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Lutz Käppel / Vassiliki Pothou (eds.)
Human Development in SacredLandscapes
Between Ritual Tradition, Creativityand Emotionality
With numerous figures
V&R unipress
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Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek
The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de.
ISBN 978-3-8471-0252-6
ISBN 978-3-8470-0252-9 (e-book)
© Copyright 2015 by V&R unipress GmbH, 37079 Goettingen, Germany
www.v-r.de
All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this work may
be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopying, microfilm and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publisher.
Printed in Germany.
Printing and binding: CPI buchbuecher.de GmbH, Birkach
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This volume is dedicated to Oliver Rackham (1939–2015),a pioneering scholar on the ancient forest ecology of Mediterranean landscapes,
whose personality and wisdom made a major contribution to the conference.We are grateful that we had the good fortune to enjoy Oliver’s company in Delphi.
Καλό ταξίδι.
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Inhalt
Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Lutz Käppel and Vassiliki PothouPrologos – Prefatory Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Bettina Schulz PaulssonMemory in Stone: Ritual Landscapes and Concepts of Monumentality inPrehistoric Societies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Oliver RackhamGreek Landscapes: Profane and Sacred . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Lukas ThommenSacred Groves: Nature between Religion, Philosophy and Politics . . . . . 51
Susan Guettel ColeUnder the Open Sky: Imagining the Dionysian Landscape . . . . . . . . . 61
Efrosyni BoutsikasLandscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos andDreros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
Sarah HitchBarren Landscapes and Sacrificial Offerings in the Homeric Hymn toApollo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Jeremy McInerneyFrom Delos to Delphi: How Apollo comes Home . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
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Mercedes Aguirre CastroLandscape and Females in the Odyssey: Calypso, Circe and Nausicaa . . . 137
Richard BuxtonAn Ogre in Three Landscapes: Cyclops in Homer, Euripides andTheokritos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Lutz KäppelLandscape and the Magic of Music in Pindar’s Twelfth Pythian Ode . . . 159
James RoyThe Distribution of Cult in the Landscape of Eleia . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Vassiliki PothouNewborn Babies and Newborn Islands: Insularity and Politics . . . . . . 195
Hamish ForbesA Greek Landscape with God and his Saints: A Case Study from theNineteenth and Twentieth Centuries AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Michael TeichmannThe Role of Archaeological Museums in Greece for ContemporarySocieties – Approaches and Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Inhalt8
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Efrosyni Boutsikas
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi,Delos and Dreros
University of Kent
Earlier work has argued that the time for the consultation of Apollo’s oracle inDelphi was signalled by the heliacal rising of the constellation of Delphinus.1 Thispaper tests this idea in three ways: firstly, by applying it to the timing of knownrituals and sacrifices that took place outside Delphi in preparation for the de-parture of processions sent to Delphi for the annual oracular consultation;secondly, the paper investigates the foundation myth and landscape of thesanctuary of Apollo in Delos in association with the timing of themajor cult rites,as well as the landscape of the Cretan sanctuary of Apollo in Dreros. The aim is toinvestigate whether the landscape and positioning of the key structures in thesesanctuaries can be associated with specific astronomical observations of Del-phinus, which could have signalled the arrival of key moments in the year ofreligious significance in the sanctuaries in question. Finally, the timing of majorfestivals held in Delphi, Athens, Delos and Dreros is plotted against the timing ofthe major phases of Delphinus in order to infer whether these cult rites can beassociated with the movement of the constellation.
The predominant forms of Apollo are taken from localities (e. g. Delian, Di-dymaios, Amyklaios), from animals (e. g. Delphinios, Lykeios) and from hisassociation with other gods or heroes (e. g. Hyakinthios).2 This paper deals withthe three most popular epithets of Apollo in Greece, which fall in the first twocategories: Pythios, Delphinios and Delian. It has been extensively argued thatApollo Delphinios was associated with the public and political life of the city andwith male ephebic initiation rites.3 Recent work has revealed though, that thePythios and Delphinios cults may have not been as distinct in the minds of theancients as we believe; instead, the two epithets seem to overlap.4 That titles ofApollo were not mutually exclusive is confirmed also in the literary sources:
1 Salt and Boutsikas (2005).2 For more associations see Davies (1997) 51.3 See for example Farnell (1907) 176–179; Graf (1979) 2–22.4 Davies (2007) 57, 60.
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Demosthenes invokes Apollo Pythios as the ‘ancestral divinity of Athens’, re-ferring to Apollo Patroios (Demosthenes,On the crown, 18.141); Euripides placesthe worship of Apollo Hypoakraios on the Akropolis North Slope (Ion, 283–285),where in fact, this cult was dedicated to Apollo Pythios; similarly, evidencesuggests that the cult of Apollo Archegetes in Sicilian Naxos was associated withthe Delphic Apollo.5 In the case of Delphi, the written sources converge in favourof the idea of an overlap between the Pythios and Delphinios epithets: althoughApollo Pythios is believed to emphasise Apollo’s oracular abilities6, the oracle ofApollo in Delphi was strongly associated with lawgiving; in other words, con-sulted as a mode of government.7 Plato in his ideal states leaves to Apollo inDelphi the religious lawgiving (Plato, Republic, 427b–c), a trait that is usuallyassociated with Apollo Delphinios. An example of this practice is the suggestionof a legistrator or arbitrator by the oracle, such as those of Zaleukos to theLokrians and Demonax of Mantineia to the Kyrenaians (Schol. Pindar, Olym-pian, 11.17 quoting from Aristotle’s Lokron Politeia). Moreover, Apollo Pythioshad the role of the chief political deity in Sparta, to the extent that the epithet gaveits name to body of officials, the ‘Pythioi’ (Herodotos, VI.57.2–3) and had in-timate relations with the Delphic sanctuary.8 It is not argued here that all epithetsof Apollo were interchangeable. On the contrary, in several cases, deliberateattempts were made to distinguish between epithets, as for example in the oakstaken in Dreros, which distinguished between Apollo Delphinios and ApolloPythios.9 What seems, however, to have been the case in Delphi, is that the cult ofApollo, although dedicated to Apollo Pythios, it overlapped with attributesusually associated with the Delphinios epithet. The Homeric Hymn to Apollonarrates how Apollo during his quest for the founding of his oracle in Delphi,transformed into a dolphin and led the Cretan sailors to the port of Krisa, wherehe ordered them to build an altar to Apollo Delphinios, before leading them toDelphi (Homeric Hymn to Apollo, 390–401, 436–446, 491–502, 514–524). Ac-cording to the poem, the foundation of the Delphinian and the Pythian cults inKrisa and Delphi take place at the same time; thus, the Homeric Hymn to Apolloestablishes a close association between the cult of Delphinios Apollo and hissanctuary in Delphi.
Apollo Delphinios was by no means a marine deity, however, discussion onthe association of Apollo and the dolphin has been reinitiated. This connection,
5 Davies (2007) 60.6 Davies (1997) 51.7 Farnell (1907) 197, 202.8 Farnell (1907) 216.9 For more cases where the different epithets of Apollo were distinguished and honouredseparately, see Davies (2007) 60.
Efrosyni Boutsikas78
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which was refuted in earlier works10 is now argued to be present, to the extent thatdolphins are seen as Apollo’s ‘flèches vivantes’, while Condos citing Aratos11
argues that Delphinos ‘is’ Apollo;12 dolphins not only rescue men, but also in-dicate Apollo’s will to men.13 Myths allude to Apollo’s life as a dolphin. Arion’slast request, before he jumped off the ship to meet his death was to perform onelast hymn. In this myth, Arion uses Apollo’s symbol, the lyre, and is rescued fromcertain death by a school of dolphins which carried him on to Korinth (Her-odotos, I.24). With regards to Delphi, apart from the Homeric Hymn whichassociates the founding of the Delphic oracle with Apollo and the dolphin, ananecdote related by Plutarch and Tacitus narrating the transport of the statue ofSerapis (or Pluto) to Alexandria also attests to this connection. In the anecdotewe are told that the dolphin saved the ship of the envoys, which was blown offcourse, and guided it to Kirrha. From there, the envoys visited the Delphic oracle,which revealed to them what to do to ensure arrival to Alexandria (Plutarch, DeSollertia Animalium. 984a–b; Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, 361 f; Tacitus, His-tories, 4.83–84). As in the case of the foundation of the Delphic oracle, divineintervention in the form of a dolphin ensures that divine will is fulfilled. The linkbetween the Delphic cult of Apollo Pythios and the dolphins is further supportedby the etymological connection between Delphi, Delphinios and the Greek wordfor dolphin (Δελφίνος)14 and also by the presence of dolphins on either side of thehead of a goat in the Delphic coins. To assume that the association between thedolphin and Apollo’s cult in Delphi was limited only to their presence on theDelphic coins – being simply the result of the common etymological root betweenthe animals and Delphi – is much too unsatisfying. Instead, the presence of thedolphins on the Delphic coins should be interpreted as the confirmation ofApollo’s associationwith dolphins in his Delphic cult, just like coins fromArgos –depicting a wolf – relate to the presence of the animal in Apollo’s Argive cult(Figure 1) and coins from Kyrene andMytilene – depicting Apollo bearing ram’shorn on his head – confirm the links between Apollo and the ram in theselocations15 (Figures 2 and 3).
Apollo Delphinios may be seen as the protector of founding colonies, as wasApollo Pythios in the guise of Apollo Archegetes in Sicilian Naxos (Thucydides,VI 3.1).16 Apollo Delphinios, the dolphin and Delphi are connected through the
10 e. g. Graf (1979). See also Graf (2009).11 (1997) 237 note 5.12 For a further discussion in favour of the connection between the animal and the god see
Farnell (1907) 145–148).13 Monbrun (2007) 216–243.14 see also Graf (1979) 4.15 Farnell (1907) 319.16 Davies (2007) 60.
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 79
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role of the Delphic oracle in the founding of new colonies.17 Founding newcolonies involved seafaring; the role of the dolphin was to ensure safe arrival to
Fig. 1. Coin from Argos showing wolf on obverse, ca. 343 BC.
Fig. 2. Coin from Kyrene Obverse: head of Apollo Karneios with ram’s horn. Reverse: Silphiumplant, KY to left, P[A] to right, ca. 300–280 BC. AR stater (7.57 gm). SNG Copenhagen 1234.
Fig. 3. Coin fromMytilene. Head of Apollo Karneios obverse, wearing horn of Ammon. Reverse:Eagle standing right, head turned to the left. ca. 377–326 BC.
17 For a discussion on the role of Delphi and its oracles in founding colonies see Malkin (1987)17–28.
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the new city.18 The connection of Apollo Delphinios with the dolphin maytherefore also be seen as his symbol in founding colonies. The Homeric Hymn toApollo narrates in effect, how the Cretan merchants found a colony in Delphiguided by Apollo ‘the Dolphin’. In Crete, the cult of Apollo Delphinios waspresent in numerous key locations. The link of the Delphic cult with Crete isattested in archaeological finds from Delphi such as the votive bronze doubleaxes unearthed under the temple of Apollo and around the altar.19 The emphasisof this aspect of Apollo as the protector of colonies is also present in Siciliancoins. Those from Alaesa and Tauromenion, commemorate Apollo as Arche-getes and the fifth century BC coins fromKatana and Leontini bear Apollo’s head.Similar examples from the colonies of Magna Grecia exist. Such are for examplethe coins of Kroton, which display Apolline symbols (e. g. the tripod and Apollo’shead) even though the founder of the city was believed to have been Herakles,Kroton or Myskellos)2021 (Figure 4).
That the cult of Apollo Delphinios may have been indeed associated withephebic initiation rites andwith the affairs of the polis in certain locations, shouldnot exclude his links with dolphins, as suggested by the mythological, etymo-logical and archaeological evidence. Similarly, archaeological and literary (i. e.Homeric Hymn toApollo) evidence also attest to the association of Apollo Pythiosin Delphi with the dolphin, at least at some point in time (probably in its earliestform during the Geometric and Archaic periods), even though he was not viewed
18 For a further discussion on the suitable association of the dolphin with the founding of newcities and examples in myth, see Beaulieu (2008) 105–108.
19 Perdrizet (1908) 4.20 For more information on the founders of Kroton and the ancient sources referring to them
see Hall (2008) 399.21 Farnell (1907) 321.
Fig. 4. Coin fromKroton, ca. 480–430 BC. Obverse: Tripod, legs terminating in lion’s feet; crab toright Reverse: Incuse tripod; to right, dolphin upward.
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 81
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as a god of seafaring.22 In other words, the ‘meaning’ of an epithet of Apollo (inthe case of this paper Pythios, Delian, or Delphinios) does not necessarily onlysuppose a connection between the epithet and “the role imputed to the god inthat aspect”;23 instead, the cult of the epithet (indicating a locality for example,e. g. Pythios), may have incorporated aspects of another cult (such as for examplethose of Delphinios).
Delphi
Archaeological and literary evidence aside, the association of Apollo and thedolphin is also present in the timing of the operation of the Delphic oracle, thetiming of the Pythian Games inDelphi, Apollo’s birthday and his return to Delphiat the end of his stay in the land of theHyperboreans. All these events occur at thesame time as the major astronomical phases of the celestial dolphin, the con-stellation of Delphinus (ancient Greek for dolphin) (Table 1).
The temple of Apollo in Delphi faces NE. If standing at the entrance of thetemple, one sees the Phaidriades rocks rise in front of the temple (Figure 5). Thisis the highest horizon in the site (Figure 6). The view from the temple is limitedbecause of the proximity of the rocks. As a result, the rising of celestial bodiesvisible from this spot is delayed by ca. 2 weeks.
Initially, the Delphic oracle would operate only once a year, on the birthday ofApollo, on the 7th day of Bysios, which is more or less the equivalent of ourFebruary. The sailing season did not start until March and even then, navigationin the Aegean was not pleasant until the end of April.24 February would be adifficult time for people to travel to a place as mountainous as Delphi, especiallyso if sailing to the site. An equally significant problem with the 7th of Bysios,would be locating this day outside the Delphic calendar, given the major dif-ferences in the calendars of the Greek cities: Greek city-states had differentmonth names, started the year at different times, for example after the spring, orautumn equinox, and intercalated at different times of the year. So arriving toDelphi for the oracle’s consultation, which took place on a specific day of theDelphic calendar was a challenging undertaking.
The heliacal rising of the constellation of Delphinus occurs at the same time asApollo’s return to Delphi after his annual stay in the land of the Hyperboreans(Table 1). The constellation was in antiquity the same as the modern con-
22 For similar evidence deriving from the sanctuary of Apollo Delphinios in Miletos, see Herda(2005) 287.
23 Davies (1997) 50.24 Farnell (1907) 289.
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stellation of Delphinus. We know this from its description in the Phaenomena ofAratos of Soli (3rd century BC), which was based on the work of 4th centuryEudoxos. Delphinus is also mentioned in the parapegma of Geminos (ca. 3rd
Fig. 5. View of the Phaidriades standing at the entrance of Apollo’s temple (Photo: E. Boutsikas).
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41Fig. 6. Panoramic horizon profile of Apollo’s temple in Delphi (Photo: E. Boutsikas).
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century BC)25. The parapegma lists the cosmical setting, acronychal rising andheliacal setting of Delphinus. It associates these observations with Eudoxos andEuktemon26 asserting that the constellation was widely known and that itsmovement wasmonitored and watched for at least as late as the 5th – 4th centuriesBC. In a relatively flat horizon (ca. 4°–6° altitude) Delphinus rose heliacally in themonth preceding Bysios in ancient Greece.
Heliacal rising is the first visibility of a star or small constellation after itsinvisibility period, when it was either hidden below the horizon or had been risingduring the day. It is the one time in the year when a celestial body becomes visiblein the morning for a few minutes before sunrise. So during its heliacal rising,Delphinus is seen to rise above the horizon just before the sun, while it is still darkenough to be seen, just before, the morning twilight. A few seconds later, the sun,which is much closer to the earth than the stars and therefore moves faster, risesand its light hides the star. This first visibility of the star in the pre-dawn sky is theheliacal rising and occurs every year, on the same day. The next day, Delphinusrises above the horizon, again, just before the sun, but a few minutes earlier thanthe day before. So by the time the sun’s glare hides the constellation, itmanages toclimb a little higher in the sky than the previous day. The Greeks used the risingsand settings of stars and constellations much earlier that the earliest knownepigraphical evidence of the 5th century parapegmata. This is confirmed byHesiod’s Works and Days (7th century BC), where Hesiod repeatedly refers tothese observations.
Figure 7 shows a reconstruction of the horizon in front of Apollo’s temple inDelphi from where Delphinus would have been seen to rise. Since the heliacalrising of Delphinus occurred in the month before Bysios, Bysios, the month inwhich the Delphic oracle operated, was the first full month in which Delphinuswas visible in the sky.27 The constellation would always be visible in the late nightsky on the 7th of Bysios, which was also Apollo’s birthday in Delphi. Delphinus’heliacal rising occurs at the same time as its heliacal setting. Both events takeplace in the heart of the winter, when bad weather conditions are more likely tooccur, so being able to observe both phenomena at the same time is advanta-geous. In Delphi, the heliacal setting would become visible before the heliacalrising, as the altitude to the W is considerably lower. Observing Delphinus’heliacal rising and setting across Greece could perhaps be the signifier of theperiods of consultation of the oracle. In addition, the delayed viewing of the
25 Lehoux (2007) 39.26 On the eighteenth day of Leo “according to Eudoxos Delphinus sets in the morning” Lehoux
(2007) 233. On the second day of Capricorn “according to Euktemon Delphinnus rises, it isstormy.” Lehoux (2007) 236. On the fourth day of Aquarius “according to Eudoxos Delphinussets acronychally” Lehoux (2007) 237.
27 Salt and Boutsikas (2005).
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heliacal rising of the constellation in Delphi by two weeks compared to a flathorizon, would offer advance travel time for visitors to arrive to the oracle in timefor the annual consultation; a Panhellenic event, which attracted oracle seekersfrom across the Greek world.
The Pythian festival was held in Delphi in the second month of the Delphiccalendar, Boukatios,28 which was also the first month after Delphinus’s cosmicalsetting (Table 1).
Attica and Boeotia
In Athens, we are told of the custom of the Pythaistai, according to which, thePythaistai group spent three days and nights in each of three months watchingthe sky in anticipation for a divine sign (a lightning) in order for the Atheniandelegation to depart for Delphi (Strabo, IX.2.11).29 The Pythaistai were lookingfor a lightning in the direction of Harma, which Strabo tells was located inBoeotia, to the NW of Athens (Strabo, IX.2.11)30. The Pythaistai then would havewatched the NW part of the night sky. An inscription places the beginning of thePythaistai watch in mid–late Boedromion (during our October)31 and con-sequently, its end in Poseideon (December–January). The chance of seeing alightning in the space of three days in a month for three months is small. Indeed,we are informed by inscriptions that the lighting did not come in most years.32
Fig. 7. Reconstruction of the Delphic night sky and horizon altitude at the time of the heliacalrising of Delphinus (ca. 700–300 BC).
28 Πύθια ἀγόντων τοῦ Βουκατίου μηνὸς τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς (C.I.A. 2.545).29 That this lightning was considered to be a message from Apollo Pythios is attested in Euri-
pides, Ion, 285. Formore references to the customof the Pythaistai see Farnell (1907) 395–396note 156d–n
30 Lambert (2002) 370.31 Lambert (2002) 392.32 Richards (1919) 113.
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Atticmon
ths
Delph
icmon
ths
Relevan
tFestivals
Movem
entof
Delph
inus
Gregorian
mon
ths
Hekatom
baion
Apellaios
Cosmical
Setting(6–8Aug
ust)
July–A
ugust
Metageitnion
Bou
katios
Pythia,D
elph
i(7t
h )Aug
ust–Septem
ber
Boedrom
ion
Boathoo
sSeptem
ber–Octob
er
Pyan
epsion
Heraios
Octob
er–N
ovem
ber
Maimakterion
Daidaph
oros
Novem
ber–Decem
ber
Poseideon
Poitropios
Helical
rising
(1–3Jan)
Helical
setting(3–5Jan)
Decem
ber–Janu
ary
Gam
elion
Amalios
Helical
rising
inDelph
i(17
–19
Jan)
Janu
ary–February
Anthesterion
Bysios
Delph
icoracleop
eration(7
th)
February–M
arch
Elaph
ebolion
Theoxenios
March–A
pril
Mou
nychion
Edy
spoitrop
ios
April–
May
Thargelion
Herakleios
Acron
ycha
lrising(1–3June)
May–Jun
e
Skirop
horion
Ilaios
Daphn
epho
ria,Delph
iAcron
ycha
lrisingin
Delph
i(15
–17
June)
June–July
Tab.1.D
elph
icfestivalsplottedagainstthemovem
entof
Delph
inus.
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 87
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40
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However, we are not told on what grounds the procession began during thoseyears. The spacing and occurrence of this watch recalls the observation of anastronomical phenomenon: you watch for three days, if what you are looking foris not there you come back a few days later, watch for another few days and so onuntil you see the celestial phenomenon you are looking for. This works for therising and setting of stars. As seen on Table 2, the end of the Pythaistai watchperiod overlaps with Delphinus’ heliacal rising and setting as visible in lowerhorizons, like that of Athens. During the time of the watch in October–January, itis the only time in the year when Delphiuns is seen to set in the west towards thedirection that the Pythaistai were observing. At this time, Delphinus sets earlierand earlier every evening until early January, when the constellation’s heliacalrising (visible in the east) occurs, and a day or so later, its heliacal setting in thewest, approximately an hour after sunset.
On the seventh of Gamelion (January–February), sacrifices were offered toApollo Delphinios among other gods in Erchia (Table 2). The procession de-parted Erchia for Delphi after the sacrifices, to be there for the oracle’s con-sultation. If the end of the Pythaistai watch at the end of the previous month andthe Erchian sacrifices in the beginning of Gamelionwere signalled byDelphinus’sheliacal rising, those travelling to Delphi for the oracle’s consultation had ap-proximately 15 days to arrive before the same phenomenon was visible at thesanctuary of Apollo in Delphi.
The festival of the Daphnephoria was associated with Apollo in relation to hissolar and cosmological attributes. The festival was celebrated both in Delphi andThebes every ninth year, although the two rites were very different. The Del-phians called Daphnephoria a rite which comprised of sending a solemn boy tothe Tempe (Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 12), in the month Thargelion. TheTheban Daphnephoria probably took place in the same month and on the sameday on which the Delphian boy broke the purifying laurel-boughs in Tempe. Thisoverlaps with the timing of the acronychal rising of Delphinus. The ThebanDaphnephoria, associated with Apollo, had very distinct astronomical and cos-mological connotations. According to Proclos, who gives a full account of thefestival (Christomatheia), the procession was led by a child and its closest rela-tive. The relative held a branch of olive tree wrapped with garlands of laurel andflowers. In the top of the branch a bronze globe was attached, from which smallbronze globes were suspended. In the centre of the branch there was anotherbronze globe smaller than the one on the top, with red garlands attached to it.Proclos notes that the large globe symbolized the sun, also referred to as Apollo33
the smaller one themoon, the numerous globes that were suspended from the bigsphere symbolized the stars. The 365 garlands indicated the course of the year.
33 Βούλεται δὲ αὐτοῖς ἡ μὲν ἀνωτάτω σφαῖρα τὸν ἥλιον (ᾧ καὶ τὸνἈπόλλωνα ἀναφέρουσιν) […].
Efrosyni Boutsikas88
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2
3
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5
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7
8
9
10
11
12
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15
16
17
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19
20
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30
31
32
33
34
35
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39
40
41
The boy leading the procession followed the branch and was touching it with hishand. Based on the testimony of Proclos, Müller concluded that the Daphne-phoria procession was a symbolic re-enactment of the procession of time, sea-sons and the alternation of light (large sphere) and night/darkness (small sphereand multiple little spheres).34 A festival of similar nature seems to have beencelebrated in Athens, but is only mentioned in Proclos (apud Photium), whoremarks that the Athenians honoured the seventh day as sacred to Apollo andthat they carried laurel-boughs, adorned the basket with garlands, and sanghymns to the god.
Since the horizons of these areas are much lower than Delphi, the movementsof the constellation of Delphinus would become visible earlier than in Delphi.The end of the Pythaistai watch, the timing of the Erchian sacrifices to Apollo (onthe seventh and eighth days of Gamelion and on the fourth day of Thargelion),the Thargelia in Athens and the timing of Daphnephoria (in Thebes and Delphi),overlap with three of the fourmost significant astronomical phases of Delphinus:the heliacal rising and setting at the end of Poseideon or the beginning ofGamelion and the achronycal rising in Thargelion (Table 2). These phases arerecorded in the parapegma of Geminos (see note 26). The timing of the AthenianDelphinia though cannot be associated with the movement of the constellation(Table 2). The foundation myth of this festival was not associated with a myth inwhich Apollo played a prominent role. Instead, we are told that the festival wasassociated with Theseus, who gave offerings to Apollo Delphinios before settingoff to slay the Minotaur (Plutarch, Theseus, 18.1). Since the most prominent rolein the foundation myth of this festival was occupied by the myth of Theseus andnot Apollo, this could perhaps explain why the timing of the festival does notoverlap with the movement of Delphinus.
Delos
The reason for testing the idea of the constellation’smovement against the timingof the major Delian festival is because both Suidas and Photios state that Pol-ykrates carried out theDelia and the Pythia at the same time inDelos (line 473–4,p.408 in Photii Lexicon e codice Galeano)35. In addition, Apollo’s sanctuaries inDelos and Delphi were the two major Apolline sanctuaries in ancient Greece,providing the hearths of Greece with pure fire36, whilst both being also associated
34 On the astronomical character of the Daphnephoria see Müller (1820) 215. Consult alsoSchachter (2000).
35 Suidas s.v. Πύθια καὶ Δήλια ποιήσαντα ἅμα ἐν Δήλῳ.36 Dietrich (1978) 9 and notes 176 and 177. The eternal flame at Athens was for example from
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 89
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9
10
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18
19
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28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
Atticmon
ths
Delph
icmon
ths
Relevan
tFestivals
Movem
entof
Delph
inus
Gregorian
mon
ths
Hekatom
baion
Apellaios
Cosmical
Setting(6–8Aug
ust)
July–A
ugust
Metageitnion
Bou
katios
Pythia,D
elph
i(7t
h )Aug
ust–Sep-
tember
Boedrom
ion
Boathoo
sBeginning
ofPythaistai
watch
(end
ofmon
th)
Septem
ber–Oc-
tober
Pyan
epsion
Heraios
Octob
er–N
o-vember
Maimakterion
Daidaph
oros
Novem
ber–De-
cember
Poseideon
Poitropios
Endof
Pythaistai
watch
follo
wed
bysacrifices(end
ofmon
th)
Helical
rising
(1–3Jan)
Helical
setting(3–5Jan)
Decem
ber–Jan-
uary
Gam
elion
Amalios
Sacrifices
toApo
lloDelph
inios,Lykeios,etc.in
Er-
chia(7–8t
h )Helical
rising
inDelph
i(17
–19
Jan)
Janu
ary–February
Anthesterion
Bysios
Delph
icoracleop
eration(7
th)
February–M
arch
Elaph
ebolion
Theoxenios
March–A
pril
Mou
nychion
Edy
spoitrop
ios
Delph
iniain
Athens(6
th)
April–
May
Thargelion
Herakleios
Sacrificeto
Apo
lloin
Erchia(4
th)
Thargelia,A
thens(7
th)(toApo
llo)
Daphn
epho
ria,Thebes
Acron
ycha
lrising(1–3June)
May–Jun
e
Skirop
horion
Ilaios
Daphn
epho
ria,Delph
iAcron
ycha
lrisingin
Delph
i(15
–17
June)
June–July
Tab.2.T
hetimingof
Delph
ic,A
ttican
dBoeotianfestivalsan
dsacrifices
plottedagainstthemovem
entof
Delph
inus.
Efrosyni Boutsikas90
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3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
with the Hyperboreans. In Delphi, Apollo spent part of the year in the land of theHyperboreans. The Delian association with the Hyperboreans is threefold: a)Herodotos tells us that Hyperborean maidens brought to Delos offerings fromtheir land in time for the early-summer Apollo festival (Herodotos, IV.33; Por-phyry,DeAbstinentia, 2.19)37; b) Delos contained the graves of Hyperborean girls(located near the Artemision): Laodike, Hyperoche, Opis and Arge (Herodotos,IV.33.3; IV.34–35.2); c) Herodotos notes that during his time cereal offerings,believed to have come from the land of the Hyperboreans, arrived from the northto Delos (via Tenos) in time for the early-summer Apollo festival (Herodotos,IV.33).
In Delos, all three temples of Apollo are oriented SW almost to the oppositedirection of the Delphic temple (Figure 8). The earlier Oikos of the Naxians(marked as A in Figure 8) was placed on a similar orientation, but had twoentrances, one on the east wall and another on the west. So the western ori-entation seems to be quite deliberate. We can therefore assume that the templeswere oriented towards a particularly sacred area or relic. Most probably the‘Horn altar’ (Keraton), the most significant altar on the island, believed to havebeen made by Apollo using the horns of sacrificed goats (Kallimachos, Hymn toApollo, 60; Plutarch, Theseus, 21.2). This north-western orientation, when pro-jected to the horizon, points towards the area from where the constellation ofDelphinus would have been seen to set (Figure 9).
In a myth preserved by Kallimachos (Hymn to Delos, 36–40, 191) and Apol-lodoros (Library, 1.4.1) Asteria (She-star), the daughter or Koeos and Phoebe andtherefore Leto’s sister (Hesiod, Theogony, 409), in her attempt to avoid Zeus’advances, leapt from heaven taking the shape of a star. Upon her arrival on earth,she became Delos.38 This reference to Asteria has been interpreted as the deity ofthe altar (“[…] πότνια σὸν περὶ βωμὸν [. .]”, Kallimachos, Hymn to Delos, 312).The temples of both Delphi and Delos then, are orientated towards altars dedi-cated to gods who inmyth changed temporarily to a star, before either landing onDelphi, or turning to Delos.
In Delos, the day of Apollo’s birthday was different to that in Delphi; theDelians believed Apollo’s birthday to have been on the seventh of Thargelion(May–June) (Diogenes Laertios, 3.2), but here too, it was timed during a sig-
Delphi (Plutarch, Numa, 9.5–6) and in Lemnos the people would put out their fires for ninedays and relight themwith new pure fire brought fromDelos (Philostratos,Heroikos, 21.5–7:καθ’ ἐνάτου ἔτους).
37 See also Farnell, who associates the presence of Apollo Γενέτωρ in Delos with the Hy-perboreans ((1907) 101 and note 276).
38 In Hygginos and Servius, Asteria becomes a quail instead of a star (Hygginos, Fabulae, LIII ;Servius to Verg. Aen. III, 73). In all the versions Asteria becomes the island of Delos afterabandoning her starry or bird shape.
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 91
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nificant phase of the constellation of Delphinus, its acronychal rising (Table 3),the recording of which in the parapegma of Geminos confirms that it waswatched for in ancient Greece (see note 26). The eastern horizon of Delos is low,so the phenomenon would have become visible with no delay.
The most important Delian festival believed to have been called Delia and/orApollonia,39 was probably held in the DelianmonthHieros40 or in Thargelion.41 Ifcelebrated in Thargelion, the festival would overlap with the timing of Delphi-nus’s acronychal rising, Hieros is favoured by most scholars as the month of thefestival and this timing cannot be associated with a phase of Delphinus. Farnell,has argued that the choruses the Greek cities sent to Delos for the Delia wouldhave needed to have departed well in advance of the festival and based on ancientreferences he argued that the cities would, need to start preparing for the de-parture of the choruses in early spring (Theognis, 775; Dionysios Periegetes, 527),pinpointing the beginning of this preparation sometime between February andMarch. In other words, the preparations would probably start in the first monthafter Delphinus’ heliacal rising and heliacal setting. The sacrificial calendar ofAthens agrees with this timing, as it records the actual departure of the theôria forDelos in early Anthesterion (Fragment 8.2)42, 1.5 months after the constellation’s
Fig. 8. Ground plan of the sanctuary of Apollo in Delos. Letters A–Dmark the temples of Apollo(adapted after Bruneau and Ducat (2005)).
39 Homolle (1879) 379.40 Lambert (2002) 382; Ringwood (1933) 453; Sale (1961) 88, 89; Trümpy (1997) 64.41 Farnell (1907) 289–290; Pascual (2009) 84.42 see Lambert (2002) 393.
Efrosyni Boutsikas92
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2
3
4
5
6
7
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14
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16
17
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19
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28
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30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41Fig. 9. Panorama of horizon visible from the entrances of Apollo’s temples in Delos (Photo: E.Boutsikas).
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 93
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33
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36
37
38
39
40
41
heliacal rising and setting became visible in the Attic horizon (the latter eventbeing also recorded in Geminos’s parapegma) (Table 3).
Crete
Dreros is the only surviving sanctuary in Crete dedicated to the Delphinios cult.The written sources refer to another, in Olous, but this site is now under water.Dreros is included in this study because the Homeric Hymn to Apollo points tothe origins of the Delphic cult in Crete. The archaeological evidence that attests tothis link has been briefly discussed previously in this paper.
Apollo Delphinios temples are not always located on the coast; an obviousexample apart from Delphi, is also that of Dreros. However, temples of ApolloDelphinios are located within close distance from the coast, even in those cases,where they are perched up in the mountains. The temple in Dreros was 13 kmfrom the coast. The Delphinion in ancient Thera was located at 380 m. altitude,but only 2 km from the coast, surrounded by views to the sea. The AthenianDelphinion, was 6 km from the coast and, likewise, the Erchian temple wouldhave been ca.8 km, and that of Knossos ca.6 km from the sea.
Apollo’s sanctuaries in Delos, Delphi and Dreros were associated with mythsin which goats play a significant role. The altars in Delos and Dreros were linkedwith horns of goats43 and the animal was also present in Delphi in the mythnarrating the discovery of the oracular gasses emanating from the chasm andalso, as previously mentioned, on the Delphic coins. Since the three sanctuariesfocused on different epithets of Apollo, this common association with goats isinteresting. Apollo’s cults are not universally associated with goats (e. g. thesacred animal of the Spartan Apollo Karneios cult was the ram, while there wasApollo of the wolves in Argos and Apollo Lykeios).
Our knowledge of the Cretan calendar is terribly incomplete. We do not knowthe time in the year that the Cretan calendars started, or whether all Cretan citiesstarted their years at the same time.44 It has been correctly pointed out elsewhere,that in those calendars in which we know the time in the year of the monthDelphinios, its timing does not support an association with the sea.45 The mostrecent study of the timing of the month Delphinios in Cretan Olous – locatedca. 20 km to the east of Dreros – places the month in March–April.46 If as-sumptions for the timing of Delphinios are correct, the month would fall at the
43 Burkert (1985) 92; Graf (2009) 115.44 Trümpy (1997) 188.45 Farnell (1907) 145 and Graf (1979) 6.46 Chaniotis (1996) 36, 38, 40.
Efrosyni Boutsikas94
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4
5
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7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
Atticmon
ths
Delph
icmon
ths
Delianmon
ths
Mon
thDelph
i-nios
inCrete
Relevan
tFestivals
Movem
entof
Delph
i-nu
sGregorian
mon
ths
Hekatom
baion
Apellaios
Hekatom
baion
Cosmical
Setting(6–8
Aug
ust)
July–A
u-gu
st
Metageitnion
Bou
katios
Metageitnion
Pythia,D
elph
i(7t
h )Aug
ust–
Septem
ber
Boedrom
ion
Boathoo
sBou
phon
ion
Beginning
ofPythaistai
watch
(end
ofmon
th)
Septem
ber–
Octob
er
Pyan
epsion
Heraios
Apatourion
Delph
iniosin
Olous
Departure
ofApo
llofestival,D
elos
Octob
er–
Novem
ber
Maimakterion
Daidaph
oros
Aresion
Novem
ber–
Decem
ber
Poseideon
Poitropios
Poseideon
Endof
Pythaistai
watch
follo
wed
bysacrifices(end
ofmon
th)
Helical
rising
(1–3Jan)
Helical
setting(3–5
Jan)
Decem
ber–
Janu
ary
Gam
elion
Amalios
Gam
elion
1Sacrifices
toApo
lloDelph
inios,Ly-
keios,etc.in
Erchia(7–8t
h )Citiesprob
ablystartpreparing
choruses
fordepartureto
theDelia
Helical
rising
inDel-
phi(17
–19
Jan)
Janu
ary–
February
Anthesterion
Bysios
Hieros
Departure
oftheoriato
Delos
Delph
icoracleop
eration/
Deliaor
Apo
lloniain
Delos
(7th)
February–
March
Elaph
ebolion
Theoxenios
Galaxion
March–
April
Mou
nychion
Edy
spoitrop
ios
Artem
ision
Delph
iniain
Athens(6
th)
April–
May
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 95
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2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41 (Con
tinu
ed)
Atticmon
ths
Delph
icmon
ths
Delianmon
ths
Mon
thDelph
i-nios
inCrete
Relevan
tFestivals
Movem
entof
Delph
i-nu
sGregorian
mon
ths
Thargelion
Herakleios
Thargelion
Sacrificeto
Apo
lloin
Erchia(4
th)
Thargelia,A
thens(7
th)(toApo
llo)
Birthdayof
Apo
llo,D
elos
(7th)
Daphn
epho
ria,Thebes
Acron
ycha
lrising(1–3
June)
May–Jun
e
Skirop
horion
Ilaios
Panimos
Daphn
epho
ria,Delph
iAcron
ycha
lrisingin
Delph
i(15
–17
June)
June–July
Tab.3.T
hetimingof
Delph
ic,A
ttic,B
oeotianan
dDelianfestivalsan
dsacrifices
andmon
thDelph
iniosin
Olous
plottedagainstthe
movem
ento
fDelph
inus.
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12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
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22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
opening of the sailing season, but it cannot be tied with the movement of Del-phinus.
We do not knowwhether Dreros had amonth named Delphinios and the timein the year of the Apollo Delphinios festival. The landscape and temple ori-entation of the Dreros sanctuary seem to match those of Delphi; the DrerosDelphinion is, like the temple of Apollo at Delphi, close to the sea but with no seaviews. The horizon altitude in Dreros is high, but not as high as Delphi and thelandscape of Dreros seems similar to the Delphic. Dreros lies betweenmountainsto the east and west on the southern slopes of Mount Kadiston47 (Figure 9). Bothsites are surrounded by high horizons to the east, north and west. The archi-tecture of the Dreros temple cannot be reasonably compared to the temple ofApollo at Delphi, as theDelphic temple was a later construction, but both templesshare a very similar orientation to the northeast (the orientation of the temple ofApollo in Delphi has an azimuth of 49° and that of Apollo Delphinios in Dreros30°48) and soDelphinus would have been seen to rise in front of theDreros templelike in Delphi, but with a delay of 2–3 days as opposed to the 15 days delay inDelphi (Figure 10).
Conclusion
Although a number of the festivals discussed here like the Delia and the Daph-nephoria were not celebrated on an annual basis, the proposed argument of thepossible astronomical association is not affected, as in the years the festivals werecelebrated, they were always held at the same time. The astronomical ob-servations would therefore always be visible at the time of these cult rites.
The temples of Apollo in Delphi and Dreros have a very similar orientation,while his Delian temples are oriented to the opposite direction (i. e. south of west.The three Delian temples have an average azimuth of 264°). The constellation ofDelphinus (and the sun) would have been seen to rise if standing at the entranceof the temples or in front of the altar in Delphi andDreros and to set if standing atthe entrance of the Delos temples.
The proposed association of Delphinus’movement with rites linked to Apolloin his sanctuaries in Delphi, Delos and Dreros seems to work in most, but not allthe cases examined here. In Delphi, Apollo’s birthday, his return from the land ofthe Hyperboreans, the festival of the Pythia, the timing of the Delphic oracle, andthe Daphnephoria, all occurred at the time of the constellation’s four majorastronomical phases as visible from the Delphic landscape; times that were also
47 Wycherley (1949) 55.48 Azimuth 0° is due North, 90° due East, etc.
Landscape and the Cosmos in the Apolline Rites of Delphi, Delos and Dreros 97
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41Fig. 10. View of horizon in front of Apollo’s temple in Dreros (Photo: E. Boutsikas).
Efrosyni Boutsikas98
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recorded in the parapegma of Geminos. In Attica, rites in preparation of thedeparture of processions going to the Delphic oracle for the annual consultationwere also timed during Delphinus’ major phases, which from those landscapesbecame visible approximately two weeks earlier than in Delphi. Such were theend of the Pythaistai watch in Athens and the sacrifices offered to Apollo Del-phinios in Erchia prior to the procession’s departure. In addition, in Athens andThebes festivals that focused on Apollo’s solar attributes like the AthenianThargelia and the Theban Daphnephoria can be linked with Delphinus’ acro-nychal rising. However, the Athenian Delphinia cannot be associated with themovement of Delphinus. Apollo’s birthday in Delos overlaps with the con-stellation’s acronychal rising. The timing of the Delia or Apollonia in Delos is notknown with certainty. If the festival was celebrated in Thargelion, this timingcould be associated with Delphinus’ acronychal rising, but the other suggestedtime of the festival in Hieros does not overlap with the constellation’smovement.Since the annual departure of the Athenian theôria to Delos for the festival isknown49, it has been estimated that the cities would start preparing for thedeparture of the choruses in the first month after Delphinus’ heliacal rising andheliacal setting, while we know that the theôriawould depart 1.5months after thisastronomical event. The time that the month Delphinios in Olous has beenestimated to occur cannot be associated with the movement of the constellation.Of the festivals considered here those that cannot be associated with the move-ment of Delphinus is the Athenian Delphinia and possibly the Delia/Apollonia. Itis perhaps indicative that both of these festivals are very strongly associated withthe myth of Theseus (Plato, Phaedo, 58a–b) rather than Apollo per se.50
Other case studies such as the Athenian Acropolis51 and the sanctuary ofArtemis Orthia in Sparta52 have yielded positive results in terms of case specificastronomical links with religious practice. However, the idea that the positioningof sanctuaries and temples being linked to astronomical observations that can be,in turn, associated with these specific cults in myth and in the timing of thereligious festivals may not necessarily be supported throughout ancient Greece.There is no single interpretation that can justify the positioning and orientationof Greek temples, nor should there be expected to be one given how localized theGreek religious system was. ‘Broad-brush’ analyses of Greek temple orientationsand the role of landscape fail to take into account cases where different factors(e. g. topographic) may have determined the positioning and spatial layout of
49 Hirst and Hirst (1927) 113; Rutherford (2004) 82–83.50 For a discussion on the links between the Delia/Apollonia and the myth of Theseus see also
Rutherford (2004) 82–83 and Stehle (1997) 159 note 111.351 Boutsikas and Hannah (2012).52 Boutsikas and Ruggles (2011) 60–65.
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Greek sanctuaries.53 As demonstrated in the cases examined here, historical,literary and archaeological evidence can enable us to make plausible inter-pretations for the role of astronomical observations in ancient Greek religiouspractice, as a tool for advancing our understanding of the tight links betweenpractical astronomy, cosmology and ancient Greek religion within particulargroups.
53 Boutsikas and Ruggles (2011) 65.
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