thistrend. Moreover, land reforms, too, havebrought structural transformation inagrarian social structure.

However, it is pertinent to callattention to the fact that modernisationin India has not been a uniformlyprogressive movement. Two crucialissues may be pointed out in thisregard. First, in the process of

modernisation several traditionalinstitutions and activities have beenreinforced. For example, religiouspreachers are using modern media tospread their ideas. Now, there aretelevision channels in India exclusivelydevoted to religious preaching. Casteassociations are using new modes ofcommunication to consolidate theirposition. Second, inconsistencies arevisible in the patterns of modernisation.Though structural change iswitnessed in family, joint familyloyalties and norms still prevail.Democratic participation is increasingdespite increase in caste conflicts.

What we wish to point out is thatmodernisation in India has notthoroughly dispensed with traditionalinstitutions. Yogendra Singh has,appropriately highlighted this fact in hisstudy titled Modernisation of IndianTradition. He writes, “The form oftraditional institutions may remainintact but their substance mightundergo major transformationsincorporating modernisation.” In thissense modernisation process in Indiahas acquired a typical form. Traditionalinstitutions have displayed theirpotential for adaptations in courseof change.

GLOSSARY

CONTRACTUAL RELATIONSHIP. It is a formal agreement between two or more partiesin which the parties entering this relationship must give up theirpart of the bargain without abusing the terms of the agreement.


SEASONAL MIGRATION. The movements of agricultural labourers from one placeto other during harvest time in search of employment.

EXERCISE

1. What is meant by structural change?

2. What are the significant changes in the sphere of industry afterIndependence?

3. Explain the social and the economic consequences of industrialisation.

4. Distinguish between urbanisation and urbanism.

5. Discuss the impact of urbanisation on Indian society.

6. What is modernisation?

7. Explain the process of modernisation in India.

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Rao, M.S.A. (ed.), Urban Sociology in India, Orient Longman, New Delhi,1974.

2. Singh, Yogendra, Modernisation of Indian Traditions, Thomson Press Ltd.,New Delhi,1973.

3. Srinivas, M.N., Social Change in Modern India, Orient Longman,New Delhi,1972.

4. Srinivas, M.N., The Dominant Caste and Other Essays, Oxford UniversityPress, New Delhi, 1987.

5. Singh, Yogendra, Essays on Modernisation in India, Manohar Publications,Delhi, 1978.

6. Mishra, R.P., Urbanisation in India : Challenges and Opportunities,Regency Publications, New Delhi, 1998.


CHAPTER 2

Cultural Processes of Change

In the previous chapter we haveexamined the structural processes ofchange. You are familiar with theconcept that culture is an accumulatedstore of symbols, ideas and materialproducts which are transmitted fromone generation to the other. Culturalforms regulate social activities. Thus, inthe present context, cultural processesof change show the various waysthrough which Indian culture respondsto numerous changes earlierintroduced in India. The sourcesof change fall under two broadercategories—endogenous and exogenous.While endogenous sources of changeoriginate from within the society,exogenous sources flow from outside aparticular society. Changes in thecultural structure of India haveemanated from both endogenous andexogenous sources. In the followingsections, the significance of thesecultural processes has been discussedwith the help of four concepts namely,Sanskritisation, Islamisation,Westernisation and Secularisation.

SANSKRITISATION

Sanskritisation has emerged as themost influential concept to explain

cultural and social changes in India.The term was first used by M. N. Srinivasin the course of his study of the Coorgsin erstwhile State of Mysore.Subsequently, further refinements havebeen brought in the concept bysociologists to effectively describe theprocess of cultural mobility in thetraditional social structure in India.

According to Srinivas,“Sanskritisation is a process by whicha ‘low’ Hindu caste, or tribal or othergroup changes its customs, ritual,ideology, and way of life in the directionof a high, and frequently, ‘twice-born’caste.” Srinivas found that lower castes,in order to raise their position in castehierarchy, adopted some of the practicesof the Brahmans. At the same time,these castes gave up some of their owncustoms, which were consideredimpure such as meat-eating,consumption of alcohol and animalsacrifice to their deities. They alsoemulated life-styles of the high casteBrahmans in terms of dress, food andrituals. By imitating these practices thelower castes claimed higher positionover a period of time in the localhierarchy of castes. This processof mobility was initially called

15CULTURAL PROCESSES OF CHANGE

Brahmanisation. But it was realisedlater that the process described asBrahmanisation was not a generaltrend and the lower castes in severalcases adopted the practices of the non-Brahman higher castes. Therefore, theterm Brahmanisation was replaced bySanskritisation which was consideredmore appropriate.

Sanskritisation is an endogenoussource of upward mobility for a caste.The mobility caused by this process,however, leads to only positionalchanges in the system. It does notresult in structural change. Changeoccurs within the caste hierarchy. Thecaste system itself does not change.

Sanskritisation is not limited toHindu castes. It also takes place amongthe tribal groups. By resorting toSanskritisation a particular tribe mayclaim even to be a caste. We notice thisprocess of cultural change among theBhils of western India, the Gonds, theHo and the Oraons of central India. Inthis sense, Sanskritisation is a generalprocess of acculturation. It provides achannel for vertical mobility of groupsand communities. It reveals motivationfor status enhancement throughimitation of the customs, rituals andideologies of the upper castes.

As mentioned earlier, only practicesof the Brahmans are not adopted by thelower castes. There are other non-Brahman castes who act as models foradoption of ways of life. This aspect ofSanskritisation has been explained withthe help of the concept of the ‘dominantcaste’. Srinivas describes it thus, “Fora caste to be dominant, it should own a

sizeable amount of the arable landlocally available, have strength ofnumbers and occupy a high place inthe local hierarchy.” Besides landownership, numerical strength andhigh ritual status, other factors likeeducation, jobs in administration andurban sources of income have alsocontributed to the power and prestigeof certain castes in rural areas.Dominant castes have localisedexistence and operate as referencemodels for Sanskritising castes.However, the process of culturaltransmission through the localdominant castes takes different formsin different regions. If the dominantcaste in a particular region is theBrahman, it will transmit Brahmanicalfeatures of Sanskritisation. But in casethe locally dominant caste is a Jat, itwill transmit Jat features. In thissense, Sanskritisation is an expressionof a highly regional process of culturalchange.

Nonetheless, it is necessary to pointout that the regional pattern ofSanskritisation with its own dominantcaste is not completely independentfrom an all-India system. Sources ofinfluence as Srinivas says may bederived from wider Indian traditionsuch as ‘pilgrimages, harikathas andreligious plays’. Srinivas gives theexample of the Sanskritisation of thePatidars of Gujarat, which owes muchto these sources and the influence ofVallabhachari and Swaminarayansects.

However, the process ofSanskritisation is not always steady


and smooth. When lower castes beginto emulate life-styles of dominantcastes it does not go unchallengedeverytime. Minor changes in rituals anddress codes are ignored. But when thelower castes adopt important high-castesymbols, then it is not only contested,even punishments follow. Severalexamples of such contests andpunishments have been reported fromdifferent regions of the country. Whenthe Noniyas, a low caste of salt-makersin eastern Uttar Pradesh put on thesacred thread en masse, the uppercaste landlords ‘beat them, tore off thesacred thread and imposed a collectivefine on the caste’. Similarly, in northBihar, the high caste Bhumiharsprevented the Yadav (Ahir) fromassuming the symbols of upper castestatus. Instances of such violentconflicts were not confined to northIndia. In the extreme south of India, theKallar, a dominant caste announcedeight prohibitions in December 1930against the Adi-Dravidas, thedisregard of which led to violentincidents. Their huts were set on fire,granaries were destroyed and even live-stock was looted.

In view of such a response of thedominant caste in a particular area, thelower castes adopted a differentstrategy to achieve the goal. Theyavoided imitating practices likely todisturb the dominant caste. Theywould move rather slowly. In somecases certain Sanskritising castesopenly defied the commands.

Although Sanskritisation, moreoften than not, has a local character it

has occurred in every part of India. Inthis sense, it has been a major processof cultural change in Indian history.Historical evidence shows that variousaboriginal groups were assimilated inthe hierarchy of castes according to theirsocial position. Such processes alsogave rise to new castes or sub-castes.The formation of new caste or sub-caste,in reality, reflected social mobilitywithin the caste system.

Thus, in the historical sense,Sanskritisation speaks of a processwhich brings about changes in thestatus of various castes. This processof cultural change allows not onlyimitation of life-styles but also bringsnew ideas and values. The Bhaktimovement of medieval period is animportant example in this respect. Itwas an all-India movement, whichactively involved the low castes and thepoor. The Bhakti saints pronouncedthat the dignity of human beingsdepended on their actions and not ontheir birth. It was because of thismovement that several individualsfrom the lower castes includinguntouchables became religious leaders.Namdev was a tailor, Tukaram ashopkeeper, Rai a cobbler and Kabir aweaver. The movement had given a joltto excessive ritualism and casteatrocities. It spread values of equalityand social justice.

ISLAMISATION

It is to be noted here that anotherprocess of cultural change has alsobeen operating in India, which is linked


to the process of Sanskritisation.Sociologists have called it Islamisation.Indian contact with Islam dates backto the eighth century. Today almost 14per cent Indians follow Islam. It is, thus,an important religious tradition inour country.

The process of the spread of Islamcalled Islamisation is an integral partof our cultural heritage. Accordingly,there are two major aspects ofIslamisation that attract our attention.First, the changes which have occurredin the life of the Muslims because of theendogenous change within the traditionof Islam in India. Second, the interactionbetween Hinduism and Islam during itslong history which has produced acomposite culture.

The significant development in thisrespect took place in the early phase ofIslamic expansion and itsconsolidation. It broadly happenedbetween A.D.1206–1818. It was animportant period for several reasons asYogendra Singh says, “It was not onlymarked with periods of conflicts andtension but also led to manyadaptations and cultural syncretismbetween the Hindu and the Islamictraditions.” A more stable co-existenceof Islam with the Hindu and othertraditions were the naturalconsequence of this interaction.

When Islam reached India its socialorganisation had started transforming.‘Equality and brotherhood’ continued tobe an ideal but social gradations withinMuslim society had already emerged.The ruling groups, at the time of arrivalof Islam, consisted of upper groups.

They were called Ashrafs. It includedfour high status groups known asSayyid, Sheikh, Mughal and Pathan.These groups later assumed caste-likefeatures. They were both political andcultural torch-bearers and carriedforward Islamic cultural tradition.

However, it is important to point outthat during this phase numerouschanges occurred within the IndianMuslim society. Changes came notthrough the external factors butbecause of the need of the new socio-cultural situation in which Islam wasnow placed.

The emergence and growth ofvarious orders of the Sufi thought wasthe most significant development in thisregard. Sufis were persons of deepdevotion. Sufism was the teaching thatidentified God with the universe. Sufislaid great emphasis on love as the linkbetween God and the individual soul.Abul Fazl mentions the existence ofseventeen Sufi orders in India in thesixteenth century. Some of the practicesof the Sufis such as penance, fastingand holding the breath are traced to theBuddhist and Yogic influences. It isdifficult to say with certainty whetherBuddhist and Vedantic ideasinfluenced Sufism or the Sufi ideasoriginated in other philosophicaltraditions. What is important to notehere is that there were many similaritiesin the ideas of the Sufis and the HinduYogis about the nature and relationshipof God and the soul. This provided abasis for mutual tolerance andunderstanding.

Though there were several Sufiorders in India during the medieval


period only two acquired considerableinfluence during the thirteenth andfourteenth centuries. These were theChishti and Suharwardi orders.Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti establishedthe Chishti order in India. The mostfamous of the Chishti saints wereNizamuddin Auliya and NasiruddinChirag-e-Delhi. They associated freelywith the people of the lower classesincluding the Hindus. They led a simplelife and talked with people in Hindawior Hindi. Their popularity alsoincreased because of their musicalrecitations called sama in which oftenHindi verses were used to make agreater impact on their listeners. TheSuharwardi order entered India duringthe same period but its activities wereconfined mainly to Punjab and itssurrounding areas.

Besides the Sufi tradition of Islam,there were other attempts to reconcilesome aspects of the Hindu traditionwith Islam. Among the Muslim rulers,Akbar’s attempt to introduce asynthetic cult called Din-e-Ilahi is wellknown. A synthesis of Upanishadicideas with Islam was advocated byDara Shikoh. In the field of literature,Ameer Khusro contributed so muchthat his popularity continues tilltoday. Many other Muslim poets andwriters have also become part of ourliterary history. For instance, Jayasi,Nalei, Abdul Rahim Khan-e-Khana,Mirza Asdullah Khan Ghalib havebeen true representatives of ourcomposite culture.

However, it should be rememberedthat cultural co-existence was only one

side of the story. A larger section of thistradition continued to develop onorthodox lines. The orthodox traditionusually heightened distinctionsbetween what was deemed the correctversion of Hinduism or Islam. Thesituation further changed during theBritish regime. The liberal tradition wasgradually taken over by conservativeideas and beliefs. At the local-regionallevel where the bulk of Muslimsconsisted of the converts fromHinduism a similar trend was visible.At this level Islamisation meant anupward social and cultural mobilityamong the converts to Islam. The desirefor improvement in social status andcorresponding increase in power andprofit motivated lower castes to Islam.Of course, Islamisation throughconversion did not always providegains but it was psychologicallysatisfying to the people. The large-scaleconversion did not bring an automaticacceptance of their higher status eitherby the Hindus or by the Muslims. Inthis sense, Islamisation as a process ofcultural change resemblesSanskritisation.

WESTERNISATION

In addition to Sanskritisation,Westernisation is the other majorcultural process of change. LikeSanskritisation, the termWesternisation has also been madepopular in Indian sociology by M. N.Srinivas. It has been used to analysethe exogenous source of social andcultural change in contemporary India.Srinivas, in his book Social Change in


Modern India explains Westernisationin these words, “the changes broughtabout in Indian society and culture asa result of over 150 years of British rule,and the term subsumes changesoccurring at different levels—technology, institutions, ideology,values.”

It is essential to keep in view thatthe concepts of Sanskritisation andWesternisation, have been used toexplain social change in India incultural and not in structural terms.They do not refer to changes takingplace in social structure. Secondly, theterm, Westernisation rather than‘modernisation’, has been favoured bysociologists because this term isneutral. It does not imply whether it isgood or bad. Thus, in spite of itsconceptual limitation, Westernisation isan appropriate term to describe theBritish impact on Indian culture.

We have already discussed in theprevious chapter that modernindustries were established in Indiaafter the Industrial Revolution inBritain. With the growth of science andtechnology in the West during thenineteenth century, factory productionstarted in India, too. The expansion ofindustries required fast transport andcommunication. This in turn led to thebeginning and extension of railways,post and telegraph and a wide networkof roads. The growth of towns and citieswas its natural consequence.

In the closing years of the eighteenthcentury new arrangements were madein the agrarian system. Modifiedsystems of land settlements were

introduced. Important among themwere Zamindari, Raiyatwari andMahalwari settlements. A detailedsurvey was conducted to preparerecords of area and ownership of land.It was used to fix revenue and deriveassured income from land.

Similarly, modern army, police forceand administrative system reachedIndia after the consolidation of theBritish rule. The introduction of modernlegal system with organised courtssubstantially changed the judicialpractices in the country.

The establishment of educationalinstitutions was a development of farreaching significance. Though we hada traditional system of schooling evenprior to the British regime, it was notopen to all. Education was the privilegeof a handfull of people belonging mainlyto the high caste groups. In this sense,schools and colleges that were startedduring the first half of the nineteenthcentury introduced the system ofmodern education in India. The Britishalso brought about printing press thatfacilitated publication of newspapers,books and magazines. Theestablishment of three universities atMumbai, Kolkata and Chennai in 1857paved the way for higher education.

Moreover, Westernisation hasbrought new ideas and ideology.Among these ideas and values, the mostimportant is what Srinivas callshumanitarianism. It is concerned with‘the welfare of all human beingsirrespective of caste, economic position,religion, age and gender.’ To put it little


differently, notions of equality, freedomand secularism are all involved in thebasic idea of humanitarianism. In fact,Westernisation implies humani-tarianism which in turn facilitatedseveral reforms during the earlynineteenth century. The abolition ofinhuman practices such as Sati, femaleinfanticide and slavery was the resultof reforms initiated by the enlightenedIndian leaders.

Another impact of Westernisationhas been the emergence of commercialmiddle class and traders. Initially, itwas confined to only those regionswhere British influence was potent.They were involved in jobs andvocations that required training andskills different from traditional modesof business and work. Though thepeople comprising this group were notculturally Westernised in the true senseof the term, their contact with theWestern culture was visible. It was fromthis class that a new generation ofprofessionals and educated groupsemerged in subsequent phases ofWesternisation.

It is fascinating to note here thatWesternisation has also influencedpolitical ideas and thinking.Nationalism and democracy emerged astwo great ideas in the West. Both theseideas made a journey to different partsof the world. They came to Indiathrough Westernisation. Nationalismstands for the consciousness that givesrise to a nation. The nationalist urge inIndia started in the latter half of thenineteenth century. But before this urgecould crystalise into a struggle for

freedom from British colonial rule, adesire to reform traditional Indiansociety emerged. The establishment ofthe Brahmo Samaj by Raja Ram MohanRoy in Bengal in 1828 and the AryaSamaj by Swami Dayanand Saraswatiin Gujarat in 1875 aimed at thereformation of Hinduism. The primaryobjective of these reform movementswas to remove social evils of Indiansociety, namely rigidity of caste systemand the low status of women.

Nationalism in India, as mentioned,was the result of the contact with theWest. The newly educated groups wereexposed to the ideals of liberty anddemocracy through the study ofEuropean history and Englishliterature. The question of Indianpolitical identity was relentlesslydebated and gradually it led to thedemand for freedom. It is not intendedhere to trace the growth of Indiannationalism through its long history.Our purpose is only to point out thatthe ideals of nationalism, democraticpolity and secularism have come toIndia under specific historical context.These systems have been harbinger ofcultural modernisation in India.

SECULARISATION

Secularisation is a process of socialchange through which the influence ofreligion declines in public affairs.Religion is replaced by other ways ofexplaining facts and events. Theimportance of religion in regulatingsocial life decreases and it is taken overby utilitarian consideration. Theinterpretation of reality is in terms of


reason and rationality. Whensecularisation advances, sciencereplaces religion as the primaryapproach to understand the naturaland social worlds. Thus, the termsecularisation implies that issueswhich were previously regarded asreligious are no longer the same.

It has rightly been suggested thatsecularisation in India is the result ofalmost a century of Westernisation inthe country. The process started withthe consolidation of British rule andgradually picked-up momentum withthe development of transport andcommunication. We have seen earlierthat industrialisation and urbanisationincreased spatial mobility. The peoplemigrated from rural areas to urbanareas and from towns to cities in largenumber. The spread of educationchanged value preferences which inturn furthered the cause ofsecularisation.

Before discussing the domains ofsecularisation, it would be proper toindicate how both Sanskritisation andsecularisation are simultaneouslyoperating in the contemporary India.Explaining the reason M. N. Srinivaswrites, “Of the two, secularisation is themore general process, affecting allIndians, while Sanskritisation affectsonly Hindus and tribal groups.Broadly, it would be true to say thatsecularisation is more marked amongthe urban and educated groups, andSanskritisation among the lower Hinducastes and tribes.”

Historically, secularisation of Indiansocial and cultural life became intense

with the new developments in social andcultural arena. The struggle for freedomespecially in its Gandhian phaseunleashed several forces that increasedsecularisation. The civil disobediencecampaign launched by MahatmaGandhi mobilised the masses. Likewise,mobilisation of people against socialevils in Hindu society such asuntouchability also contributed toincreased secularisation.

This process was furtherstrengthened with the attaining ofindependence in 1947, and with theadoption of a Republican Constitutionin 1950, India emerged as a secularstate. The Constitution adopted in freeIndia guarantees freedom of religion. Itdeclares that there will be nodiscrimination on the basis of religionin employment and education. Theintroduction of universal adultfranchise and the equality of citizensbefore law were some other stepsundertaken to ensure the secularcharacter of the Indian State.

We shall now discuss the process ofsecularisation of Indian social andcultural life. The secularisation processhas affected every aspect of personaland social life. Some changes are,however, apparent whereas some othersmay be disguised. Its effects are notuniformly felt. For example, urbandwellers are generally much moreinfluenced by it than the rural folk.Educated sections are deeply movedcompared to the illiterates. Similarly,some regions of the country are moreexposed to the secularisation processthan others.


The secularisation process hasmade its most effective impact on theideas of pollution and purity. You arealready aware that ideas of pollutionand purity are central to the lives ofpeople in general and among theHindus in particular. The notion ofpollution and purity determines thehierarchy of castes. It defines the socialdistance between various castes. Somecastes are considered superior andothers inferior because some areconsidered pure and others are takenas relatively impure. This idea is notonly visible in the structure of castehierarchy but also in food, occupation,styles of life and daily routine. Meateating and consumption of liquor areconsidered polluting but vegetarianismand teetotalism are pure practices. Asimilar distinction is made inoccupations. Occupations that involvemanual labour are regarded lower thanthose, which do not require such work.The most conspicuous expression of theprevailing notions of pollution andpurity has been the inhuman practiceof untouchability in the caste system.

The process of secularisation hasconsiderably reduced and weakenedthe ideas of pollution and purity. Peopleno longer try to know the castebackground of fellow passengers in abus or a train. They hardly botherabout it while visiting restaurants andhotels. The rules of pollution are notobserved at the place of workparticularly in the urban settings. Thestyles of life are influenced more by therequirements of jobs and occupationsthan by caste and religion. The fact

being emphasised here is that theorthodox elements of caste and religionare gradually losing significance in theface of growing secularisation of life andculture. As a result of increasedsecularisation and mobility castesystem has ceased to sustain thosevalues that were hither consideredessential.

Nonetheless, it is important to pointout that while religious values attachedto the caste system are disappearing,its role in secular domains like politicsis increasing. Now, people are beingmobilised on caste lines for politicalpurposes. It is a fascinating sociologicalquestion, which needs to be probed,but is currently beyond our scope.

There are two other areas, whichhave been affected by the process ofsecularisation. They are family systemand village community. While thegradual structural transformation infamily produces change ininterpersonal relationships, otherelements of family life are equallyaffected. Ceremonies and ritualsperformed in family such as marriagerituals, funeral rites, worship of familydeities all are assuming a differentcharacter. They are either curtailed orshortened to suit the convenience of theconcerned family. Now, some of theseceremonies are used as occasions todisplay and advertise affluence. Theostentation associated with weddingreceptions has nothing to do withreligious practices, which were earlierobserved at the time of marriage.Likewise several community festivalshave acquired new meaning and


observances. Baisakhi in Punjab iscelebrated more as a cultural festivalthan a religious one. People fromdifferent religious groups join andenjoy its festivity. Durgapuja andDushahara have assumed newcharacter and their religious ritualshave receded into the background.Hundreds of pandals are tastefullydecorated displaying variouscontemporary social and politicalissues. The latest trend in organisingIftar party during the holy monthof Ramzan is also a pointer inthis respect.

The village community is alsoinfluenced by changes taking place ineconomic, political and cultural fields.The internal differentiation created byeconomic forces has altered theharmonious community feelingsamong villagers. Levels of aspirationshave heightened in the wake ofnumerous developmental measuresundertaken by the government. Theattitude of surrender before fate anddivine will, commonly found among thepoor and deprived, has been replacedby the attitude of defiance. They are theproducts of the process of secularisation.

GLOSSARY

TWICE-BORN CASTE. The upper caste who undergoes the initiation or the ‘threadceremony’ to become dwij, known as twice born.

ACCULTURATION. The process by which a dominant group imposes its cultureso effectively on subordinate groups that they become virtuallyindistinguishable from the dominant culture is called acculturation.

DIN-E-ILAHI. A new religion started by the Mughal emperor Akbar which was asynthesis of many religions.

RAIYATWARI AND MAHALWARI. A system of payment of land revenue imposed by theBritish government on the peasants, where the peasants had to paya certain amount of revenue for their land to the Zamindars.

EXERCISE

1. Explain the meaning of term ‘Sanskritisation’.

2. Define dominant caste. Illustrate your answer with some examples ofdominant caste.

3. Distinguish Sanskritisation from Islamisation.

4. Discuss the relationship between Sanskritisation and Westernisation.

5. What is the relationship between Westernisation and Secularisation.


SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Srinivas, M.N., Social Change in Modern India, Orient Longman,New Delhi, 1972.

2. Srinivas, M.N., The Dominant Caste and Other Essays, Oxford UniversityPress, New Delhi, 1987.

3. Desai, A.R., India’s Path of Development, Popular Prakashan, Mumbai,1984.

4. Beteille, Andre, Caste : Old and New, Asia Publishing House, Mumbai,1969.

5. Singh, Yogendra, Modernisation of Indian T radition, RawatPublications, Jaipur, 1988.

25STATE AND SOCIAL CHANGE

CHAPTER 3

State and Social Change

Before analysing the role of state insocial change, we must clarify thenotion of state itself for a betterunderstanding of the subject. Aconventional definition says that a stateis a community of persons occupyinga definite territory, independent ofexternal control and having anorganised government. All the majorelements of state—population, territory,sovereignty and government—areincluded in this statement. State is alsoregarded as a social institution whichhas monopoly over the use of force. Ithas the authority to exercise controlover its citizens. Like all other socialinstitutions, the state is organisedaround a set of social functions. Itmaintains law and order and resolvesvarious kinds of disputes through thelegal system. The welfare of the peopleis another domain of its activities.

However, it has to be kept in viewthat the state is not the same asgovernment. State as a socialinstitution consists of a form andprocedure for performing variousfunctions. The parliamentary system ofgovernment, for example, is one way ofachieving various tasks of governance.

Thus, a government is a collection ofpeople who at any given time occupythe positions of authority within a state.In this sense, governments regularlycome and go but the state remains.

The notion of welfare state isimportant in the context of the role of astate in social and economic reforms. Awelfare state is a system in which thegovernment assumes basicresponsibility for the welfare of itscitizens. The state ensures that peoplehave access to essential resources likefood, housing, health care, education ,employment and so on. Thus, thequestion of state’s action to accomplishits welfare role assumes significance. Astate has to develop policies andprogrammes for the promotion of thecommon good of its citizens.

Ours is the largest democracy in theworld. We have adopted a republicanConstitution and a parliamentarysystem of government after theIndependence. We also resolved tosecure justice, liberty, equality andfraternity for all our citizens.

In the sections that follow weexamine the role of the state in India inbringing about change through


numerous measures undertaken sincethe Independence.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS

India is a Sovereign Socialist SecularDemocratic Republic with a parlia-mentary system of government. TheRepublic is governed in terms of theConstitution, which was adopted by theConstituent Assembly on 26

November

1949 and came into force on 26 January1950. The Constitution of India has thedistinction of being the lengthiest writtenconstitution in the world. It containsprovisions not only for the smoothdemocratic functioning of thegovernments of the Union and the statesbut also for ensuring equality and libertyto the citizens. There are provisionswhich provide channels for all-rounddevelopment of the people . In this sense,the Constitution is the prime mover ofsocial change. Some of theseconstitutional provisions have beendiscussed here to illustrate the point.

Fundamental Rights

The Constitution of India has providedsome basic rights to all citizens. Theseare known as Fundamental Rights.These are fundamental because theseare essential for civilised humanexistence. In the context of ourConstitution these are calledfundamental because these areprotected by the written Constitutionand cannot be altered withoutamending the Constitution.

There are six categories ofFundamental Rights. Articles 12 to 35

contained in Part III of the Constitutiondeal with these rights. These are:

(i) Right to Equality: According tothis provision, the State shall not denyto any person equality before law. Italso prohibits the State fromdiscriminating against any individualon the grounds of religion, race, caste,gender or place of birth. It furtherprovides equality of opportunity inmatters of public employment.Abolition of untouchability in any formhas been specified by Article 17.

(ii) Right to Freedom: This rightconsists of Freedom of (a) speech andexpression; (b) peaceful assemblywithout arms; (c) forming associationsand Unions; (d) free-movementthroughout the territory of India;(e) residence and settlement in anypart of the country; and (f) practice ofany profession, occupation, tradeor business.

(iii) Right against Exploitation: Itprohibits all forms of forced labour, childlabour and traffic in human beings.

(iv) Right to Freedom of Religion:Every person has the right to profess,practice and propagate any religion. Noperson is compelled to pay taxes for themanagement of any particular religion.According to it, no person is allowed toimpart religious instructions in state-owned educational institutions.

(v) Cultural and EducationalRights: Every section of citizen has theright to conserve its distinct culture,language and script. Further, allminorities whether based on religionor language have the right to establish


and administer educational institutionsof their choice.

(vi) Right to ConstitutionalRemedies: Under this, every person hasthe right to seek justice for theenforcement of Fundamental Rights.

Directive Principles of State Policy

The Constitution lays down certainDirective Principles of State Policy.Like the Fundamental Rights, theideals behind the Principles wererooted in our freedom struggle.Leaders of the freedom strugglestrived not only for political freedombut also for social and economicupliftment of the toiling millions.These Principles were inserted in theConstitution to provide guidelines forthe determination of policies andactions to be undertaken by the Stateafter Independence. Articles 36 to 51of Part IV of our Constitution dealwith these Principles.

The significant aspect of theDirective Principles is that “the Stateshall strive to promote the welfare of thepeople by securing and protecting aseffectively as it may, a social order inwhich justice—social, economic andpolitical—shall inform all theinstitutions of the national life.” Keepingthis objective in view the State shallsecure (a) adequate means of livelihoodfor all citizens; (b) control anddistribution of wealth so as to subservethe common good; (c) equal pay forequal work; (d) health and strength forall from economic avocations, and(e) protection from child labour.

The state is expected to take stepsand secure other social, economic andpolitical programmes. Some otherprogrammes include (a) organisationof village panchayats, (b) right to workand to education, (c) uniform civil codefor the citizens, (d) provision forfree and compulsory education,(e) promotion of educational andeconomic interests of ScheduledCastes, Scheduled Tribes and otherweaker sections, and (f) separation ofthe judiciary from the executive.

It is, however, important to note thatthere is one basic difference between theFundamental Rights and the DirectivePrinciples of the State policy. While theviolation of the former can bechallenged in the court of law, the latteris not enforceable by any court. In otherwords, if a citizen’s fundamental rightsare curtailed she/he can seek justicefrom the court. But if the State does notundertake any programme provided forin the Directive Principles, she/hecannot move the court for itsenforcement. It does not, however, meanthat these Directive Principles have novalue. The Constitution clearly statesthat Directive Principles “are,nevertheless, fundamental in thegovernance of the country and it shallbe the duty of the State to apply theseprinciples in making laws.”

Fundamental Duties

The Constitution of India has alsoenumerated fundamental duties for thecitizens. By the 42nd amendment of theConstitution, adopted in 1976, Article


51A was inserted in Chapter IVA of theConstitution. Accordingly, it shall be theduty of every citizen of India:

(a) to abide by the Constitution;(b) to cherish and follow the noble

ideas which inspired ournational struggle for freedom;

(c) to uphold and protect thesovereignty and integrity of thecountry;

(d) to defend the country andrender national services;

(e) to promote harmony and thespirit of common brotherhoodamongst all the people of Indiatranscending religious, linguisticand regional or sectionaldiversities; to renouncepractices derogatory to thedignity of women;

(f) to preserve the rich heritage ofour composite culture;

(g) to protect the naturalenvironment;

(h) to develop the scientific temper;(i) to safeguard public property

and to abjure violence; and(j) to strive towards excellence in all

spheres of individual andcollective activity.

We have discussed, so far, some ofthe general provisions in theConstitution of India havingimplications for social change. TheConstitution also makes some specialprovisions for the deprived anddisadvantaged groups of populationsuch as women, children, ScheduledCastes, Scheduled Tribes, OtherBackward Classes and Minorities.

These special provisions essentiallyemanate from the basic features of ourConstitution mentioned above. Let usnow examine these specialconstitutional provisions.

Women

While Article 14 of the Constitution ofIndia confers equal rights andopportunities for women and men inpolitical, economic and social spheres,Article 15 prohibits discriminationagainst any citizen on the grounds ofgender. Article 15 (3) empowers the Stateto make affirmative discrimination infavour of women. Similarly, Article 39enjoins upon the State to provide equalmeans of livelihood and equal pay forequal work. Article 42 directs the Stateto make provisions for ensuring just andhumane conditions of work andmaternity relief. Finally, Article 51 Aimposes a Fundamental Duty on everycitizen to renounce the practicesderogatory to the dignity of women.

Children

Realising that children have neither avoice nor political power, theConstitution of India lays down certainspecial safeguards for them. As in thecase of women, Article 15 (3) empowersthe State to make special provisions infavour of children. Article 24 prohibitsemployment of children below 14 yearsof age in any factory or mines or in otherhazardous occupations. Furthermore,Article 45 provides for free andcompulsory education for all childrenup to the age of 14 years.


Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribesand Other Backward Classes

We have already seen how the foundingfathers of our Constitution wished tosecure social, economic and politicalequality for all the citizens of thecountry. However, it was realised thatthis objective could not be achievedunless persons belonging to specialdisadvantaged groups were providedspecial protection to emancipate themfrom centuries-old prejudices andexploitation. Provisions were, therefore,incorporated in the Constitution topromote their economic, educationaland social development.

It is against this background thatthe two types of reservations areavailable to the members of thebackward classes under theConstitution. They are: (a) reservationsof seats in the Lok Sabha, the VidhanSabha and the various PanchayatiRaj bodies and (b) reservation ingovernment services. While thereservations of seats in the Lok Sabha,the Vidhan Sabha and the PanchayatiRaj bodies are available to themembers of the SCs and STs, theprovision of reservation for the OBCsis available only in the PanchayatiRaj bodies. The second type ofreservation is available to all the threecategories of people.

Moreover, under Article 244(2)special provisions have been madefor the tribal areas in the states ofAssam, Meghalaya, Mizoram andTripura under the Sixth Schedule ofthe Constitution.

Constitutional Safeguards for theMinorities

Under the Constitution of India, certainsafeguards have been granted to thereligious and linguistic minorities.Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitutionseek to protect the interests ofminorities. They recognise the rights ofthe minorities to conserve theirlanguage, script or culture. They mayestablish and administer educationalinstitutions of their choice.

Article 350A provides for instruc-tions in the mother tongue at theprimary stage of education to childrenbelonging to linguistic minorities.Article 350B provides for a SpecialOfficer to investigate all matters relatingto the safeguards for linguisticminorities.

It is evident from above thatprovisions of the Indian Constitutionare exhaustive and they have helpedto design a strong democratic polityunder which equality and justice forall the citizens can be achieved. TheConstitution has, thus, created anenvironment for ushering in an era ofeffective social change. It has acted notonly as a facilitator of change but hasalso encouraged and promotedeconomic and social development.Moreover, it has defined and guided thestrategy of planning which wasadopted and fostered subsequently inthe country. The constitution is thedriving force effecting socio-economicreforms in the country through theprocess of amendment. A largenumber of constitutional amendments


have directed, controlled andregulated almost all activities of thesociety. The process of social changeleading to socio-economictransformation of the Indian societywas accelerated by these enactments.Some of these have influenced the life-style of the Indian people.

PLANNING AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Planning is an important factor of socialchange in contemporary society. Itimplies deliberate interventions insocial policy and involves a sequentialsystem that reveals continuity in itschain. It mirrors social objectives andhelps to develop the society accordingto its blueprint. Planning, thus,conceives of a social order based onrationality and balanced reasoning.Such planning is possible only indemocratic welfare states.

Planning in India

Planning in India was launched afterIndependence. The Government of Indiafirst appointed a Planning Commissionwith the Prime Minister of India as itsChairman in 1950 to prepare ablueprint for development taking anoverall view of the needs and resourcesof the country. The PlanningCommission evolved a system of Five-Year Plans which continues till date.

The declared goals of developmentpolicy have been to bring about rapidimprovement in living standards ofthe people. It envisages fullemployment at an adequate wage andreduction of inequality arising from

the uneven distribution of income andwealth. Successive Five-Year Planshave emphasised the necessity topursue all these objectivessimultaneously. However, variousFive-Year Plans have adopteddifferent priorities keeping in view thereality of the prevailing situation.

The attainment of a high rate ofgrowth has been a major goal ofplanning. It has been thought thatthis goal can be achieved by thecoordinated efforts of both the publicand private sectors of the economy. TheIndian economy is characterised as amixed economy because of thesimultaneous existence of both thepublic and private sectors.

The public sector is a State sector,which operates in those areas whichrequire heavy investments. Theseinvestments are mainly in basic andheavy industries. The private sector, onthe other hand, covers not onlyorganised industries but also small-scale industries, agriculture, trade andactivities in housing and construction.Major banks, insurance companies,steel plants and heavy engineeringcorporations, railways, postal service allare public sector enterprises. The Tatas,Ambanis, Birlas, Singhanias are someof the major industrial houses in theprivate sector.

Though economic planning initiallyenvisaged a growing public sector, oflate, this process has slowed downconsiderably. The disinvestment ofpublic shareholding in various publicsector undertakings has already takenplace. A privatisation drive in the


economy has gathered momentum anda debate on the issue is in the wings.

The Five-Year Plans

We have mentioned earlier that theplanning strategy in India has beenoperating within the framework ofFive-Year Plans. By now nine Five-YearPlans have been completed and thetenth Five-Year Plan (2002–2007) hasjust started.

The first Five-Year Plan (1951–1956)was launched when the country wasrecovering from trauma of the partitionin 1947 and the crisis created by theSecond World War. The country had toimport a large amount of food grains in1951 because of an acute shortage offood grains. In view of this, the planaccorded the highest priority toagriculture including irrigation andpower projects. Almost 44.6 per cent ofthe total plan budget were spent onagriculture. At the end of the Plan, thecountry’s national income increased by18 per cent and the per capita incomeby 11 per cent.

In the second Five-Year Plan (1956–1961) the priority shifted fromagriculture to industry. It was duringthis plan period that a new objectivewas added to the economic policy. Itwas popularly called ‘the socialisticpattern of society’. This policy stressedthat the benefits of planneddevelopment should go more to therelatively under privileged sections ofsociety. It, further, focussed on aprogressive reduction in concentrationof wealth and income. Jawaharlal Nehru,

the then Prime Minister of India andChairman of the Planning Commissionsaid in the Lok Sabha on 23 May 1956,“… broadly speaking, what do we meanwhen we say, socialist pattern of life?We mean a society in which thereis equality of opportunity and thepossibility for everyone to live agood life.”

The third Five-Year Plan (1961–1966) aimed at securing progresstowards self-sustaining growth.Consequently, both agriculture andindustry received equal priority in thisPlan. Its objectives were to achieve self-sufficiency in foodgrains and toincrease agricultural production tomeet the requirements of industry andexport. It also aimed at expansion ofbasic industries like steel, chemicals,fuel and power.

The performance of the third Planwas, however, discouraging. Thenational income grew just by 2.6 percent as against the target of 5 per cent.In the agricultural sector also,production suffered a setback. Thesituation took a serious turn andlaunching of the fourth Plan in March1966 was delayed and the periodbetween 1966–69 was often describedas a period of ‘Plan holiday’. This periodwas, however, devoted to repair the illsthat had crippled the planning process.

The planning process resumed itsjourney in the fourth Five-Year Plan(1969–1974) with focus on economicstability. It aimed at achieving socialjustice with equity. The growth ofboth agricultural and industrialsectors was fully recognised under the


Plan but again it could not achieve itstargets. Neither could it achieve self-sufficiency in food grains nor could itgenerate adequate employmentopportunities. The rate of inflationbecame unmanageable.

Thus, the fifth Five-Year Plan (1974–1979) was formulated when theeconomy was under heavy inflationarypressure. People became restivebecause of the burden of rising prices.Accordingly, removal of poverty andattainment of self-reliance wereaccepted as the core objectives of thePlan. It aimed at bringing largersections of the poor above the povertyline. The Plan also gave top priority tobring inflation under control.

Political developments, however,ended this plan in 1978 instead of 1979and the sixth Plan was started as the‘rolling plan’. Thus, the sixth Five -YearPlan (1980–1985) was finalised aftertaking into account the achievementsand shortcomings of the past threedecades of planning. While removal ofpoverty remained the core objective ofthe Plan, emphasis was also laid oneconomic growth and elimination ofunemployment. This Plan achievedconsiderable success. Official statisticsshow that the proportion of peopleliving below the poverty line declinedfrom 48.3 per cent in 1977–1978 to36.9 per cent in 1984–1985.

The seventh Plan (1985-1990)emphasised programmes for rapidgrowth in food grain production,increased employment opportunitiesand productivity. In order to reduceunemployment, special programmes

like Jawahar Rozgar Yojana werelaunched. During this Plan period, theGross Domestic Product (GDP) grew atan average rate of 5.8 per cent exceedingthe targeted growth rate by 0.8 per cent.

The eighth Five-Year Plan (1990–95)could not take off due to the changingpolitical scenario at the level of CentralGovernment. Therefore, it was decidedthat the eighth Five-Year Plan wouldcommence on 1 April 1992 and 1990–91and 1991–1992 should be treated asseparate Annul Plans. Thus, the eighthFive-Year Plan (1992–1997) waslaunched in the context of new economicreforms which were introduced in thecountry. The Plan was oriented towardsemployment generation. Moreinvestments were made in smallindustries, as they were job-intensive.The Plan aimed at an average annualgrowth rate of 5.6 per cent and anaverage industrial growth rate of about7.5 per cent. The economic performanceof this Plan was encouraging and thecountry achieved rapid economicgrowth.

We have just completed the ninthFive-Year Plan (1997–2002). It waslaunched in the fiftieth year of India’sIndependence. Some of the majorobjectives of the ninth Plan were:(i) priority to agriculture and ruraldevelopment with a view to generatingadequate productive employment anderadication of poverty, (ii) acceleratingthe growth rate of the economy withstable prices, (iii) ensuring food andnutritional security for all, (iv) providingbasic minimum services of safe drinkingwater, primary health care facilities,


universal primary education, shelter,and connectivity to all in a time-boundmanner, (v) containing the growth rateof population; and (vi) empowerment ofwomen and socially disadvantagedgroups such as Scheduled Castes,Scheduled Tribes and OtherBackward Classes and Minorities asagents of socio-economic changeand development.

The ninth Plan envisaged anaverage growth rate of 6.5 per cent perannum in GDP as against the growthrate of 7 per cent approved initially inthe draft proposal. The reduction in thetarget was necessitated by the changesin the national as well as globaleconomic situation in the first two yearsof the ninth Plan.

In the last fifty years (1950 –1951to 2000 – 2001) since India became aRepublic, the national income hasincreased 7.6 times implying acompound growth rate of 4.2 per centper annum. The per capita income hasincreased 2.75 times from Rs. 3,718 toRs.10,654 (at1993–94 prices)registering a compound growth rate of2.1 per cent.

It is clear from the precedingdiscussion that planning in India hascovered a long journey of five decadesand is still going strong. Nonetheless, ithas had mixed results. While it achievedsubstantial gains in agricultural sector,the success has not been so remarkablein generating employment opportu-nities. The rate of industrial growthhas been moderate in core sector butsmall-scale industries have suffered

serious setbacks. The unevenachievements in social sector likeeducation and health are visible evento a casual observer. While we havemade considerable progress in literacy,we cannot say so about health. Femaleliteracy, for example, has been steadilyimproving over the years, from 39 percent in 1991 to 54 per cent in 2001.However, even today 193 million womenare illiterate in India. The national policyfor women has evolved from ‘welfare’ to‘development’ to ‘empowerment’.

Another area of notable performancehas been in providing social justice toand empowerment of the marginalisedsections of the society. You know thatthe Scheduled Castes, the ScheduledTribes, Other Backward Classes andMinorities are the major disadvantagedgroups in India. These groups have beenidentified as target groups. Specialprogrammes have been implemented fortheir overall development. The SpecialComponent Plan for Scheduled Castes,for instance, is designed to channelisethe flow of benefits from the generalsectors in Five-Year Plans for thedevelopment of SCs. Similarly, the TribalSub-Plan is a plan within a State Planmeant for welfare and development oftribals. Measures for the educationaland economic development of minoritieshave also been initiated. Muslims,Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains andZoroastrians (Parsis) have been notifiedas minorities as per the provision underthe National Commission of MinoritiesAct, 1992. The National MinoritiesDevelopment and Finance Corporation


has been set up for providingconcessional finance to eligiblebeneficiaries belonging to minoritycommunities for setting up self-employment ventures.

It is apparent that state interventionthrough several measures has broughtfar-reaching changes in the life of the

people. Changes are visible not only intheir economic condition but also intheir social and cultural life. Thedemocratic political system has createda new social order that is committed toeliminate inequality of status anddiscriminatory treatment. State, thus,acts as a strong agent of social change.

GLOSSARY

WOMEN EMPOWERMENT. When women become conscious of their rights and beginto assert themselves.

PRIVATE SECTORS. That part of the economy in which production activities arecarried on by private enterprises. A private enterprise is that whichis owned and operated by an individual or group of individuals.

PUBLIC SECTORS. This includes central, state and local governments and allthe enterprises owned and operated by them.

MIXED ECONOMY. A market economy in which both private and public enterprisesparticipate in production.

PRIVATISATION. In general, it is the sale of government-owned enterprises toindividuals or group of individuals with or without loss of governmentcontrol in these enterprises.

LIBERALISATION. This contains two things viz. (a) allowing the private enterprisesto engage in production activities which were earlier restricted togovernment enterprises and (b) relaxing the rules and regulationmeant for private enterprises. This also includes permitting theenterprises run by foreign nationals.

EXERCISE

1. What is a welfare State?

2. What do you mean by fundamental rights. List them.

3. Highlight some of our Directive Principles of the State Policy?

4. List any five fundamental duties.

5. Explain the important goals of the planning in India.6. What are the Constitutional safeguards for women and children?


7. List the objectives of the ninth Five-Year Plan in India.8. Critically examine the achievements of Five-Year Plans in India.

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Dubey, S.C.(ed.), India Since Independence : Social Report on India 1947–1972, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1977.

2. Desai, A.R., State and Society in India : Essays in Dissent,Popular Prakashan, Mumbai, 1975.

3. Kothari, Rajni, Politics in India, Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1970.

4. Oommen, T.K, (ed.), Citizenship and National Identity: From Colonisationto Globalisation, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1997.

5. Mahajan, Gurpreet, (ed.), Democracy, Difference and Social Justice,Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1998.

CHAPTER 4

Legislation and Democratic Decentralisation

UNDERSTANDING LAW ANDLEGISLATION

There is a reciprocal relationshipbetween law and social change. Law isboth an effect and cause of socialchange. In this chapter we shallconsider law as a strategy for socialchange.

In its broadest sense, law includesall patterns of socially expected ruleenforcement. In this sense, it covers allcustoms or rules whose observance isrequired and enforced by a recognisedauthority. However, for sociologicalpurposes it is better to limit the termlaw to formally enacted and recordednorms. Though there is no exactdemarcation between law and normsthat are found in a society, a distinctionhas to be made between laws on the onehand and norms on the other. In thepresent discussion, we shall use law inthe sense of rules of action establishedby a legitimate authority.

Laws are enacted by legislatures.They are always written and recordedin some manner. They are interpretedby courts and enforced byadministrative agencies like police. Forexample, the nature of punishment and

the procedures for giving suchpunishments for theft or robbery are allmentioned in law books.

Broadly speaking, there are twocategories of law—Criminal law andCivil law. Criminal laws prohibit actionsdisruptive to society such as theft,murder or fraud. Civil laws, on the otherhand, regulate the rights of individualssuch as resolving property disputes.Civil law takes many forms dependingupon the nature of social life involved.They may be commercial, constitutionaland family laws.

The law-making system in everysociety produces legislationsconcerning various aspects of life.Legislation may be of different types.Some of them are framed to maintainlaw and order in society. Suchlegislations act as a mechanism ofsocial control to maintain socialstability. In contrast, some legislationare applied to remove social evils andchange the conservative faiths andbeliefs. The term social legislation isused to depict these legislations. Sociallegislations play a dynamic role insociety. They are effective instrumentsof social change.

Law and Social Change

History is full of examples where lawshave been used to bring about changesin society. Laws have been created toachieve desired goals. It not onlyarticulates but also sets the course formajor social changes. In fact, theattempt to change society through lawis an important feature of the modernworld. This is visible in almost alldeveloped and developing societies. Thechanges that have occurred with thetransformation of Western capitalistsocieties and the emergence of Soviet-type societies have essentially beenthrough laws. The Soviet Union andseveral east European countries, forexample, have successfully made large-scale social changes through laws.Income redistribution, nationalisationof industries, land reforms andprovision of free education areexamples of the effectiveness of law toinitiate change.

Nonetheless, a distinction is madebetween direct and indirect aspects oflaw in social change. In many cases lawinteracts directly with social institutionsand brings about obvious changes. Forinstance, a law prohibiting polygamyhas a direct influence on society. Italters the behaviour of individuals. Onthe other hand, laws play an indirectrole also by shaping various socialinstitutions which in turn have a directimpact on society. The mostappropriate example is the system ofcompulsory education which enablesthe functioning of educationalinstitutions, which in turn leads to

social change. However, such adistinction is not absolute but a relativeone. Sometimes, emphasis is on thedirect aspect and less on the indirectimpact of social change, while in othercases the opposite may be true.

There is another way of examiningthe role of law in social change. Lawredefines the normative order andcreates the possibility of new forms ofsocial institutions. It provides formalfacilities and extends rights toindividuals. In India, for example, lawagainst untouchability has not onlyprohibited the inhuman practice buthas also given formal rights to those whosuffered from such disabilities to protestagainst it. In this sense, law not onlycodifies certain customs and morals,but also modifies the behaviour andvalues existing in a particular society.Thus, law entails two interrelatedprocesses: the institutionalisation andthe internalisation of patterns ofbehaviour. Institutionalisation of apattern of behaviour means the creationof norms with provisions for itsenforcement. Internalisation of patternof behaviour, on the other hand, meansthe incorporation and acceptance ofvalues implicit in a law. When theinstitutionalisation process issuccessful, it in turn facilitates theinternalisation of attitudes and beliefs.

Legal System in India

Historically, no universalistic legalsystem based on the principle ofequality existed in ancient India. Inancient India there was a close

37LEGISLATION AND DEMOCRATIC DECENTRALISATION


connection between law and religion. Arule of law was not different from a ruleof religion. It was maintained that alllaws were contained in theDharmshastras. The legal system wasprimarily based on the social positionof castes and classes. No uniformstandards were applied in providingjustice to people. There was no uniformlegal norm at an all-India level. Localcustoms and regional practices definedand determined these norms. Anotherimportant feature of the ancient legalsystem was its orientation towards thegroup. Legal norms applied more to thegroup as a unit rather than to theindividual. This characteristic of legalsystem continued even during themedieval period.

It was only during the British rulethat radical transformation took placein the legal and judicial systems of thecountry. The British introducednumerous changes in the traditionallegal system. The new legal system wasbased on the principle of universalism.The notion of equality before law wasrecognised and received legal sanction.Law courts were established at differentlevels. The enactment of the IndianPenal Code and the Codes of Civil andCriminal Procedure produced a strongsystem of judicial administration. Thislegal system was, however, not confinedto criminal justice alone. It evenbrought domestic and personal life ofthe people under its purview. Severalsocial legislations came into operationwhich covered areas like collectivebargaining, social security andemployment contract. A continuous

rationalisation of law was introducedby codification of customary law. Itincreased the separation of law fromreligion.

Moreover, some legislation inrelation to prevailing conservative andorthodox social practices were alsopassed during the colonial period whichacted towards social reform. Indiansociety in the nineteenth century wasunder the grip of inhuman customsand practices. Untouchability waspractised throughout the country. Theposition of women was most degrading.Child marriage, widowhood and thecruel practice of sati put women to life-long misery and humiliation. These in-human practices were, however,challenged by social reformers and theBritish Indian Government respondedby enacting several social legislations.

The practice of sati (widow burning)was declared illegal in 1829. The HinduWidow Remarriage Act of 1856 legalisedthe remarriage of the Hindu widows.When the members of the Brahmo Samajin Bengal started facing problem inmarriage, a Native Marriage Act waspassed in 1872. The Brahmos claimedthat they did not belong to any religiousgroups in India. This Act worked like acivil marriage law under which peopleoutside any religious fold could marry.Another important legislation linkedwith marriage was the Age of ConsentAct of 1891. The Act prohibited theperformance of marriage for girls belowthe age of twelve. During the closingyears of the nineteenth century, besidespersonal laws, several other laws relatingto land and industry were also enacted.


The Factory Act of 1881 addressedthe issue of the welfare of factoryworkers. The Bengal Tenancy Act of1885 introduced reforms in landtenure system. Similarly, the Press Actof 1878 was a landmark in the field ofmass communication. Theselegislations not only advanced thecause of cultural change but alsocontributed towards transformation ofthe agrarian structure.

Social Legislation in IndependentIndia

The nature and extent of social changein India have been influenced largelyby radical social legislation introducedafter Independence. They pertain tosubjects ranging from economy, polity,trade and commerce to marriage,family and inheritance. Legislationsimpact upon every aspect of people’slives. The number of legislationsenacted after Independence is,however, so large that all of themcannot be discussed here. Therefore,we have selected only some importantlegislations to highlight their role insocial change.

Laws have been passed to eradicatesocial evils. Under Article 17 of theIndian Constitution, untouchability isprohibited and its practice in any formis made punishable. A comprehensivelegislation called the Untouchability(Offences) Act, 1955 was passed later.This Act was further amended as theProtection of Civil Rights Act in 1976.According to this Act, an untouchable(Scheduled Caste) has access to all

public places including places ofworship. Though this legislation hasnot been fully able to eradicate thepractice of untouchability, it hasdefinitely attacked caste prejudice.

Similarly, a number of laws havebeen enacted for the upliftment ofwomen and children. These Acts havebrought about a perceptibleimprovement in their position insociety. The Special Marriage Act of1954, the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955,the Hindu Succession Act of 1956 andthe Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 haveinitiated changes in the very structureof Hindu society. Most of theselegislations have further been amendedto accommodate more radical andrelevant issues. For example, the HinduMarriage Act of 1955 was amended in1976 to provide the right to a girl todeny marriage before attaining puberty.In fact, the original Act itself was radicalbecause it enforced monogamy andpermitted divorce among the Hindus.The Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 wasalso amended in 1984 that madecruelty towards women a cognisableoffence. The socio-economic changesthat have been brought aboutthrough legislations have created afavourable situation regarding thestatus of women.

A number of legislations have alsobeen passed to safeguard and protectthe rights of children. Some of them arethe Hindu Adoption and MaintenanceAct, 1956, the Child Labour(Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986,the Persons with Disabilities (EqualOpportunities, Protection of Rights and


Full Participation) Act, 1996, theJuvenile Justice Act, 2000 and so on.

The role of legislation intransforming the socio-economiccondition of tribals is even more explicit.We may throw light on this issue byciting the example of north-easternIndia, which is home to a large numberof tribals. The tribal communities ofthis region have experiencedremarkable changes in their traditionaleconomy, cultural life and politicalsystems. The safeguards provided totribals in the states of Assam,Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoramunder the Sixth Schedule of theConstitution of India have facilitatednumerous programmes foradministration and development.Special provisions under Article 371Aof the Constitution have been made forthe State of Nagaland to safeguard thecultural identity of the Nagas. The stategovernments have passed severallegislations which have usheredchanges along with preserving theiridentity. The Autonomous DistrictCouncils established under theprovisions of the Sixth Schedule havebeen given wide power to maintaincontrol over the tribal land. The LandTransfer Act of 1971 passed by theMeghalaya State Legislature has almoststopped the process of land alienation.Likewise, the Lushai Hills District(Acquisition of Chief’s Rights) Act, 1954abolished the age-old system ofchieftainship among the Mizos as thepeople themselves demanded it. Whatwe have attempted to illustrate here isthat, in a democratic state like ours,

legislation can be effectively used as aninstrument of social change.

DEMOCRATICDECENTRALISATION

The question of division of power amonginstitutions and individuals has beena matter of considerable debate amongthe people involved in governance. Thisneed has been specially emphasised asdemocracy as a form of government hasgained acceptance in the modern world.Decentralisation means sharing ofdecision making authority with thelower levels in institutions andorganisations. It is called democratic asthis sharing is based on the basicprinciple of democracy anddemocratisation. There are differentforms of decentralisation — political,administrative and financial.

It is argued that decentralisationis essential for the functioning of ademocratic system at different levels.It helps to empower social groupswhich traditionally have been weakand deprived. Decentralisation isparticularly necessary for a countrylike ours which is large in size andcomplex in socio-cultural settings.Diversity exists in India in terms ofreligion, language, culture andeconomy. Thus, the geographical andsocial complexities requiredecentralisation for the purposes ofplanning and administration.

The need for decentralisation inIndia has long been realised andattempts have been made to achieve it.Decentralisation became, particularly,


important after the Independence toachieve goals of democracy anddevelopment.

In the section that follows we willdiscuss the Panchayati Rajinstitutions as forms and institutionalschemes for achieving democraticdecentralisation.

PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTIONS

Background

The history of panchayat in India goesback to hundreds of years. The termpanch is ordinarily used for a group ofpersons (panch = five) who takedecisions on collective affairs of thevillage. The people repose so muchconfidence in panch that they are calledpanch parmeshwar (God speaksthrough the five). The system of takingcollective decision through panch isknown as panchayat. It is, largely, aself-governing institution.

The growth of panchayat in Indiaas a self-governing institution has notbeen steady in the course of its longhistory. However, the ideals ofpanchayat were revived when MahatmaGandhi arrived on the national politicalscene. Gandhiji asserted that the villagepanchayats would now be a living forcein a special way, and India wouldalmost be enjoying self-governmentsuited to its requirements. Accordingly,the idea of panchayat as a system oflocal government remained animportant issue in India’s freedomstruggle. But when the country becameindependent the panchayat of Gandhi’svision did not acquire a central place in

the Indian Constitution. It was merelyincluded in Article 40 under theDirective Principles of the State Policy.Article 40 says, “the State shall takesteps to organise village panchayatsand endow them with such powers andauthority as may be necessary toenable them to function as units of localself-government.”

Nonetheless, it is interesting to pointout that, although the DirectivePrinciples of the Constitution are onlysuggestive in nature, the significance ofPanchayati Raj institutions wasrecognised by all states. Immediatelyafter the Independence, an ambitiousdevelopment programme for rural areaswas launched. The programme, knownas the Community DevelopmentProgramme (CDP), covered almost allactivities of rural development. But itcould not fully achieve its goals. Inorder to review the causes of its limitedsuccess, the Government of Indiaappointed a study team. It was headedby Balwant Rai Mehta, the thenMember of Parliament. The study teamcame to the conclusion that the CDPhad failed to achieve its targets becauseof the absence of people’s participationin the programme. In view of this, itrecommended the creation of certaininstitutions based on the principle ofdemocratic decentralisation forfacilitating people’s participation indevelopment programmes. Theformation of three-tier Panchayati Rajinstitutions in the country wasthe result of the above recommen-dations. All the states in Indiapassed Panchayat Acts by 1959.


Accordingly, panchayats wereestablished at vi l lage (Vil lagePanchayat ) , block (PanchayatSamiti) and District (Zila Parishad)levels. Another committee, popularlycalled the Ashok Mehta Committee,also reviewed the functioning of thePanchayati Raj structure. ThisCommittee proposed a two-tier systemfor grass-root governance. But theGovernment did not accept thisrecommendation and we continuedto follow the three-tier systemproposed by the Balwantrai MehtaCommittee report.

This set up of panchayats continuedfor almost more than two decades.Though the basic objectives of theseinstitutions were uniform in variousstates but their powers, functionsand modes of elections differedconsiderably. Under these circum-stances, the performance of theseinstitutions widely varied from state tostate. In some states, they effectivelycontributed to development activitiesbut in other states panchayats, theymerely generated conflicts and rivalriesamong various caste groups forcontrolling power in these institutions.Panchayati Raj institutions failed inbenefiting the weaker sections ofrural society.

Moreover, the organisationalstructure of these institutionsremained very weak. In the absence ofany legal binding, no regular electionsto panchayats were held. No financialpower was given to these panchayatbodies. Government officials continuedto maintain wide-ranging command

over panchayat representatives. Suchbureaucratic control killed theinitiative and interests of people in thePanchayati Raj structure. Thestagnation and decline of PanchayatiRaj institutions continued till the earlynineties when steps were undertakento revitalise them.

Recent Efforts

As stated earlier, except a marginalreference in the Directive Principles ofthe State Policy, panchayat had noconstitutional status. But the positionradically changed in 1993, when the73rd Amendment to the Constitutionwas passed in the Parliament andreceived the assent of the President ofIndia. The Amendment is based on theprinciple of ‘power to the people’ andprovides constitutional guarantee topanchayats. The salient features of theAct are given below:

(a) It recognises panchayats as‘institutions of self-government’.

(b) It entrusts panchayats thepowers and responsibilitiesto prepare a plan foreconomic development andsocial justice.

(c) It provides for the establishmentof uniform three-tier systemof strong panchayats at village,intermediate (block/taluka)and district levels for all stateshaving a population of overtwenty lakh.

(d) It gives guidelines for thestructure, powers and functions,finance and elections, and


reservations of seats for theweaker sections at various levelsof panchayats.

The Constitution (73rd Amendment)Act has been hailed as a revolutionarystep towards establishing grass-rootdemocracy. The blueprint provided bythe Amendment has now become areality. All the states have passedlegislation in conformity with theprovisions of the Amendment. Thus, forthe first time in the history ofPanchayati Raj system, a high degreeof uniformity has been achievedon panchayats.

Another Act has been passed for thetribal areas of some states. Theprovisions of the Panchayats(Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act,1996 extends panchayats to the tribalareas of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh,Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh,Jharkhand, Maharashtra, MadhyaPradesh, Orissa and Rajasthan. Thishas come into effect on 24 December1996. All states have passed laws to giveeffect to the provisions contained in theAct 40 of 1996.

Against the above background wenow move on to discuss various aspectsof Panchayati Raj Institutions interms of structure, composition, powerand function.

Structure and Composition

Panchayats are constituted at thevillage, intermediate and district levels.The term intermediate has been usedfor Community Development Block ortaluka because it exists between a

village and a district. However,panchayats at the intermediate levelmay not be constituted if thepopulation of a state does not exceedtwenty lakh.

Gram Sabha is a body consistingof all persons registered in the electoralrolls to a village comprised within thearea of Gram Panchayat. Gram Sabhais regarded as the soul of PanchayatiRaj. Since all the registered voters of avillage Panchayat are included in aGram Sabha, it acts as a general bodyof the village panchayat. It provides aforum for the people to ensuretransparency and accountability in thesystem. All-State Panchayat Acts haveprovision for the constitution of GramSabha. The Sabha has to meet at leastonce in six months.

All the seats in a panchayat are filledby persons chosen by direct electionfrom territorial constituencies in thepanchayat area. Each panchayat areais divided into territorial constituenciesfor this purpose.

The Chairperson of a panchayat atthe village level is elected ordinarily bythe voters of the concerned panchayat.But the chairperson of panchayat at theintermediate level or a district level iselected by and from amongst theelected members.

Reservation of Seats

In every panchayat seats arereserved for the Scheduled Castesand the Scheduled T ribes inproportion to their population in thepanchayat area. Depending upon the


decision of a state, provision forreservation of seats may be providedin favour of the Other BackwardClasses of citizens.

Not less than one-third of the totalnumber of seats are to be filled by directelection is reserved for women. Thisincludes seats reserved for womenbelonging to the Scheduled Castes andthe Scheduled Tribes.

The posts of the Chairperson inPanchayats at the different levels arealso reserved for the Scheduled Castes,Scheduled Tribes and women. Thenumber of such reserved posts for thefirst two categories depends on theirpopulation. But in the case of women,the number of reserved posts ofchairpersons has to be not less thanone-third of the total number of postsat each level.

Finally, the state has also beengiven power to make any provisionfor reservation of seats and posts atany level for the Other BackwardClasses.

Duration of Panchayats

Every Panchayat shall have theduration of five years from the date ofits first meeting. An election to constitutea Panchayat has to be held before theexpiry of its duration.

However, the state government hasbeen given power to dissolve aPanchayat even before its duration offive years. But in such a case anelection to constitute a Panchayat hasto be completed before a period of sixmonths from the date of itsdissolution.

Powers and Responsibilities ofPanchayats

Panchayats have been given power andauthority to enable them to function asinstitutions of self-government. Thereare two major areas which have beenidentified for this purpose. They are:

(a) the preparation of plans foreconomic development andsocial justice; and

(b) the implementation of schemesfor economic development andsocial justice.

The Eleventh Schedule of theConstitution has listed some subjectsconcerning the above schemes that maybe undertaken by panchayats atdifferent levels. Some major subjects are:

1. Agriculture2. Land improvement, implemen-

tation of land reforms, landconsolidation

3. Minor irrigation, watersheddevelopment

4. Animal husbandry5. Fisheries6. Social forestry7. Small scale industries8. Khadi, village and cottage

industries9. Drinking water

10. Rural housing11. Roads, culverts, bridges etc12. Rural electrification13. Poverty alleviation programmes14. Education including primary

and secondary schools15. Cultural activities16. Health and sanitation.


Other Major ConstitutionalProvisions

In addition to the above provisions, theConstitution has made some otherprovisions to strengthen PanchayatiRaj institutions.

(a) Panchayats have beenauthorised to levy, collect andappropriate taxes and fees.

(b) A Finance Commission has tobe constituted by every state toreview the financial position ofthe panchayats.

(c) A State Election Commissionconsisting of a State ElectionCommissioner has to beappointed in every state. Itwill conduct all elections tothe panchayats.

Panchayats in Urban Areas

A provision has also been made toconstitute panchayat in some urbanareas. In order to provide a commonframework for urban local bodies aseffective democratic unit of self-government, Parliament enacted theConstitution (74th Amendment) Act, in1992 relating to municipalities. The Actreceived the assent of the President on20 April 1993. The Act providesconstitution of three types ofMunicipalities:

(a) Nagar Panchayats for areas intransition from a rural area tourban area,

(b) Municipal Councils for smallerurban areas, and

(c) Municipal Corporation for largeurban areas.

Like rural panchayats, the Act hasmade provisions for making thesebodies effective and strong. Theseprovisions include fixed duration ofmunicipalities, appointment of StateElection Commission, appointment ofState Finance Commission andconstitution of metropolitan anddistrict planning committees. All thestates have implemented theseprovisions.

Our discussion so far clearlysuggests that the Panchayati RajInstitutions (PRIs) have assumed animportant place in our democraticpolitical structure. They are playing asignificant role in achieving democraticdecentralisation. The pace of socio-economic development in the ruralareas and the level of people’sparticipation in these affairs haveincreased. All these have made usrealise the process of self-governance atthe grass-root level through this system.

The access of weaker sections torural decision making has been legallyensured. It has enlarged the social baseof the Panchayati Raj. The reservationhas sought to empower women tohighlight their grievances. In fact,reservation has made panchayats morerepresentative of the village community.Reservation, of course, does notautomatically create equality but itgives these sections a share ofparticipation.

Social change occurs only whenall sections of society activelyparticipate in the decision makingprocess of it.


GLOSSARY

CIVIL LAW. Laws that regulate relation between two individuals.

CRIMINAL LAW. Laws that prohibit actions disruptive to the society.

INDIAN PENAL CODE. A statute book which defines offences and theirpunishments. It is in operation since 1860 in India and has beenamended from time to time.

JUVENILE OR CHILD. A person who has not completed eighteen years of age.

EXERCISE

1. Discuss the features of law.

2. How is law an instrument of social control and social change?

3. Give the concept of Panchayat.

4. What is Panchayati Raj? How has it initiated change?

5. What are the characteristics of urban panchayats? How are theydifferent from rural panchayats?

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Galanter, Marc, Law and Society in Modern India, Oxford University Press,New Delhi,1997.

2. Jha, S.N. & Mathur, P.C., Decentralisation and Local Politics,Sage Publications, New Delhi,1999.

47ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL CHANGE

CHAPTER 5

Economic Development and Social Change

We know that the social world is madeup of many aspects—economic,political, religious, educational and soon. All these aspects can be analysedindependently of each other but theyalso influence one another. In thissense, the economic aspect of social lifecannot be ignored while discussingsocial change.

All human beings have economicproblems. As individuals how we earnour living is the most important fact oflife. Similarly, the most significant factof any society is how its membersproduce and distribute their food.Accordingly, economic production isthe basic activity of a society, and itplays a determining role in shaping itssocial structure.

India is a land of villages. There aremore than six lakh villages in ourcountry. Agriculture continues to be theprimary economic activity of the people.Land is, therefore, the basic means ofproduction in the countryside. Inthis way, we can say that economicdevelopment in India depends essentiallyon its agricultural development. Againstthis background, we shall now examinesome crucial aspects of agrarianstructure and social change.

LAND REFORMS

Agrarian structure forms a criticalaspect of any discussion on socio-economic development in India. Theissues of economic backwardness andrural tension are all involved in the basicnature of an agrarian society. Landcontinues to be the mainstay of thepeople. It constitutes not only thestructural feature of rural areas butchanges in land relations act assignificant indicator of social andeconomic change.

Concept of Land Reform

The term land reform has been usedboth in a narrow and broad sense. Inthe narrow and generally acceptedsense, land reform meansredistribution of rights on land for thebenefit of small farmers and landlesspeople. This concept of land reformrefers to its simplest element commonlyfound in all land reform policies. Onthe other hand, in a broad sense landreform is understood to mean anyimprovement in the institutions of landsystem and agricultural organisation.This understanding of land reformsuggests that land reform measures


should go not only for redistributionof land but also undertake othermeasures to improve conditions ofagriculture. The United Nations hasaccepted this notion of land reform. TheUN definition says that the ideal landreform programme is an integratedprogramme of measures designed toeliminate obstacles to economic andsocial development arising out ofdefects in the agrarian structure.

In the present context also, byland reforms we mean all thosemeasures which have beenundertaken in India by thegovernment to remove structuralobstacles in the agrarian system.

Objectives of Land Reforms

There are no universal motivesbehind land reforms but somecommon objectives may be foundeverywhere.

Social justice and economicequality are the major objectives behindland reforms. The ideal of equality hasbecome part of people’s consciousnessin the modern world. Particularly in atraditional hierarchical society, the ideaof equality has emerged as arevolutionary force. It also subsumesthe elimination of the worst forms ofdiscrimination and poverty. Theideology of equality and social justicehas been expressed in terms ofprogrammes like land reforms andpoverty alleviation.

Secondly, nationalism has beenanother motivation behind landreforms. Most of the developing

countries in the world gainedindependence mainly after the SecondWorld War. Thus, the achievement ofnational independence has beenassociated with the removal ofinstitutional structures created duringthe colonial rule. Such structures mayinclude the ownership of large estatesby persons of alien nationality orvarious forms of land tenures imposedunder the colonial rule. The abolitionof Zamindari in India is an outstandingexample. Zamindari, a form of landsettlement established during theBritish rule was a symbol of colonialexploitation. Naturally, it was always atarget for the leaders of India’s freedomstruggle. Accordingly, its abolitionbecame the goal of the first phase ofland reform measures after theIndependence. We shall talk about it indetail a little later.

Thirdly, the urge for democracy incontemporary world is another factorbehind land reform programmes. Theidea of democracy has become amoving force in political power. Thegoal of liberty and justice can beachieved only in a democratic society.In this manner, even the poor and thedeprived express their grievances andarticulate their demands in ademocratic way. Thus an environmentfor reforms is created.

Finally, land reform is taken as ameans to increase productivity ofland. It is thus considered one of thekey issues in economic developmentin agricultural societies. It hasbeen adopted as a central programmefor agricultural development.


The basic issues of agrarianreorganisation are resolved througheffective implementation of landreform measures.

Land Reforms in India

Land reforms in India got underwayboth in political factors as well as inorganisational mobilisation ofpeasantry. The political factors wereassociated first with British rule andlater with the growth of nationalism. Itcreated a situation in whichundertaking land reform measuresbecame a compulsion for thegovernment. Thus, some agrarianlegislations which attempt to protectthe rights of tenants date back to themiddle of the nineteenth century.

The poverty of the people andextreme exploitation of the peasantryby zamindars and moneylendersattracted the attention of politicalleaders during the freedom struggle.It became an important plank of theprogramme of the Indian NationalCongress. A major programme ofagrarian reform was presented in 1936at Jawaharlal Nehru’s initiative andMahatma Gandhi’s approval. In hispresidential address at FaizpurSession of the Congress, Nehru askedfor “the removal of intermediariesbetween the cultivator and state” afterwhich “cooperative or collectivefarming must follow.”

Almost around the same time,pressure was being created by theincreasing number of peasantstruggles in different parts of the

country. The All India Kisan Sabha inits meeting at Lucknow in 1936demanded the abolition of Zamindari,occupancy rights for tenants,redistribution of cultivable waste landto landless labourers and others. Infact, between 1920 and 1946 severalpeasant organisations emerged whichexpressed the grievances of the middleand poor peasants. The Kisan SabhaMovement led by Swami SahajanandSaraswati, the Kheda Agitation of1918, the Bardoli Satyagrah of 1928,and the Tebhaga Movement of 1946–47in Bengal were some of the majorpeasant struggles of the pre-Independence days. Agrariandiscontent and injustice had spreadthroughout the country. Thesegrievances were expressed inwidespread conflicts between peasantsand landlords. But if seen in the contextof their goals, these peasant strugglesproduced positive results. Thepressure created by the long drawnstruggles compelled the Government towork out plans for the redressal of thecomplaints of peasants. In this sense,peasant movements beforeIndependence assumed historicalimportance for the land reformprogrammes that began just afterIndependence.

Land Reforms after theIndependence

Shortly after independence ampleemphasis was put on land reforms aspart of the national policy to transforminiquitous agrarian structure. Thestrategy adopted was to introduce land


reforms through land legislation. It wasbroadly indicated by the Governmentof India and enacted by the statelegislatures:

The primary objectives of landreforms were:

(a) to remove motivational andother impediments which arisefrom the agrarian structureinherited from the past, and

(b) to eliminate all elements ofexploitation and social injusticewithin the agrarian system so asto ensure equality of status andopportunity to all sections of thepopulation.

It is obvious from these objectivesthat land reforms were introduced witha view to modernise agriculture andreduce inequalities in the agrarianeconomy. These objectives wereconverted into the followingprogrammes of action:

(a) the abolition of all forms ofintermediaries between the stateand the tiller of the soil,

(b) conferment of ownership rightson the cultivating tenants inthe land held under theirpossession,

(c) imposition of ceiling onagricultural land holdings,

(d) consolidation of holdingswith a view to making easier theapplication of moderntechniques of agriculture, and;

(e) rationalisation of the record ofrights in land.

Let us now turn to theseprogrammes in some detail:

(a) Abolition of Intermediaries

The British rulers introduced threemajor forms of land settlements—Zamindari, Raiyatwari andMahalwari— to gain maximum revenuefrom land. Under the Zamindari systemthe rights of property in land were givento the local rent gatherers. Thesepersons were called Zamindars andbelonged generally to the upper castesof the community. This new settlementturned the actual cultivators intotenants. This structural change in theland system created a class ofintermediary between the State and theactual tillers of the soil. Under theRaiyatwari system, no intermediaryowners were recognised. The actualtillers of the soil were given transferablerights in their lands. But under thissystem also influential Raiyats emergedas powerful landholders. In theMahalwari settlement, too, a class ofintermediaries had emerged.

These intermediaries had nointerest in land management andimprovement. Moreover, while theZamindars were required to pay a fixedamount of revenue to the Government,there was no limit on collections fromthe actual cultivators. Numerous illegalcesses were imposed from time to time.The Zamindari system allowed a highlevel of absenteeism. Thus, the systemwas not only unjust but it was alsocharacterised by acute economicexploitation and social oppression.

It was against this background thatabolition of intermediary interestsbecame the first target of land reformsduring the early years of Independence.


This measure, undertaken all over thecountry, essentially sought removal ofall intermediaries Like Zamindari,Jagirdari, Mirasdari and others. Itbrought cultivators into directrelationship with the State. It conferredpermanent rights in land on theseactual cultivators. Accordingly, by1954–55 almost all states abolishedintermediary tenures through severalland reform legislations. The abolitionof intermediary tenures represents aremarkable transition to a modernagrarian structure.

(b) Tenancy Reforms

Use and occupancy of land of anotherperson on a rental basis is known astenancy. Tenancy in land has been awidespread practice in different partsof the country. Different forms oftenancy such as the share croppingsystem, the fixed-kind producesystem, the fixed-cash practice haveexisted both in the Zamindari andRaiyatwari settled areas. Under thesystem, the small farmers and landlesspeople lease-in land for cultivationfrom rich landowners. These landlesscultivators pay rent in kind (produce)or cash to the landowners in return forland. They are known as tenants (localnames are: Adhiars in Assam,Bargadars in West Bengal, Bataidarsin Bihar, Warmadars in Tamil Nadu,Kamins in Punjab etc.). These tenantshave weak socio-economic positionand lack security and protection. Theymay be evicted any time by thelandowners. Thus, they have been

tenants-at-will for all practicalpurposes.

In view of large scale prevalence oftenancy, reforms were introduced torationalise the rights and obligations ofvarious classes of tenants. Tenancyreforms laid emphasis on three majoraspects of the problem:

1. regulation of rent,2. security of tenure; and3. right of purchase for the tenants.These steps have been taken to

improve the condition of cultivatingtenants. They have been protectedagainst rack-renting through theregulation of rent. Security of tenurefor tenants has regulated eviction fromland by the landowners. The tenantshave also been conferred ownershiprights over the lands cultivated bythem as tenants. Over 124.22 lakhtenants have got their rights protectedover an area of 156.30 lakh acres tillSeptember 2000.

(c) Ceiling on Landholdings

The basic objective of fixation of ceilingon landholdings is to acquire landabove a certain level from the presentlandholders for its distribution amongthe landless. It is primarily aredistributive measure based on theprinciple of socio-economic justice. Thedisparity in landownership in India isa well-known fact. While nearly onefourth of rural households have no landat all, there were a large number oflandholders owning thousands of acreseach on the eve of Independence. Thus,fixation of ceiling on agricultural


holdings has been used as a means tocorrect this imbalance.

Legislations imposing ceiling onlandholdings formed the second phaseof land reform package in theindependent India. This process beganduring the Second Five Year Plan inmost states. Almost all the states havelegislations restricting the size ofholdings which a person or family canown. However, the permissible sizevaries according to the quality of land.Acquisition of land in excess of theceiling is prohibited. Land renderedsurplus to the ceiling is taken over bythe state and distributed among theweaker sections of the community.

Though land ceiling laws have beenpassed within the broader frameworksuggested by the Central Government,there are differences among variousstate laws. In all the Acts there are avariety of exemptions from the ceiling.The ceilings fixed are also different.While in most states, the ceilings fixedare very high, in others ample scope isleft for manipulation by thelandowners. The process of takingpossession of surplus land and itsdistribution among the landless israther slow.

The total quantum of landdeclared surplus in the entire countrysince inception till September 2000 is73.49 lakh acres. Out of this, onlyabout 64.84 lakh acres have beentaken possession of and 52.99 lakhacres have been distributed. Thetotal number of beneficiaries of thisscheme in the country is 55.10 lakh,of whom 36 per cent belong to the

Scheduled Castes and 15 per cent tothe Scheduled Tribes.

(d) Consolidation of Holdings

The fragmentation of landholdings hasbeen an important impediment inagricultural development. Mostholdings are not only small but alsowidely scattered. Thus, legislativemeasures for consolidation of holdingshave been undertaken in most of thestates. Major focus has been on theconsolidation of the land of a holder atone or two places for enabling them tomake better use of resources. Attemptshave also been made to take measuresfor consolidation in the command areasof major irrigation projects.

(e) Land Records

The record of rights in land has beenfaulty and unsatisfactory. Theavailability of correct and up-to-daterecords has always been a problem. Itis in view of this that updating of landrecords has now been made a part ofland reform measures.

However, progress in this respecthas been poor. The Five Year Plandocuments say that “in several States,record of right do not provideinformation regarding tenants, sub-tenants and crop-sharers….” It hasfurther been highlighted that largeareas of the country still do not haveup-to-date land records. The mainreason behind this has been the strongopposition from big landowners.

Nonetheless, several states haveinitiated the process of updating the


land records through revisional surveysand settlements. Steps have also beentaken to computerise these records. Acentrally sponsored scheme oncomputerisation of land records hasbeen launched with a view to removethe problems inherent in the manualsystem of maintenance and updatingof land records.

GREEN REVOLUTION

The fundamental change andphenomenal increase in food grainproduction in late sixties in India hasearned the name of ‘Green Revolution’.The word ‘green’ here refers to greenfields of the countryside and ‘revolution’indicates a substantial change.

The availability of adequate food-grains has been a serious problem inthe country till recently. Food grainhad to be imported from the developedcountries to feed the vast population.Shortage of food was mainly causedby low productivity of land, over-dependence on monsoon and theoutmoded agrarian structure. Underthese conditions, achieving self-sufficiency in food grain became thetop priority of our national efforts. Wehave already seen how variousschemes under the five year plans,land reforms and communitydevelopment programmes have allbeen directed towards achieving thisgoal. However, these efforts could notinitially succeed in increasingagricultural production. Consequently,a new agricultural strategy wasadopted in the early sixties to

accelerate the process of agriculturaldevelopment.

The new agricultural strategy wasbased on the thinking that intensiveapplication of science and technologyin agriculture would bear fruits in theform of massive increase in food grainproduction. Under this strategy,adopted in early sixties, agriculturaldevelopment programmes were revisedto meet the needs of the farmers. Majorprogrammes undertaken in this regardare discussed briefly in the paragraphsthat follow.

The Intensive Agricultural DistrictProgramme (IADP), popularly knownas the Package Programme, wasstarted in 1961 on a pilot basis inseven districts of the country.The programme was subsequentlyextended to cover some other districts.It aimed at combining improvedtechnology, credit, high yielding seedsand assured irrigation for stepping upagricultural production. Thisexperiment of intensive agricultureyielded significant results. Productionof foodgrains increased and theprogramme was extended to coverlarger areas. It resulted in giving riseto a new programme called theIntensive Agricultural AreasProgramme (IAAP).

Encouraged by the unprecedentedsuccess of this programme some otherschemes were introduced in the latesixties. They included the High-YieldingVarieties Programme (HYVP), SmallFarmers’ Development Agency (SFDA)and the Marginal Farmers andAgricultural Labourers Development


Scheme (MFALDS). All these schemeswere supplemented by the assuredsupply of inputs like fertilisers,pesticides, institutional credit andincreased irrigational facility. Amongall these programmes, the HYVP madespectacular impact. The progressiveincrease in areas under high yieldingvarieties resulted in substantialincrease in food grain production.Wheat production more than doubledby 1977–78 and rice production alsostarted increasing. The progressunder maize, jowar and bajra was,however, rather slow, but did notremain too far.

Green Revolution, which saw thelight of the day in the late sixties, haspersisted till date. It began withWheat Revolution but subsequentlyrice surpassed it. Other crops likepulses, jowar, maize and bajra alsodid not remain too far. It waswidespread as it continued itsjourney from Punjab to other regionsof the country. Now we are not onlyself-sufficient in food grain but alsohave started exporting it. Our view inthis regard is amply supported by thelatest foodgrains statistics availableto us.

The overall production of food grainsfor 1999–2000 was 208.87 million tonneswhich is 5.26 million tonnes more thanthe previous year. The production of riceduring this period was 89.48 milliontonnes as against the production of86.00 million tonnes during 1998–99.The production of wheat was 75.57million tonnes during 1999–2000 asagainst the production of 70.78

million tonnes during 1998-99.However, during this period theproduction of coarse cereals (jowar,bajra, maize etc.) is estimated at 30.47million tonnes as against theproduction of 31.35 million tonnesduring 1998-1999. Being dependententirely on rainfall, the output of coarsecereals shows considerable variationover the years.

Socio-economic Consequences ofGreen Revolution

Green Revolution has certainlyimproved the food situation in thecountry. It has solved the problem ofhunger and has given a strong base tothe Indian economy for further growth.It has transformed the mindset offarmers. In this respect Andre Beteillehas aptly remarked, “The GreenRevolution has indeed created a newfaith in the dynamism of the Indianfarmer who has shown himself to becapable not only of quickly absorbingtechnological innovations but also ofhandling social arrangements withconsiderable dexterity.”

However, the impact of thisprogramme has not been equallyfavourable for all sections of agrarianpopulation. What we wish to point outhere is that the Green Revolution hasbrought destabilising impact on thesocio-economic condition of small andpoor peasants, share-croppers andlandless agricultural labourers.

The new technology and the otherinputs such as improved seeds,fertilisers, pesticides, water etc. are


beyond the reach of small and marginalfarmers. Naturally, some regions withlarge landholdings like Punjab haveperformed better than others like Biharand Orissa where marginal and poorfarmers are in plenty and institutionalcredit is not easily available. This haswidened the gap between the small andthe rich farmers.

Secondly, the affluent farmers areenjoying the fruits of increasedprofits from land but the real wagerate for agricultural labourers hasbeen declining in most places. Mostof the share-croppers are now joiningthe rank of landless labourersbecause small holdings are notavailable for leasing out to theseshare-croppers.

Thirdly, economic inequality inagrarian sector has widened resultingin increased agrarian unrest in ruralareas. During the late sixties and theearly seventies numerous cases ofconflicts were reported particularlyfrom the Green Revolution belts. Thesituation became serious and theMinistry of Home Affairs of theGovernment of India studied thecauses and nature of agrarian tensionsand admitted the socio-politicalimplications of the new agriculturalstrategy. The Report concluded thatnew agricultural strategy has created“widening gap between the relativelyaffluent farmers and the large body ofsmall holders and landless agriculturalworkers.” Analysing this problem,P.C. Joshi argues that conflict anddiscontent are inherent in the‘outmoded agrarian structure’. While

such an agrarian structure providesthe basic cause of tension, the‘proximate’ causes which have led tothe eruption of ‘latent’ discontent into‘manifest’ tension are located in thenew agricultural strategy and theGreen Revolution.

The poor peasants, share-croppersand landless agricultural labourershave not been able to share profitablyin the general prosperity, which camein the wake of the green revolution. Inthis context, T. K. Oommen shows that“the green revolution as such does notlead to the welfare of the agrarian poorunless substantial alterations in theprevalent socio-economic and politicalstructures are effected at thegrass roots.”

Finally, increased agriculturalproduction has been visible mainly inareas like Punjab, Haryana, westernUttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu andMaharashtra. In this fashion,substantial areas in the country havenot been benefited by this agriculturalchange. Likewise, a new class ofcapitalist farmers has emerged in thegreen revolution belts. Anotherimportant trend suggests that theagricultural production has increasedbut the social index has not changedin the same proportion. For example,the gender-ratio in those areas whereagricultural prosperity has beenachieved is still unfavourable.However, despite these limitations theGreen Revolution has undoubtedlypaved the way for faster economicgrowth and corresponding socialchange.


GLOSSARY

EQUITY. Equity is the idea of treating people with equality and in the absenceof discrimination.

KHEDA AGITATION. Movement lead by the poor peasants against the exploitativemethods of the landowners during pre-Independence time.

INTERMEDIARIES. They were middlemen between the Zamindars and the actualtillers of the soil who usually exploited the poor peasant for theirselfish ends.

LAND CEILING. To fix a specific area of land to be acquired by landowners. Thisscheme was started as a measure to ensure equality and distributeexcess land among the landless.

EXERCISE

1. What do you understand by land reforms?

2. What were the main objectives behind land reforms in India?

3. What were the objectives of land reforms after Independence?

4. Why was the abolition of intermediaries a major objective of the landreform in India?

5. What was the objective behind fixing ceiling on land holdings?

6. Discuss the socio-economic consequences of Green Revolution in India.

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Joshi, P.C., Land Reforms in India, Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1975.

2. Beteille, Andre, Studies in Agrarian Social Structure, Oxford UniversityPress, New Delhi, 1974.

3. Dubey, S.C., Traditions and Development, Vikas Publishing House,New Delhi, 1990.

4. Sharma, K.L., Rural Society in India, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 1997.

5. Smelser, Neil J., The Sociology of Economic Life, Prentice Hall,New Delhi, 1975.

57NEW GROUPS, CLASSES AND GLOBALISATION

CHAPTER 6

New Groups, Classes and Globalisation

While studying social structure andstratification, you must have noticedthat caste and class are two majorforms of social stratification. These twosystems are also expressed in terms of‘closed’ and ‘open’ class systems.Structures of stratification vary intheir rigidity from one society toanother, and from one period toanother in the same society. Thus,patterns of stratification are notalways static. Changes do occur intheir nature and structure. Thus, it,is not only the class position of anindividual which may change but thecaste position may also change in ageneration or two. We have alsopointed out this aspect of mobility incaste while discussing the process ofSanskritisation in an earlier section.What we intend to highlight here isthat new groups and classes emergein every society in the wake of socialchange. In most of what follows, weshall confine our illustrations to theIndian society and discuss the natureof new groups and classes which areemerging due to social change.

Trends of change in Indian societyshow the emergence and consolidationof new groups and classes. This is

visible not only in rural areas but alsoin the urban and industrial settings.However, in the absence of systematicsociological studies on the nature andsize of these groups and classes, it is adifficult task to give conclusivestatements about them. We have,therefore, selected only a few groups toillustrate this trend.

Land Reforms, Green Revolutionand the Emergence of theGentleman Farmer

The land reforms after independanceand the Green Revolution led to majorrestructuring of the agrarian system.The composition of the traditionallandowning class is changing in thecountry. Earlier, most of thelandowners inherited land from theirancestors. Land could not bepurchased in the market because theland market was not fully developed.But this situation has changed now.The introduction of new technology inagriculture has transformed the modeof agricultural production. Resourcesother than land have assumedimportance. Resources such astractors, mechanised ploughs, pump-


sets, power threshers and others areacquired through the market. Todayeven if one has not inherited land throughthe traditional channel, it is possible forone to join the class of landowners.

In this fashion, a new class offarmers consisting of persons withdifferent skills and experiences isemerging. They no longer belong to thetraditional landowning upper castes.There are the people who have retiredfrom the civil and military services andhave invested their savings inagricultural farms. This is the storybehind the emergence of GentlemanFarmers.

This group now attracts the peoplewho are educated and wish to makeagriculture their vocation. Theincreased profitability of agriculture isthe primary reason behind it. Theseagricultural farms are run like businessfirms with all features of modernorganisations. In this respect, there isa substantial difference between thetraditional agricultural system and theemerging system.

Capitalist Farmers

The emergence of capitalist farmers isanother important development inindependent India. The questionwhether and to what extent capitalismhas penetrated Indian agriculture is stillbeing debated, but the trend inagriculture as in industry is clearlytowards infusion of capital. A capitalistform of wage-labour agrarian systemhas replaced the traditional customaryland relation. There is a clear transitionfrom the peasant family farms to thecommercial-capitalist farms.

A powerful class of rich peasants,undoubtedly, existed even earlier butthey could not be characterised ascapitalist farmers because there was nocapitalist penetration in agriculture assuch. However, in the recent past, apartfrom the land reforms, other forces areat work in agricultural sector.Introduction of new technology alongwith several other schemes ofagricultural development havefacilitated a small section of richpeasantry to emerge as powerfulcommercial and capitalist farmers.Extensive facilities and resources suchas supply of high yielding variety ofseeds, fertilisers, improved implements,irrigation as well as facilities of creditand improved transport andcommunication—all have been fullyutilised by these farmers. The capitalistfarmer hires labourers foraccomplishing her/his requirements.The actual tillers of the soil are the wage-labourers employed by the capitalistfarmer. The latter is involved inagriculture only to appropriate profitsfrom it. A surplus is, thus, generatedin agricultural production that isreaching the market.

The size of the class of capitalistfarmers is still small in the countrytoday. But its emergence and growthreveal a significant aspect of change inthe agrarian social structure. Theemergence of this class has not onlyincreased the efficiency and productivityof agriculture but also has helpedindustrial growth and development.However, this trend has widened the gapbetween the rich and the poor farmers.


Inequalities between the top and thebottom layers of the agrarian classeshave manifested leading to unrest inrural areas.

Dominant Middle-Caste Peasantry

The impact of the land reforms and theGreen Revolution has not been uniformthroughout the country. In certainregions, some sections have benefitedmore than the others. While the ownersof large landholdings have pocketed themaximum profits in every region, theshare of benefits to the small peasantshas been limited almost everywhere.However, it is the middle peasant whohave been the real beneficiary all overthe country. A natural question is whyhas this been so.

The answer to this question lies inthe very nature and composition of themiddle peasantry in the Indiancountryside. Middle peasants ordinarilybelong to the middle caste groups.Though there is no all-India hierarchyof castes, it is yet possible to locatecertain layers that may be characterisedas middle. All those castes, which arebelow the upper castes but above thelower and Scheduled Castes, constitutethe category of middle castes. It is not ahomogenous category but as thesecastes possess some common features,they may be included under a singlecategory. Some of the major features ofthe middle castes are mentioned below.

In the first place, they occupy ahigher position in local caste hierarchy.No social disabilities such asuntouchability and discrimination are

imposed on them. Secondly, most of thecastes included in this category aretraditionally peasant castes. They havebeen self-cultivating owners of mediumsize landholdings. Thirdly, unlike theupper castes, they have been directlyinvolved in agricultural operations.Finally, populationwise they arepredominant at the local level. In fact,the middle castes are like the dominantcastes according to the formulation ofM.N. Srinivas. Most of the features ofthese two categories are similar butthey are different in terms of theirlocation in the caste hierarchy. While adominant caste may belong either to theupper or the middle caste group, it isnot so in the case of a middle caste.

It is the middle castes, which haveemerged as the dominant middlepeasantry. They have derivedmaximum advantages from the landreforms and the Green Revolution. Atthe time of abolition of intermediarieslike Zamindari, the Jagirdari etc. largescale land transfer took place. Themembers of these castes purchasedmost of these lands. Secondly, when theupper caste village dwellers startedmigrating to the urban areas in largenumbers, the members of the middlecastes bought their land. Finally, newprogrammes of agricultural develop-ment further helped the middle castesto improve their economic condition.Their peasant background providedthem with an added advantage. Middlecastes in some regions have, thus,achieved economic affluence.

The growing economic prosperity ofmiddle castes was also instrumental in


extending their influence to the politicaldomain. Here, again, their numericalstrength contributed towards gainingpolitical dominance. The phenomenalrise of castes such as the Yadav (Ahir)and the Kurmi in Bihar and UttarPradesh, Vokkaliga in Karnataka,Kamma and Reddy in Andhra Pradeshis a pointer to this trend. Thus, theemergence of the dominant middlecaste peasants reflects the changingreality of the Indian countryside.

Our discussion of some of the newgroupings has, thus, been concernedprimarily with those which haveemerged in rural areas. Now, let us turnto the urban industrial setting wherealso several groups and classes havebecome visible. An important factshould be noted before we proceed todiscuss the urban groupings. Groupsand classes in rural areas, which wehave considered above, are apparentlynew in the sense that they haveappeared on the scene quite recently.But the situation in urban areas isquite different because groups andclasses here are not new in the strictsense of the term. They emerged inindustrial-urban setting fairly earlierbut their position has now beenconsolidated both from the points ofview of size and role. We shall examinesome of these groups to throw light onthe nature of change taking place inthis domain.

Business Elite

An entrepreneurial class or businesselite started emerging in India by themiddle of the nineteenth century.

Although prior to the British rule agroup of enterprising business personsand traders existed in the country, butthe new business elite came intoprominence only during this period.Traditionally, most of the businesspersons belonged to the trading castesand communities. But when a new linkwas established between the Indianeconomy and British economy membersof some other castes also joinedmercantile enterprises. As most of thebusiness firms were under the controlof the English persons, the Indianbusiness persons mainly worked asmiddle persons and brokers to Britishfirms. Thus, the emergence of the newbusiness elite was initially linked withthese activities. These groups ofbusiness persons were primarilycommercial agents and not industrialentrepreneurs. Moreover, they werelocated mainly in Kolkata, Mumbai andChennai regions because commercialand industrial activities wereconcentrated in these regions. Themembers of this group mainly belongedto the upper castes. For example, Jains,Baniyas and Kayasthas had the upperhand over others in Kolkata region,Parsis and Jains in Mumbai, and inChennai region Chettiars controlledsuch businesses.

During the early part of thetwentieth century the Indian industrialentrepreneurs started competing withthe British. Gujaratis, Parsis andMarwaris emerged as the dominantgroups among the business elite.Sociological studies have shown twomajor characteristics of business elite


in India. In the first place, most of themare the members of the traditionaltrading castes and in this sense thereis continuity with the past tradition.Secondly, there has been a close link ofthis group with the nationalistmovement in India. These features, asYogendra Singh suggests, ‘’influence therole that the business elite play in themodernisation of Indian society.’’

The size and role of business elitehave phenomenally increased afterIndependence. It has been primarilybecause of the expansion of industrialactivities during the last few decades.The industrial business groups noworganise their activities on modernscientific lines and are comparable totheir counterparts outside the country.Trained managers manage theirorganisations. Thus, a kind ofbureaucratic structure has emergedgiving rise to a new class of industrialbureaucrats.

The accelerated growth of businesselite suggests a significant change in theentrepreneurial motivation of thepeople. The group is graduallybecoming broad-based as members ofdiverse social groups and castes areentering into this fold. The industrialdevelopment of the backward regionsin the country is a pointer to this trend.

The New Middle Class

The emergence of the new middle classis an interesting development in the eraof economic liberalisation in India.Academic studies had, no doubt,focussed earlier on the character of the

Indian middle class in general, but it isonly recently that the rise of the newmiddle class has attracted the attentionof social scientists.

In a celebrated study of the Indianmiddle classes, B.B. Misra hassuggested that the members of theeducated professions, such asgovernment servants, lawyers, collegeteachers and doctors, primarilyconstituted the bulk of the Indian middleclasses. He also included the body ofmerchants, agents of modern tradingfirms, salaried executives in bankingand trading, and the middle grades ofpeasant proprietors and rentiers underthis category. This notion of the middleclass has continued for years for thepurpose of examining the role of themiddle class in contemporary India.

It has been argued that in the earlyyears of the Independence, materialpursuits of the middle class weresubsumed in a broader ethical andmoral responsibility to the nation as awhole. A restraint on materialisticexhibitionism in a poor country was theideal reflector in the character of themiddle class. Changes have, however,occurred in the basic character of thisclass. Pavan Varma, for example, in hisbook The Great Indian Middle Classhas initiated a significant debate on thedeclining social responsibility of theIndian middle class. It is in this contextthat the idea of new middle class hasbeen made popular in India.

The current culture of consumerismhas given rise to the new middle class.The economic liberalisation initiated inIndia in the 1990s portrays the middle


class as a sizeable market which hasattracted the MultinationalCorporations (MNCs). Images of theurban middle class in the print mediaand television contribute to theprevalence of images of an affluentconsumer. The spread of the consumeritems such as cellphones, cars, washingmachines and colour televisions hasalso consolidated the image of anew middle class culture. Advertisingimages has further contributedto perception.

The new middle class has leftbehind its dependence on austerity andstate protection. The newness of themiddle class rests on its embrace ofsocial practices of taste andconsumption and a new culturalstandard. Thus, the “newness” ofmiddle class involves adoption of a newideology rather than a shift in the socialbasis of India’s middle class.

Critics of this new middle classhave pointed out the negative effectsthat middle class consumerism holdsin the terms of environmentaldegradation and a growing indifferencetowards socio-economic problems ofthe country. However, proponents ofliberalisation have projected this newmiddle class as an idealised standardfor a globalising India.

GLOBALISATION ANDLIBERALISATION

The phenomenon of globalisation hasaroused much interest since theeighties. We will discuss it in the contextof social change.

Globalisation is one of thedistinctive features of thecontemporary world. The term is usedmostly in an economic sense.Globalisation is the process ofintegration of world economies inconditions of free markets. Free marketenvisages free flow of trade and capitaland movement of persons acrossnational borders. Globalisation is,thus, identified with the new worldtrade order and opening up ofcommercial markets. Science andtechnology have greatly helped in thegrowth of globalisation. The wholeprocess is facilitated by newlydeveloped technology for immediatetransmission of information.

Historically, the world hadexperienced periods of economicintegration even in the later half of thenineteenth century and early part of thetwentieth century. But the process wasinterrupted by the world wars,economic depression and restrictions onthe movement of people till almost the1970’s. However, the process ofglobalisation received new impetusduring the last two decades.

Internationalisation of productionhas been taking place in a big waythrough the MNCs. Large companiesbased in one country but operating inseveral countries are calledMultinational or TransnationalCorporations. The MNCs havethousands of affiliated companies allover the world. According to oneestimate, their sales in 1998 were of theorder of almost one-third of the worldtrade. These corporations treat the


globe as a single market rather than aset of national markets.

Moreover, trade beyond the nationalboundaries is substantially expandingas duties and tariffs are getting sharpelylowered and other barriers are removedto increase the volume of foreign trade.Transport and communication costshave gone down considerably.Consequently, technologically advancedcompanies and enterprises move todifferent locations in different countries.Globalisation has opened up newavenues for the MNCs. The era ofglobalisation has unfolded newopportunities for both developed anddeveloping countries. Globalisation isturning the whole world into a ‘globalvillage’.

Potential of Globalisation

Globalisation is supported on manygrounds by its protagonists, some ofwhich are discussed below.

The process of globalisation is basedon the basic premise of free market. Itis presumed that free markets begetcompetition and increase efficiencywhich is lacking in controlled markets.Increased efficiency improves quality ofgoods and services. Free market isparticularly helpful to the backwardeconomies.

Under the condition ofglobalisation, foreign investment flowsinto the domestic economy whichmakes it strong and boisterous. Theseinvestments specially assist thecountries that face the shortage ofinternal resources. In this manner, free

trade facilitates inflow of foreign capitaland goods which is expected to providebuoyancy to the stagnating economiesof the Third World.

Globalisation guarantees increasedemployment opportunities. Moreemployment and more economicgrowth would create better quality oflife for the people. As unemploymentcontinues to be a serious problem formost of the developing countries,globalisation is projected as thepanacea.

It is assumed that economicdevelopment would be achievedthrough the integration of economies,which would also take care of the issuesof social justice. The innovative andrationalising mechanisms of the globaleconomic order will make provision forsafety nets for the disadvantagedgroups. It is, thus, believed thatliberalisation of economy, instead ofcausing havoc, provides new hope tothe disadvantaged groups.

Furthermore, globalisation increasesco-operation and solidarity amongbusiness partners at the internationallevel. It also enhances co-operation atthe governmental level. It gives rise to anew world order based on consensusand partnership. Values of reciprocityand solidarity among nations aresupposed to usher in an era of worldpeace and amity.

Consequences of Globalisation

According to the United Nations’ studyin 1999, ‘the era of globalisation isopening many opportunities for


millions of people around the world’.The study suggests that it offersenormous potential to eradicate povertyin the twenty-first century.

But the experiences of globali-sation so far, particularly in thedeveloping countries, do not followthis trend. It has given rise to seriousrisks for countries that are unable tobecome internationally competitive.The negative consequences ofglobalisation are more dominantcompared to its positive potential.Increased trade, new technologies,foreign investment and expandinginternational connections have, nodoubt, led to substantial economicgrowth in the world today but thegains of economic growth are notevenly distributed among differentcountries. There are several problemsthat emanate from this basicweakness.

The economic process underglobalisation is connected with marketexpansion. The development of nationalmarket economies is integrated globallyon market principles. The marketsystem is always driven by the searchfor profits. Open competitive marketsmay guarantee efficiency, but notnecessarily ensure equity. Therefore,great reliance on the ‘invisible hand’ ofthe market is pushing the worldtowards unsustainable levels ofinequality. It has rightly been said that‘markets are neither the first nor the lastword in human development’. There areseveral activities and goods, which areimportant for human development, buttoday they are overlooked in the rushto integrate with the global market. It

is evident in areas where the marketfrontier has moved in recent decades,such as in Africa and Asia. It hasincreased migration to cities, greateranomie in urban life, the collapse of theextended family and the replacement ofsentiments by money as the basis ofhuman motivation.

Global capitalism is relatively freefrom regulations. But it enjoys thesupport of powerful capitalist states. Anumber of international economicinstitutions such as the InternationalMonetary Fund (IMF), the World Bankand the World Trade Organisation(WTO) reinforce the ideology of globalcapitalism. These countries andinstitutions create the political and legalconditions for the global market. Theseconditions have been created by stepslike (a) removal of barriers tointernational trade and services,(b) movement of capital, (c) globalprotection of property rights(d) privatisation of state companies,(e) deregulation of business activities,and (f) phasing out of welfare services.All these steps have reduced thecapacity of the nation states to provideessential social services to the people.The effects of structural adjustmentpolicies in Africa, Asia and the southPacific imposed by the IMF and theWorld Bank have been no less thandisastrous. They have decreased theaccess to education, health andnutrition to the underprivilegedsections of the population. Of course, ithas extended these facilities mainly tothe most privileged groups. Even inEurope, where the welfare state was


born, there has been severe reductionin these facilities.

At present, for developing countries,the risks are more than the advantagesand opportunities. The most directimpact has been on jobs. For example,unemployment rates doubled in Asiancountries where the depression of 1997–98 was worst. Wages in the currentlabour market are generally low. Intensecompetition for employment means thatworkers have low capacity to bargain inmost countries. The real wagesthroughout Latin America and Africahave yet to return to levels considerednormal twenty years ago.

Failure to create sufficientemployment has undermined theprospects for poverty reduction. Thenumber of people living in poverty fellin mid-1990s but then started to riseagain in almost all countries. This is notbecause the world as a whole has beengetting poorer but because the benefitsof growth are unevenly spread. In fact,there has been a remarkable increasein inequality over the past decades. Inthe developing countries, the rich caneasily adjust to the new environment,but the poor are becoming poorer.

Moreover, the economic globali-sation is problematic not only becauseit complicates economic relationshipsbetween nations but also because itconcentrates economic power in thehands of MNCs. Such aconcentration of economic power leadsto convergence of political and socialpower. In this fashion, social andeconomic rights of common citizens arerestricted under globalisation. It affects

social policy and reduces the role ofstate activities.

It is against this background thatsome resistance against the impositionof external conditionalities on thecountry’s economy has emerged at thepeople’s level. The people in thedeveloping countries are concernedabout numerous internationalnegotiations which are taking place onagriculture, services and patentprotection. The concern is whether thedeveloping countries would get fair dealin these agreements. These negotiationsand agreements are held under the aegisof WTO which is the legal andinstitutional body of the global tradingsystem. Member countries are supposedto follow rules and disciplines of WTO.

LIBERALISATION

The process of liberalisation is closelyrelated to globalisation. Liberalisation isthe economic content of globalisation. Itis a process under which a highlyregulated economy is transformed intoan outward-looking economy. Domesticeconomy is liberalised throughderegulation and decontrolling. Thedominance of the state in most spheresof activity declines and gives way toprivate enterprises and companies. Theprivatisation of commerce and industrytakes place by dismantling public sectorunits. The idea of liberalisation isessentially based on the thinking thatthe economy and society will be muchbetter by reducing the state intervention.It is popularised by the slogan, lessstate, better state.


The process of globalisation, as wehave seen, is integrating economies ofthe world. This process of integrationis facilitated by liberalisation andprivatisation of individual economies.In other words, various countries haveto liberalise their economies byresorting to deregulation where therewill be less and less control of the State.Liberalisation policy emphasises theefficiency aspect of economy. Privateenterprises are considered moreefficient than the public sectorundertakings.

Challenges of Globalisation andLiberalisation in India

The processes of globalisation andliberalisation are more predominant inthe modern world. Under such acondition, India too is facing challengesof these processes. A significanttransformation has taken place in thecountry since 1991 as we moved froma highly regulated and inward-lookingto an outward-looking economy. Thedominance of the State in most spheresof activity is giving way to privateenterprises.

You will understand this situationclearly if an example is provided to you.Indian economy has adopted themixed-economy model. It is calledmixed because it consists of two sectors—the private sector and the publicsector. While the public sector is fullycontrolled by the state, the private sectorincludes enterprises owned byindividuals. The public sector hasplayed a dominant role in the Indian

economy. The State, thus, has beenpresent in most spheres of activity. Itscontrol and regulation have been wideranging and even covered the privatesector industries. The latter werecontrolled through numerous licensesand permits. In fact, this practice hasbeen so widespread that the peopleoften called it the quota permit raj.

It was this system of regulation andcontrol that received a blow in the eraof liberalisation. The process ofliberalisation started in India around1991 with numerous structuralchanges in the economy. Policy reformsopened up the economy. The first phaseof reforms (1991–1994) focussed on thedismantling of controls and regulationsin trade and industry. Taxes and tariffswere lowered. All these steps created aconducive climate for privateinvestments—both domestic andforeign. Thus, the era of liberalisationwitnessed a clear transition from aninsular to an outward-looking andexport-oriented economy.

The process of liberalisation andprivatisation has further beenaccelerated in the second phase ofreforms. Two major developments inthis phase are encouraging moreforeign direct investment anddownsizing the public sector. India is alarge market. From 1 April 2001, allquantitative restrictions have beenremoved and the market is now openfor imported products. Disinvestmentin public sector undertakings has notonly been initiated, but severalcorporations have already been sold toprivate enterprises.


India has now completed the firstpost-liberalisation decade withsatisfactory growth rates. Inflation hasbeen contained. Industry is no longerprotected from external forces. Morerecently, the breakthroughs inInformation Technology (IT) sector hasproved skills of Indian professionalswho are in great demand in developedcountries of the world. It is expected thatIT-related services would give a boostto the economy in the years to come.

Notwithstanding these achieve-ments during the era of liberalisation,there are still critical challenges ahead.Poverty continues to be one of the mostimportant challenges. Around 26.10per cent of the population is still belowthe poverty line. The situation withregard to employment continues to begrim. During the last decade, moreretrenchment from jobs has takenplace because companies have reducedtheir size or merged to face the rigourof competition. This is happening whenthe Indian economy is not able togenerate sufficient jobs. Fullemployment, universal literacy,primary education, health care andraising the quality of life for all citizens

are equally challenging tasks toaccomplish.

Privatisation is affecting women inmany ways. It has already startedreducing employment opportunitiesdue to the introduction of sophisticatedtechnology both in agriculture andindustry. In India, women are moregainfully employed in handicrafts andhousehold industries. They are mainlyin unorganised sector. Economicliberalisation has affected this sector,which is threatened because of theentry of mechanised products andmass producers of these items in thelocal markets.

Under such circumstances, thechallenge of globalisation today is toadjust rules and institutions forstronger governance to preserve theadvantages of global market. Whilemodifying these institutions thecountry has to provide enough spacefor human and community resources.It is imperative to ensure thatglobalisation works for the peoplebecause despite the attendantrisks and challenges not a singlecountry would be able to stop theapproach of globalisation.

GLOSSARY

TENURE. The legal conferment of the right to own land and other properties. Ithelps the State to administer and collect revenue. Many land tenuresystems including Raiyatwari, Mahalwari and Zamindari existingprior to Independence were abolished.

INTERNATIONALISATION OF PRODUCTION. The distribution of product in different partsof the world through the long chain of companies, i.e. MultinationalCorporations (MNCs).

GLOBAL VILLAGE. Establishment of technologically advanced companies and


enterprises at different countries for enhancing business andrelationship, which turn the whole world into a global village.

SOCIAL POWER. It is related with the concept of the globalisation and it restrictedsocial and economic rights of common citizens.

WORLD TRADE ORGANISATION. An international organisation set up by the membercountries of the United Nations. It was started in 1995 with itsheadquarters at Geneva. Through various laws and policies, WTOregulates and facilitates the international trade of goods and services.

EXPORT-ORIENTED ECONOMY. An economy in which a majority of its productiveforces directed towards production of export goods and services. Manycountries follow this strategy to get more foreign currencies whichwill be helpful to meet the import needs and domestic shortageof capital.

EXERCISE

1. Enumerate the changes that have taken place in the sector of agriculture,which have led to the emergence of ‘farmers’ as different from peasants.

2. Define the concept of middle class.3. What are business elite? Give examples.4. Give the concepts of globalisation and liberalisation. Showing the

difference between them.5. Delineate the changes that have surfaced in society with the coming of

globalisation.

6. What is privatisation? What are its impact on society?

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Sethi, Raj Mohini, (ed.), Globalisation, Culture and Women’s Development,Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 1999.

2. Mishra, B.B., The Indian Middle Classes, Oxford University Press,New Delhi, 1978.

3. Hurrell, Andrew and Ngaire Woods, (eds.), Inequality, Globalisation andWorld Politics, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999.

4. Varma, Pawan, The Great Indian Middle Class, Viking, New Delhi, 1998.5. Ram, Nandu, The Mobile Scheduled Castes: Rise of a New Middle Class,

Hindustan Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 1988.6. Fernandes, Leela, Restructuring the New Middle Class in Liberalising India,

Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol. XX,Nos.1 and 2, 2000.

69EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE

CHAPTER 7

Education and Social Change

Culture is a learned aspect of thesociety. It is a social asset and allmembers of society share its elements.These cultural elements are preservedand disseminated through educationfrom one individual to another and alsofrom one generation to another. In thismanner, there is a direct relationshipbetween culture and education. Whileculture gives identity to a society,education sustains it. Education alsoplays a dynamic role in society. Itperforms the function of an initiator ofsocial change. It not only generates newideas and values but also transmitsthem to the younger generation. In thischapter, our attempt will be to examinethe relationship between education andsocial change.

SOCIETY AND EDUCATION

Education emerges out of the needs ofsociety. An individual member passesaway in course of time, but societycontinues to exist and new membersare added to it by birth. Every society,thus, tries to stay together as a unit anddevelops a way of life. The groupmembers have to train children to carryon the customs, knowledge and skills

of the group to preserve and perpetuatetheir way of life. This function isperformed by education. Educationalso trains people to develop new ideasand adjust to a changing environment.

Parents and family play an informalrole in education. A more formal partcomes from education provided bysocial groups and community agencies.School, which is especially establishedfor the purpose, conducts the mostformal education. School has, thus,become a social necessity for providingspecial learning. It makes possible theaccumulation and transmission ofknowledge on a large scale which wereimpossible before.

Education, thus, performs severalsocial functions. Starting from thesocialising role in a family, its taskscover areas like economic organisation,social stratification and political ideas.

In every society, the process ofsocialisation of a child occurs withinthe family. But, as the skills andknowledge in a simple society are plainand uncomplicated, the occupationalrole is also learnt by a child at home.On the other hand, in the moderncomplex societies, the situation


substantially changes because of thechange in occupational patterns. Thecomplex skills and specialised taskscannot be provided to a child at home.Therefore, the role of family getsrestricted to only primary socialisation.The formal educational institutionstake up the functions of secondarysocialisation. Education performs thefunction of socialisation bytransmitting norms, values, beliefs,attitudes and social skills to the newgeneration. Whatever a student learnsin school is a part of the culturalheritage of the society. This process oflearning moulds and develops thepersonality of the young members ofthe society.

Coming to the domain of socialstratification, it can be shown that theeducational system influences it inseveral ways. You know that caste is anexample of closed system ofstratification whereas class symbolisesan open system. In a closed system,status is ascribed by birth, but in anopen system a person ordinarilyachieves a position. The closed systemof stratification creates institutionalisedinequality. However, this type ofinequality is challenged in modernsociety. It is here that education playsan important role. Modern educationfosters liberal values such as equality,freedom and scientific temper. Itcultivates awareness against inequality,social deprivation and all sorts ofdiscrimination. Education thusempowers people to demolish theclosed system of stratification andopens it up for social transformation.

Moreover, modern education facilitatesoccupational mobility by creating newoccupational opportunities.

The political system is anotherimportant dimension in whicheducation plays an important role.While a political system directlyinfluences the educational system, it isin turn affected by the latter. In otherwords, ideology, values and goals workupon the politics of the time. The idealsof democracy, socialism, secularismand social justice have essentially grownin the modern times because ofeducational development. In India, theeducated and enlightened people, forexample, provided the leadership in thestruggle for freedom.

The educational system alsodiversifies the economic system. Theeconomic value of education was notrecognised by economists till recently.Economists now accept education asa factor that promotes economicgrowth. This is the idea behind the useand popularity of terms like humanresource development. Theeducational system provides skills andtraining for different occupations. Itprepares younger people for occupyingdifferent positions according toeducation and skills. It is because ofthe specific economic needs of differentcountries that they have differenteducational priorities. In order toachieve this goal, investment ineducation is regarded as a means toimprove human resources thatpromotes economic growth.

It is obvious from the foregoingdiscussion that education not only


influences social change but also actsas an agent of modernisation in variousways.

Education and Social Change

We have examined how educationinfluences different domains of sociallife. In this sense, it not only influencessocial change, but also acts as an agentof social change. Education engagesitself in a much more positive actionand can perform the function of aninitiator of change. It inculcates in theyounger generation whatever changesare desirable for rebuilding a society.Moreover, it cultivates necessaryintellectual and emotional readiness todeal with challenges of change.

Education is an important instru-ment of modernisation. Modern valuesin social, economic and political sphereshave to be instilled in the minds ofpeople to achieve the goal ofmodernisation. Values such as equality,liberty, scientific temper, humanismand ideas against blind faith pave theway for modernisation. This task canbe effectively performed by education.

EDUCATION ANDMODERNISATION IN INDIA

Early Phase

In ancient India education wasprovided by the family, kin group andsociety as a whole through partici-pation in daily life. But, as the needsand activities increased in course oftime, a more systematic means ofinstruction was introduced and a

specialised occupational group ofteachers was formed. Thus, the systemof formal instruction began which theBrahmans provided. The Brahmansacted as formal teachers and wererepositories of knowledge and learning.Teaching centres functioned aroundindividual scholars and the learningprocess also emphasised the role ofeach individual student. This system ofeducation emphasised more on life thanon instruction. Thus, curricula variedfrom centre to centre. The transmissionof religious ideas and the interpretationof sacred texts were the major functionsof gurukuls and vidyalayas. However,this educational system was availableonly to a small section of the populationthat constituted the upper layers of thevarna hierarchy. Subsequently, thissystem collapsed under the pressure ofsocial and economic change.

Historically speaking, moderneducation appeared in India with theestablishment of the British rule.Initially, the British rulers supportedtraditional schools and encouragedtheir expansion and growth. But, by themiddle of the nineteenth century, thecolonial policy changed and a decisionwas taken to introduce Europeanliterature and science in India. Englishwas made the medium of instructionin the higher branches of learning. Thispolicy concentrated on the educationof the upper and middle classes. Littleprogress was made in establishing asuitable system of primary education.According to one estimate in 1881-82,1 in 10 boys and 1 in 250 girls betweenthe ages of 5 to 12 years attended


schools. About 90 per cent of thepopulation were illiterate even in theearly part of the twentieth century. Theeducational system, thus, not onlymaintained the gulf between the upperclasses and the mass of the populationbut also increased it further.

There were significant limitations ofthe educational policy of the colonialperiod. Higher education was givenpriority over primary education. Theenrolment in colleges and universitiesincreased at a higher rate than inschools. Consequently, modernisationthrough education remained confinedto the educated and elite groups thatmaximum belonged to the uppercastes. It hardly affected the mass of thepopulation.

However, the system of educationintroduced during the colonial rulehad several good points. It gave afundamentally different orientation tothe educational system and laid thefoundation of modern education inIndia. Its content was liberal andmodern. The teaching of several newbranches of learning such as science,technology and medicine created anenvironment congenial formodernisation. The structure ofeducational institutions was developedalong professional lines. Thisstructure, which classified institutionsunder categories like primary school,high school, college and university,continued even after Independence.

Independence and After

Education in India has achievedamazing success during the last

fifty- five years. Its achievements, bothin absolute and relative terms, havebeen remarkable. The fact becomesmore visible when we compare thepresent situation with the one existingat the time of Independence. Weinherited an educational system whichwas largely unrelated to national needsand aspirations. It was quantitativelysmall and qualitatively poor. Only about14 per cent of the country’s populationwas literate. Only one child out of threehad been enrolled in primary schools.In addition to low levels of enrolmentand literacy, regional and genderdisparities were also very apparent. Theeducational system faced problems ofexpansion, stagnation and wastage. Itlacked vocationalisation and had norelationship with the social andcultural needs of the Indian society.

After Independence, it wasrecognised that education formed avital aspect of the modernisationprocesses. Therefore, educationalreform was accepted as an importantagenda of national development. Acomprehensive constitutional andpolicy framework was developed.The successive Five-Year Plansaugmented the goal by launchingseveral programmes of educationaldevelopment.

We may assess the educationalprofile of India by first touching uponthe literacy scene. In 1951, we had aliteracy rate of 18.3 per cent which wentup to 52.2 per cent in the 1991 census.The rate of literacy, according to the2001 census, was 65.38 per cent.While the literacy rate in the case of the


male was 75.85 per cent, it was 54.16per cent in the case of the female. It isapparent from these figures that therehas been unprecedented growth in thefield of literacy in India. It is fascinatingto note that for the first time the totalnumber of illiterates has declined byover 31.9 million in the last decade. Thefemale literacy rate has increased by14.87 per cent as against 11.72 percent in the case of males. Such aremarkable progress in the rate ofliteracy has primarily been due to twomajor factors. First, the government-sponsored national campaign forliteracy has made tremendous impact.As the scheme has been decentralised,its accountability has also increased.Second, the considerable involvementof Non-governmental Organisations(NGOs) have made the literacycampaign more flexible.

The expansion and theconsolidation of elementary educationhave been equally remarkable.Universalisation of ElementaryEducation (U.E.E.) has been acceptedas a national goal. This programmeenvisages universal access, universalretention and universal achievement.Now, almost 94 per cent of the country’srural population has primary schoolswithin 1 km. At the upper primary stage84 per cent of the rural population hasschools within a distance of 3 km. Theenrolment at the primary stage hasgone up from 42.60 per cent in 1950–51 to 94.90 per cent in 1999–2000.Similarly, the number of primary andupper primary schools has gone upfrom 2.23 lakh in 1950–51 to 8.39

lakh in 1999–2000 and the number ofteachers in these schools from 6.24 lakhin 1950–51 to 32.17 lakh in 1999–2000.

A new scheme called Sarva ShikshaAbhiyan (SSA) has been launched topursue universal elementary educationin mission mode. The goals of SSA areto send all children in the age group of6–14 to school by 2003 so that theycomplete five year of primary educationby 2007 and complete eight years ofschooling by 2010.

Secondary education acts as abridge between elementary and highereducation. It prepares young personsof the age group of 14–18 for entry intohigher education. There were 1.10 lakhsecondary and senior secondaryinstitutions in 1999 in the country. 272lakh students were enrolled in theseinstitutions, of which 101 lakh weregirls. In 1999, there were 15.42 lakhteachers in these schools. Thevocationalisation of secondaryeducation has been implementedsince 1998.

The expansion of institutions ofhigher education has also beenexceptional. On the eve of Independencethe country had only 18 universitiesbut at present the number ofuniversities is 259 . There are 11,089colleges and 119 autonomous colleges.The growth of technical and professionalinstitutions has been equallyphenomenal. At present, there are 7000teacher education colleges, 110polytechnics, 600 managementinstitutes, 550 engineering andtechnology colleges and 170 medicalcolleges.


Apart from expansion and spreadof educational opportunities at differentlevels, special emphasis has been givento improve the status of women througheducation. It is believed thatempowerment of women is a criticalprecondition for their participation inthe developmental processes. Girl childhas now become a target group.Similarly, educational development ofthe Scheduled Castes and the ScheduledTribes has received added attention.

The educational scenario presentedabove quite evidently looks impressive,but actual efforts have fallen far shortof the goal. The National Policy onEducation envisages that free andcompulsory education should beprovided to all children up to the age of14 years. This target of universalisingelementary education is yet tobe achieved.

The expansion and spread ofeducation has brought about meaningfulchanges in the Indian society. Thetransition from ‘class education’(education for a few) to ‘mass education’(education for all) has widened the scopeof unlimited entry into the educationalsystem. The groups and communitieswho were deprived of access to educationhave now joined the national mainstreamof development. It has not onlydisseminated universal values such asequality and humanism but it has alsotransmitted scientific world-view.Education has been one of the mostimportant factors in transforming theoutlook and attitude of the people.

The quantitative expansion ofeducation has spread it to every nook

and corner of the country. It has shakenthe age-old inertia and indifferencetowards education. The phenomenalgrowth of literacy and education amongwomen is unprecedented. It hasradically transformed their attitude andimproved their status within andoutside the families. Their economiccontribution has also becomeconspicuous. The difference in attitudetowards boys and girls is no longerprevalent as before. Such a change insociety’s attitude towards women’s rolehas enabled them to enter spheres ofoccupational activities that werevirtually closed to them.

As a result of the expansion ofeducation, the degree of mobilityamong the members of the ScheduledCastes and the Scheduled Tribes hasconsiderably increased. The overallstate of affairs, however, is not soencouraging in this respect. Theproblems associated with thesedisadvantaged groups have been sodeep-rooted that their solutionrequires overhauling of the socialsystem itself. The national policy ofproviding equal opportunities as wellas special opportunities to theunderprivileged classes has begungiving positive results. Members ofthese communities have achievedconsiderable success in education. Therate of literacy has increased and theenrolment in primary and secondaryschools has improved a great deal. Ofcourse, their presence in highereducation is still very low. The uppercastes continue to dominate almost allareas of higher education.


It should be apparent by now thateducation has acted as a strongmodernising force in Indian society. Itis changing the world-view of thepeople. The growth of educationalinstitutions based on the rationalprinciple of science is itself anexpression of modernisation. Increasingurge for education among the deprivedand the downtrodden reveals change intheir levels of aspirations. It has givenan additional responsibility to theeducational system. The educationalsystem till Independence catered to theneeds of the upper and the middleclasses. A momentous change hasoccurred in this situation afterIndependence. A large number of lowercaste children have enterededucational institutions at all levels.Their aspirations and abilities beingdifferent, a new orientation isnecessary to find out their talents andcapacity so that their educationalneeds can be fulfilled.

Levels and the degree of mobilityhave also been influenced byeducation. Studies in India suggestthat mobility at the level of castegenerally operates in the socio-cultural domains and in respect ofpollution and purity. Such changesare, however, reflected throughchanges in customs, practices,occupations, education and income ofparticular groups. Although thesechanges do not bring large scalechange in the structure ofstratification, some families or groupsof families may raise their status

within their own castes and in relationto some other castes. What we aretrying to emphasise is that educationhas played an important role ineffecting mobility at the individuallevel which is gradually spreading outto the group level. Increase in thenumber of caste-free occupations isthoroughly the result of educationalprogress in the country. Education isa major element in the honourassigned to occupations. It plays amajor role in determining whatoccupation one will achieve and, inturn, the level of one’s income.

However, as we move away fromthe spectacular gains of education inIndia since Independence, we areconfronted with the problems whichthe Indian system of education isfacing today. The problems ofstandard, content and the socialpurpose of education are basic to oursystem of education. These issueshave to be seriously debated andremedies evolved to make the systemmore effective and persuasive. As thenation has accepted the significanceof education for the social andeconomic development of the country,its educational planning has to movein this direction. The report of theIndian Education Commission,appropriately entitled Educationand National Development 1966,forcefully stated, “Education cannotbe considered in isolation or plannedin a vacuum. It has to be used as apowerful instrument of social,economic and political change ….”


GLOSSARY

EDUCATION. It is an agent of social change. It trains the people to develop newideas and to adjust to a changing environment.

EXERCISE

1. What is education?

2. What is the basic function of education?

3. What is the relationship between culture and education?

4. How is education an agent of social change?

5. Distinguish between the close and the open systems of socialstratification.

6. Analyse the role of education in bringing about social change in India.

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Sachchidanand, Harijan Elite, The Thomson Press Ltd., New Delhi, 1977.

2. Shah, B.V. and Shah K.B., Sociology of Education, Rawat Publications,Jaipur, 1998.

3. Perelius, Ann P. and Perelius, Robert J., The Sociology of Education, N.J.:Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1978.

77MASS MEDIA AND CULTURAL CHANGE

CHAPTER 8

Mass Media and Cultural Change

We are living in an era of information.The amount of information generatedtoday is simply incredible and beyondone’s dreams. It is primarily the resultof the revolution in informationtechnology. A convergence of tele-communication, television and computerhas taken place. The sum of all thesetechnologies constitutes informationand communication technology. Thelatter has tremendous potential totransform various aspects of people’s life.Under the condition, the transmissionof information becomes a necessity, ifinformation has to be put to use bypeople for their welfare. This function isperformed by the mass media.

In common parlance, mass mediameans the media such as radio,television, print and films which are usedto communicate to a large number ofpeople. The term ‘mass’ is defined herein the sense of a large number of peopleof a community or a group or a countryas against a particular class or categoryof the people. This notion of mass impliesthat mass media is different from otherkinds of communication because theyaddress a cross-section of a largepopulation rather than a few individuals

or a particular section of the population.It is also called mass media becauseinformation is disseminated throughthese channels simultaneously to themasses.

Of late, two terms—mass mediaand mass communication—areconcurrently used in the discussion onthe subject. Some scholars alsogenerally make a distinction betweenthe two. While mass communication isthe process in which information isdisseminated to a large number ofpeople, the mass media are the meansof carrying this material to the people.Mass communication, thus, includesthe transfer of messages andinformation from a sender to a massaudience. This transfer is done throughthe technologies of the mass media suchas newspapers, magazines, televisionprogrammes, films, computer networksand so on. The sender in this case maybe a person attached to some largemedia organisations or governmentagencies, the messages are public andthe audience is large. Nonetheless, wedo not make such a subtle distinctionbetween these terms in the discussionwhich follows. We, instead, use the term


mass media, which is more popular andserves our present purpose.

Mass media involve organised formof public message production anddissemination which include television,radio, films, newspapers andmagazines. These means ofcommunication are broadly categorisedas print media, electronic media andaudio-visual media.

Society and the Media

The discussion in this section mainlyconcentrates on social functions andgeneral criticisms of the media.

Mass media provide information topeople regarding day-to-day eventsand occurrences. This involveseverything ranging from the weathercondition to the local, national andinternational events such as politics,wars, and natural disasters. In largecities and towns where people are moreseparated from each other, the mediakeep them informed about what aregoing around them.

Secondly, entertainment is anotherimportant function of media. Peopleget entertainment not only throughobvious matters of entertainment likefilms but also through informationprovided by the media. Local newsprogrammes, for example, furnishinformation as well as entertainmentby devoting time in reporting violentcrimes and sports. The local televisionchannels in most of the cases surviveprimarily because they make profitsby proving ample entertainment tothe people.

Thirdly, the media now play anincreasing role in socialisation of theyoung. As you know, family, peergroup and school normally act asprimary agents of socialisation.However, with the development of massmedia, children come under the activeinfluence of the media usage.Musicians, dancers, sport heroes,actors and actresses give young peoplenew ideas about how to behave andhow to dress. Certain values, attitudesand beliefs projected through media arealso imbibed by them. Martin Esslin inhis book The Age of Television pointsout that television brings an endlessstream of collective daydreams andfantasies in our homes, and this leadsto a blurring of the difference betweenfact and reality, the real world and thefantasy world. Television feeds ourdesire to be rich and caters to our eroticdesires. This aspect of media-effectsdiverts our attention from the reality oflife and brings loss of the ability tothink logically.

Finally, the media lend a hand inmaintaining cultural continuity. Theyplay an important role in keepingcultures alive. In the fast changingworld, several elements of culture aredisappearing from the scene. Byshowing these elements in mediaprogrammes, the people are remindedof the existence of such elements andcultural practices. In India, for example,it is radio which broadcastsprogrammes of classical music andattempts to continue this tradition.

Let us now consider the negativeeffects of the media. There are scholars,


educators and others who have beenvery critical of the consequences of themedia. Some of the criticisms directedat the mass media are:

(a) It encourages escapism.(b) It leads to passivity and

distracts people from seriousmatters of life.

(c) It kills individual tastes andleads to cultural homogenisation.

(d) It uses female gender to sellproducts through advertisements.

(e) It presents a false picture ofreality.

Most of these criticisms are notessentially directed against theinstruments of the mass media, but theyrefer primarily to the nature and themesof the programmes covered by them.These arguments also reflect thelimitations of the media policy of theState and society where these channelsare operating. These negative aspectsof the mass media, however, are notgoing to stop the advancing pace of itin the modern society. We have to livewith them.

The Media Scenario in India

India has been a land of great masscommunicators. Being a country ofdiversities, communicating with a largenumber of people simultaneously hasalways been a problem. In the past,when modern channels ofcommunications such as television andInternet were not available, people usedto receive information throughinterpersonal communications. Thesesources included religious preachers,

human messengers, traders, travellersand other forms of traditionalchannels. Thus, all kinds ofcommunication strategies, models andexperiments have been tried since long.However, the traditional sources ofinformation are no longer popular asnew communication avenues areavailable.

The mass media play a vital role increating in people awareness byproviding information and education,besides healthy entertainment. Allmajor communication media—print,electronic and audio-visuals—havedeveloped in the country. Let us nowbriefly describe the media scenario inIndia today.

Print Media

As the term itself suggests, the printmedia include newspapers, periodicalsand magazines of different types.

According to the Annual Report ofthe Registrar of Newspapers in India(RNI) for the year 2000, the totalnumber of newspapers and periodicalsbeing published in India was 49,145as compared to 46,655 during 1999,registering an increase of 5.34 per cent.There were 5,364 dailies, 339 tri/biweeklies, 17,749 weeklies, 6,553fortnightlies, 13,616 monthlies and3,425 quarterlies etc. Newspaperswere published in as many as 101languages and dialects during 2000.The largest number of newspapers(19,685) was published in Hindifollowed by English (7,175) and Urdu(2,848). Daily newspapers were


published in all principal languagesexcept in Kashmiri. Newspapers arepublished from all states and unionterritories. Bombay Samachar, aGujarati daily, published fromMumbai since 1822 is the oldestexisting newspaper. As per the RNI’sreport, the total claimed circulation ofthe Indian newspapers during 2000was 12,69,63,763 copies.

The modern print media has beenstrengthened through theestablishment of various agencies. TheRegistrar of Newspapers in India (RNI)was set up in 1956 to allot newsprintfor newspapers. Every newspaper/periodical has to be registered with theRNI. There are news agencies like PressTrust of India (PTI) and United News ofIndia (UNI) to collect and supply newsto newspapers. The Press Council ofIndia has been established to safeguardfreedom of the Press and maintain andimprove the standard of newspapersand news agencies. The Government ofIndia has its own Press InformationBureau and Publication Division todisseminate information on its policies,programmes and activities.

Electronic Media

Radio and television are the two majorplayers in electronic media in India.

Akashvani : The privately ownedtransmitters started broadcasting inIndia in 1927. In 1930, thesetransmitters were taken over by thegovernment and the broadcastingstarted in the name of IndianBroadcasting Service. It was changed

to All India Radio (AIR) in 1936 and itcame to be known as Akashvani since1957. Now, more than 100 FM(Frequency Modulation) radio stationshave been operating in the country.

The All India Radio presently has208 radio stations and 327transmitters. These include 149medium wave, 55 short wave and 123FM transmitters.From 28 May 1995on FM channel and from 25 February1998, AIR News on Phone Service isalso available in the country. AIR is nowconnected to Internet for on-lineinformation service. The presentnational coverage of broadcasting inIndia is 90.6 per cent by area and 98.8per cent by population.

Doordarshan : Doordarshan (DD),the national television of India, is oneof the largest terrestrial networks in theworld. Television made a modestbeginning in India on 15 September1959 on an experimental basis with astation at Delhi. It was used as themedium for imparting social education.The regular service with a news bulletinin Hindi was started from 15 August1965. The country’s second televisioncentre was set up at Mumbai in 1972.It was followed by Srinagar andAmritsar in 1973, and Kolkata,Chennai and Lucknow in 1975. In April1976, Doordarshan was separatedfrom All India Radio and was made aseparate department. In 1984, a secondchannel was added to Delhi to providean additional view option.

Now, DD reaches 87 per cent of thepopulation and 70 per cent of the areaof the country through a network of


1042 terrestrial transmitters. It hasproduction studios in 49 cities acrossthe country.

The educational televisionprogrammes are relayed from differentDoordarshan Kendras in differentlanguages. On 26 January 2000,Doordarshan started an exclusiveeducation channel, DD–Gyandarshanin collaboration with the Ministry ofHuman Resource Developmentthrough the Indira Gandhi NationalOpen University (IGNOU). In addition,the broadcasting sector has abouthundred private televison channels andcable networks all over the countrywhich are telecasting programmes indifferent regional languages besidesHindi and English.

Audio-Visual Media

Film has been by far the most popularmeans of mass media in India. Featurefilms are being produced here since1912-13. While R.G. Torney, along withChitre, made Pundalik in 1912,Dhunjiraj Govind Phalke producedRaja Harischandra in 1913. The talkiesreplaced the era of silent films in 1931when Adeshir Irani produced Alam Ara(movie with dialogue). India is today theleader in the world in the annual outputof feature films.

Films in India can be publiclyexhibited only after the Central Boardof Film Certification (CBFC) has certifiedthem. In the year 2000, the Boardcertified 855 Indian and 252 foreignfeature films, 1,058 Indian and 194foreign short films, 111 Indian video

feature films and 38 foreign videofeature films, and 503 Indian videoshort films and 167 foreign video shortfilms.

The Films Division was establishedby the Government of India in 1948 torecord, propagate and preserve theachievements of resurgent independentIndia. It has been a vital link betweenthe people and the government. It is thelargest national agency devoted toproduction and distribution of newsmagazines and documentaries.

Communication, Mass Media andCultural Change

It is now recognised that communi-cation is an important factor indevelopment and change. It is assumedthat transmission of new ideas throughthe mass media can create a favourableenvironment for change. Besidesbringing about change in attitude andvalues, communication is also expectedto impart knowledge of new skills andtechniques. Communication helps toenlarge the mental horizons of people.It can be used to raise the levels ofaspirations.

Despite a high rate of illiteracy, theimportance of print media cannot beignored. Now, newspapers are popularnot only in urban areas, they havebecome popular even among the literatesection of the village population. Onecopy of a newspaper is read by dozensof people in a tea or coffee shop. Inreality, the newspaper has become atrue mass medium. Similarly, televisionis also becoming a common source of


entertainment and transmission ofcurrent information. As a matter of factthe increasing importance of massmedia has brought about some kind ofrevolution in the life of people.

However, the effects of masscommunication have been diverse. Themedia-exposure has accelerated theprocess of change. People now knowmore about new things and places.Several new elements are added to theirown culture. Even day-to-day life andpractices come under the influence ofpractices other than their own. To putit little differently, various forms of themedia have led to a cultural change.The expansion of modern means ofcommunication has also given rise tonew cultural challenges. People haverealised the significance of their owncultural identity. They have revivedinterests in their cultural symbols andobjects. The traditional group activitiesare reinforced with the help of modernmeans of communication. This processhas integrated folk cultural institutionswith the emerging cultural tradition.Sociologists call it ‘cultural resilience’of the Indian people. This strength hasled to a kind of cultural integrationbetween the value systems of traditionand modernity.

Globalisation and Local Culture

We have defined globalisation, earlier,as an economic process. We now wishto add that globalisation is amultifaceted one rather than only aneconomic process. It is a set of processesthat interconnect individuals, groupsand communities. Such connections

lead to far reaching consequences forhuman beings. The social relationestablished under this condition isdeeply transformed because life is moreintensively interconnected. In thismanner, under globalisation, the livesof individuals and the fates ofcommunities increasingly depend onwhat takes place in distant places. Bothnational and local borders areweakened. Transcontinental and trans-national networks of activities aregenerated. New linkages are establishedin cultural terms. These changes referto the cultural dimension ofglobalisation. In the light of this, we aimto discuss now the impact ofglobalisation on the local culture.

We know that culture is an integralpart of human society. It is one of themajor elements of a social system. Everysociety has its own culture with its ownfeature. The regional differences,however, do occur in culture within asingle society. For example, we noticeseveral streams within Indian cultureitself located in different regions. Thereare different traditions in these culturalregions. We may call them sub-cultures.Some sociologists name such regionalcultures as ‘local culture’. The term localculture is used in a relative sense. Whenwe talk about culture of a country, forthe people of other countries it becomesa national culture. But if the referencepoint is cultural regions within acountry, its context changes. Forinstance, Indian culture is a nationalculture of India for the Americans andthe Britishers. But for Indians, localcultures include different cultural


patterns found in, say, Bihar, Orissa,Tamil Nadu or Kerala. We may even speakof local cultures of tribal communities.

What we intend to show here is thechanges taking place in cultures ofdifferent groups and communities inthe wake of globalisation. We noticesignificant cultural changes across thenation in the modes of consumption,style of dress, use of synthetic materialsand so on. Changes are taking place inmusic, cultural performances, art formsand regional cultural traits. How farthese changes are caused by thegrowing globalisation is difficult to saywith certainty. But we cannot at thesame time ignore the role of exposureto the trans-national culturalinstitutions and practices. Market andcommodity-oriented cultural forces arecausing dislocation of cultural valuesand practices.

Globalisation has increased the realas well as perceived threats to local andsmaller cultural identities. The growingimportance of market has convertedcultural symbols into commodities.Culture is being offered for salein bazaar. What we notice is‘marketisation of culture’. Theemergence of tourism as an industry,increasing number of tourist resorts,and marketing of cultural objects areissues affecting the local communities.Such turn of events has led to the lossof meanings in cultural objects. Theerosion of structure of folk culture isits natural consequence. Globalisationmay thus cause cultural fragmentationbecause it threatens the core values ofthe cultural tradition.

Furthermore, globalisationpresupposes homogenisation. It isbased on the idea of uniformity andhomogeneity. On the other hand, theessence of culture lies in its uniqueness.Diversity, not uniformity, sustains acultural system. It is particularly so ina multi-cultural society. India providesthe most suitable example of such amulti-cultural setting. Globalisationattempts assimilation of cultural traitsand thereby denies plurality. Theuniversalistic mission of global cultureseeks to deny all cultural differencesand specificities. As globalisationconsiders the entire world as a singlesystem, its attempt is to create a globalculture. Accordingly, the loss of localculture and subculture is legitimisedto give rise to a global culture.

Thus, cultural autonomy ofnations is in jeopardy underglobalisation. At the social level, thestructures and institutions of traditionalculture get disrupted. The media textsproduced in the Western countrieshave come to dominate mediachannels all over the world. In our owncountry, television networks havestarted broadcasting programmes thatare made in foreign countries. Theseprogrammes destroy local cultures.They carry ideological messages thatsubtly brainwash people into acceptingalien values and beliefs.

In the name of cosmopolitanculture, a shallow consumerist packageis being distributed in the Third Worldcountries. Under the influence of sucha culture every relationship tends tobecome a short-lived activity for


monetary satisfaction. Values ofsharing, collaboration and harmonydecline and tension in society increases.

This degradation in the realm of cultureis indeed a serious negative aspect ofthe phenomenon of globalisation.

GLOSSARY

SATELLITE COMMUNICATION. It is a means which helps two different media tocommunicate from any part of world and establish a link betweenthem.

AUDIO-VISUAL MEDIA. Means which provide facilities to communicate in bothforms i.e. audio and video, like computer, television etc.

REVOLUTION. It is fundamental change of the existing social order. It does notoccur gradually.

MARKETISATION OF CULTURE. The growing importance of market that hasconverted cultural symbols into commodities.

HOMOGENISATION. It expresses the uniformity and homogeneity in the multi-cultural societies.

EXERCISE

1. What do you understand by mass media?2. What are the functions of mass media?3. Highlight the distinctions between print media and audio-visual media.4. How does communication lead to development and change in society?5. What is entertainment revolution?6. What is cultural modernisation?7. What is the cultural dimension of globalisation?8. What do you understand by the term local culture?9. Highlight the changes that have taken place in culture in the context of

globalisation.

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Malhan, P.N., Communication Media : Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,New Delhi, 1985.


2. Singh, Yogendra, The Significance of Culture in the Understanding of SocialChange in Contemporary India, Presidential Address, XXI, All IndiaSociological Conference, New Delhi, 1994.

3. Government of India, Mass Media in India 1994–95, Research, Referenceand Training Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,New Delhi, 1995.

4. Chatterjee, B.K., Mass Communication, National Book Trust, New Delhi,1978.

5. Agarwal, B.C. and Aghi, M.B., Television and the Indian Child : A Handbook,UNICEF, New Delhi, 1987.

6. Lerner, Daniel, The Passing of Traditional Society, Free Press, New York,1958.


CHAPTER 9

Dissent and Social Change

An element of dissatisfaction with theexisting system can be found in everysociety. Dissatisfaction may be causedby poverty, social discrimination orlack of privilege. People may developa strong desire to change the situationby raising their voices against theexisting order. They may startquestioning established practices ofsociety. This difference of opinionactually reflects a desire for change.Social movements emerge under thissituation. However, a movement doesnot occur suddenly. It begins withdissent, moves towards protests andfinally takes the form of a socialmovement. This sequence—dissent,protest and social movements—represents different phases of socialchange. But in some cases all thesemay be in operation at the same time.The theme of dissent and socialchange has to be analysed against thisbackground. We shall start thisdiscussion by clarifying theseconcepts and then analyse the typesof social movements.

DISSENT

The term ‘dissent’ refers to ideas andactivities which are different from those

prevailing in a society at a given pointof time. Differences of opinion anddisagreement on certain issues arebases of dissent. Dissent is thus thebeginning of a movement for change.For example, the struggle against theinhuman practice of untouchability inIndia was initiated only when the peoplewho were suffering from this cruelpractice raised their voices against it.

PROTEST

Protest is generally specific in nature.When dissent is expressed openly itassumes the form of protest. When adissenting opinion crystallises furtherthe situation of protest is created. Thusprotest, in order to be meaningful, hasto be supported by dissent in respectof the institutional arrangementsprevailing in society at a given point oftime. In fact, a consciousness of injusticeand deprivation takes place at thisstage. Accordingly, we may say that thesocial sharing of discrimination anddeprivation is the starting point ofprotest.

Thus, we may say that dissentexpresses dissatisfaction with theexisting situation and registers

87DISSENT AND SOCIAL CHANGE

disagreement. Protest, on the otherhand, is a formal declaration of dissentand represents a more crystallised stateof opposition and conflict.

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

Social movements are of greatsociological interest because they area major source of social change. Asocial movement is a sustainedcollective effort that focuses on someaspects of social change.

M.S.A. Rao says that a socialmovement essentially involvessustained collective mobilisationthrough either informal or formalorganisation and is generally orientedtowards bringing about change in theexisting system of relationships. Raoconsiders ideology as an importantcomponent of a social movement. Thisdefinition highlights the followingfeatures of social movement.

First, social movement is a collectivemobilisation as against occasionalindividual efforts. Groups andcollectivism launch movement, but it isdifferent from a crowd. A crowd has nogroup identity but no movement ispossible without a group identity. Acrowd is neither organised nor does itpossess permanency. In contrast,social movements are organisedcollective endeavours. Thus the firstimportant feature of a social movementis its collective nature.

Second, the organisational structureand leadership is another importantaspect of a social movement.Distribution of tasks is required in every

movement. These tasks are assigned todifferent persons and units of the groupdepending upon personal qualities andcommitments of individuals. In thismanner, some kind of organisationalstructure emerges to fulfil the goals ofa movement. When a persuasive leader,called charismatic in sociologicalliterature, leads a movement, supportof the masses tends to be spontaneous.Mahatma Gandhi’s following in India’sfreedom movement is a well-knownexample in this respect. Decentraliseddemocratic leadership may also be apopular strategy. In such anorganisational structure an elaboratesystem of local and regional level unitsand branches are established tostrengthen the organisation. Theseunits are required to be formed formobilising the people, communicatingmessages and implementing actionprogrammes. While such organisationsare devised on the basis of movements’aims and objectives, they also expressthe collective will of the people.

Third, a movement cannot keepitself alive unless it develops itsideological frame and identity. Anideology of a social movement relies onsets of ideas that explain and justify itspurpose and methods. Thus,ideological framework articulatesaspirations and defines levels ofexpectations of the people. Moreover,ideology gives legitimacy to the actionprogrammes of a movement. Theideological underpinnings provide themovement acceptability and recognitionamong the people at large. It also helpsto generate involvement to the cause


and becomes a rallying point to assemblepeople to consolidate the gains ofcollective mobilisation. However, weshould not lose sight of one importantfact here. Although every movementevolves its own body of ideas and goals,it is frequently under the powerfulinfluence of already establishedideology. Gandhism and Marxism, forinstance, have influenced several socialand political movements in India.

Finally, change orientation isanother significant aspect of socialmovement. Every movement is directedtowards some change according to itsaims and objectives. Therefore, therelationship between social movementsand social change is well-established.However, the nature and extent ofchange intended may not be identicalin all movements. While somemovements strive for partial change,others may attempt to bring about largescale transformation of the socialstructure. Likewise, while somemovements are change-promoting,others are change-resisting. You canlearn more about this later.

Emergence of Social Movements

How does a social movement emerge?What are the factors that give rise tosocial movements? Under whatconditions can a movement sustainitself? Answers to these questions willthrow light on the origin and sourcesof social movements.

There are three popularexplanations about the genesis of amovement. They are the relative

deprivation theory, structural straintheory, and the revitalisation theory.

Relative Deprivation Theory

Deprivation refers to a condition inwhich people lack what they need.A condition of relative deprivation,however, is based on a perceiveddifference between what people have incomparison with others. In this sense,relative deprivation exists whenindividuals or groups feel that they havereceived less than what they should havein view of their capabilities. In otherwords, relative deprivation is adiscrepancy between legitimateexpectations and actual achievements.The discrepancy may be in terms ofeconomic conditions, social status orpolitical power. For example, aneducated unemployed youth may feeldeprived compared to a similarlyeducated but employed person. Thus,a feeling of relative deprivationgenerates dissatisfaction against theprevailing conditions and gives rise toa movement. Most social movementshave been studied by sociologistswithin the framework of relativedeprivation theory.

Structural Strain Theory

Neil Smelser’s structural strain theoryargues that contradiction, conflict andstrain in a society produce anxiety anduncertainty. Structural strain occurs atthe levels of norms, values and facilities.This strain provides a motivation forcollective behaviour akin to amovement. Although Smelser was one


of the first to theorise that socialmovements incorporate sociologicalfactors, he has been criticised forplacing too much emphasis onpsychological motivation.

Revitalisation Theory

The revitalisation theory was initiallyput forward by A. F. C. Wallace. Wallacepostulated that social movementsdevelop out of a deliberate, organisedand conscious effort on the part ofmembers of a society to construct amore satisfying culture for themselves.This explanation of genesis of socialmovement substantially departs fromthe above two explanations. Both therelative deprivation and the straintheories are based on negativeconditions. They argue that movementsemerge because people experiencedeprivation and discrimination. Therevitalisation approach, however,suggests that social movements offer apositive programme of action torevitalise the system. Thus, accordingto this theory, social movements notonly express dissatisfaction and dissentagainst the existing condition but alsoprovide alternatives for resurgence ofthe system.

Types of Social Movements

Social movements have been classifiedon the basis of numerous criteria.Nature of change intended,organisational mode and strategy,nature of demands, groups andcollectivities involved are some of themajor criteria used for the purpose.

Among the Indian sociologistsM.S.A. Rao’s classification ofmovements is widely accepted. Raoclassifies movements into three types —Reformist, Transformatory andRevolutionary. Reform movements maybe identified with partial changes in thevalue system and consequentialchanges in the quality of relationship.Transformatory movements, on theother hand, aim at middle levelstructural changes in the traditionaldistribution of power. Finally,revolutionary movements lead to radicalchanges in the totality of social andcultural systems.

Parth N. Mukherji has advanced aclassification based on the nature andextent of changes that movementsintend to bring about in social systems.Based on the criterion of change,he suggests three types—socialmovement, revolutionary movementand quasi-movement. ‘‘Any collectivemobilisation for action directedexplicitly towards an alteration ortransformation of the structure of asystem can be properly understood asa social movement.’’ When the collectivemobilisation aims at effecting wide-range of and far-reaching changes inthe major institutional systemscomprising the whole society, we canrightly term it a revolutionarymovement. Collective mobilisation,aimed at changes within a system, is aquasi-movement.

The typology of T.K. Oommen isbased on the process of movementcrystallisation, the life cycle and thephases of social movements. For him


movements are charismatic, ideologicaland organisational. Oommen also refersto classification of movements on thebasis of locality, language, issues, socialcategories and sects.

These classifications of socialmovements are useful to understandthe nature of issues involved in variousmovements. However, a close look atthese typologies makes it evident thatthey are not in a position to include alarge number of new social movementsthat have recently emerged in India. Thedifficulty is caused not becausesociologists are not aware of thesemovements but mainly due tocomplexities of the situation. In somecases issues and participants are somuch mixed up that it becomesanalytically hazardous to separatethem. For example, when tribalcommunities in different parts of thecountry are fighting for politicalautonomy, their movements are notmerely political as these movementsalso contain cultural and social issues.The question of cultural identity ismerged with political demand forautonomy. Thus, it becomes a difficultchoice whether such movements beincluded under tribal movements orpolitical movements. Similar difficultyis noticed in respect of other movementsin which participants and issues gotogether.

At this juncture it is necessary topoint out that the term socialmovements is used in a very broadsense to include a variety of movements.Some of these movements appear aspolitical or economic movements at first

sight, still they are included under thecategory of social movements. They areconsidered social movements becausethey are a major source of social change.We shall now discuss some major typesof social movements in order to identifytheir role in social change in India.

Reform Movements

A reform movement attempts toimprove conditions within an existingsocial system without changing thefundamental structure of the societyitself. Reforms are often linked withbelief systems, rituals and life styles ofthe concerned people. There are severalexamples of reform movements in India.The most well-known reform movementwas the Bhakti (devotional) movementof medieval India. It was an all-Indiamovement which involved the lowercaste people and the poor. It insistedon love of God as the most significantthing in religion. It protested againstritualism and caste barriers. Thus, theprimary objective of the movement wasto reform world view and social practicesof the people. It never tried to transformthe social system radically, but advocatedpartial changes in the value system.

Several reform movements alsoengendered the socio-culturalregeneration, which occurred in thenineteenth century in India. It startedwith the formation of the Brahmo Samajin Bengal in 1828 which had branchesin several parts of the country. Apartfrom the Brahmo Samaj in Bengal, thePrarthana Samaj in Maharashtra andthe Arya Samaj in Punjab and north


India were some of the other reformmovements among the Hindus. Thework of reformation was alsoundertaken by other organisationswhich were led by the backward castesand the members of other religiousgroups. For example, the Satya SodhakSamaj of Jotiba Phule in Maharashtraand the Sri Narayan Dharm ParipalanSabha in Kerala were started by thebackward castes. Similarly, theAhmadiya and Aligarh movementsrepresented the spirit of reform amongthe Muslims. The Sikhs had their SinghSabha and the Parsees, the RehnumaiMazdeyasan Sabha. The majorconcerns of these movements andorganisations were no doubt religiousreform, but the social content was notmissing from them. These movementsbrought about remarkable changes inthe life of the people.

Tribal Movements

We use the term tribe for the people whoare referred to as the Scheduled Tribesin the country. They are also popularlyknown as Adivasi or aboriginal. Tribalcommunities are scattered throughoutthe country but their population issubstantial in the north-eastern region.In fact, in Arunachal Pradesh,Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagalandtribals are in a majority. Similarly, thestates of Chattisgarh and Jharkhandhave sizeable tribal population.Altogether tribes constitute 8.08 percent of the total population of thecountry. Different tribal communitieshave their distinct culture, language,social structure, values etc. These

communities have maintained theircultural and social identities.

Movements occurring among thesecommunities are included under tribalmovements. These movements havebeen directed towards numerousissues. While some of them have hadagrarian content, others addressedcultural and political questions.Historically speaking, tribal movementshave a rich tradition. The nature ofstruggles and issues involved in thesemovements differed considerably andtherefore they have been sometimesreferred to as ‘tribal uprising’, ‘tribalinsurrection’ or ‘tribal revolts’.

V. Raghvaiah in his book TribalRevolts lists seventy tribal revoltsbetween 1778 and 1971. A survey oftribal movements undertaken by theAnthropological Survey of Indiareported thirty-six ongoing tribalmovements in India in 1976.

During the nineteenth centuryseveral uprisings occurred in the tribalregions of central and eastern India.The Kol and Bhumij revolts of 1831–33,the Santhal uprising of 1855–56, andthe Birsa Munda movement during1874–1901 are some of the major tribalinsurrections reported by historians.Ethnic identity and economy of tribalsfaced serious challenges due to theimposition of new revenue law by theBritish rulers. Imposition of enhancedrents, heavy interests charged bymoneylenders and the atrocities ofgovernment officials forced the tribalsto become tenants on their own lands.All these factors produced a series oftribal revolts.


It is important to mention herethat tension and unrest among thetribals did not subside even after theIndependence. In fact, several newtribal movements have emergedduring the last few decades. Most ofthese movements are directed againstissues of land alienation, forcedlabour, minimum wages andexploitation by non-tribal landlords.However, later, the tenor of tribalmovements changed considerablyand acquired political character.These movements have beendifferently described. Tribal politicalmovements, ethnic movements, sub-national movements, and solidaritymovements are some such expressionsfound in sociological literature.

The Jharkhand Movement ofChhotanagpur was spearheaded by thetribals demanding a separate state toprotect them from diku (outsiders). Thedemand has finally been met and aseparate state called Jharkhand wasformed in the year 2000. The NagaMovement for a separate State outsidethe Indian Union is the oldest of all tribalmovements in the country. It assumeda militant character from the verybeginning and continues till date.

It is, thus, evident that tribalmovements before and afterIndependence have not only beenwidespread but also they have beendiversified in terms of issues,organisation and leadership. Thereis a strong tendency towardsconsolidating tribal the ethnic identities.This trend reflects the dynamism ofthese tribal communities.

Peasant Movements

The study of peasant movements hasemerged as an important area in thestudy of social movements in India.Since India is essentially an agrariancountry, it is natural that the study ofagrarian problems has assumed acentral place in sociological issues.

While talking about land reforms inearlier chapter we have observed thecomplexity of our agrarian system.Patterns of land ownership, tenancy,use and control of land, all reflect thecomplex nature of agrarian structure.The complexity of agrarian structure isalso manifested in the agrarian classstructure which has existed since longin rural areas. The diversity of landsystems and agrarian relations hasproduced an elaborate structure ofagrarian classes. The latter vary fromone region to another. However, basedon the nature of rights in land and thetype of income derived from it, DanielThorner has identified three majoragrarian classes in India. They are(a) Maliks, (b) Kisans, and (c) Mazdoors.Big landlords and rich landowners areincluded under the category of Maliks.Kisans are inferior to Malikscomprising self-cultivating owners ofland. They are small landowners andtenants. Mazdoors earn their livelihoodfrom working on others’ lands. Thiscategory includes poor tenants,sharecroppers and landless labourers.This classification of agrarian classesbroadly reflects the Indian reality.

But it needs to be recognised thatthe agrarian hierarchy, as indicated just


now, corresponds with the castehierarchy which we find in differentparts of the country. The richlandowners and moneylenders mainlybelong to the upper castes. The middleand small peasants come from thetraditional peasants castes. Thelandless labourers belong primarily tothe lower castes. Such a position merelyshows a pattern and does not refer tothe exact situation in the rural areas.

We have mentioned the nature ofagrarian class structure here tounderstand the structural backgroundin which movements have beenlaunched by different classes ofpeasantry. D.N. Dhanagare’s study ofpeasant movements in India helps usto know the nature of these movements.According to Dhanagare, the term‘peasant movement’ refers to all kindsof collective attempts of different strataof the peasantry either to change thesystem which they felt was exploitative,or to seek redress for particulargrievances without necessarily aimingat overthrowing the system. Peasantmovements thus include all kinds ofmovements, violent and non-violent aswell as organised and sporadic.

India has a long history of peasantmovements. The nineteenth centuryIndia is considered a treasure house ofmaterials on peasant heroism. The mostmilitant peasant movement of thisperiod was the Indigo Revolt of 1859–60in Bengal. Only a decade later, similarviolent disturbance took place in Pabnaand Bogra in Bengal in 1872–73.These struggles were directed againstZamindars who were the symbols of

exploitation and atrocities. Thelandowning and money-lending classeshad consolidated their position not onlyin zamindari areas but also inRaiyatwari and Mahalwari areas. Thesmall landholders, tenants and sharecroppers were the victims of themoneylender’s tyranny. Accordingly,the peasants revolted against theoppression of the powerful agrarianclasses. One of such revolts inRaiyatwari area is known as theDeccan Riots of 1875 that occurred inwestern Maharashtra. A series ofMaplah uprisings in Malabar region ofsouthern India also took placethroughout the nineteenth century.They were expressions of long-standingagrarian discontent among the poorMaplah peasantry.

It is fascinating to note thatpeasants’ grievances also became acomponent of the India’s freedomstruggle during the early twentiethcentury. The Champaran Movement in1917, the Kheda Satyagrah of 1918 andthe Bardoli Satyagrah of 1928 werethe major non-violent anti-Britishstruggles. Since Mahatma Gandhi wasinvolved in these satyagrahas, they arepopularly known as Gandhian agrarianmovements. Most of these movementstook up relatively minor agrarian issuesbut they succeeded in arousing politicalawareness among the masses. Thus,the most significant aspect of thesemovements was their simultaneousinvolvement in the nation-wide strugglefor freedom.

However, peasants in other parts ofthe country were not inactive. They were


equally restive and raised theirgrievances. Between 1920 and 1946several peasant organisations andmovements emerged in Bihar andBengal which protested against thedeplorable condition of the middle andpoor peasants.

But just before Independence, it wasthe Tebhaga struggle of 1946–47 inBengal, which was the most effectiveand widespread of all peasantmovements. It was a struggle of sharecroppers (bargadars) to retain two-third share of the produce forthemselves. The movement was theoutcome of the politicisation of thepeasantry which was made possiblebecause of the efforts of the CommunistParty of India and the Kisan Sabha. TheTelengana peasant struggle, whichoccurred on the eve of India’sindependence, was another importantstruggle of the poor peasants. Itdeveloped in the Nizam-ruledHyderabad State in 1946 and lastedfor five years till it was called off inOctober 1951.

We have briefly discussed above thenature and features of peasantmovements to familiarise ourselves withthe role of social movements in socialchange. True, these movements havenot always been successful in achievingtheir immediate goals but they createdthe climate which produced post-Independence agrarian reforms.

Dalit Movements

Broadly speaking, ‘the untouchables’of the Hindu caste system are officially

known as the Scheduled Castes. Thesame category of castes is also calledHarijan, the children of God, a termcoined by Mahatma Gandhi in 1933.However, the word harijan has nowacquired a negative meaning. Themembers of these castes prefer to becalled dalit, the oppressed. We use theterm dalit movements for all kinds ofmovements which are primarily basedon issues concerning dalits. Theseinclude anti-caste movements, non-Brahman movements and socialmovements against untouchability ledby Mahatma Gandhi. Like othernationalist movements such as peasantand reform movements, dalitmovements also emerged during thepre-Independence period. Thesemovements have been examined keepingthem under two broader categories —non-Brahman movements and dalitmovements. While the anti-caste non-Brahman movements were strong inMaharashtra and Tamil Nadu, dalitmovements were spread all over thecountry. The Adi-Dharm movements inPunjab, the Satnami movement in UttarPradesh, Narayana Guru’s movement inKerala and Adi-Dravidas movements inTamil Nadu have been some of the majorDalit movements. The larger anti-castemovements were led by prominentfigures like Jotiba Phule, BabasahebAmbedkar and E.V. Ramasami Periyar.They all attacked the system ofexploitation at all levels. Nevertheless,the dalit movement is necessarily linkedwith the name of Dr. Ambedkar. He wasits historical leader and the founder ofits ideology. Initially, the movement was


confined to Maharashtra, but during1930s and 1940s it spread to differentparts of the country. Although theorganisations, such as the ScheduledCaste Federation and its successor, theRepublican Party, formed by Dr.Ambedkar, never attained all-Indiastatus, but their ideas had an impacton various local level dalit movementsin different parts of the country. Thegrowth of these movements reflects theincreasing self-consciousness of thegroup. Thus, dalits have emerged as adistinct political group. They are nolonger politically dependent upon theupper castes. Eventually, they havemade an impact on the structure ofpower in India.

Another important trend in the dalitmovement is manifested in the emergenceof the Dalit Panther Movement whichwas launched by dalits of Maharashtrain the early 1970s. It was initiallyconfined to the urban areas ofMaharashtra but has subsequentlyspread to several other states. The DalitPanthers denounce the dominantculture and attempt to articulate analternative cultural identity of theoppressed classes. To propagate theirideas they have been publishing poems,stories and plays, which are nowpopularly known as dalit literature andare used to challenge the intellectualtradition of the upper caste Hindus.

The most vital consequence of thesemovements has been the consolidationof dalit identity. The pressure createdby the mobilisation of the dalits has ledto amelioration of their socialconditions. Compared to their

conditions a decade ago, their socialand economic position has relativelyimproved. The emancipation of dalitsis essentially linked with their freedomfrom the bondage to the existingeconomic systems. As the economicsystem is still monopolised by theupper castes, their position in the casteas well as class system continues to beat the lower end.

Women’s Movements

It is difficult to trace the origin ofWomen’s movement in India. Mostaccounts of the movement start from thenineteenth century. But recently, socialhistorians have discussed its historyfrom the pre-colonial times. Theysuggest that the evidence of women’smovement first appeared in the bhaktiand sufi movements of the sixteenthand seventeenth centuries. It is notnecessary for us to study this debateabout the timing of the genesis ofwomen’s movement. The importantissue for us is to realise that theauthority of men necessarilydetermined the status of women. Theoppressive condition of women wasreflected in the social practices such aschild marriage, polygamy, prohibitionof widow remarriage, sati and the purdasystem. These practices continued tillthey were challenged by the socialreformers of the nineteenth century.Therefore, most scholars maintain thatwomen’s movement in India began asa part of social reform movements. Wemay say that the process of highlightingwomen’s issues began in the nineteenthcentury. In the early phase of the


twentieth century, Mahatma Gandhivoiced his concern about the degradingstatus of women in the country. It wasbecause of his efforts that a large numberof women came out of their homes andjoined the freedom struggle. He adopteda revolutionary approach to raise thestatus of women. Gandhiji argued thatwomen should be freed from social andlegal disabilities. He emphasisedparticularly on the issues of women’sinferior position in matters ofguardianship, inheritance and marriage.

Women who joined the nationalmovement recognised the importanceof self-reliance, swadeshi and women’seducation. Such a politicalconsciousness among womenexpanded the space available to womenin public sphere.

During the same period severalwomen’s organisations emerged whichpaved the way for increasing role ofwomen in socio-political activities.Prominent among these organisationswere All India Women’s Association andthe Indian Women’s Association. Theseorganisations had branches in differentparts of the country. Their activitieswere centered mainly on issues likewomen’s education, improvements inhealth and sanitation, right to suffragefor women and the maternity benefitsfor women workers. In this manner,these organisations were successful ininitiating a discourse on genderequality and women’s rights.

The nationalist phase of women’smovement ended after the Independencewith an assurance to remove all formsof gender inequalities. The task of social

reconstruction undertaken subse-quently further confirmed the goal.Consequentially, the women’smovements were subdued for almosttwo decades till 1970s. However, duringthis period women in large numbersparticipated in several local levelstruggles in different parts of thecountry. The role and participation ofwomen in the Shahada movementin Maharashtra, the anti-pricerise movements in Gujarat andMaharashtra, and the Bihar movementled by Jayaprakash Narayan are stillfresh in our memory. The twin objectivesof struggle and development wereadopted by organisations like SEWA(Self-Employed Women’s Association)who fought against all forms of injustice.

Sociologists of women’s movementsin India show that the phase ofautonomous women’s movementbegan after 1970s. It coincided withthe publication of the Status of WomenReport. The Report highlighted thegender disparities in the sex ratios, lifeexpectancy, literacy and opportunities.The government initiated steps toimplement special programmes forwomen. Simultaneously, severalautonomous women’s groups wereformed at the local and regional levelsto fight against the prevalentpatriarchal culture and againstdivision of labour based on gender.Apart from these basic issues, theautonomous women’s organisationstook up several immediate issues suchas violence against women, dowrydeath, rape and domestic violence.They organised protest marches and


developed support services likefighting legal battles on behalf of theoppressed women.

It is important to note here that incourse of the autonomous women’smovements in India, a serious debatecropped up about the idea of feminism.Feminism is a complex set of politicalideologies used by the women’smovement to advance the cause ofwomen’s equality. Feminism is alsodefined as a variety of interrelatedframeworks used to observe andanalyse the ways in which the socialreality of gender inequality isconstructed and enforced. Given thisperspective of feminism, some activistsquestioned the applicability of thewestern notion of feminism to theIndian reality. They argued that thenature of male dominance in India isdifferent from that in western society.Therefore, the demands and resistance

of women against males are alsodifferent. Madhu Kishwar, activist andthe editor of Manushi, has emphasisedthe need to look into our traditions inthis respect. She argues that we shouldtry to separate the devastating aspectsfrom the points of strength within thecultural traditions, and start using thestrengths to transform the traditions.“Our cultural traditions havetremendous potential within them tocombat reactionary and anti-womenideas, if we can identify their points ofstrength and use them creatively.”Thus, feminism in the Indian contextis not merely taken as an issue oftheoretical debate for analysis but anapproach to bring about social change.We may af firm that women’smovements in India have played animportant role in bringing anddriving the women’s issues to thenational agenda.

GLOSSARY

DISSENT. It refers to the ideas and activities which are different from thoseprevailing in society at a given point of time.

PROTEST. It is a formal declaration of dissent and represents a more conformedstate of opposition and conflict.

SOCIAL MOVEMENT. It is a situational collective effort that focuses on some aspectof social change.

RELATIVE DEPRIVATION. It exists when individual or groups feel themselves lackingwhat they should have according to their capabilities.

EXERCISE

1. What is the meaning of dissent?

2. What do you understand by the term protest?


3. What are social movements? Highlight the features of socialmovements.

4. Discuss the origin and sources of social movements.

5. How would you classify social movements?

6. What is reform movement?

7. What was the objective of the Bhakti movement in India?

8. Highlight the role of tribal movements in maintaining their cultureand social identity.

9. Highlight the nature and features of peasant movements in India.

10. Discuss the role of women in bringing about social changes andawareness.

11. Highlight the consequences of Dalit movement.

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Dhanagare, D.N., Peasant Movements in India 1920–50, OxfordUniversity Press, New Delhi, 1983.

2. Rao, M.S.A., (ed.), Social Movements in India, Manohar Publications,New Delhi, 1984.

3. Karna, M.N., (ed.), Social Movements in North-East India, IndusPublishing House, New Delhi, 1998.

4. Shah, Ghan Shyam, Social Movements in India : A Review of Literature,Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1990.

5. Karna, M.N., (ed.), Peasant and Peasant Protests in India, IntellectualPublishing House, New Delhi, 1989.

6. Malik, S.C., Dissent, Protest and Reform in Indian Civilisation, IndianInstitute of Advanced Study, Shimla, 1977.

7. Omvedt, Gail, Dalits and the Democratic Revolution : Dr. Ambedkarand the Dalit Movement in Colonial India, Sage Publications,New Delhi, 1994.

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CHAPTER 10

Social Deviance

In every society, we find peoplebreaking established social norms.While some disregard marriage andfamily norms, others are involved inactivities like shoplifting, drug abuse oralcoholism. All these actions areexamples of deviance. Viewed thus,deviance may be seen as a form ofbehaviour that violates norms.

No society can claim to have acomplete conformity to its norms.Society has a balance betweenconformity to and deviance from norms.However, all forms of deviance fromcriminal behaviour to civil disobedienceare considered deviance because peopleperceive and interpret them as such.Norms and deviance are linked withcultural values. Thus, the understandingof deviance is socially importantbecause it produces consequences notonly for the individuals themselves butalso for the social system as a whole. Inthis chapter we shall discuss two majoraspects of social deviance, namely crimeand violence.

UNDERSTANDING CRIME

Crime has been defined both in socialand legal terms. Since all studies of

criminal behaviour have highlightedthe legal aspects of crime, the legaldefinition of crime is more popular.According to a popular legal definition,crime is the “intentional act oromission in violation of criminal lawcommitted without defence orjustification.” Thus, crime is anintentional act and the person knowsthe result of her/his action. Forexample, if one shoots another evenwithout any specific intent to kill heror him, she or he commits a crimebecause she or he knows that it willcause injury or death. A criminal actis a violation of the criminal law of theland. As a result of this, whenever suchan act is committed, the state (police)initiates action against the wrongdoer.Another important element of thisdefinition is that the act should havebeen committed without justification.Therefore, if the act is proved to be inself-defence, it will not be considereda crime even if it causes injury orharm. Thus, the legal definition ofcrime emphasises the circumstancesin which a crime is committed.

The social explanation of crime, onthe other hand, emphasises the non-legal aspects of a crime. In this sense,


crime is a behaviour or an activity thatdisregards the social code of aparticular community. Such a deviationis considered to be ‘an anti-social act’.Since a crime threatens the social orderand endangers person and property, itis regarded as dysfunctional to societyas well as an individual. Accordingly,the sociologists consider as crimes notonly theft, robbery and murder but alsovandalism, suicide, drug addiction etc.

It is important to bear in mind thatthe social definition of crime looks forthe source of crime in the very natureof society rather than in the biologicalor psychological nature of theindividual (criminal). Thus, sociologistslike Robert K. Merton argue thatdeviance is the outcome of the cultureand structure of a society itself. It is notthe result of ‘pathological personalities’.As norms and values of differentsocieties are different, the nature ofconformity to these norms is alsodifferent. Crime is also related todegrees of social cohesion and theextent of social control existing in asociety. It reflects the breakdown ofsocial cohesion because it appears thatthe individual is unrestrained from thepublic pressure.

Obviously, the legal and socialdefinitions of crime lay stress on thedifferent aspects of a crime. The legaldimension is essentially based on thelegal code, while the social dimensionhighlights the societal norms. Theformer is codified and ordinarily written,while the latter is more often than notabstract and subtle. In several casesthey do not coincide. For example,

dowry is now an offence in India underthe Anti-Dowry Act. But it continues tobe widespread all over the country.Thus, dowry is a crime but its socialacceptance exists as the peopleunhesitatingly indulge in this practice.Accordingly, it becomes difficult toresolve which type of violation of normis a crime and which is not a crime.However, the legal definition of crimeis more precise and explicit and it isused for all practical purposes. It isused in compiling crime data and forofficial actions.

Explanation of Criminal Behaviour

As in the case of several other socialphenomena, the criminal behaviour hasalso been explained differently bydifferent scholars. We shall considerhere the four major explanations ofcrime—biological, psychological,economic and sociological.

The biological explanation of crimeis also known as the theory of ‘borncriminal’. It is primarily based on thephysiological and hereditary aspects ofcriminal behaviour. According to thisexplanation, the primary cause of crimeis ‘biological inferiority’. It believesthat biological inferiority is inheritedand is reflected in characteristics suchas sloping forehead, thin lips, body hair,small ears etc. Thus, a particular typeof biological inferiority causes aparticular type of crime. In this sense,the criminals constitute a distinct typeand are born, not made by the society.This understanding of crime has notonly been sharply criticised but has

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almost been rejected. The biologicalnotion of crime has no valid scientificbasis and is one-sided. Criminality isnot a biological but a social fact. Itis, therefore, meaningless to give voiceto the biological factor withouttaking into account the learning andsocial experience and dimension ofthe problem.

The psychological analysis ofcrime causation is largely concernedwith the relationship between mentaldeficiency and crime. Charles Goring,on the basis of his study of prisoners,claimed that there was more ‘weak-mindedness’ in the prison populationthan in the general population. He,thus, concluded that mentaldeficiency was an important cause ofcrime. Another study reported resultsof intelligence tests; and maintainedthat the greatest single cause ofdelinquency and crime was low-gradementality or feeble-mindedness. Inbroader terms, psychological traitslike dominance or submission,optimism or pessimism cause ways ofbehaviour which are established in theyoung child. They lead to emotionaldisturbances causing delinquencyand crime. Hence the psychologicalexplanation of crime attempts tolocate causes of criminal behaviour inthe psychology of human beings.

As against the biological andpsychological causes of criminalbehaviour, there are scholars whosituate crime in the economic structureof the society. They focus on theinfluence of economic conditions oncriminal behaviour. This approach

shows that a criminal is a product ofthe economic environment in which sheor he lives. By showing a relationshipbetween crime and poverty, it has beenconcluded that the rate of crime ishigher among the poor than the rich.In the course of his research, a Britishcriminologist, Cyril Burt found that 19per cent juvenile delinquents belongedto extremely poor families and 37 percent to poor families at a particulartime. The idea of economic explanationof crime is also found in the Marxianapproach. Marx, of course, did notspecifically talk about a theory ofcriminal behaviour but he argued thatthe economic system determinesvarious dimensions of socialrelationship. The environment forcriminal behaviour is created by theeconomic disparity that exists in asociety. The unequal distribution ofproperty and power leads to sharp classdivision in which the underprivilegedand unemployed resort to crime.However, it is difficult to show a directrelationship between poverty andcrime. Criminals are not found onlyamong the poor. A large number ofcriminals are also from the upperclasses. We find more criminals in poorfamilies because it is easier to locatethem. On the other hand, criminals fromthe rich and the upper class groupsescape arrests and convictions due totheir influence and power.

Finally, let us examine thesociological explanation of crime.Sociologists argue that criminalbehaviour is learnt and is conditionedby social environment. But this basic


issue of the causation of crime hasbeen approached differently bysociologists.

The social disorganisation approachexplains crime in terms of pathologicalliving conditions and breakdown ofharmonious relations. This explanationwas not essentially concerned with thestudy of crime itself but emerged out ofthe studies concerning problems ofurban living. According to thisapproach, criminals and deviants areseen as a small minority who occupy amarginal position in society. It isprimarily the result of faultysocialisation.

The structural approach shows therelationship between crime and socialstructure. Durkheim suggested thatthe causes of individual deviation wererelated to the degree of integrationand cohesiveness existing in a society.In this sense, deviant behaviour is anormal adaptation to living within asociety. Durng his study of suicide,Durkheim developed the concept ofanomie and used it to explain thecondition of normlessness. He claimedthat anomie resulted from a socialfailure to control and regulateindividual behaviour. Subsequently,R.K. Merton used the concept ofanomie beyond suicide and explainedall forms of deviance. Anomie isdependent on the interaction betweencultural goals and institutionalmeans. In other words, wheninstitutional means are not adequateto achieve cultural goals, it leads toweakening of people’s commitment tothe culturally prescribed goals. It

gives rise to a state of anomie. In thisway, Merton explains that certainsocial structures put pressure onsome person to engage in non-conformist rather than conformistbehaviours.

VIOLENCE

The study of the nature and scale ofviolence has assumed a central placein social sciences, today. Historians andpolitical scientists have written a lot onpolitical and military violence.Psychologists have conceptualised itsbasic nature within the framework ofindividual psychology. Then, lately,sociologists have discussed the natureof violent behaviour in the context ofsocial change. The intent of this sectionis to examine only three aspects of thephenomenon of violence, namelymeaning of violence, violence as astrategy of change and the nature ofviolent activities prevailing incontemporary India.

Meaning of Violence

The starting point for an understandingof the meaning of violence is to showwhether ‘aggression’ as the cause ofviolent behaviour is ‘given’ in humansor it is acquired from the society. Somescholars suggest that aggression isinherent in animal behaviour. Byapplying this observation, drawn fromanimals, they argue that aggression andviolence are also inherent in humanbeings. Nevertheless, we are notinclined to take such a position. Humanbeings are not at the levels of animals.

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Therefore, human violence cannot beunderstood from the standpoint ofanimal behaviour.

Human beings are not essentiallyviolent. They acquire violent instinctsin the course of socialisation. Suchviolent instincts once acquired arefurther intensified by social andenvironmental factors. This providesthe social context in which violentbehaviour can be explained adequately.

Violence is a direct or indirect actionapplied to restrain, injure or destroypersons or property. In this sense,violence is not only inflicting damage orinjury to persons through directphysical attack but it may also beindirectly causing damage to persons orproperty. Preventing workers to enter thefactory through picketing may not lookviolent as no physical force is applied todamage the property of the factory, butit may cause loss of production. This iscalled indirect damage.

Violence is, thus, different fromaggression. While aggression is theentire spectrum of assertive andattacking behaviours, violence is a sub-form of aggression and is accompaniedby emotional anger or hostility. Thephysical assault induced by angeroccurs when people feel that they cannotachieve their goals due to interferencefrom external forces. For example, whenlandless people realise that the existingagrarian structure itself is animpediment to change, they may resortto violence to transform the system.What we attempt to clarify is that thecause of violence is located in socialsystem itself.

Lewis Coser in his famous bookThe Functions of Social Conflict arguesthat violence, in its occurrence and form,is socially structured. He highlightssome positive social functions of violence.Violence serves social structures byfurnishing mechanisms for conflictresolution when established authorityfails to accommodate demands ofvarious groups. C. Wright Mills also saysthat all politics is a struggle for power,the ultimate kind of power is violence.Ted Robert Gurr in his often quoted workWhy Men Rebel maintains that politicalviolence is a part of the self- adjustingconflict situation which contributes tosocietal equilibrium.

It is obvious that sociologists donot use the term violence strictly inthe psychological sense of a violentpersonality. They have added socialmeaning to the uses of the term. Thisaspect of the problem will be furtherclarified when we deal with the typesof violence.

Types of Violence

One broad distinction is made betweenpersonal violence and structural violence.Examples of personal violence aremurder, physical assault and abuse dueto personal rivalries, property disputesand so on. Structural violence, on theother hand, is rooted in the exploitativeand inegalitarian social system. Castesystem in India and race relations in theUnited States of America are suitableexamples of exploitative social system.

Political violence broadly comprisesthree major types— turmoil, conspiracy


and internal war. Turmoil is a relativelyspontaneous and unorganised politicalviolence. It includes violent politicalstrikes, riots, political clashes etc.Conspiracy is a highly organisedpolitical violence with limitedparticipation. Some examples ofconspiracy are political assassination,small-scale terrorism, guerrilla warsand coups d’ etat. Internal war is ahighly organised political violence withwidespread popular participation. Itmay attempt to overthrow the existingregime. Extensive violence, civil warand large-scale terrorism are someother dimensions of internal war.

Of late, two types of violence, namelycommunal violence and terrorism, havebeen discussed. Communal violencemay take place within a communityamong various groups like religiousgroups, caste groups, linguistic groupsetc. But, in most cases, communalviolence refers to clashes between thefollowers of different religions. Forexample, in our own country, theunfortunate clashes between theHindus and the Muslims areconsidered to be communal riots. Suchriots create not only law and orderproblems but also strained relationsamong the people. It is a serious socialproblem, particularly, for a multi-religious country like ours.

Terrorism is a special form ofviolence which is fast spreading. Youmust have heard about the hijackingof planes, bombing of religious placesand hostage takings. The bombing ofthe World Trade Centre in the UnitedStates of America and the attack on our

Parliament building are some recentexamples of terrorism. Terrorism maybe defined as a type of disguisedviolence based on the indiscriminateuse of violence for altering the state ofmind of a nation or group whosemembers are attacked. The primaryobjective of terrorists is to create terrorin the minds of people and groups whoare their targets. Indiscriminate violenceagainst innocent people is used for avariety of reasons. One reason is to forcea nation to carry out the terrorists’ goal.For example, a group of terroristshijacked an Indian Airlines plane fromKathmandu (Nepal) in 1999 and heldhundreds of passengers hostage inKandhar (Afghanistan) for several dayswhile demanding that India releasethree terrorists serving jail terms in theIndian prisons. Another objective of aterrorist violence is to attract attentionto the terrorist cause. Terroristsmobilise the mass media to spread amessage for which dramatic violent actsare performed. It gives publicity to theterrorists. It helps them to instill fear inthe minds of the people. In several partsof the world, terrorist activities arehighly organised and even funded bythe respective governments.

Problem of Violence

Social change may at times operatethrough institutional means. They areconsidered institutional because theyare legal, legitimate and sociallysanctioned. These channels areaccepted by the society as changesinduced through these means aresmooth and in conformity with social

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values. However, sociologists have alsoexamined the use of violence andconflicts as strategies to effect change.

There are two basic issues involvedin the linkages between social changeand violent strategy. In the first place,tension and violence may be naturaloutcomes of social change. Secondly,conflict and violence may be taken asinstruments to effect change andtransformation. Both these issues havebeen consistently debated all over theworld. However, the discussion in thissection will be limited to only thosechange efforts in which violent meansare deliberately used in bringing aboutsocial change.

Human beings have been alwaysinspired to establish a social orderwhich ensures freedom. The freedomfrom hunger, misery, exploitation andinjustice has, therefore, been a desiredgoal of every human group. But, despitesignificant scientific and technologicaladvancements the institutionalstructure has not been able to achievethe goal. Inequality of wealth, status andpower continues to characterise theworld social order. Such a social systemperpetuates exploitation, increasesinequality and sustains discrimination.Under these circumstances, thedisadvantaged sections of society mayviolently react against such inequalitiesto alter the existing situation.

Nonetheless, it is to be noted thatsuch violent reactions assume twoforms. While the reactions of somegroups and classes are sporadic andtemporary, some are involved insustained violent activities. The violent

reactions of the first group of people aretemporary in nature because, for them,violence and conflict are not based onan ideology. They are merely anexpression of anger against theprevailing exploitative system. Thus,such groups normally combine violentstruggles with non-violent activities.The struggle of the factory workers, forexample, may become violent in certaincases. But such violence may notsustain for long.

On the other hand, certain groupsare under the influence of revolutionaryideology. Such groups repose faith inthe strategy of class struggle and acceptviolence as the means for bringingabout social change. The most suitableexample in this regard is that of theMarxists. Marxian ideals recognisestruggle as an instrument of revolutionand highlight violent struggle as thedriving force in history. Consequently,most of the struggles that areinfluenced by this ideology assume aviolent form. Contemporary Marxistrevolutionaries emphasise the role ofguerrilla war as an appropriate meansof insurrection and revolt.

What we are trying to show is thatviolence is also a strategy of change.Spontaneous violence is a commonmeans through which the deprivedgroups attract attention to theirgrievances. They go beyond theaccepted means to promote change. Theuse of violent strategies, thus, threatensthe existing political system and ignoresthe established procedures. Therefore,it is called extra-legal or extra-constitutional means. The Naxalite


movement in India is a good examplein this respect. However, not all violentactivities of this type achieve desiredgoals. Many individuals participate insuch activities to procure goods andarticles, money and materials throughlooting and vandalism. They use theoccasion to vent their anger againstspecific shopkeepers and merchantswho had not obliged them earlier.

Normally, the use of violentstrategies is not considered a desirablemeans to bring about social change.The use of violence disturbs peace inthe society and in reality inhibits theprocess of planned social change.Moreover, violence tends to restrict theemergence of a truly democratic andhumanistic society. It negatively affectsindividual personality. Thus, theappropriate strategy to change a societyis a sustained non-violent struggle.

CRIME IN INDIA

It should be distinctly clear by nowthat crime is a serious social problemand it arises out of pathological socialconditions. Crimes are committed inall societies, but there may bedifference in their nature and degreeacross societies. Our own country isno exception to this pattern.Although the official crime statisticsin India have some obviouslimitations, we can ascertain enoughfacts from them to identify trends inthis regard.

The crime statistics show that outof the total crime committed in Indiaevery year, approximately 16 lakh

crimes are cognisable crimes underthe Indian Penal Code (IPC). Thesecrimes include theft, burglary,robbery, murder, kidnapping,cheating etc. As against this, thenumber of offences under local andspecial laws is about 35 lakh. Thesecomprise crimes related to gambling,dowry, prohibition, drug abuse,immoral trafficking etc. It isinteresting to point out here that,compared to several developedcountries, the crime rate in India isnot very high. The crime rate per lakhpopulation in our own country is614.79, in Canada it is 10,955, inBritain it is 10,404 and in the UnitedStates of America it is 5,898.

The pattern of cognisable crimessuggests that, of the total offences, 14.4per cent are violent crimes like murder,rape, kidnapping etc., 26 per cent areproperty crimes, 3.1 per cent are white-collar crimes such as cheating, breachof trust, and the rest (56.5 per cent) areuncategorised crimes. According to theCrime in India statistics of 1994, crimerate is the highest in the age group of18–30 years (51 per cent) , less than1 per cent (0.2 per cent) in the age groupof below 16 years, about 1per cent (1.2per cent) in the age group 16–18 years,41 per cent in the age group 30–50years and 7 per cent in the age groupof 50 plus.

We have described briefly thesefacts to highlight the crime scenario inIndia. In presenting these facts ourobjective is to indicate how motives forconformity to social norms are decliningday-by-day in our country. This

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dimension of the problem will be furtherevident when we examine some majortypes of crime committed in India.

Juvenile Delinquency

The sociological understandingregards a delinquent as a member of agroup who deviates from group norms.In this context, crimes committed bychildren are considered differently fromthose of the adults. In case of themisconduct of a juvenile, the focus ison two aspects—age and conduct. Ageis important from the point of view ofmaturity. A child below a certain ageis considered immature and, therefore,irresponsible. Conduct, on the otherhand, is taken as an important aspectof delinquency because if not checkedin time the young offender maybecome an adult criminal.

Ordinarily, in terms of age, a juveniledelinquent is considered an under-agecriminal. A child who is between the ageof 7 and 16 or 18 years is includedunder this category. In India, themaximum age today for juveniledelinquents is 16 years for boys and18 years for girls. It has been estimatedthat of the total delinquenciescommitted by the juveniles, hardly2 per cent cases come to the notice ofthe police and courts. The NationalCrime Records Bureau data show thatin India about 50 thousanddelinquencies were committed underthe Indian Penal Code and about 85thousand under the local and speciallaws upto the last decade. The highestnumber of delinquencies committed bythe children has had economic

motivation such as theft, burglary androbbery. Similarly, rates of delinquencyare higher for boys than girls, that is,girls commit fewer crimes than boys.

A number of factors are responsiblefor increase in the cases of juveniledelinquencies. Broadly, they may bedivided under two categories:individual factors and situationalfactors. Individual factors consist ofpersonality traits like hostility, feelingof insecurity, fear, emotional conflict,defiance etc. The situational factorsinclude family environment, peer groupinfluence, school environment,influence of movies and so on. Whileindividual factors are no doubtimportant, the changing socialenvironment has become moresignificant in inducing young people todelinquency. It hardly needselaboration that harmful and immoralacts like smoking, drinking, violenceand brutality depicted in a largenumber of movies and story booksleave a lasting impression on the fragileminds of the children. They learn newtechniques of violence and crimethrough movies. The reported cases ofinvolvement of young people innumerous crimes using methods learntfrom these sources amply supportour contention.

White-Collar Crime or OccupationalCrime

It was E.H. Sutherland, a criminologist,who identified and highlighted for thefirst time the nature of white-collarcrime. Sutherland defined white-collarcrime as “a violation of the criminal law


by a person of the upper socio-economic class in the course of hisoccupational activities.” He furtheradded that the upper socio-economicclass is defined not only by its wealthbut also by its respectability andprestige in society. However, the term‘white-collar’ is no longer popular andin its place the term ‘occupationalcrime’ is more frequently used inliterature. Thus, violations oflaw committed by groups likebusinesspersons, professionals andgovernment officials in connection withtheir occupations are considered aswhite-collar or occupational crimes.The scope of occupational crime hasnow been widened to include evenmisrepresentation in advertising,violation of labour laws, financialmanipulation and violation ofcopyright laws.

There are different kinds ofoccupational crimes witnessed in Indiatoday. They are being committed notonly by the upper section of the peoplebut also by the people from the middleand the lower classes. Such crimes havean economic content and involvefinancial transactions. Therefore,sometimes they are also called‘economic crimes’.

In India, some common economicoffences are concealment of income,avoiding payment of taxes and seekingillegal personal gratification like falsesales. Hawala transactions, embezzle-ments of public fund, adulteration offood and drugs, banking and insurancefrauds, foreign exchange violation,hoarding and black-marketing are

some other examples of economicoffences.

It should be noted here that thenature and number of white-collarcrimes have changed in India duringthe last few decades. Obviously, it iswith the result of the expansion andchange in economic activities in thecountry. People are motivated more bypersonal gains and profits and less bysocietal interests. The problem assumesa serious proportion when it is foundthat while ordinary criminals are afraidof enforcement agencies like police, thewhite-collar offenders do not feel so.Consequently, despite the increasingincidences of economic offences, thenumber of persons prosecuted andpunished has not gone up.

Organised Crime

So far, we have discussed crimesmainly committed by individuals. Butthere are crimes which are based ongroup efforts. Crime that involves agroup of persons for its execution iscalled organised crime. It is like ateamwork that is executed in a well-organised fashion. Criminologists haveidentified three major types of organisedcrime. They are gang criminality,racketeering and syndicated crime.Gang criminality includes extortion,robbery and kidnapping. Such crimesare committed through gangs of toughand hardened criminals. Racketeeringinvolves dishonest way of getting moneyby cheating people, selling adulteratedcommodities, spurious drugs etc.Racketeers also act as protectors ofillegitimate business. It is a common

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crime in large cities. Syndicated crimeis carried out by an organised criminalgang and is often called mafia. Themajor influential mafias operate inmetros like Mumbai, Kolkata and Delhi.

It is not very difficult to assess theprevalence of organised crimes in India.

The number of such crimes hasincreased substantially and hascovered large geographical areas.Betting, drug trafficking, automobiletheft and supply of illegal arms toinsurgents are some commonplaceexamples.

GLOSSARY

ANOMIE. This term was given by Emile Durkheim. It means the situation ofnormlessness

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY. Offences done by either a girl (below 18 years) or a boy(below 16 years).

STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE. Violence that breaks the harmony and existence of asocial structure.

PERSONAL VIOLENCE. Violence against an individual.

EXERCISE

1. What do you understand by crime?2. What are the four major explanations of crime?3. How does Emile Durkheim explain individual deviation?4. Differentiate between violence and aggression.5. Explain the different types of violence.6. How does violence lead to social change?

SUGGESTED READINGS

1. Ahuja, Ram, Criminology, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 2000.2. Chandra, Susil, Sociology of Deviance in India, Allied Publications,

New Delhi, 1967.3. Seth, H., Juvenile Delinquency in Indian Setting, Popular Prakashan,

Mumbai, 1960.4. Clinard, Marshall B., Sociology of Deviant Behaviour, Holt, Rinehart and

Winston, Inc., New York, 1957.5. Wickman, Peter, Whitten, Phillip and Levey, Robert, Criminology :

Perspectives on Crime and Criminality, Lexington Mass, Heath, 1980.

NCERT Class XII Sociology - Socila Changes in India

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