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Cult and Continuity
A religious biography of the Maltese
archipelago from the Neolithic up till 535 CE
J.L. van Sister
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Cover image: Statue of a female deity, originating from Malta (Bonanno 2005, 163).
Name: J.L. van Sister
E-mail: [email protected]
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LEIDEN UNIVERSITY
Cult and Continuity
A religious biography of the Maltese
archipelago from the Neolithic up till 535 CE
J.L. van Sister
15/12/2013
S0912395
MA Thesis; ARCH 1044WY
Supervisors: Dr. M.J. Versluys and Dr. H.H. Stöger
Classical and Mediterranean Archaeology
Leiden University, Faculty of Archaeology
Leiden, 2013
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................. 6 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 7 2. History of Malta ............................................................................................................ 13
2.1 Prehistoric developments ....................................................................................... 13 2.1.1 The Early Neolithic phases .............................................................................. 14 2.1.2 The Temple Period ........................................................................................... 15 2.1.3 The Bronze Age ............................................................................................... 20
2.2 Proto-historic phases .............................................................................................. 22 2.2.1 Arrival of the Phoenicians ................................................................................ 23 2.2.2 Influence from the West ................................................................................... 24
2.3 Roman Period ......................................................................................................... 27 2.3.1 Roman Conquest; Malta under the Republic ................................................... 27 2.3.2 Imperial Malta .................................................................................................. 28 2.3.3 Late Antiquity .................................................................................................. 30
3. Theoretical discussion ................................................................................................... 33 3.1 Critical review of Malta’s historical chronology ................................................... 33 3.2 Reconstructing religion ........................................................................................... 34
3.2.1 Discussing and recognising religion ................................................................ 34 3.2.2 Defining concepts............................................................................................. 36
3.3 Cultural universalism or relativism? ....................................................................... 39 3.3.1 Mediterraneanism ............................................................................................. 39 3.3.2 A question of identity ....................................................................................... 40 3.3.3 Insularity .......................................................................................................... 41
4. Prehistoric island cult .................................................................................................... 43
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4.1 Early evidence for ritual activities .......................................................................... 43 4.2 Cult during the Temple period ................................................................................ 46
4.2.1 Function and use of the temples ....................................................................... 47 4.2.2 Burial customs .................................................................................................. 53
4.3 A break in traditions ............................................................................................... 55 5. Growing connectivity and influence of city-states ........................................................ 57
5.1 'Phoenician' religious developments ....................................................................... 57 5.1.1 Epigraphic evidence for religious activity ....................................................... 58 5.1.2 Continuity in cult locations: Phoenician temples ............................................ 59 5.1.3 Burial customs .................................................................................................. 61
5.2 The Hellenising and Punic influence on religious developments ........................... 63 5.2.1 The continuation and erection of cult locations ............................................... 63 5.2.2 Recognising the deities .................................................................................... 67 5.2.3 Mortuary customs............................................................................................. 69
5.3 Apotropaic amulets ................................................................................................. 72 6. Malta under Roman hegemony ..................................................................................... 75
6.1 Clinging to old traditions (218 BCE to the 1stcentury BCE) .................................. 75 6.1.1 Votive inscriptions ........................................................................................... 76 6.1.2 Syncretism on coins ......................................................................................... 77 6.1.3 Continuity of cult locations .............................................................................. 81
6.1.3.1 Tas-Sil ..................................................................................................... 81 6.1.3.2 Ras-Ir-Raeb ............................................................................................. 81 6.1.3.3 Ras Il-Wardija ........................................................................................... 82
6.2 A time of change (1st century BCE-Late Antiquity) ............................................... 85 6.2.1 Evidence for religious developments ............................................................... 85 6.2.2 Presence of 'Eastern' cults ................................................................................ 88
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6.2.2.1 Isis and other Egyptian deities .................................................................. 88 6.2.2.2 Mithras ...................................................................................................... 91
7. Palaeo-Christianity and Judaism on the islands ............................................................ 95 7.1 The Jewish community on Malta ............................................................................ 95 7.2 Palaeo-Christianity ................................................................................................. 99
7.2.1 Early Christian cult locations ........................................................................... 99 7.2.1.1 Tas-Sil ..................................................................................................... 99 7.2.1.2 San Pawl Milqi ........................................................................................ 101
7.2.2 Hypogea ......................................................................................................... 103 8. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 109
8.1 Synthesis of the 'Religious biography' .................................................................. 109 8.2 Possibilities for future research............................................................................. 114
Abstract ........................................................................................................................... 117 List of figures .................................................................................................................. 119 Literature ......................................................................................................................... 123
Primary Sources .......................................................................................................... 123 Regular Sources .......................................................................................................... 123 Online sources ............................................................................................................ 132
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Acknowledgements
I would like to express my thanks to Dr. Versluys for accepting to be my thesis supervisor
and for believing in me and trusting me. I also would like to thank Dr. Stöger for her
continuous support while writing the thesis and the effort she put in reading it and
commenting on it. By constantly challenging me and the work written she pushed me to
go further and often gave me the encouragement I needed.
My sincere thanks go to Prof. Dr. Anthony Bonanno and Dr. Nicholas Vella, both from
the University of Malta, Department of Classics and Archaeology. Both of them showed
great support and help when I asked them for assistance. Without them I would have not
have been able to access some very vital sources.
Further gratitude is owed to Heritage Malta for allowing me to use some of their images
and photos in this publication and for allowing me access to the site Tas-Sil in January,
after I handed in this thesis. Thanks to Louis Vella for sending me some of his photos of
objects I studied and allowing me to use them.
Finally I would like to thank my beloved. Without her constant support I would not have
been able to finish. Her remarks after reading chapter drafts were insightful and
stimulated me to once more go through everything.
Thank you.
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1. Introduction
This study is concerned with the ‘religious biography’ of the Maltese islands from a long-
term perspective. This research analyzes the islands’ religious development in terms of
the (dis)continuity of religious activities from the Neolithic period until the incorporation
of Malta into the Byzantine Empire in 535 CE. This study will focus on the period before
the islands' incorporation into the Byzantine Empire, so as to include the early forms of
Christianity and the end of the Roman Empire, a clearly defined temporal scope and still
a period large enough to be able to recognise patterns. This temporal approach will
identify and explain diverse religious traditions, as well as highlight regional
developments through the continuous use of select cult sites as well as the associated
cultic practices.
The Maltese archipelago, located to the southeast of Sicily, lies well situated in the centre
of the Mediterranean (figure 1.1). While the Maltese islands only cover 314 square
kilometers (Malta 243 km2, Gozo 69 km2 and Comino 2 km2) (Trump 1972, 13-15), a
remarkably diverse history and high levels of connectivity between the islands and other
regions are observable. Owing to their geographical location, the islands were subject to
many different cultural and political encounters, ranging from economic exchange to
fully-fledged colonial domination. From the Early Neolithic until modern times the
islands have been home to a great number of different people, ushering in different
cultural phases, which are often chronologically distinct and clearly reflected in the
islands’ material heritage. During this extensive period, from the Neolithic to the
Byzantine era, many different influences from various geographical regions and diverse
political systems affected the religious activities on the islands.
Figure 1.1: Map of the Mediterranean showing Phoenician trade routes (Bonanno 2011, 39).
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The Neolithic stone complexes, which number more than 30, have been described by
Colin Renfrew as the 'earliest free-standing monuments of stone in the world' (1973,
147). These megalithic buildings, referred to as temples, have been explored intenselyfrom different perspectives, ranging from discussions about aspects of prehistoric cult
(e.g. Barrowclough and Malone 2007) to studies into the material culture. The latter
studies were conducted to draw inferences about Malta’s connectedness with the wider
Mediterranean (van Dommelen and Knapp 2010, 5). Although diverse assumptions exist
concerning the religious nature of these Neolithic structures, recent efforts have
deconstructed earlier simplistic views about the so-called temples and the associated
Neolithic belief systems (Barrowclough and Malone 2007; Trump 2002).
Malta continued to be a place of importance during the first Millennium BCE, when sea-
faring activities intensified throughout the Mediterranean. The archipelago was then a
prime strategic location between not only north and south, but foremost between the
eastern and western Mediterranean. During the Punic Wars, Malta was a sought-after
military outpost, prompting Roman sources to specifically name (and date) the moment of
conquest in 218 BCE (Livy, 21, 51, 1-2). After Malta had been under Roman rule, the
islands witnessed a period of Byzantine occupation, followed by a sequence of foreign
domination, including Muslim and Frankish rule, as well as a number of subsequent
ruling powerhouses of the Mediterranean and beyond (Aragon, The Knights of St. John,
the French and finally the British), until Malta eventually gained independence in 1964.
This rich exposure to cultural diversity, accumulated over time, makes the islands a
suitable case study to investigate the correlation and the interplay between insularity and
connectivity and more specifically, the effect these forces had on religious developments,
taking into account the local impact and the influences from outside.
Previous studies have looked at various aspects of Malta’s religious landscape mainly in
isolation or by time period. This study has the stated aim to achieve a synoptic approach
pursued from a long-term perspective. Therefore the main research question posited by
this study is: How have the influences of connectivity and insularity, two seemingly
opposing forces, influenced and shaped the religious developments occurring on the
Maltese archipelago from the Neolithic until the beginning of the Byzantine period
in 535 BCE?
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In order to answer this question this research will examine the development of religious
activities over time with specific attention to breaks and/or continuity in cult location,
ritual practice and venerated deities. By focusing on various aspects of cult location, ritualpractice and prevalent or specific divinities, this study seeks to identify patterns of
continuous tradition, adaptation, assimilation, or new beginnings. Naturally, such an
expansive chronological range can only allow for an exploratory rather than an
exhaustive examination of religious phenomena. The dataset explored is derived from the
extensive corpus of publications dealing with the prehistory and history of the Maltese
archipelago and no unpublished material will be discussed in this thesis.
The combined results of this study will construct the religious biography of the Maltese
islands, describing chronologically the development of religious activities, as well as the
presence and absence of certain cults. In compiling this religious biography, the main
focus is on the continuity of religious activities throughout different periods, as well as
any cultural and societal information (e.g. indications for trade or social stratification)
that can be gleaned from these investigations into the material evidence of religious
practice.
The study of the development of religion and ritual allows insights into the cultural
interactions and may therefore help to understand the development and cultural character
of the Maltese islands within a larger geographical and political context. The analysis of
several continuous aspects of religion, such as rituals and cult locations, can help to
comprehend better how these phenomena developed. By discussing not only one period
(e.g. prehistory), but multiple periods, long-term patterns of continuity can be recognised
and the developmental stages of persisting traditions can be recognised appropriately. A
complete overview of religious developments for these rich and varied Mediterranean
islands has never been achieved, while separate chronological phases or religious
phenomena have been studied extensively and only several cult sites (such as Tas-Sil)
have been studied diachronically. An earlier study to understand cult through the material
culture has been conducted for the prehistoric period, with a specific focus on the
contextualisation of ritual in the archaeological heritage of Malta (Barrowclough and
Malone 2007). The Phoenician, Punic, and Roman periods have been studied by Anthony
Bonanno and others, while the evidence for early Judaism and palaeo-Christianity has
been analyzed by Mario Buhagiar. This study will thus contribute to a more
comprehensive understanding of Malta’s religious development by covering all of these
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continuity. Chapter Six covers the period from 218 BCE until Late Antiquity, examining
religious changes during the era of Roman rule. The introduction of new cults and the
development of already established cults are the subject of this chapter, followed by acritical assessment of the presence of mystery cults on the islands. Chapter Seven
concentrates on the evidence for Christian and Jewish activities on the islands until 535
CE, effectively covering the last period studied in this research.
Chapter Eight, the concluding chapter, synthesises what has been argued for and
achieved in this thesis. Conclusions drawn and observations made while studying the
evidence for religion during continuous temporal phases, assessed in the light of the
theoretical discourse pertaining to insularity and connectivity, are presented, which thus
chart the island’s religious biography. Periods of increased religious influence due to
connectivity can be witnessed on several occasions in Maltese history, when we see the
appearance of new religious phenomena on the islands. With the exception of the hiatus
in the Bronze Age, there is however an overall continuity visible in the development of
religion. New and old traditions are selectively maintained or adopted and this is reflected
in both the continuity of cult sites and the syncretism of several deities. Finally, the
concluding chapter points out the areas where future research can provide more clarity.
Those areas in Malta's religious landscape, which are very unclear at the moment, should
be examined in the future.
During this large-scale research into this complex subject matter, what will be lost in
details will hopefully be gained in long-term overview.
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Figure 1.2: Map of the archipelago showing archaeological sites and locations (Bonanno 2005, 282-283).
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2. History of Malta
This chapter will outline the history of the Maltese archipelago from the Neolithic period
until the incorporation of the islands into the Byzantine Empire in 535 CE. This outline
will provide the chronological framework for the cultural developments which will be
discussed in the following chapters. The chronology presented here follows the work of
established scholars in Maltese archaeology. The timeframe will be presented within the
context of the connections between the islands and the areas of the Mediterranean from
where new people and new cultural influences hailed from. The influences resulting from
these connections, combined with the effect of the insularity of the Maltese islands are at
the core of this thesis and will be explored through the islands’ religious biography. It is
vital for the understanding and contextualisation of the religious developments covered in
the following chapters to have discussed the cultural complexities of the past and their
characteristics (figure 2.1).
2.1 Prehistoric developments
Figure 2.1: A chronological overview of cultural sequences in Malta (Fenech 2007, 37, figure 3.1).
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2.1.1 The Early Neolithic phases
The early prehistory of the islands can only partly be reconstructed, as there are not many
archaeological sources available for this period of human occupation. The earliest known
evidence for human presence comes from Gar Dalam, a cave site in the area of
Birzebbuga in the southeast of Malta. The cave deposits yielded shards of pottery (Trump
2002, 28). Għar Dalam (5500-4100 BCE) thus became the type site for the earliest
period of human activity on the Maltese archipelago, marking the beginning of the
Neolithic (Driessen 1992, 28-39; Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 28). A number of
other sites have yielded Gar Dalam pottery, one of which is Skorba, the type site for the
next following periods.Gar Dalam
pottery has been dated to approximately 5000 BCE,
based on the radiocarbon dates of a sample from Skorba (5266-4846 BCE). The pottery
shares stylistic similarities with the Sicilian Stentinello ware, which lead to the theory that
early settlers came from this area (Driessen 1992, 29; Fenech 2007, 37; Stoddart et al.
1993, 6).
The earliest society seems to have been fully agricultural, a conclusion drawn from the
absence of small game (possibly extinct as a result of the early colonisation), and
restraints imposed by the islands’ biogeography. Agricultural production, as well as a
constant influx of new people, was necessary due to the limited natural resources offered
by the island (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 23-30).1 These people, possibly the
first settlers, brought with them domesticated animals, including cattle, sheep, goat and
pigs, as learned from evidence obtained from excavations at Skorba (Fenech 2007, 38).
During the Gar Dalam phase (Fenech 2007, 37) the early population utilised natural
caves for domestic purposes, but there is also evidence for the use of huts near the site of
Skorba, where also traces of a long wall have been uncovered (Trump 2002, 32-33).
The next two phases of Maltese prehistory have both been named after the type site
Skorba, and are mostly based on stylistic differences in pottery. The later Gar Dalam
wares seem to foreshadow already the succeeding Grey Skorba wares (4500-4400 BCE),
thereby pointing to a seamless continuity in the succession of these phases (Trump 2002,
1 It is beyond the scope of this research to completely cover the discussion about the early colonisation of the
archipelago. For more information on this discussion, see Trump 2002.
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47-48). The Grey Skorba phase is solely distinguished on the basis of ceramic typology,
since no carbon dates have been established for this period. Directly developing from the
Grey Skorba wares is the Red Skorba style (4400-4100 BCE), which is similar to thecontemporary red slip Diana wares from Sicily and Italy (Evans 1971, 210-211; Fenech
2007, 39). Typological differences in the shape of the vessels lead to the distinction
between the two phases of Skorba pottery, while similarities in texture and method of
production of both types suggest continuous development (Trump 2002, 30-48). The
sudden appearance of red slip ware points to unbroken contact with Sicily and the
mainland of Italy (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 30). The Skorba periods saw a
consolidation of agricultural dependence, possible evidence for ritual and an increase in
village size, as is shown by the presence of the remains of a wall (Fenech 2007, 39;Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 31). The social organisation on the islands can be
described as a largely egalitarian society, with most activity at a household level, while
sometimes different groups would collaborate in a larger project (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6-
7; Trump 2002, 36).
2.1.2 The Temple Period
The Żebbu phase (4100-3700 BCE), preceding the construction of the megalith temples,
displays a break in the continuous development of pottery and the start of a new period
(Evans 1971, 212; Fenech 2007, 39). The shape, fabric and decorations of Żebbu ware
have little in common with the Red Skorba wares, but display a remarkable similarity
with San Cono-Piano Notaro styles, which can be found in Sicily (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6-
7; Trump 2002, 30-49), thereby implying the arrival of new settlers from that region
(Fenech 2007, 40). During the Żebbu phase there was continuous cultural contact with
mainland Italy, Sicily and the smaller islands, and an ongoing exchange of 'exotic' goods,
which brought obsidian from Lipari and ochre from Sicily (Evans 1977, 19; Stoddart et al.
1993, 6-7; Trump 2002, 38-39).
For the next millennium-and-a-half no break in the development of the islands can be
observed. While certain objects were imported from the outside, there was continuous
development of crafts on the islands and an increasing complexity in architecture and
other fields. All in all, the islands did not seem to have been dependent on an influx of
outside material (Evans 1977, 20-21; Trump 2002, 40). Society is thought to have
consisted of extended family groups, whom were often buried together in rock-cut tombs
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as well as natural caves. These larger family groups would have engaged in competitive
activities, possibly the gaining of prestige/status through exchange (Stoddart et al. 1993,
6-7; Trump 2002, 40-44).
The next period in Maltese prehistory, the Marr phase (3800-3600 BCE), is not well
represented in the archaeological landscape of Malta and only has a few known deposits.
During this phase we see a change in the ceramics, but also a continuation of most of the
established phenomena such as the exchange of obsidian with Lipari (Evans 1971, 215).
The pottery made during this phase can be described as being "on the whole better made,
harder fired, and darker in colour than Żebbu " (Trump 2002, 217). Not much funerary
or domestic architecture from this period has survived and little can be derived from what
is left. Some scholars describe the phase as a transition between the earlier Żebbu and
the succeeding gantija phases (Evans 1971, 215), while others identify the Marr phase
as a new phase based on the discovery of a sterile level during the excavations in Skorba,
distinguishing different periods (Trump 2002, 218).
The pottery of the next period in the chronology of Malta, the gantija phase (3600-
3000 BCE), is characterised by incised decoration of lines, scratched on the surface after
firing (Evans 1971, 215). There is little to suggest a big change in the way people lived
their lives (Trump 2002, 209). Most researchers prefer to see this period as one of
growing insularity and cultural isolation, whereby an increased ritualisation of the
landscape commenced (Stoddart et al. 1993, 7). While trade still continues, there is no
excessive amount of imported objects present in the archaeological material, therefore it
is highly likely that the simple mixed economy maintained the shape it had in
contemporary cultures in the Mediterranean (Trump 2002, 234). There is still little
evidence for the domestic life of the people in this phase of prehistory, but a single hut
and traces of a few more have been uncovered at Skorba (Evans 1971, 218; Trump 2002,
207).
The gantija phase marks not only the next development in the typology of pottery, but
also the physical start of the construction of megalithic buildings, often described as
Temples (Evans 1977, 23) and therefore henceforth referred to as such in this study.
There have been extensive studies looking at the development and the typology of these
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temples.2 This study will not specifically focus on the megalith structures, it will however
briefly discuss the role of the temples in the religious landscape and their use (Chapter
Four). These temples are an interesting development, as the society that built themdiffered not a lot from the contemporary societies in the Mediterranean, which developed
along different trajectories and did not produce monumental buildings on such a scale.
Evidence from these temples might suggest social stratification in the form of priesthood,
but there is little evidence to support this idea (Trump 2002, 236). There is also not
enough evidence the support an often mentioned theory of chiefdom rivalries (Evans
1977, 23; Renfrew 1973), since there is not enough evidence to support the notion of
chiefdoms at all (which could be recognised through -among other factors- social
differentiation in burial or warfare) (Trump 2002, 234-235). Nevertheless the clusteringof the temples, as well as the similarities between them, suggest some sort of social
competition and emulation, possibly between rivaling families (Evans 1977, 23; Stoddart
et al. 1993, 7; Trump 2002, 236).
The next transitional phase is called the Saflieni phase (3300-3000 BCE), named after the
type site al Saflieni, connecting the gantija and Tarxien phases. Originally thought to
have been a small variation in pottery, separate levels of the phase have been found at
Skorba, Santa Verna and Marr (Evans 1971, 218; Trump 2002, 223). The pottery showsa clear continuation of the decorations used in the gantija phase, with slight differences,
foreshadowing later pottery styles (Evans 1971, 219; Trump 2002, 224-225). There was
also a further import of alabaster and other stone wares. The type site of this phase, al
Saflieni, shows a continuous development of the temples from the beginning of the
Marr/gantija period until the end of the Temple period, indicating a state of
continuous development and alterations (Trump 2002, 237).
The final phase of the Temple Period is the Tarxien period (3150-2400 BCE), named
after the type-site Tarxien. During this phase a continuation of established traditions,
including types of pottery, can be witnessed, as well as the introduction of new types of
pottery (Evans 1971; 219; Trump 2002, 226). However, in contrast to the earlier Saflieni
and gantija phase, a crudeness and uncertainty is noticeable in the decoration of the
Tarxien pottery, which gave rise to suggestions that these decorations were imitating
2 See Trump 2002, 69-203, as well as Driessen 1992.
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foreign pottery. At the same time, the continuation of established tradition gives more
weight to internal development than foreign influx (Evans 1971, 219). This phase in
prehistory yielded a remarkable amount of diverse pottery, in quantity more than everyother period combined (Trump 2002, 226), which could be the result of the long span this
phase stretches, or it could indicate population growth (Fenech 2007, 42).3 This period
also shows a continuation of the use of existing Temples and the construction of new ones
(Evans 1971, 222; Fenech 2007, 42). During this phase a cycle of rebuilding of the
temples can also be distinguished (Robb 2001, 177). Furthermore, there is some evidence
for the weaving industry, in the form of two conical clay spindle-whorls (Evans 1971,
222), and a continuation of the use of bone, encountered in small quantities in earlier
periods, is visible as well (Evans 1971, 221).
One of the characteristics for this phase is the occurrence of carved objects from
globigerina limestone, such as cups, bowls and 'slingstones', but also for more complex
items such as carved plates, a phenomenon dubbed the 'flowering of plastic art' by Evans
(1971, 223). There is an increase in the representation of the human form, as shown by
figurines, cult figures, local figures and votive offerings (Evans 1971, 223). Most of these
items resemble the style of representation popular in the eastern Mediterranean during
this period. The Tarxien period, like its predecessor the gantija phase, was a long-spanning phase and contacts with other cultures are thus well attested in the material
record. The pottery and architecture shows influence from the west, while the figurines
tend to show more of an influence from the east (Evans 1971, 223).
The main source of food for the society during this phase remains agriculture, as well as
dependence on domestic animals, such as sheep, goat, pig and cattle (Evans 1971, 223).
Elaborate arrangements in the temples, as well as the style of terracotta figurines
originating from Tarxien, which seem to portrait priests, lead scholars to the proposition
that there was an increase in social distinction during the Tarxien period (Evans 1971,
223; Robb 2001, 183). The evidence for a priestly caste, the presence of so-called 'oracle-
rooms', and evidence for a healing cult support this hypothesis. Human remains
originating from the Xemxija tombs, displaying a society living a soft live with the
absence of a lot of physical work, which seems to indicate they were not involved in the
3For an overview of the pottery and its typology for this period see Evans 1971.
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manual labors of building the temples, and that a different stratum than the Tarxien phase
might be represented here, possibly the gantija phase, for many of the finds were
gantija, and only some were Tarxien (Evans 1971, 223; Trump 2002, 162-165).
Figure 2.2: Overview of the carbon dates from the Maltese archipelago (Fenech 2007, 36, table 3.2).
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2.1.3 The Bronze Age
After the Tarxien Temple4 phase a second complete break in tradition is witnessed, which
has not yet been adequately explained (Driessen 1992, 39; Evans 1971, 224; Trump 2002,
38). There is much debate about the chronology and even more about the reasons for this
discontinuity. Common theories are that famine, warfare, plague or possibly contact with
new cultures played a role in the cultural break with the earlier phases. Evidence for
warfare for the Early Bronze Age is absent, while the succeeding phases do shown signs
of conflict (Driessen 1992, 39;Fenech 2007, 42; Trump 2002, 239). Taking all of this into
consideration, it seems unlikely that the complete civilisation would have been wiped out
(Trump 2002, 239). Some scholars argue for a break in sequence of about 500 years
(Anati in Driessen 1992, 39; Fenech 2007, 42). This would imply that the people who
represent the following Tarxien Cemetery phase (2400-1500 BCE) had settled on an
empty island. However, one of the carbon dates (T-BM101) suggests an overlap of 400
years between the Tarxien Temple and the Tarxien Cemetery phases (figure 2.2), which
would make both phases contemporaneous. In addition, this would link the Tarxien
Cemetery with the Sicilian Castelluccio culture, with which there are many similarities
(Fenech 2007, 42). Further similarities to the Capo Graziano culture of Lipari are also
attested (Evans 1971, 224; Fenech 2007, 43; Trump 2002, 248). However, the complete
absence of an overlap in material cultures between the two (Tarxien Temple and
Cemetery) phases makes it rather unlikely that the two cultures met. Bonanno argues
against the introduction of new people and rather suggests a break in traditions. His
argument is based on the fact that evidence for the Tarxien Cemetery phase has been
found in the Late Temple Period, when the temples were still in use. Bonanno argues that
the Bronze Age saw a new ritual expression that eliminated the need for monumental
construction (Bonanno et al., 1990, 202-203).
The temples were not left to decay fully during the new phases. While some temples
(Tarxien, Skorba and Haqar Qim) shown signs of destruction by fire (Driessen 1992, 39;
Trump 2002, 238), others show signs of repurposing, either as a house, as it is the case at
Bor in-Nadur (Driessen 1992, 38; Trump 2002, 238), or as cemetery, thus providing the
4 Which is the preceding Tarxien phase. The 'Temple' bit is added to avoid confusion with the succeeding Tarxien
Cemetery phase.
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phase with its name. At Tarxien parts of the Temples were used as burial grounds for urns
with cremated remains (Fenech 2007, 43; Trump 2002, 247-248). These new influences
brought with them knowledge of metal (Trump 2002, 246), as well as conflict. This isillustrated by the presence of bronze weapons and an increase in fortification (Driessen
1992, 40; Fenech 2007, 43). The Tarxien Cemetery society most likely supported a mixed
economy (Trump 2002, 255) and lived in domestic huts, as well as in the temples on
some occasions (Fenech 2007, 43). Overall this period does not show much evidence for
cult (Trump 2002, 258), but this will be reviewed in Chapter Four. New stone
constructions in the shape of dolmens were erected on the islands in, attributed to this
period, for some of the dolmens are exclusively datable to this phase. (Evans 1971, 224;
Fenech 2007, 43). The function of these dolmens is unclear, but they might have beenused to house cremation burials (Fenech 2007, 43). The dolmens are very similar to the
ones encountered in the Otranto area in south eastern Italy, where similar pottery sherds
have been found (Evans 1971, 224; Fenech 2007, 43; Trump 2002, 250).
The next phase is named after the type site of Bor in-Nadur (1500-700 BCE), and
shows a survival of earlier tradition in pottery, which resembles the Tarxien Cemetery red
slip wares, but is different in colouring, shapes and decoration (Evans 1971, 225). While
pottery survived from this phase, however fragmentary, not much metal has survived(Evans 1971, 226). A new wave of immigrants seems to have introduced this new type of
pottery, which is similar in style to the Thapsos ware from south-east Sicily; these new
settlers might have co-existed with the Tarxien Cemetery people (Evans 1971, 226;
Fenech 2007, 43). The Bor in-Nadur period is characterised by settlements on easily
defendable hilltops, often fortified further with walls when deemed necessary (Evans
1971, 226; Fenech 2007, 44; Trump 2002, 252). In addition, there was settlement in caves
(Fenech 2007, 44; Trump 2002, 253) or in oval huts (Evans 1971, 226). Also known are
quite a few bell-shaped silos cut into the bedrock, which were used for grain and waterstorage (Evans 1971, Fenech 2007, 44), and loom weights and spindle-whorls provide
evidence for weaving (Evans 1971, 226; Trump 2002, 255).
The short Baħrija phase (900-700 BCE), spanning only two hundred years, can be
distinguished by its pottery. Most of the material originates from Barija, the type site.
The pottery resembles earlier ware, however with more complex decoration of foreign
inspiration. In addition, a new type of painted wares was introduced, which seems similar
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to the Fossa Grave cultures of Calabria (Evans 1971, 227; Fenech 2007, 45). Co-existing
with the Bor in-Nadur culture, the Barija phase seems more of a regional
differentiation than a completely different culture (Evans 1971, 227; Trump 2002, 274).
2.2 Proto-historic phases
The end of the prehistory is marked by the arrival of the Phoenicians on the archipelago
and there is general consensus that this had happened by the end of the seventh century
BCE. Although the Phoenicians (700-550 BCE) were a literate people, they rarely used
their skills to write down history. This apparent lack of ‘historical accountability’ on the
part of the Phoenicians, prompted scholars of Maltese history (notably Trump) to
effectively start the Historic Period of Malta in 218 BCE, after the Roman conquest
(Trump 2002, 295). Whether one agrees with this or not, for reasons of practicality this
study follows Trump and groups the five centuries of Phoenician/Punic presence under
the proto-history of the islands. As we have seen in the previous sections, the prehistory
of the Maltese islands was divided into cultural sequences based on the coherence of their
material culture, mostly pottery. In contrast, the proto-history and historic phases are
distinguished by the prevailing political rule, e.g. Phoenician, Roman and Byzantine
(Fenech 2007, 45). Whereas the periods of political domination allow us to establish
chronological differentiation, the material culture might have spanned across several
periods of political rule.
When the Maltese islands still enjoyed their Bronze Age cultures, the East saw the rise of
a maritime people, often dubbed the Phoenicians. To understand properly the Phoenician
phase on Malta, one must define these new people and look at their motives for crossing
the Mediterranean Sea. The word "Phoenicians" is not the term used by the people
themselves, but rather one used by the Greeks to describe the "Canaanites", as the people
used to call themselves (Ball 2010, 4-5; Bonanno 2005, 14-15). They are also often
referred to as "Sidonians", or in a later period as "Carthaginians" or as being "Punic". All
of these words are labels created to group together the peoples of different city-states, the
foremost being Tyre. This study will use the term "Phoenicians" to refer to the seafaring
people originating from the Levantine littoral (comprising city-states such as Ugarit,
Byblos, Tyre, Sidon and some more), which colonised a large part of the islands and the
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mainland surrounding the Mediterranean Sea. Several waves of Phoenician expansion can
be recognised5. During their second wave of expansion, in the ninth century BCE, the city
state of Carthage was founded on the North African coast (today’s Tunisia). WhileCarthage grew, Tyre declined, and a shift in power from East to the Southwest occurred.
That is why, from 550 BCE (after the Carthaginian defeat of the Greeks in Sicily)
onwards the term "Punic" will be used to discuss the sphere of influence of Carthage over
the Phoenician colonies (Ball 2010, 19).
2.2.1 Arrival of the Phoenicians
First contacts between the Phoenician people and the Maltese population most likely
occurred much earlier than 700 BCE. Most scholars argue that the actual colonisation
took place during the 8th century in the area of Mdina and Rabat (Bonanno 2011, 40;
Fenech 2007, 45). Sagona pushes the date of Phoenician contact back to 1000-900 BCE,
based on the pottery repertoire of the archipelago (2002, 2), while she confirms the period
of colonisation during the 8th century, calling this period the "Established Phase I: fully
fledged Phoenician colonisation" (Sagona 2008, 500). The island offered an ideal
situation for the seafaring merchants, with its sheltered harbors and its conditions as
"convenient stopovers on their long open-sea voyages between their motherland
Phoenicia in the east and their many colonies in the west" (Bonanno 2011, 38; Trump
2002, 296), a point confirmed by ancient authors such as Diodorus Siculus (Diod. Sic. 5,
12 in Bonanno 2005, 11-12), emphasising the importance of the islands as a shelter and as
a trade post.
The local people were not replaced by the new colonisers and no cultural break can be
witnessed during these phases (Trump 2002, 296). The archaeological material clearly
shows transitional phases of increased cultural contact before the 8th century and even
after the 8th century the remains are never purely Phoenician (Sagona 2008, 488; Trump
2002, 296-297). To sidestep the discussions about ancient territoriality, identity and
politics Sagona uses the word "Melita" to describe the population, local as well as
eventual settlers on the islands, rather than to talk about proper Phoenicians, so as to
indicate the large role the local population still played during these phases (Sagona 2008).
5See Ball 2010 or Moscati 1988 for a more complete overview of the history of the Phoenicians.
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The Phoenicians would probably have settled first in the Mdina region, where the Bronze
Age population was very present, as well as in prominent harbour areas (Bonanno 2005,
22-23).
It is unclear how exactly the spread of Phoenician culture would have occurred, but it is
clear that this happened quite fast. Whether the Phoenician settlers themselves spread
across the islands, or the local people adopted and spread the customs is hard to discern.
The importance of the Phoenician hegemony on the islands is clear however, as their
influence can be traced throughout Maltese history. The language spoken on the islands
could well be a derivative of the old Phoenician language (Ball 2010, 7), or it might be
the result of Arabian conquest in later times.
Two inscriptions from the Early Phoenician phase have been found, both dedications to
the deity Baal Hammon, effectively the first written sources from the islands, marking the
true end of prehistory (Bonanno 2005, 42-43). One of the most important features from
this early phase is the re-introduction of rock-cut chamber tombs, used previously during
the Temple period (Bonanno 2005, 46-49; Malone et al. 2009, 98-99; Trump 2002, 296).
Most of these tombs, datable to the seventh and sixth centuries BCE, are located in the
Mdina-Rabat surroundings, suggesting that this area was the main urban settlement
(Bonanno 2005, 46-47). There is also evidence for the re-purposing of Temple buildings
in some areas for Phoenician deities (the most well-known example being Tas-Sil).
Furthermore, the material culture shows a tendency for contact with the East, rather than
the West, as is indicated by similarities in statuary, architecture and Aegyptiaca (Bonanno
2005, 49-50; Trump 2002, 296; Van Sister 2012).
2.2.2 Influence from the West
The succeeding Punic phase is in many ways a direct continuation of the Phoenicianphase. During this phase the Mediterranean was host to a number of commercial, political
and military hostilities between the different growing powers. Among the important
players during the Punic phase (550-218 BCE) are the Carthaginians, the Etruscans, the
Greeks and near the end of the phase (eventually giving rise to the next phase of Maltese
history) the Romans. Wars between the Greek city-states and the Carthaginians shaped
the area around Sicily (Bonanno 2005, 74-75), which was conquered by Carthage in 550
BCE (Ball 2010, 29). In 524 BCE the Phoenician homeland was incorporated into the
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80). In addition, we find inscribed pottery with dedications to the goddess Ashtart
(Bonanno 2005, 83). Until the advent of the Roman period, no local coins have been
minted on the islands (Bonanno 2005, 86). Coinage had been in use from the sixthcentury BCE onwards, as is shown by the presence of fifth century BCE Greek coinage,
originating most likely from Greek Sicily, as well as fourth century BCE Punic coins
from Punic Sicily (Bonanno 201, 48).
While there is not much evidence for definitive settlements, it is thought that there were
at least two settlements present on the islands during this period (Bonanno 2005, 86).
This assumption is based on the clustering of rock-cut tombs. If this is to be taken as an
indication for settlements, than one could argue that another settlement might have been
located near Marsa, one of the favored harbor locations (Fenech 2007, 45). There is
ample evidence for a settlement near Mdina-Rabat, where Phoenician remains appear to
have been replaced and are cut into by Punic remains, in the form of an ashlar wall
(Bonanno 2005, 97; Fenech 2007, 46). There seems to have been separated domestic
quarters near Rabat, possibly indicating a shift in purpose from the main area of Mdina as
a city-center (Bonanno 2005, 87; Fenech 2007, 46). Bonanno also argues that the so-
called "round towers", often interpreted as Roman, are in fact from this period. Apart
from various religious buildings, which will be discussed later on, scholars argue for aspread of country houses during this period. While there is no conclusive evidence for
this, most later Roman villas have earlier foundations and are often accompanied by
Punic Pottery (Fenech 2007, 46).
During the Punic phase on the islands there is an increase in the use of rock-cut tombs,
changing only slightly in its floor plans (Bonanno 2005, 92-93; Fenech 2007, 45). Most
of the material culture surviving from this period originates from these tombs. As there
are more tombs than in earlier periods, there is also more archaeological material culture,
although limited to one specific category of finds (grave goods, rather than domestic
material). While the tombs are not poor, they lack some types of objects which are
common in Punic tombs in other regions, such as banded glass, ivory and faience
(Bonanno 2005, 94). A continuation of the import of Aegyptiaca and Greek precious
objects can be witnessed from the tombs (Bonanno 2011, 43-44). Most abundant in the
material culture is the pottery, which was extensively studied and classified by Claudia
Sagona (2005).
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2.3 Roman Period
2.3.1 Roman Conquest; Malta under the Republic
As mentioned above, the islands were incorporated into the Roman sphere of dominance
in 218 BCE, when Tiberius Sempronius Longus conquered the islands with little
resistance (Bonanno 2005, 132). The islands were included in the province of Sicily,
which was under a propraetor chosen by Rome. During this time the islands were still
allowed to mint their own coins and they seem to have been quite autonomous during the
early Roman period (Bonanno 2005, 133). Most information for this period of early
Roman occupation is gained from literary sources. Titus Livius discusses the conquest of
the islands in his books covering the Punic Wars (Livy, 21, 51, 1-2 in Bonanno 2005,
143) and Marcus Tullius Cicero accuses Caius Verres of many wrongdoings and crimes
committed when he was governor of Sicily for three years (Cic., Verr., 2, in Bonanno
2005, 145-148). Cicero’s allegations against Verres give us an opportunity to learn more
about the social-political climate in the civitates. Malta is also discussed by Strabo
(Strabo, Geog., 6 and 17, in Bonanno 2005, 149) and the contemporary situation of the
islands to the author has been delivered to us by Diodorus Siculus (Diod. Sic. 5, 12 in
Bonanno 2005, 149). Sicily, along with Lipari and Malta, was divided into multiplecivitates with different rules regarding each community. Their main function was to
provide Rome with a manageable administrative unit, mainly to collect taxes (Bonanno
2005, 140-141). The local administration however was left largely in the hands of the
locals, leading to large differences in different civitates under Roman rule. Malta thus
remained largely under the influence of the earlier (and concurrent) Punic hegemony, but
was also affected by Hellenistic influences, as well as dependent on interaction between
Sicily and the Maltese archipelago.
These cultural interactions are reflected in the material culture. Much of the Hellenising
movement can be recognised in statuary (Bonanno 2005, 163) and in other aspects of the
material culture, such as mosaics. Despite these influences there is much survival of
Punic traditions present on the islands, most of them religious (Fenech 2007, 46). While
the iconography of female deities seemed to Hellenise more and the deities were
associated with Graeco-Roman counterparts, the male deities remained in their original
forms (Bonanno 2005, 188-189). This is no strange phenomenon, considering the
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Romans tolerable stand on foreign religions and the relative autonomy of the civitates.
The same goes for language, the Punic language might have survived even up to the fifth
or sixth century AD (Fenech 2007, 46). Within the numismatics of the islands a clearevolution can be distinguished during the early period of Roman occupation, where the
coins first display Egyptian and Levantine iconography with Punic legends, which slowly
get replaced by Greek ones, maintaining the Punic iconography (Bonanno 2005, 157).
Near the end of the Republican period Latin gets introduced into the legend.
Many sites and locations of settlement from the preceding phase continued to be used.
Most of the aforementioned country houses originate from this period and the
concentrated urban centers present during the Punic phase continue to grow, a
development clearly visible in the corpus of pottery (Fenech 2007, 47). The cluster of
activity found at Mdina-Rabat is now identified as the Roman city Melita (Fenech 2007,
47). There is also evidence for the continuous use of several sanctuary sites, such as Tas-
Sil. Further continuation of earlier customs can be witnessed in the mortuary customs.
Inhumation, cremation and the use of specific burial urns, set into underground rock-cut
tombs remain the main method of burial (Bonanno 2005, 162-163; Fenech 2007, 47).
These tombs adopted a rectangular shaft and chamber and became more clustered in the
form of hypogea, which can mostly be found in the Mdina-Rabat area near the countryhouses or among the coast (Bonanno 2005, 163; Fenech 2007, 47).
The continuation of these former traditions, both religious and in material culture, lead
some scholars to consider this phase as an extension of the Punic period (Sagona 2000,
84; Said-Zammit 1997, 5), or as Romano-Punic (Bonanno 2005, 190). There are a
number of objects datable to this phase that are often classified as "Roman" (difficult this
terminology might be, considering the Hellenising nature of art during this phase), such
as statuary, but also pottery, among which the famous terra sigillata and normal "Roman"
pottery (Bonanno 2005, 168-170).
2.3.2 Imperial Malta
The Roman period was not by large homogenous, but showed fluctuations in activity and
political situations. On Malta the peak in activity would have been between the second
century BCE and the early third century CE, after which a decrease in activity occurred,
which would not recover until the end of the Roman period (Fenech 2007, 47). In 27 BCE
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the political situation in Rome changed when Octavian emerged victoriously from the
civil wars and became the first emperor of the Roman Empire. During this civil war
Malta and Gozo lost many of their autonomous rights, possibly because they chose thewrong side (Bonanno 2005, 195). In the subsequent division of provinces between the
emperor and the senate, Sicily became a senatorial province, governed by a proconsul,
and often assisted by not only quaestors and legates, but also by an emissary from the
emperor, a procurator (Bonanno 2005, 195-196). The political status of Malta is unclear
during the first part of the period, possibly a setback from the infraction mentioned above.
During the second century CE however there is epigraphic evidence for Malta having a
municipal status (Bonanno 2005, 232). Social differentiation was a standard during the
Roman period and although its exact amount of strata is unknown, it is often expressed inthe holding of religious priesthood (Bonanno 2005, 234).
Confirmation of the names of the urban areas is given by the geographer Ptolemy (100-
178 CE), who mentions the cities of Melita and Gaulos, as well as two sanctuaries (one
for Juno and one for Hercules) and a landmark called Chersonnesos (Bonanno 2005, 200-
202). Their exact location is hard to determine, although many scholars have published on
the whereabouts of the sanctuaries (such as Vella 2002). It is from this period that we
have inscriptions in Latin, among which not only dedications, but also onecommemorating the good deeds in reconstructing a temple by one of Augustus'
proconsuls (Bonanno 2005, 203-204). Most of the Roman architectural material remains
from the islands are datable to this period. While the necropoleis continue to be used and
grow, there is also a lot of evidence for the opening and re-use of already existing tombs
(Bonanno 2005, 218). Isolated rock-cut tombs became less used during the second
century CE, possibly indicating a shift in burial rites (Bonanno 2005, 218). Coinage was
now minted not locally, but in other parts of the Roman Empire, such as Sicily (Bonanno
2005, 227).
During the pax Romana Malta benefited greatly from her geographic position in the
Mediterranean and prospered, as is displayed in the restoration of buildings, as well as the
import of luxury goods from far away (Bonanno 2005, 238). The presence and
distribution of so many rustic villas suggest an intensive cultivation of olives and grapes
(Bonanno 2005, 240-252). The textile industry is attested for by the presence of loom
weights and spindle whorls (Bonanno 2005, 241). During the early Principate the
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archipelago appears to accepted the Roman influence and Latin became the official
language, while Punic remained the spoken language of the commoners (Bonanno 2005,
253).
2.3.3 Late Antiquity
During the third century CE there was a general crisis in the Roman Empire. Emperor
Diocletian (284-305 CE) took measures, among which was the introduction of the
tetra rchy (the rule of four emperors), effectively dividing the empire into two parts, each
governed by a co-emperor and a lieutenant. One of those Augusti, co-emperors, went as
far as to move his seat of power to Byzantium, giving rise to the Byzantine empire. While
the Eastern Byzantine Empire grew and prospered, the Western Empire declined
evermore, until the deposition of Romulus Augustulus, last emperor of the west, in 476
CE. Malta was incorporated into the Byzantine Empire in 535 CE, during the time of
expansion under the Emperor Justinian I (Bonanno 2005, 258; Fenech 2007, 48). Three
hundred years later it was won over by the Muslim Arabs in 870 CE (Bonanno 2005,
258).
Figure 2.4: Overview of the chronology of the Maltese archipelago as set by different authors (Fenech 2007,
35, figure 3.1).
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The periods between the third century CE and Malta’s incorporation into the Byzantine
Empire are hardly represented in the archaeological records and therefore leave more
questions than answers. Around 445 CE Malta is thought to have been occupied by theVandals and around 477 CE possibly by the Ostrogoths (Bonanno 2005, 258; Fenech
2007, 48). Most of the evidence from these phases is of religious nature, in the form of
the basilica of Tas-Sil and the shrine attached to a rock -cut tomb of L-Abbatija tad-Dejr
in Rabat (Bonanno 2005, 259). There are a few inscriptions from the early fourth century
CE on Gozo, which imply that Gozo by this point had an autonomous government
(Bonanno 2005, 160-161). It is during this period that Christianity most likely developed
on the islands, visible mostly in the burial rites, while there is also evidence for a Jewish
community. For a complete overview of the chronology of the islands, as set by differentauthors, see figure 2.4.
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3. Theoretical discussion
This chapter will explore some of the theoretical problems related to the study of
religious developments in the past. Several of these problems cannot be solved perfectly,
and compromises need to be made, while others can be solved by providing good
definitions and setting boundaries. This is necessary to address at the start of the study,
so as to be aware of theoretical problems and to be able to avoid them. This study
concerns the religious developments in an insular context and is thus prone to several of
these problems. The chapter opens with a brief critical review of the established
chronology and addresses the problems arising from compartmentalising the past. The
second part of this chapter will be dedicated to the array of problems related to the study
of past religion. Definitions of related terminology will be provided, which will be
followed during the rest of the study. The last part of the chapter will focus on the unit of
analysis and on the problems that arise when drawing parallels between different
geographic regions. Mediterraneanism, as a theoretical discourse, will briefly be
discussed, for phenomena (especially religious phenomena) are often drawn in a broader
context than they should, and this comparative approach could well lead to assumptions
one does not want.
3.1 Critical review of Malta’s historical chronology
There are many issues that arise when studying the prehistory and history of the Maltese
archipelago, some of them practical, while others are on a more theoretical level. For
instance, there are not many carbon dates available for the entirety of prehistory (see
figure 2.2) and these dates already show quite some discrepancies in itself. The current
chronology is therefore based mostly on the typology of ceramics, supplemented by the
carbon dates. One can even go as far as to say that most archaeologists try to fit the
carbon dates into what the typology dictates, which in itself is a faulty way of studying
the past. The units into which the prehistory has been compartmentalised are mostly
based on the cohesion of the pottery wares, which in its turn might show colonisation
waves or other waves of interaction, but is not a definitive indication thereof. In case of a
continuous development, as can be witnessed for some periods, such as the Grey and Red
Skorba, where does one draw the line between periods and why does one draw this line?
There is no simple answer to this theoretical problem, but for now it is sufficient to say
that to adequately discuss changes in past human behavior, an artificial distinction is
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necessary to properly contextualise these changes. The same is true for regional
distinctions, such as the Barija, and for the afore-mentioned 'transitional' phases, such
as the Saflieni phase. For the sake of discussion, these phases will be distinguished asdiscussed in Chapter Two.
The proto-history and the history of the Maltese archipelago have been set-up in phases
based upon the political domination. This is in contrast to prehistory, which is set-up
based upon changes in material culture. The problem with the socio-political distinction is
that this is often not directly reflected in the material culture. It might take years for the
influence to be shown in the overall material culture. One can discuss then what is the
better way of dividing the past. Attempts have been made to synthesise a chronology
which fits both systems, socio-political as well as material-based (e.g. the Romano-Punic
phases recognised by Claudia Sagona), but this often leads to more complications. One
needs to remember that most of the terminology we apply to the past are only labels
which we constructed and make use of. As long as we are aware of this, as well as the
fact that even in a socio-political division the material culture does not directly follow this
division, it should not raise that many problems.
3.2 Reconstructing religion
The reconstruction of past religious and ritual activities is not an easy feat and it is always
subjected to different opinions and criticism. The historiography of religious studies is a
vast subject in its own right and therefore will not be treated within this study. Religion is
one of the aspects of human life that is present in almost every instance from the Upper
Paleolithic onwards (Insoll 2004, 5) and has huge consequences for the development of
cultures, as well as for our interpretation thereof. Considering the subject of this thesis,
the development of religion throughout the ages on the Maltese archipelago, it is
necessary to briefly look at the definitions related to the study of ancient religion and tobriefly mention often made mistakes related to this, so as to avoid them and to identify
correctly religious activities on the islands and discuss them adequately within their
cultural and historical context.
3.2.1 Discussing and recognising religion
There is no conclusive definition of religion that suits all situations and fits every model
and for which there is unanimous agreement. The lack of clear definitions is also true for
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other concepts related to the study of religion, such as ritual, sanctuary, temple and shrine,
but also to broader concepts such as culture and civilisation. Nevertheless most of these
concepts have been used to describe phenomena and activities in the past, so as to makethese phenomena more tangible and to be able to discuss them. While religion in itself
can be considered to be intangible, thus creating a paradox when made tangible, it is
indeed necessary to make use of some labels, for without them discussing these
phenomena would become impossible. But in its core, religion remains indefinable, and it
can be seen as a created discursive formation, which includes the irrational, the
indefinable and the intangible (Insoll 2004, 6-7).
Many problems arise when separating the secular and the spiritual worlds, creating an
artificial dichotomy, and viewing these parts from a contemporary point of view, while in
the past this division was not even present. Contemporary ideologies played (and still
play) a large role in study of the past, as can be witnessed when reviewing the way past
scholars discussed religion. It is not within the scope of this research to discuss all of
these discourses, but suffice it to say that while not one of them offers a complete view of
reconstructing past life, most of them offer valuable partial views. The reductionist view
offered by evolutionary paradigms, such as those by Tyler and Frazer (Pals 2006), the
distinction between sacred and profane, as offered by Durkheim (Durkheim 1912), as
well as the phenomenological viewpoints offered by Eliade (Eliade 1956) and later post-
processual archaeologists each add value to the broader understanding of past religion.
Processual archaeology placed religion in a larger system, but did so at the cost of the
individual. One has to step beyond established biases within the archaeology of religion
(of which there are many) and break established dichotomies when creating a working
definition of these concepts. These concepts again are necessary to not fall into the post-
modern trap of deconstructing everything and saying that we know nothing at all.
After defining religion and its related concepts, there is still the problem of properlyrecognising it in the material record. It is in this area that there are many biases within the
field of archaeology, placing the focus on ritual and funerary archaeology. As a result of
the compartmentalisation of the processual archaeologist, as well as for practical reasons
when excavating in the field, the archaeology of religion is often limited to the study of
temples and burials, and the classification of 'weird' or 'exotic' objects as religious objects.
In the words of Ian Hodder, "archaeologists use the term ritual for the two-closely
connected reasons that what is observed is non-functional and not understood " (Hodder
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in Insoll 2004, 11). By classifying an object as being religious or related to ritual, many
archaeologists assume that they understand the role of the object in society. The complex
interplay between ritual and religion is often neglected and these concepts are often usedtogether or in the place of one another, and while they are indeed closely intertwined,
they are not inter-exchangeable. Many conclusions are drawn from small finds, by
assuming quite a lot on the basis of unproven information. The object or space interpreted
is often viewed in a reductionist paradigm, letting modern preconceptions play a large
role, and it is often placed in an already established view of past religion. As it is put
elegantly in a volume covering ancient cult, "Rather than an integrated and holistic
approach to the archaeological cult context in its entirety (as might be expected for the
study of a 'traditional' society where ritual is embedded within all aspects of life),researchers have tended to separate or conflate the components that survive from a once
rich cosmological and ceremonial environment" ( Malone et al. 2007, 3).
3.2.2 Defining concepts
To be able to identify correctly and study remains of past religious life, it is necessary to
provide working definitions of the concepts associated with these activities. This
subchapter will provide working definitions of a series of concepts related to the study of
ancient religion. These definitions are by no means binding for every situation and must
be viewed as dynamic means to discuss the past, not as a static set of rules into which the
past has to be forced.
Religion, which forms the main theme of this study, is hard to define and many attempts
have been made in the past. Most of these definitions center on the notion of the
supernatural and the sacred and on the dichotomy between life and death, as is shown by
the Oxford dictionary definition: "Action or conduct indicating a belief in or reverence
for and desire to please a divine ruling power" (Renfrew 2007, 9). Looking at the
etymology of the word 'religion' does not yield a useful definition, as the descriptive tool
we nowadays call 'religion' is not comparable to what used to be the 'religiones' from
ancient Rome, which would be described nowadays as different aspects of religion
(Nongbri 2008, 448-449). A close look at the contemporary definitions of religion might
be helpful. Religion is deeply intertwined with the concepts of ritual and cult, yet not
solely consisting thereof, and neither are they merely an aspect of religion. Some
definitions however, such as those by Durkheim and Geertz, however fitting they might
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seem, neglect the transcendental or supernatural factor of religion (Renfrew 2007, 10). In
a volume covering the Cult on the Maltese island in a broader context the definition of
religion is put as: "religion can be understood as the formalized recognition of somehigher, unseen, divine power as having control over human destiny, and as a
consequence is worthy of reverence, obedience and organized worship" (Barrowclough
2007, 45). The only adaption I would like to offer is to reconsider the use of the terms
'formalized' and 'organized', as these exclude religion on a personal level. Cult and ritual
are then two related concepts, which might be a further result of this reverence, obedience
and organised worship and they will be discussed separately.
Related to discussions of religion in Antiquity is the concept of embedded religion or
embedded ritual. The concept is derived from Karl Polanyi's concept of 'embeddedness',
as applied to the economic history of pre-modern people, where the economy was not
seen as an isolated aspect, but rather one embedded into the society (Nongbri 2008, 442).
The concept has become widely used by scholars studying religions of the past to denote
the difference between the contemporary practice of religion and past religions. While
one could in depth argue that the semantics surrounding the words 'religion', 'religions'
and 'religiones' (as Nongbri has indeed done), the addition of the word "embedded"
implies the absence of a separate phenomenon of religion in society, but rather religion is
a part of almost every aspect of daily life of those societies. The application of this
terminology thus allows archaeologists (and other scholars) to use religion as an
analytical tool when studying the past.
Cult can be defined as 'a particular form of religious worship that implies devotion to a
particular person or thing' (Malone et al. 2007, 2), which is broadly useable and
interpretable. Cult, like 'ritual' and 'religion', is a concept often used without thinking it
through, and like ritual, it is used by archaeologist as a label to discuss those objects they
cannot place in another category. Cult can be seen as a particular form of religion, oftenon a smaller scale or a local scale and less systematic (Barrowclough 2007, 45-46). The
interplay between cult and religion is complex, as a religion can contain cults (such as the
cult of Mithras or Isis), but it does not have to, and a religion can be built upon what once
started as a cult, of which Christianity might be an example.
To add to the complex story of interplaying concepts there is the often misused concept of
ritual. Within archaeology, ritual is almost solely used to describe religious activities.
Ritual however can be both religious and secular and simply suggests the repetition of a
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custom, habit or practice, often bound to a specific location and audience (Barrowclough
2007, 45). This practice needs not be religious, but could well be something like
celebrating one's birthday every year with family. It is true however that ritual often isthe physical manifestation of religion, as rituals can be recovered from the material
culture, while beliefs themselves are harder to distinguish. While the material used during
past rituals can be archaeologically assessed and interpreted, the mental activities during a
ritual are harder to reconstruct. Recognising ritual in the material record itself is not that
problematic, but identifying the ritual as being 'religious', 'cultic' or 'secular' might be
more of a challenge. When trying to identify a site as belonging to either one of those
categories, one should look at the broader context and look if there are similarities in the
area, to suggest a structured worship (thus classifying it as religious). There aresystematic studies on how to recognise cult and religion, the most famous being
Renfrew's sixteen indicators to identify religious behavior (Barrowclough 2007, 46).
Besides ritual, one other often occurring physical manifestation of religious or cultic
activities can be witnessed in the presence or absence of monuments, be them large or
small. When looking at Malta the most often used concept to discuss religious spaces is
'temple', indicating a monumental structure, often quite large, used for religious purposes.
The terminology surrounding religious spaces is largely influenced by the study of
classical Antiquity. The word 'temple' is derived from the Latin 'templum', which is used
to denote not only a building, but a defined sacred space, clearly separated from the other
spaces, not restricted to the ground (Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2011, 206). The religious building,
which is today referred to as 'temple', was known as an 'aedes sacra', a seat of the gods.
This distinction has mostly disappeared nowadays and most scholars use the word
'temple' to discuss buildings used for religious ritual activity, while the term 'sanctuary'
is often used to discuss either the building or the entirety of religious space. This study
will thus follow the popular scholarly terminology of defining a temple as a defined
monument used for religious rituals, rather than a space. The concept 'sanctuary' will be
used in a broader sense, using it to discuss religious space in a defined context, not just
monumental. A temple can thus be viewed as a sanctuary, but a sanctuary needs not be a
temple.
Finally, the word 'shrine' will be used to discuss a specific sacred place of
commemoration or worship, which need not be located in a sanctuary or temple.
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Examples of a shrine would be an altar (be it in a temple or in a house), but also a chest
with relics or a location which was important in the life of a hero, deity or saint.
3.3 Cultural universalism or relativism?
This last part of the chapter will discuss the unit of analysis for research of phenomena in
the Mediterranean, as well as some of the problems associated with determining one.
Within the field of studying ancient religious activities many scholars have a tendency to
view the Mediterranean as an analytical tool in itself, a phenomenon dubbed
'Mediterraneanism'. This discourse then assumes a degree of cultural universalism, for it
chooses quite a large unit of analysis. Opposed to cultural universalism is a system that
assumes that every cultural complex is unique, namely cultural relativism, and
emphasises the importance of viewing phenomena solely in their immediate context.
Considering Malta's location in the middle of the Mediterranean it is important not to fall
into either trap and to know when to choose either approach. Furthermore, the dynamic
role of identity will briefly be discussed in this part of the chapter, as well as the effects of
insularity on the development of cultures.
3.3.1 Mediterraneanism
Phenomena and ritual activities are viewed as being of a similar nature during the period
of increased connectivity in the Mediterranean. During the first millennium BCE the
fragmented, geo-morphologically varied area led to the formation of several cultural units
(Hauschild et al. 2007, 312), which started trading and travelling more through the area of
the Mediterranean Sea, creating and improving the connections between formerly
separate cultural entities. While cultural relativists continue to emphasise the variations
between different geographical areas, a general trend towards universalism in this specific
area of study has led scholars to assume a common religious koinè in the geographic area
of the Mediterranean basin. This universalist view might however neglect some of the
insights that could be gained from studies with a clear focus on regional differences.
While there are indeed much similarities discernible, one needs to keep in mind that these
often can be explained by looking at shared characteristics in ideology and lifestyle. Most
of the cultures from this period share a similar outlook on the world, comparable ideals
and lifestyles and a similar urban situation (Johnston 2004, 6). At the same time the
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amount of regional and personal agency, as visible in the persistence of local languages
and deities, should not be underrated.
More problems within the methodology arise when trying to define the borders of theMediterranean. Following Woolf's reasoning the Mediterranean could be defined as a
broader area, divided into smaller micro regions, which are joined by a high level of
connectivity (Woolf 2003, 135). According to Woolf’s definition the Mediterranean
becomes an ever growing geographical area, as most areas were in connection to other
surrounding areas. To counter this one would have to define the Mediterranean by
looking at common elements seen in the areas contained. These elements are thus
artificially classified as belonging to a system, which is defined by exactly those elements,
thus providing a methodological fault, a circular argument. One could try to define the
Mediterranean not by common elements, but rather by geographical boundaries, although
this would undervalue the social cohesion.
Woolf thus reasons that any phenomenon needs to fulfill two criteria when we want to
include it into the pan-Mediterranean koinè. Firstly, the phenomenon (ideas, material
culture, etc.) has to be widespread in the Mediterranean region and secondly, it has to be
specifically identified with the Mediterranean, or has to be more common in the
Mediterranean than in other regions (Woolf 2003, 133). The first criterion beingwidespread can be observed in the archaeological record, while the second is harder to
prove, for when one discovers one of these elements outside of the defined region, it need
not mean more than simply a small connection. The Mediterranean is thus not only a
difficult analytical tool, but neither is it a natural geographical area or a natural unity
(Woolf 2003, 14). Local 'religious' finds must thus firstly be viewed in their own
immediate context, before placed in a Mediterranean context. One has to remain critical
of both new insights, as well as established 'known' insights, and to not generalise them.
3.3.2 A question of identity
Yet to avoid cultural relativism, it is necessary to look for similarities between different
regions, so as to possibly say more about the witnessed phenomena. While doing so, one
must always be aware of the difficulties surrounding the study of the formation and
change of identity, for this will be different and present in every situation.
The notion of identity is difficult to come to terms with as it is, especially when it
concerns cultural contact. Most studies discussing identity can only cover partial aspects
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of this complex topic, or use the words 'identity' and 'ethnicity' interchangeably. The
concept of identity covers many different fields, one of which is ethnicity, but it also
relates to categories such as age, gender, sexuality and class (Knapp and van Dommelen,2010, 4). Furthermore the concept of identity does not only play a role on an individual
level, but also on bigger scales, such as social groups or families. Belonging to a social
group, such as a neighbourhood, a community or a city, has its impact on one's identity
and the people belonging to these groupings again change the identity of the group.
Because identity is dynamic and constantly changing, depending on many different
factors, it becomes increasingly difficult to discuss the similarities between identities of
different people. Therefore, rather than focusing on the discussion of identity, "focusing
on difference, symbolism, boundaries and representation as distinguishable features ofthe Mediterranean material record should enable archaeologists to recognize practices
shared by social groups as well as individuals, and thus help unravel the tangled web
people of that region spun around their identities" (Knapp and van Dommelen 2010, 4).
If indeed these practices are recognised as shared within a broader unit (the
Mediterranean), one could continue to use that region as a unit of analysis. However if
not, wrong conclusions could be drawn from a faulty comparative approach.
This approach then allows us to study phenomena, such as insularity, materiality and
mobility, on the Maltese archipelago. In a region of high connectivity and much mobility,
which Malta is, people seek ways to fit new encounters, be it with people or material
culture, into their existing lives. This is reflected in the material culture of the island and
can be witnessed in the incorporation of new types of pottery (e.g. the use of wares
similar with the San Cono-Piano Notaro wares from Sicily during the Żebbu phase), for
engagements will have led to the restructuring of pre-existing identities. These
engagements between different peoples are in our case a result of the geographical
position of Malta in the Mediterranean and thus indirectly by the sea.
3.3.3 Insularity
Malta's unique cultural sequence is a direct result of the way insular cultures develop.
After established contact with the mainland there often is a period of cultural divergence,
where the island cultures develop their own cultural traits. This is visible on Malta on
several occasions (such as the cultural divergence during the gantija phase), but also on
most of the other islands which share Malta's level of connectivity, for example on the
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Balearics (Ramis 2010, 75). This phenomenon becomes increasingly complex when more
stimuli from other cultures enter the islands, as is the case during the first Millennium
BCE. This interplay between insularity and connectivity is not restricted to Malta, but canalso be witnessed on various other islands, such as Crete. Like Malta, Crete is distant
from the mainland, yet reachable by boat, and large enough for local cultures to develop.
Yet what is clearly distinguishable on Crete is local differentiation on the islands,
between different areas on the island (Gkiasta 2010), while the Maltese archipelago
shows less traces of this. Some phases in prehistory, such as the Barija phase, appear to
be very localised and are limited to one specific geographical area. This might indicate
that Malta displayed more social cohesion than Crete, but it might also indicate a number
of other things, for most scientists attribute the construction of the temples to intra-community rivalries, similar to the situation described on Crete.
It is because of the nature of an island, combined with the process of exchange and trade,
that objects cannot simply be classified as belonging to one culture or the other, or the
presence of a culture on the island. The presence of Aegyptiaca on the Maltese islands for
example do not indicate the presence of Egyptians on the islands, but study of the
diaspora of these objects tells us how they were transported to the islands and how they
were perceived. Traditionally the interaction between different cultures in an insular
setting has been viewed with a colonial viewpoint, where new people settle on the island
and spread their culture, artificially creating a dichotomy between the people (Hayne
2010, 147). Yet it is necessary to step beyond such dualist approaches and let the material
culture dictate what happened in the past, for there might have been different reactions.
The co-existence of local people and the settlement of new peoples is most discernible in
the first millennium BCE, when the Phoenicians enter the Maltese archipelago, and one
can discuss what influence this showed on the material record. The typology of pottery
shows a continuation from the area before, so influence must have spread slowly.
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These figurines, however fragmented (see figure 4.1), allow a reconstruction of a standing
female figure, whose face is represented as a triangle and has exaggerated thighs and
buttocks, but is devoid of arms or lower limbs (Trump 2002, 42). While this need notmean the worship of a Mother Goddess, most scholars agree that this might have been an
option, considering the uncommon assemblage the pieces were part of. Apart from the
goat skulls with horns still attached, numerous cattle tarsal bones have been uncovered, of
which twenty had a part of the bone smoothened, allowing the bones to be put upright
(Trump 2002, 43). While this is an intentional action, not too much information can be
gained from this. The shrine also yielded a small number of pendants, one of them was
carved from tooth in a phallus-shape; however not much information can be gained from
them either (Bonanno 2012, 12).
Further evidence for ritualistic activities preceding the Temples have been found in
Żebbu, Gozo, where on the Xagra plateau the Brochtorff Circle is located. This Circle,
located in the vicinity of the gantija temples, has been used for ritualistic activities from
the Żebbu phase until the Bor in-Nadur phase.6. Several Żebbu phase areas have been
identified, foremost being an intact rock-cut tomb. Datable to the end of the Neolithic, at
the start of the Temple Period, the tomb provides the oldest evidence for burial rites on
the Maltese archipelago. During this period the Temples themselves were not yet erected,
but it is thought that the locations were already populated (Bonanno et al. 1990). Because
of the absence of evidence from this period, the tomb was excavated with great care and
recorded in full detail and large parts of the deposits have been sieved to retrieve even the
smallest evidence. The tomb was artificially excavated from the ground and comprised
two subterranean oval chambers reachable from a central shaft (see figure 4.2) (Malone et
al. 2007, 96-97; Trump 2002, 60).
6 The Brochtorff Circle has been extensively excavated, studied and published by many Maltese scholars, and the
results can be found in depth in their publication: Malone et al. 2009.
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Figure 4.2: Drawing of plan and section of the chamber tombs (Malone et al. 2009, 99, figure 7.7).
Within these oval chambers several levels of deposits can be distinguished: for the
western chamber the bottommost layer contained the primary burial material, which was
covered by a sealing layer, after which the entrance to the chamber was also blocked
(Malone et al. 2007, 98). Later the chamber was re-opened (probably during a later
phase) and possibly a single burial was placed inside the tomb (Malone et al. 2007, 98-
99). The eastern chamber displays a more problematic stratigraphy, which reflects the
burial customs. Sometimes earlier burial deposits were shifted to make room for new
burials (Malone et al. 2007, 99-100). From both chambers a total of 65 bodies can be
distinguished based on the found amount of kneecaps, of which 54 were adults and 11
were children (Malone et al. 2007, 102; Trump 2002, 60).
As mentioned earlier, there is evidence for the post-depositional removal of human
remains, a theory which is supported by the practicality of the tombs. Periodically several
bones would have been removed, so as to make room for new burials (Trump 2002, 44).
A conclusion that was drawn from this by Donald Trump is that the religious believes
might have been that the personality of a person remained with its body as long as itcontained flesh (2002, 44), but this theory does not explain why not all of the bones were
removed. The presence of the smaller bones, such as knee-caps of many individuals, as
opposed to larger bones, might have been an intentional act to preserve the deceased in
the tomb in some way rather than to actively remove him.
The remains were accompanied by different grave goods. Personal ornaments were found
in the form of fossil shell beads, perforated buttons, but also stone axes and
anthropomorphic pendants (Malone et al. 2007, 100; Trump 2002, 44-61). A crudely
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carved stone head (also dubbed a menhir) was found at the entrance to the western
chamber, possibly placed there intentionally as some sort of guardian (Malone et al. 2007,
100; Trump 2002, 45). The burials were accompanied by a large quantity of fragmentaryceramics, most of it Żebbu ware (Malone et al. 2007, 100). Considering the custom of
removing bones and the presence of a few large vessels, it is possible that some of the
pottery was removed together with the bones to make room for new burials (Trump 2002,
61). Strong hints for the rituals accompanying burials is shown in the presence of
imported red ochre in the chambers (Trump 2002, 45). The sprinkling of ochre over and
around the deceased appears to be common practice in prehistoric societies, it could be
symbol of blood.
Apart from the rock-cut tomb at the Brochtorff Circle there are a few traces of other
inhumations, all from the same area as the tomb. While one of the find locations might
have been another tomb similar to the first, only containing a younger group of people,
other burial types in open niches, as well as single inhumations can also be distinguished
(Malone et al. 2007, 106). Most of the evidence for ritual, or even life at all in the
Neolithic, thus comes from funerary archaeology. It is thought that the tombs were used
by extended family units, utilising the tomb for several generations (Malone et al. 2007,
363). Archaeologically seen, the fundament of the later Maltese religious landscape has
been laid out during the Neolithic, as the later Temples often arise on the same location or
in the vicinity of cemeteries.
4.2 Cult during the Temple period
With the construction of the temples the amount of possible evidence for rituals and
religious activities on the islands becomes more abundant and, in fact, this period is often
described as a period of "elaborate ritualization and insularity" (Stoddart et al. 1993, 4).
This often described phenomenon is most likely derived from the presence of theseTemples and all the assumptions that are adjoining them. Many assumptions surround the
Maltese prehistoric landscape, for the amount of domestic deposits is scarce when
compared to the temples and their assemblages. Yet a traditional methodological problem
within archaeology tends to blur the often cited clear images of prehistoric religious
landscape, for archaeologists tend to find what they are looking for. As will be discussed
in 4.2.1. many finds in the temples have been interpreted as religious or ritualistic
material and those finds will be contextualised in this study. Every bit of evidence
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described has been assumed to have been related to divination or ceremonies and their
relevance in the development of religious activities will be questioned. In this next part an
overview will be provided for the 'ritual' evidence from the temples, and their possiblefunction will be discussed.
4.2.1 Function and use of the temples
The identification of ritual practice in prehistory is a bone of contention in most
archaeological studies. It plays a central role in the study of the Maltese Temples and
their significance for the religious development during the prehistory of the islands. To
associate these Temples with religion they first have to be identified as a temple, which
was defined previously in Chapter Three as a defined monument used for religious rituals.Colin Renfrew compiled a list of criteria for recognising ritual activity in archaeology
(Renfrew 1985), which starts by recognising the ritual space. Key attributes of
recognition include the presence of 'attention focus devices', of a liminal zone, presence
of the transcendent and its symbolic form, as well as evidence for the participation in
activities such as sacrifice or libation (Malone 2007, 23). Most scholars do not contest the
identification of the Temples as locations of ritual focus, for the buildings display
remarkable uniformity in their architectural design (open forecourt, leading into lobed
semi-circular rooms) and decorations, furthermore, they can be found in prominent
locations, oriented towards specific horizons or points (Malone 2007, 24). The design of
the Temples promotes the idea of restriction within the different modules, by using steps
and thresholds, as well as moveable barriers (Driessen 1992, 37; Malone 2007, 24;
Stoddart et al. 1993, 10). There is also evidence for 'attention focus devices' in the form
of large statues, as well as the central placement of some altars and hearths
(Barrowclough 2007, 48; Stoddart et al. 1993, 10). Evidence for sacrifice is abundant, for
the bones of many domesticated animals have been found in different recesses, some of
them burnt. Moreover, processions of these animals have been portrayed on friezes
(Driessen 1992, 37; Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Large stone blocks have been identified as
sacrificial altars by their context (Trump 2002, 106), while small finds from the few
excavated Temples include flint chippings and tools, but also large bowls, which could
have been votive offerings or used for libation rites. Other possible votive gifts can be
seen in the form of terracotta figurines, phallic figures, engraved pebbles and ceramics
(Driessen 1992, 37-38; Malone 2007, 24; Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Libation holes (often
set near thresholds) and 'oracle' holes (from the outside to the interior) have been
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identified in several of the Temples (figure 4.3) (Driessen 1992, 36; Malone 2007, 24),
one of which yielded a cache of amulets (Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Presence of fire-pits
and ceramic wares, as well as the burnt bones could be indicative of cooking or feasting(Malone 2007, 31).
Figure 4.3: Examples of libation and oracle holes (Malone 2007, 29, figure 5.3).
So while we can safely identify the Maltese Temples as a place of ritualistic activities,
one still has to determine whether these rituals were recurrent and structured enough to be
recognised as religious. When compared to one another architecturally, the individual
Temples display many differences, these can be also noted when taking a closer look at
the assemblages (Barrowclough 2007, 47-49). Barrowclough recognises a strong
correlation between Renfrew's key indicator of religious ritual and the finds from the
Temples (see figure 4.4, following Renfrew 1994, 51-52) and thus concludes that the
Maltese religion during this period cannot be seen as uniform and overarching, but rather
as an amalgamation of a series of cults (2007, 49).
Despite many differences there are also many common elements shared between the
individual Temples: in most Temples the courtyard was an unrestricted open area, a feat
of spaciousness in which was invested (Malone 2007, 26). The orientation of not only the
Temples, but also the relation of the altars, hearths, libation holes, bowls and oracle holes
to one another display a remarkable sense of uniformity among all the temples. The
deliberate placing of objects on either the right or the left side might be a demonstration
of formal postures regarding the use of right or left, as is indicated in the way figures
have their right hands stretched (Malone 2007, 26-27). This leads Malone to conclude
that "Ritual appears to be highly structured, controlled and mediated, conducted within
strict rules of behavior" (Malone 2007, 31-33).
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Figure 4.4: Archaeological indicators of Religion applied to the Maltese Temples (Barrowclough 2007, 48,
table 8.1).
The development of religious activities can thus partly be reconstructed, even though the
exact nature of the activities will remain points of speculation. The set-up of the Temples,with their orientation in relation to the sun and the visibility of different rooms from
within, combined with the material record tells us different aspects of the rituals and how
they might have been perceived and experienced by the participants (Malone 2007, 26-
27). The open forecourt might have been used not solely for ritualistic activities, but
considering the monumentality of the Temples and their prominent location, could also
have served as gathering grounds for secular activities, such as commerce or discussions
(Trump 2002, 105). Many small finds, some of them briefly mentioned before, could
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have been votive offerings or amulets, deposited or carried into the temple. These
pendants come in many shapes and sizes (including miniature axes) and might have been
either decorative or might have had an apotropaic or fertility-related symbolic meaning(Bonanno 2012, 12-13; Trump 2002, 103).
The terracotta figurines seem to suggest the presence of a separate priestly cast who
might have been the ones allowed to enter the inner part of the temple (Stoddart et al.
1993, 12; Trump 2002, 97). A bundle of small limestone sculptures in different
production stages, consisting of six male stick figures, has been interpreted as belonging
to the kit of a shaman or a priest (Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Several female figurines from
terracotta have been interpreted as either cult images of the worshipped deity (Driessen
1992, 37) or might have served as focal points for rituals (Trump 2002, 102). An over
life-size limestone statue of a female person has been found in Tarxien, often called the
'fat lady', and is thought to be central to religious activities in the Temples (Trump 2002,
94)7. Another interesting figurine from Tarxien contains bone splinters stuck into the clay
before firing it, possibly a signal of witchcraft (Trump 2002, 103). The form of the figure,
obese and quite female, causes scholars to belief that the main deity worshipped in the
Temples might have been a 'Mother Goddess', possibly related to a fertility cult, as
indicated by the presence of phalloi (Trump 2002, 112-113). Some of these figurines,
phalloi and other votives can be seen in figure 4.5. The fragments of human body parts
might have been anatomical votive offerings, indicating a healing cult. However, absence
of votive objects depicting eyes and babies, which are logical and in later periods in
similar settings common, discourages this theory (Trump 2002, 114). Trump argues that
the deity might have had a close association with the underworld, basing it on the many
libation holes and their association with the beneath, as well as the presence of snake
motives, alluding to a chthonic creature (2002, 115).
7It is not within the scope of this study to provide a typology of all the statues and figurines found, for there are
many and stylistic differences can be witnessed. They have been covered extensively in Evans 1971, and again
briefly in Trump 2002.
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Figure 4.5: Figurines and votives (Malone 2007, 30, figure 5.4).
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An interesting observation by scholars is that the Temples might have been an expression
of identity and difference in a landscape where the islands were at one side very
connected, while the inhabitants were very isolated and bound together in communities(Robb 2001, 196). This led to the theory that the Temples might have been cosmological
representations of the islands themselves, situated at the boundary between the two
worlds (Grima 2011, 63; Robb 2001, 191-192). A study of the spatial order of the
iconography inside the temples has revealed that this cosmological division (between sea
and land) might have been part of the design of the Temples. A separation between
marine motifs and motifs related to the lands can be distinguished in the Temples, as can
be seen in figure 4.6 (Grima 2011, 63).
Figure 4.6: Schematic temple plan displaying the location of similar motifs in temples (Grima 2011, 60,
figure 6).
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4.2.2 Burial customs
The gantija and Tarxien phases saw a continuation in the use of the same burial
locations (in rock-cut tombs) as the Żebbu phase. This is evident from the continuity at
the Brochtorff Circle 8 (see figure 4.7) and al Saflieni, where the two largest
concentrations of burials from the Temple period can be found (Malone et al. 2009;
Stoddart 2007, 54-55; Trump 2002, 116). Previous tombs were even re-opened for new
burials, as can be seen from the rock-cut tombs discussed in 4.1 (Malone et al. 2009, 98-
99; Skeates 2007, 92). The remains of the bodies were moved, often deliberately and in
specific patterns, not only to make room for new burials, but also to relocate remains to
their appropriate place in their journey (Malone et al. 2009, 366; Trump 2002, 118).
There is no evidence that the Temples themselves were used for burials during this phase
(Trump 2002, 116). It seems that the custom was to excavate large hypogea in the vicinity
of the Temples. Only the Brochtorff Circle and al Saflieni have been discovered so far,
but more hypogea might remain hidden in the Maltese landscape. The two known
hypogea do not seem to cover the entire island population, considering the numbers of
burials and the span of 600 years these structures were used (Trump 2002, 117-118).
Figure 4.7: Reconstruction of the Brochtorff Circle (Malone et al. 2009, 374, figure 14.12).
8 For an extensive study on this specific site, analyzing spatially and materially the burials and every other feature
from the Circle, see Malone et al. 2009.
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Most of the observations made about the Temples (on their orientation, set-up etc.) are
also viable for the hypogea excavated, which can be described as parallels of the Temples
(Malone 2007, 24).The Tarxien phase saw an increase in funerary activity, representing the incorporation of
the funerary cult into the community, rather than being practiced only by small-scale
social groups (Stoddart 2007, 55; Trump 2002, 118). The actual rites appear to remain
largely unchanged and it was still custom to include grave goods, most of them similar to
the votives found in the Temples, even though the use of ochre on the remains appears to
have declined (Trump 2002, 118). The Tarxien phase is characterised by more similarities
between the hypogea and the Temples, for the central chambers of the al Saflieni
hypogea include rooms dubbed 'the Holy of Holies' and 'the Oracle Room', names chosen
for their lavish decorations and the finds deposited there. The Oracle Room has an ochre-
painted ceiling (see figure 4.8), as well as side-niches for burials and is mostly named so
after studying the echoing qualities of the room, while the Holy of Holies greatly
resembles a Temple (Trump 2002, 131). The hypogea thus seem to not merely function as
a necropolis, but have additional religious value and various rituals might have been
practiced in them. The cosmological implications of burial in the hypogea has been
studied by Simon Stoddart (Malone et al. 2009, chapter 14; Stoddart 2007).
The hypogea provided a gateway between the temples of the living and the Ancestors in
death, the same way the Temples might have mediated between sea and land (Malone et
al. 2009, 374-375). The two phenomena, Temples and hypogea, cannot be viewed in
isolation from one another and seem to have complimented one another.
Figure 4.8: al Saflieni's Oracle Room.
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4.3 A break in traditions
Although the Bronze Age saw the emergence of new cultural sequences and an
abandonment of former traditions, this did not mean the end of established cult sites. The
possible influx of new people, or at least new influences, have had effects on the burial
rites and the use of established sites. The Brochtorff Circle, after approximately 600 years
of continuous use as a burial site during the Temple period, was used for domestic
purposes during the Bronze Age and no new burials appear to have been placed there
(Malone et al. 2009, 379). At Skorba one of the apses was repurposed, but it is unclear
whether this was religious or not, however it appears to be one of the only signs of
construction (Malone et al. 2009, 379; Trump 2002, 258). Religious activities are thus
only recognisable through the funerary record and the material accompanying the burials.
The largest concentration of burials has been found in the centre of the southern Tarxien
Temple, which had already been in ruins and covered with a layer of silt by that time
(Zammit 1930, in Malone et al. 2009, 379; Trump 2002, 286-287). Preceding phases saw
inhumation in rock-cut tombs as a standard for burial, while during the Bronze Age
cremation appears to have been common practice. At Tarxien cremated bones were
placed in jars, accompanied by various gifts, such as vessels, beads (faience and fish
vertebrae), figurines, but also daggers and axes (Malone et al. 2009, 379; Trump 2002,
286-287). The figurines found at the Tarxien Cemetery are stylistically different from the
preceding "fat ladies" and most of them appear to have been seated females (Trump 2002,
258-259). The dolmens found on the islands from this period might have been related to
burial of cremated remains as well, but evidence hereof is lacking (Trump 2002, 260-261).
While continuity is visible in the location of ritualistic activities, the rituals themselves
appear to be fundamentally different from the preceding phases. The Temple period saw a
clear distinction between rituals of the living above the ground in the Temples and rituals
of the dead in the hypogea below the ground, with little evidence for religious activities
above them. The Bronze Age however shows the presence of rituals of the death on the
surface, rather than submerged. The identity constructed by the people of the islands
appear to concentrate more on the connections with the outside, as is visible in the
dolmens and the material record, which shows close resemblances with contemporary
societies in for example southeast Italy (Malone et al. 2009, 380). Reconstructing the new
religious and ritual activities on the islands however will prove problematic, since there is
hardly any evidence which would allow us to reconstruct daily life during the Bronze Age.
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5. Growing connectivity and influence of city-states
While the Bronze Age saw a break with earlier established funerary traditions and an
overall decrease of archaeologically visible ritual activities, the arrival of the
Phoenicians and their subsequent influence on the religious landscape left more traces
than the preceding phase. The developments resulting from contact with the Phoenicians
will be the subject of this chapter. By analyzing the evidence for religious activities and
studying the changes identifiable in the material record I hope to shed light on the
continuity of these phenomena throughout several phases in Maltese prehistory and
history and to explain the presence or absence of some of these phenomena on the islands.
First the evidence for the Orientalising influence from the East will be analyzed, both
epigraphic and archaeological, and the continuity of traditions and cult locations will be
discussed in these parts. The second part of this chapter will focus on the possible
religious changes brought upon by Carthaginian influence. The third part of this chapter
will separately discuss amulets, for their dating is insecure and their use appears to span
both periods and r emain largely unchanged.
5.1 'Phoenician' religious developments
The religious landscape the Phoenicians encountered when they entered the islands hadits effect on the way religious activities developed and changed during this phase. While
not effectively in use anymore by the population of the islands, many of the prehistoric
Temples would still have been visible in the landscape when the Phoenicians arrived
(Bonanno 2007, 107-108). In some occasions these buildings might have again been
incorporated in the belief system, or they might have been appropriated for their physical
values solely, however not as often as one might expect. To reconstruct the early phase of
Phoenician presence we can only base our research on a few architectural remains,
several religious inscriptions and some of the rock-cut tombs datable to this early period.
The majority of the tombs is of a later date and will be discussed in the second part of this
chapter. The division between Phoenician and Punic followed in this study and chapter is
purely an artificial one, yet one useful for descriptive and analytical reasons. Most
religious and cultural phenomena are present in both phases, and consequently several
objects and tombs that have been dated to the sixth century BCE, which belong to either
phase will mostly be analyzed in the second part of the chapter.
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5.1.1 Epigraphic evidence for religious activity
There are only two inscriptions (CIS 1, 123 and 123 bis) securely datable to the
Phoenician period. Of the two found inscriptions (which can be seen in figure 5.1), only
one survived until today, while the other is only known from a drawing in the Archives of
the Cathedral Museum in Mdina (Bonanno 2005, 42). The inscriptions can be found on
two rectangular cippi (stone pillars) and can be dated to the seventh-sixth century BCE
(Bonanno 2005, 42-43). The cippi, few though they are, nonetheless provide us with
some specific information on ritual activities on the Maltese islands during this phase.
Both of the cippi were dedicated to the Phoenician deity Baal Hammon, which would
later be the supreme god of the Carthaginian pantheon (Bonanno 2005, 42; Ribichini
1988, 114). This deity is often considered to be the main recipient of so-called molk
sacrifices, for which inscriptions have been found in most of the Western Punic colonies
(Ribichini 1988, 114). On Malta this appears to be no different, for one of the inscriptions
mentions an offer of molk, generally to be understood as the sacrifice of a child (as can be
witnessed in e.g. Carthage), while the other inscription mentions molkomor, which is
thought to denote the sacrifice of a lamb, rather than a child (Bonanno 2005, 43). This
ritual sacrifice, if it occurred, would have taken place on sacred grounds called a tophet,
where the remains would have been buried in urns. Several of these fields have been
identified in Phoenician colonies and the presence of these inscriptions on Malta might be
seen as an indication for a tophet being present on Malta. First it was thought that it was
located at Tas-Sil based on inscriptions (Bonanno 2005, 43), however scholars now
think it might have been in the vicinity of Mdina, where a large number of pots
containing bones of animals and birds (and possibly humans) might indicate the presence
of a tophet (Bonanno 2005, 43)
Figure 5.1: Two Phoenician cippi dedicated to Baal Hammon (Bonanno 2005, 42).
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5.1.2 Continuity in cult locations: Phoenician temples
In terms of architectural remains there is not much evidence for the Phoenician phase in
total and it need not come as a surprise that there are only a few indicators for religious
buildings. The prehistoric temple located at Tas-Sil 9 , a hill in the vicinity of the
Marsaxlokk harbour, saw little continuous use during the Bronze Age, but was once again
the location of religious activity during the Phoenician phase. The remains of the Temple
appear to have been incorporated in a temple dedicated to Ashtart (Astarte), resulting in
an interesting type of building which finds no stylistic equivalent in any of the other
western Phoenician colonies (Bonanno 2005, 48-49), for most of the contemporary
temples (Levantine, Phoenician and Punic) favored a rectangular temple plan (Bonanno
2007, 108). The original semi-circular prehistoric foundations were left largely intact and
an extension was added at the entrance in the form of a curved facade, folded inwards
(see image 5.2). The arms of this extension ended in two antae (posts, directly connected
to the building, flanking the entrance) with pilasters, each of which contained an Egyptian
cavetto cornice (Bonanno 2007, 108). Inside this facade, a large stone block, created to
hold three 'betyls' (often used to describe stones, seen as representations of deities and
worshipped as cult images), was placed (Bonanno 2005, 49).
Within the grounds of the temple there is evidence for the presence of sacrificial rites, ascan be deduced from the pottery and the organic remains, as well as Egyptianising objects
(amulets) and architectural elements. The latter however, cannot all be securely dated to
one specific period (Bonanno 2005, 286). While the location of the temple suggests a
connection with the cultic activities from the Temple period, a hiatus of 1800 years of
abandonment suggest that only the location was adopted by the Phoenicians, rather than
the religious system attached to the Temples. The temple is dedicated to Ashtart, a deity
which can be connected to fertility, but there is not enough evidence to suggest that this
might have been the same deity worshipped there 2000 years before (Bonanno 2005, 68-69). Furthermore, the Ashtart worshipped at the Temple later on saw an identification
with Hera and Juno, while Ashtart as fertility goddess might rather find identification
with Aphrodite, as is the case in Eryx (Bonanno 2007, 109). Bonanno argues that the
9 Extensively excavated over the course of eight years by 'La Sapienza', University of Rome (Ciasca 1993, 225),
and at a later period by the University of Malta.
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Ashtart of Malta would have been a protector for seafaring people, rather than a fertility
deity, and bases this on the topographical situation of the temple and its connection to the
sea (Bonanno 2007, 109). The use of the location then might be the result of a strategicchoice, rather than a religious one. The hill is in the vicinity of what could have been a
harbour, thus in the vicinity of its potential worshippers, and is an ideal location for a
sanctuary (Bonanno 2005, 69). These factors, combined with the convenience of already
standing structures might have resulted in a rather practical appropriation of the location
(Bonanno 2005, 69).
Further involvement of Phoenicians in earlier cult sites is not well attested for various
reasons, foremost being the absence of excavation reports (Bonanno 2007, 109). At the
Tarxien temples traces of quarrying have been identified and these activities seem to
connect to the presence of Punic pottery (Bonanno 2007, 109-110). If indeed the building
materials for the Tarxien Temples were looted and used for other purposes, this might
show the way the people thought about the Temples. Rather than leaving them intact as
an act of reverence or respect, or than converting them into a new temple, the despoiling
of such a structure might indicate indifference and absence of sentiment in relation to the
preceding culture (Bonanno 2007, 110). This would seem to confirm the theory
mentioned above, where no religious value was attached to the prehistoric Temple
preceding Ashtart's temple, but rather a sense of practicality was employed.
Figure 5.2: Possible reconstruction of the Phoenician temple at Tas-Sil (Bonanno 2007, 108, figure 15.1).
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5.1.3 Burial customs
The Bronze Age saw a break in funerary customs, for cremation appeared to have
replaced inhumation as a standard. During the Phoenician (and subsequent Punic) phase
there is evidence for inhumation again, also in the form of rock cut chamber tombs
(Bonanno 2005, 46). Rather than a continuation from the Temple period, this should be
seen as a re-introduction by the Phoenicians, for this type of burial was widely used in the
contemporary Syro-Palestinian area (Bonanno 2005, 63), as well as in various Phoenician
colonies (Bonanno 2007, 110). This does not exclude the re-use of former chamber tombs,
but as of yet there is no conclusive evidence to prove this theory (Bonanno 2007, 110).
One burial from Rabat is the exception to these chamber tombs and it consists of a small
mound covering a stone, located at the centre of a circle of stones (Bonanno 2005, 46).
Rather than collective burials, as were witnessed in the prehistoric chamber tombs, these
new chamber tombs often contained only one individual, which was laid out on his back
in a chamber, reachable via a shaft (Bonanno 2005, 63). The body was accompanied by
grave goods, consisting of pottery10, personal ornaments and jewelry.
Sometimes, but not very often, the body was enclosed in a stone or terracotta sarcophagus,
as was witnessed by Giovanni Francesco Abela in 1624, when he opened a tomb at Gar
Barka and found one of the four known sarcophagi, all originating from Gar Barka(figure 5.3) (Bonanno 2005, 66; Said-Zammit 1999, 404). Other burials were found in
tombs made from the earlier 'silo pits' encountered in the preceding phases (Bonanno
2005, 66). Furthermore, as is attested for during the seventh century BCE and even more
from the fourth century BCE, it was common practice for Phoenicians (and evidently the
Maltese) to burn bodies on a funeral pyre, after which the remains were placed in to urns
and deposited inside already existing tombs (Bonanno 2005, 67). Most of the tombs have
been found together in concentrations located outside of the boundaries of what are
assumed to be the urban areas (e.g. Mdina and Rabat), thus suggesting that it was thecustom to bury the dead outside the city, in a specific area designated for burials
(Bonanno 2007, 110).
10 The pottery repertoire has been extensively studied by Claudia Sagona (2002) and will not be further discussed
in this study, apart from their relevance to the reconstruction of ritual.
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Figure 5.3: Three sarcophagi from Gar Barka (Bonanno 2005, 67).
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5.2 The Hellenising and Punic influence on religious
developments
The second half of the first millennium BCE on Malta saw developments affected by not
only Punic influence, but the Hellenising processes going on in the Mediterranean as well
left their mark on the islands. No sudden changes in religious behavior can be witnessed,
but gradual changes of traditions which had been established in earlier times can be
identified. Several inscriptions have been found securely datable to this period and some
new sites possibly display cultic activities, while a continuation of older cult sites is also
visible. Evidence for the veneration of several deities has been excavated and the
presence of several new temples has been both described by ancient authors, as well as(in some occasions) archaeologically found.
5.2.1 The continuation and erection of cult locations
Once again, most evidence for religious activities comes from the Tas-Sil sanctuary,
which enjoyed a continuation of use during the Punic phase. The sanctuary was further
enhanced and expanded, stylistically incorporating more Hellenistic and Egyptianising
elements in its architecture, such as cavetto cornices, but also elements such as uraei (the
Egyptianising cobra, often depicted on its tail or upright and seen as symbol of kingshipor protection) (Bonanno 2005, 88; Vella 2000, 38). An extensive rectangular porticus was
added, which enclosed both the earlier Phoenician temples, as well as possibly a new
courtyard in front of it (Bonanno 2005, 285). The natural landscape of the hill, on which
the sanctuary is located, was slightly modified, raising the level at the inclined sides of
the hill and fortifying the sanctuary as a whole (against whom is unknown) (Bonanno
2005, 286; Ciasca 1993, 227). Figure 5.4 displays the diachronic developments of the
Tas-Sil sanctuary, based on remains visible after excavation. It is possible that earlier
foundations are present.
More enclosures and courts were added on the northern and the southern sides of the
temple (Bonanno 2005, 285-6). The southern belt of structural elements could have been
used for certain services, such as stores or archives (Ciasca 1993, 227). To the north
installations more closely related to the actual ritualistic activities can be found, such as
altars and bowls (Ciasca 1993, 227). Earlier mentioned (5.1.2) was an altar with room for
3 possible betyls. This altar shows evidence for continued use during the Punic phase and
traces of recurring burning on top of the altar have been found (Ciasca 1993, 228). These
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three (possible) betyls might have been enclosed within a small barrier, surrounding parts
of the altar, and protecting the nearby people from fire and ashes (see figure 5.5) (Ciasca
1993, 229).
Figure 5.4: Map displaying the diachronic developments of the Tas-Sil complex (Bonanno 2005, 47).
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Figure 5.5: Possible reconstruction of 'altar 45' with three betyls (Ciasca 1993, 242, figure 6).
None of the altars encountered at Tas-Sil were raised above ground level and most of
them display signs of burning. It seems likely that in the northern area of the temenos
community rituals took place, in which animal sacrificeswere burnt (Ciasca 1993, 230-232). The presence of
animal bones, as well as ashes seems to confirm this theory
(University of Malta 2009). Several possible shrines are
among the structural remains surrounding the main area of
the temple, one of which displays the traditional
characteristics of an Egyptian naiskos.11. This votive shrine
(see image 5.6) contained an anthropomorphic figure
positioned in the center, as well as other typical Egyptian
iconography often encountered within Phoenician or Punic
religious architecture (Hölbl 1989, 153-155; Vella 2000,
38-39).
Ptolemy, a geographer from the Roman period, describes the two main sanctuaries on the
island as belonging to Hercules and Juno (Bonanno 2005, 200; Ciasca 1993, 226;
Ptolemy, IV in Vella 2002, 84). The monumentality and importance of these sanctuaries
are an indication that these temples might have been used in earlier periods, such as
during the Phoenician and the Punic phase. Ptolemy wrote in the second century AD, so
these are the names ascribed to them in Ptolemy's contemporary situation and thus not the
names associated with the earlier worshipped deities. The identification of Ashtart with
Hera (more on that later) helped scholars to definitively identify the discussed sanctuary
11 This naiskos has been extensively described and study by Günther Hölbl (1989).
Figure 5.6: Egyptianising votive shrinefound at Tas-Sil (Hölbl 1989, 154, abb. 9).
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at Tas-Sil as the later sanctuary, but the sanctuary for Hercules remains an unsolved
mystery (Ciasca 1993, 226; Vella 2002).
In the vicinity of Barija, jutting out into the sea on a cliff, archaeological remains havebeen uncovered in a place called Ras-Ir-Raeb (Bonanno 2005, 322; Buhagiar 1988, 69-
70; Vella 2002, 87). There a central courtyard was found, surrounded by a complex of
rectangular rooms (figure 5.7) in which possible remains for an altar have been identified
(Buhagiar 1988, 70). It was thought to have been a sacred site, used from the Neolithic up
till the fourth century CE, which is based on the scanty material available and the
etymology of the place name (Buhagiar 1988, 70; Vella 2002, 88). The structures
incorporated in their design two megaliths, similar to the way prehistoric remains were
repurposed within Tas-Sil, which may have been part of a prehistoric structure
(Buhagiar 1988, 70; Vella 2002, 87). More similarities appear when comparing the
positions of the courtyards from both Ras-Ir-Raeb and Tas-Sil in relation to the
surrounding structures (Buhagiar 1988, 70).
Figure 5.7: F loor plan of Ras-Ir- Raeb (Buhagiar 1988, 78, figure 1).
Archaeological finds include a group of terracottas, an ivory plaque with a crouching boar
in low relief, two clay satyr masks, coins (Bonanno 2005, 323; Buhagiar 1988, 71; Vella
2002, 88), and a possible Punic incense burning stand, a thymiaterion, which is often
encountered in other ritual context on the Maltese islands during the Phoenician and
Punic phases (Vella 2002, 89-90). The plaque and some of the figurines can be dated
based on their stylistic similarities with contemporary societies to the sixth-fifth century
BCE (Bonanno 2005, 323; Vella 2002, 90). While the coordinates provided by Ptolemy
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in his Geography do not seem to correspond with the location of this possible cult site,
scholars still argue this might be the temple for Melqart/Hercules, based on the
identification of the terracottas as Hercules in a Cypriotic or Hellenistic guise (Buhagiar1988, 71-72; Vella 2002, 89-90)12. More research is needed to confirm this theory, but the
structure could be the temple mentioned by Ptolemy, a temple for Melqart/Heracles.
The presence of temples during the Punic phase is not restricted to Tas-Sil and the
ominous Temple of Heracles/Melqart. There is evidence that more temples were present
on the islands, For there might have been a Punic sanctuary with a fortified temenos in
Mdina, possibly dedicated to Melqart or Baal Hammon. Since there is only a single
structural presence from the Punic phase in Mdina, Bonanno argues that this remains
merely a hypothesis (2005, 87). More conclusive evidence for the presence of other
temples comes from Gozo, from an inscription (CIS I, 132) on a marble slab (Bonanno
2005, 79). The inscription celebrates the construction and renovation of four temples and
a few objects. It mentions two deities: Sadamba'al and Ashtart (Saliba and Saliba 1998),
as well as some magistrates and an inspector of the quarry (Bonanno 2005, 81). This
suggests the presence of at least four temples and as of yet it is not known whether the
inscription refers only to temples on Gozo, or whether Malta is included and therefore
the established temple of Ashtart at Tas-Sil.
5.2.2 Recognising the deities
Apart from Melqart and Ashtart several deities have been identified as having been
actively worshipped on the islands, most of them known from inscriptions. The
inscription (CIS I, 132) mentioned above is not the only text concerning deities, for some
have been recorded but have not survived intact. One of those examples has been
identified as saying B-L (Ba'al) and it was found near the entrance to the catacombs of St
Paul in Rabat, in an area which was probably not a part of the later Christian catacombs
(Bonanno 2005, 82). Combined with the earlier inscriptions from the Phoenician cippi
this confirms the presence of Ba’al in the religious landscape of Malta. Most of the
inscriptions however appear to be dedications to Ashtart and can be found incised or
painted onto pottery, most of them on offering bowls, but some even on cooking pots
(Bonanno 2005, 83). Their exact date is subject to debate, for they are often dated to the
12 See Vella 2002 for an elaborate discussion on this subject.
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Roman period, yet the depositions are often dated ranging from the fourth to the second
century BCE (Bonanno 2005, 83). While most of these inscriptions originate from the
Tas-Sil sanctuary another dedication, almost identical in style to those from thesanctuary, has been uncovered in a domestic setting inside a country house (Bonanno
2005, 83).
The nature of Punic inscriptions is that quite often they consist of not a full word or name,
but rather show only one or two incised characters, complicating the identification of the
invoked deity. On Malta some of these dedications could have concerned not Ashtart, but
also Tanit (Tinnit) or in the case of the domestic shard Anat (Bonanno 2005, 83), for
Tanit is encountered often replacing Ashtart in western Phoenician colonies (Bonanno
2005, 84). Most scholars however agree that Ashtart was the principle deity worshipped,
considering the overwhelming evidence here for. Some scholars even conclude that she
might have received the epithet 'of Malta', based on three inscriptions found, interpreted
as saying 'Ashtart of Malta', and parallels in other sanctuaries for Ashtart, where she was
also identified by an epithet denoting her provenance (Bonanno 2005, 84).
One specific inscription on a piece of bone, datable to the fifth or fourth century BCE,
provided us with a longer, albeit incomplete, text, which reads:
"To our lady Ashtart...this is the 'bst who has dedicated...son of b'lhls, son of k...[becausehe heard] the voice of his words" (Bonanno 2005, 84).
Other inscriptions from the sanctuary have been translated as 'belonging to the priest', or
'belonging to the sanctuary' and display the detachment its owner apparently felt after
depositing it at the temple (Bonanno 2005, 84). Apart from Punic inscriptions, the
cultural influence from the Hellenistic world can be seen in the presence of several Greek
inscriptions from Tas-Sil. One of these inscribed shards refers ‘to the house’ (OIKOU)'
(Bonanno 2005, 84). A handful of inscriptions mention 'HRAC' and 'HRAI' (figure 5.8),
meaning respectively 'of Hera' and 'to Hera', confirming the association of Ashtart with
Hera, rather than with Aphrodite, as is the case at Paphos and Eryx (Bonanno 2005, 84
and 2011, 45).
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Figure 5.8: Inscriptions bearing the name of Hera (top) and Ashtart (bottom) (Bonanno 2011, 45).
Interesting information regarding the introduction of new Egyptian deities can be gleaned
from the local numismatics. These locally-minted coins, while portraying the result of
Punic cultural survival, however all survive from the period directly following the
political shift in 218 BCE and as such will be discussed in the next chapter, even though
their subject matter greatly resembles the religious developments from this period.
5.2.3 Mortuary customs
The tradition re-established during the Phoenician phase of subterranean burial chambers
continues and further develops under Punic influence. The tombs become increasingly
abundant, clustering around possible settlement areas (Bonanno 2005, 93). Older
classification models (by e.g. Bellanti before 1924 and Zammit 1928) see the
development from a round/oval chamber and shaft during the Phoenician phase to a round
chamber with a rectangular entrance shaft, till finally during the Late Punic phase and theRoman period both the shaft and chamber are rectangular and rooms are placed on
multiple sides of the shaft (Bonanno 2005, 92; Sagona 2002, 237-242, tables 2 and 3)13.
13 For a complete overview of these categories and their characteristics, as well as a study of the tombs and the
pottery repertoire see Sagona 2002.
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Figure 5.9: Typology of Phoenician and Punic rock-cut tombs (Sagona 2002, 653, image 333).
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While Sagona elaborates on this typology and proposes a classification in ten categories
(Sagona 2002, 237-242, table 4), she also recognises that from her Phase III (which
coincides with our Punic phase) the tombs plans become more standardised with arectangular shaft and chamber, recognising within this classification differences in details
(Sagona 2002, 237). These chambers often contained a trench, initially dug into the side
of the chamber (see figure 5.9, type 9). Some of these tombs displayed anthropomorphic
carvings in the walls (Sagona 2002, 254). The next stage in development saw the shaft
move to the center of the chamber, its long axis in line with the long axis of the chamber
(figure 5.9, type 10) (Bonanno 2005, 92; Sagona 2002, 256). The exact nature of these
ditches can be debated.
They could have been used to insert pottery gifts, such as amphorae, during the burial
rites, or they could have had a more practical reason, such as absorbing rain water that
managed to reach the burial chamber, or they could have been used for both (Bonanno
2005, 92-93). To the side of this trench then the body was laid horizontally in an
outstretched position (Bonanno 2005, 92). See figure 5.10 for a reconstruction of how it
might have looked.
Figure 5.10: Possible reconstruction of a Punic tomb (Bonanno 2005, 93).
The entrance to the tombs were sometimes sealed off by large blocks of stone and several
precautions were made to make this stone fit, such as the lining of the walls with mortar
or the cutting of an edge, as well as other measures (Sagona 2002, 261). Overall, the
tombs were not as richly adorned as one might expect and only a few metal objects have
been found in the tombs (Sagona 2002, 281). Possibly, pre-existing traditions were the
cause of the lack of objects of personal wealth in the tombs, which might have been
deemed inappropriate for the rituals accompanying the transition between life and death
(Sagona 2002, 282). One instance sees a deliberate action to hide a gold medallion and
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several other objects under a cup, possibly indicating its inappropriateness (Sagona 2002,
282). The wealth of the deceased might not have been visible in physical manifestations
of status, but rather be shown in an elaboration of funerary rituals (Sagona 2002, 282).Cremation was increasingly more common during the Punic phase on the islands and the
cremated human remains were often placed inside special ceramic urns (Bonanno 2005,
93). Possible remains for a cremation site has been discovered in Rabat in the Tac-Caghqi
area, where a deposit of 'black ashy soil' was found, along with numerous objects, among
which scraps of cremated human bone (Sagona 2002, 277). The urns were often placed in
pre-existing chamber tombs, without disturbing the earlier buried contents (Bonanno
2005, 93). Only a few times was a specific type of tomb cut out in the rocks specifically
for cremation urns, in a very small square space (Bonanno 2005, 93).
5.3 Apotropaic amulets
Excavation of the rock-cut tombs, as well the excavations at the sanctuary of Tas-Sil
provided not only information on the ritual use of those locations, but in addition yielded
a number of amulets, most of them Egyptian or Egyptianising.14 These amulets could
have been worn for various reasons ranging from purely aesthetic motives to a display of
prestige or status. It seems likely that most of the amulets found on Malta have been worn
as charms, either to repel disease and evil, or to promote wellbeing (Bonanno 2012, 11).
The belief that one needed such protection was common among the Phoenicians and the
objects found on Malta resemble assemblages from many places in the Punic world,
including Carthage, Ibiza and western Sicily (Bonanno 2012, 15; Ciasca 1988, 208;
Gouder 1978, 311). The amulets most likely originate from Phoenician or Punic
workshops, diffused by the Phoenicians during their sea-faring travels (Bonanno 2012,
14). The importance of the Egyptian component in these amulets must not be
underestimated, for it is not only very visible in the apotropaic amulets, but also in otherreligious manifestations, such as religious architecture (Bonanno 2012, 14). Presumably
the amulets would have been worn during the life of their owners, protecting them, only
to be deposited at a later stage (Bonanno 2012, 17). This could have been in the grave of
14 It is not within the scope of this study to discuss each amulet individually, but some important examples will be
mentioned. The amulets have been studied and interpreted extensively, first and foremost by Günther Hölbl
(1989), but also by Tancred Gouder (1978) and Anthony Bonanno (e.g. 2012), but also by myself in my BA thesis.
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its owner, since many of the amulets come from a burial context, but alternatively they
could also have been given as an offering to a deity, as it is witnessed from their presence
in the sanctuary at Tas-Sil. This seems confirmed practice as amulets have been found inother Phoenician temples elsewhere, e.g. the temple of Balaat Gebal at Byblos (Hölbl
1986, 198). Their value thus might have extended past one’s life-time, and have
continued to protect the wearer in the afterlife (Bonanno 2012, 17; Hölbl 1986, 200).
Most of the amulets found portray scarabs, an Egyptian deity, such as Ptah, Bes or Bastet,
or symbols, such as the Djed, Wadj or the Udjat eye. Three amulets however provide us
with a little more information on the magico-ritual value of these amulets. At Tal-Virtù a
bronze amulet sheath shaped like the deity Horus was discovered in a tomb, which
contained a tiny bit of papyrus with text and images on it (Bonanno 2005, 62; Sagona
2002, 1089). The papyrus shows us the Egyptian deity Isis facing to the right, with a
Phoenician enemy destruction spell written around her (figure 5.11). Scholars argue that
the spell was one uttered by Isis, so as to protect its wearer from mythical monsters
during the journey to the world beyond (Bonanno 2005, 62; Gouder 1978, 314; Hölbl
1989, 118).
Figure 5.11: The amulet discovered at Tal-Virtù with its contents (Bonanno 2005, 62).
Another interesting object originates from Gar Barka, in the vicinity of theanthropomorphic sarcophagus mentioned earlier, and was also an amulet to be worn
around the neck. This amulet however did not contain a bit of papyrus, but rather a
golden band depicting an Egyptianising decan list (Hölbl 1989, 112). This example
closely resembles other decan lists from the Punic sphere of influence and shares with
them a Phoenician inscription (Hölbl 1989, 107-112). This inscription invokes a deity for
protection and reads "Protect and bless PDY, son of HSLB'L, son of B'LHN" (Hölbl 1989,
112-113). A third and very controversial amulet has been found at Gajn Klieb and has
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most often be interpreted as being a golden statue of Horus and Anubis being soldered
together back to back (Bonanno 2005, 63-65; Gouder 1978, 311-313; Hölbl 1989, 99), or
more recently as Duamutef and Qebehsenuef.
15
Whatever the exact interpretation, therelation between the amulet and the context in a chamber tomb indicates an apotropaic
meaning and a close connection to the cult of the death (Bonanno 2005, 63).
15Personal communication from Prof. Olaf Kaper, Egyptologist, Leiden, (March 2012)
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6. Malta under Roman hegemony
From 218 BCE the Maltese archipelago officially fell under the jurisdiction of the Roman
Republic. The survival of many former traditions can be witnessed for the early Roman
phase on the islands, likewise, many religious phenomena discussed in previous chapters
still persisted. This chapter will focus on the religious developments taking place on the
islands from 218 BCE roughly until the advent of Christianity on the islands and has been
divided into chronological sections. While some sites may span more of these phases, they
will primarily be discussed within the chronological sections they are most relevant for
and when there was a peak of activity. This is done because there is often an unclear
image of the exact chronology of these sites and the categories used are contemporary
constructed. The first part of the chapter will focus on the period immediately succeeding
218 BCE, which remains largely similar to the Punic phase. The second par t will analyze
religious developments observable when Roman rule had been more or less established
and was well reflected in the material culture of the islands. This part will also cover new
cults, including the cults of Mithras and Isis. All of this will be analyzed to study the
development and continuity of religious activity, both ritualistic and monumental, on the
Maltese archipelago, so as to provide a complete religious biography of the islands.
6.1 Clinging to old traditions (218 BCE to the 1 st century BCE)
The administration of the islands was left mostly in the hands of the locals and as such it
is no surprise that during the first stadia of Roman rule material culture largely continued
to follow established traditions, with Punic and Hellenistic influences having a
continuous impact on the material culture of the islands. This perpetuation can, among
others, be witnessed in the mortuary customs. As discussed in the previous chapter, it was
common for the Maltese to bury their dead in chamber tombs, both inhumated and
cremated, and this practice remained largely unchanged during the Roman period
(Bonanno 2005, 162-163; Fenech 2007, 47). The Romans, as they often did with their
conquered lands, appear to have held a liberal attitude towards the local practices on the
islands (Bonanno 2005, 189) and do not appear to have directly influenced the religious
landscape during the Republic phase.
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6.1.1 Votive inscriptions
Apart from the Greek-Punic inscriptions originating from the sanctuary at Tas-Sil, some
of which can be dated to this period, there is not much epigraphic evidence for religious
activities on the islands. The few relevant inscriptions that are present are internationally
renowned, for they have been instrumental in the decipherment of the Phoenician script
(Bonanno 2005, 150). The inscriptions can be found on a pair of stone candelabra, on
each of which two bilingual (Punic and Greek) dedicatory texts were found (figure 6.1)
(Bonanno 2005, 150-151). These objects, of which the exact provenance is unknown, are
often dated to the second century BCE based on the style of Greek writing (Bonanno
2005, 151). The candelabra consist of square bases, which contain the inscriptions, on top
of which spindle-shaped pieces are positioned, decorated with acanthus leaves (Bonanno
2005, 153). Their iconography, as well as their shape, places these objects within the
Hellenistic tradition. They probably also contained a kind of surface on top, on which a
fire could burn (Bonanno 2005, 153). While not providing an exact translation, the
inscriptions convey the same information and can be translated as follows:
Punic: "To our lord Melqart, lord of Tyre, offering by your servant Abdosir and his
brother Osirxamar, sons of Osirxamar, son of Abdosir, for hearing their voice; let him
bless them"
Greek: "Dionysos and Sarapion, sons of Sarapion, to Tyrian Heracles, lord of that city."
(both translations taken from Bonanno 2005, 153).
The dedicators appear to be of Punic origin, but Hellenised all the names for the
dedication in Greek (Bonanno 2005, 153). These dedications clearly indicate that Melqart,
in this case identified with Heracles, was worshipped on the islands (see chapter five).
However, the inscriptions specifically mention the Heracles of Tyre (Vella 2002, 84),
rather than a local version of the deity, as one might expect on the islands. The harbour
area of Marsaxlokk has been suggested as possible provenance of the objects. This was
based on the assumption of a connection with the aforementioned temple for Heracles
(Bonanno 2005, 150-153). However, this seems an unfounded association when one
considers the nature of the Tyrian Melqart, hailed by this inscription, as a patron of that
particular city, rather than a local adaption of the deity. The epithet 'of Tyre' is
specifically mentioned, while Ashtart worshipped at Marsaxlokk was not mentioned with
an epithet mentioning her origin, possibly even with an epithet naming her as Ashtart of
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Malta (Bonanno 2005, 84). It then appears that this inscription is not an indication for a
local cult for Melqart/Heracles, for it was, the epithet 'of Tyre' would have been either
absent or different.
Figure 6.1: Plaster cast of one of the cippi, displaying the bilingual dedication (source: Leslie Vella ©).
6.1.2 Syncretism on coins
From the Roman period onwards coins were minted locally, rather than only imported
(Bonanno 2005, 86), and hence provide us with information on the religious development
of deities during the transitional period between the Punic and the later Roman phases.
Iconographic influences from the Phoenician/Punic world, as well as the Hellenised and
the Roman world can be distinguished on the coinage, often complicating the
identification of the scene or deity on the coin. As Bonanno puts it: "In their temporal
development, they show two or more of the following traits overlapping each other, more
or less in this order: Egyptian religious imagery, Punic language, Punic divine
iconography, Greek language, Hellenized divine iconography, and, finally, Roman
images and Latin language" (Bonanno 2005, 156-157). A clear evolutionary line can betraced, for the early coins displayed Levantine and Egyptian iconography with Punic
legends. Greek legends started replacing the Punic legends, maintaining older
iconography, which slowly developed into Hellenised deities (possibly and presumed of
the same deity) (Bonanno 2005, 156-157). An exact chronology for the variations of
coins minted has not as yet been established.
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Figure 6.3: Hellenised coin portraying female deity. Obverse: Ram's head (Bonanno 2005, 159).
Coins with a more pronounced Hellenistic character often (figure 6.3 and 6.4) display the
profile of a female deity, again interpreted as Ashtart, but this time syncretised with
Hera/Juno (Bonanno 2005, 122). The reverse of the first type shows a ram's head,
accompanied by a Punic inscription, probably representing the name of the island ('NN).
This ram's head has often been connected to Baal Hammon (Gouder 1973, 120). The
reverse of the second type however is harder to interpret. It portrays a figure, wearing an
atef crown, scepter and a whip, who is flanked by two figures, who are wearing
Egyptianising headdresses and both are carrying a palm branch and a bowl (Bonanno
2005, 86; Hölbl 1989, 162). Originally interpreted as Osiris flanked by Isis and Nepthys
(Bonanno 2005, 122), this identification makes little sense considering the evidence for
these deities in the material record. There is little evidence to suggest that these deities
were worshipped on the islands and the coins were minted in a society known to adopt
foreign iconography. As is the case with the figure previously discussed, scholars eitherfavor an identification as Eshmun, based on the presence of a caduceus (Bonanno 2005,
123), or one as Baal Hammon (Bonanno 2005, 122; Hölbl 1989, 162; Gouder 1973). Baal
Hammon would be expected in the Maltese pantheon, considering his important role in
the Carthaginian pantheon as chief, as well as his presence in the epigraphic evidence
from the islands. Further coins display a ritual incense burner on their obverse,
accompanied by a Greek inscription (Bonanno 2005, 159).
Figure 6.4: Hellenised coin portraying female deity. Obverse: Egyptianising scene (Bonanno 2005, 86).
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6.1.3 Continuity of cult locations
6.1.3.1 Tas-Sil
The sanctuary for Ashtart at Tas-Sil continued to develop and expand during the period
between 218 BCE and the 1st c. BCE. As is visible from figure 5.4, the Roman additions
are extensive, even though it is not certain at what point exactly these structures were
erected. The Hellenistic period on the islands, spanning across both the Punic and the
start of the Roman phase, saw increasing monumentality at this cult location, where not
only structures were added and expanded, but the sanctuary was also fortified. Many of
the developments discussed in the previous chapter might have lasted throughout this
period and there is no clear break in continuity visible until the end of the first century CE,when building activity decreases (Buhagiar 1996, 8). The most intensely used 'sacrificial
precinct', where datable pottery was found between ashes and burnt earth, confirm the
dates (Ciasca 1993, 231). Since the sanctuary has been connected with the Greek deity
Hera, as witnessed by the dedications, it is assumed that during the Roman period the
deity was also identified with Juno. Mention of a sanctuary for Juno is made by Ptolemy
(Bonanno 2005, 200; Ciasca 1993, 226; Ptolemy, IV in Vella 2002, 84), which has been
briefly discussed in chapter five. In addition to Ptolemy, Cicero also refers to the
sanctuary in his Verrines. Cicero accuses Caius Verres of looting this sanctuary, which
was highly esteemed and revered, and it was even sacrosanct to Numidian royalty and
pirates alike. However, all its sanctity did not deter Verres from looting it (Cicero,
Verrines II, in Bonanno 2005, 146). Story goes that enormous ivory tusks were looted by
an admiral from the temples for his Numidian king and subsequently were inscribed and
returned when their provenance became known (Cicero, Verrines II, in Bonanno 2005,
146). Further mention is made of larger amounts of ivory, including statuettes of Victory,
which were plundered by Verres (Bonanno 2005, 146).
6.1.3.2 Ras-Ir-Raħeb
The site at Ras-Ir-Raeb, although it has never been securely identified as a cult site (see
chapter five), is considered to have been active until the fourth century CE (Buhagiar
1988, 70; Vella 2002, 88). Indeed, a coin of Constantius II (337-361 CE) has been
retrieved from this site, as well as pottery ranging from the early Roman phases up to the
fourth century CE, suggesting continuity of the site (Buhagiar 1988). It could have been a
cult place at one point, and repurposed during a later period.
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6.1.3.3 Ras Il-Wardija
Perched on the edge of the cliffs at Ras Il-Wardija, at the northwestern coast of Gozo, a
complex of partially rock-cut structures has been excavated (see figure 6.6), which hasbeen interpreted as a religious building (Bonanno 2005, 88-89; Buhagiar 1988, 72;
Sagona 2009). Although the site was not occupied as long as the sanctuary of Ashtart at
Tas-Sil, pottery indicates that Ras Il-Wardija has been used from the third century BCE
until the second century CE (Bonanno 2005, 89; Buhagiar 1988,77) and possibly even the
fourth century (Sagona 2009, 36). Quite a few theories about the nature of these rock-cut
structures have been suggested, ranging from a Punic sanctuary to a possible Mithraeum.
Considering the earliest dating of the site, the Late Punic/ Early Roman periods, and the
presence of Roman technology (the mortar used to smoothen the benches) (Sagona 2009,
37), the site fits within the temporal period covered by this chapter. While Sagona claims
a date of the late first century CE/early second century CE at the earliest (Sagona 2009,
37), based on her interpretation of the site as a Mithraeum, this need not exclude the
possibility that the site was used in a different ritual context before this period.
Figure 6.6: Plan of the structures at Ras Il-Wardija (Sagona 2009, 100, figure 55).
The site itself consists of a rock-cut rectangular room, a bell shaped cistern, a man-made
water tank and a possible open-air temple. On the lower terrace near the rock-cut
structures the remains of a freestanding quadrangular building have been excavated
(Buhagiar 1988, 76; Sagona 2009, 40). While not much of the structure survived, a plan
can be reconstructed (see figure 6.7) and remains of fire and a possible altar are present,
as well as evidence for a partial rebuilding in Roman times (Buhagiar 1988, 76; Sagona
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2009, 40). The altar, located outside of the temple
near the entrance, had two pits cut into the stones and
blocks placed in a rectangular plan, similar to Tas-Sil (Sagona 2009, 40). No evidence for a floor has
been found and since no traces of roofing could be
identified, the original Missione Reports suggest an
open-air temple (Buhagiar 1988, 76; Sagona 2009,
40). These features however might not have survived
throughout the ages. Traces of plaster, both white and
other colours, suggest the presence of painted
decorations on these structures (Buhagiar 1988, 37;Sagona 2009, 40). No evidence for worshipped
deities has been found, but Sagona proposes an
association with Baal Melqart or other Baals, based
on their association with Mithras. (Sagona 2009, 41).
A nearly square water tank is located to the southwest of the rock-cut structure and has a
water capacity of c. 37.5 cubic meters. The bottom could be reached by ten steps carved
along the wall of the tank (Buhagiar 1988, 75; Sagona 2009, 39). Another smaller cistern
can be found directly west of the rock-cut structures, bell-shaped with a rectangular
opening (Buhagiar 1988, 76). Their exact function is not known, but theories offered
suggest ritual bathing, an interpretation based on comparisons with the sanctuaries for
Saturn-Baal and Tanit Caelestis in Tunisia (Buhagiar 1988, 76), but are otherwise
unfounded.
The main structure at Ras Il-Wardija (see figure 6.6), henceforth called the 'Cave',
consisted of a rectangular chamber entirely cut into the cliff-face and further articulated
with five recessed niches (Buhagiar 1988, 72-73). Within this ‘Cave’ rock -cut benches,approximately 0.42m high, line the walls on all three sides, creating a rectangular corridor
in the middle. The latter is interrupted only in the southwest, where the corridor seems to
expand into an extra rectangular space, containing at the end of it an altar block with two
holes, perhaps for libations, as well as a possible socket hole (Buhagiar 1988, 74).
In front of this artificial cave another chamber was cut out of the rock, this time only by
cutting a depression into the horizontal rock shelf at floor level. Owing to its shape it will
be referred to as the 'Long Chamber'. This Long Chamber might have been part of a
Figure 6.7: Plan of the exterior building at Ras
Il-Wardija (Sagona 2009, 105, figure 61).
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structure built against the walls, concealing the cave within (see figure 6.8), possibly even
with a partitioning wall (Buhagiar 1988, 74; Sagona 2009, 37). Like the Cave, the Long
Chamber has platforms cut into the rock, raising some sort of benches on both sides of thecorridor, covered and leveled with mortar (Buhagiar 1988, 75). The corridor, on a N-S
axis, is open on the northern side, while the southern side extends into another area with
an altar stone with two holes (Buhagiar 1988, 75).
Inside the cave and chamber several graffiti have been recognised, one of them in one of
the niches resembling a figure with outstretched hands, interpreted as either the sign of
Tanit, a crucifix or a winged figure (Buhagiar 1988, 73). More symbols and incised
crosses have been found on the walls, and their meaning is subject to ongoing discussions.
Earlier interpretations link them to Punic religious iconography, Sagona, in contrast,
refutes these Punic associations and suggests a completely different (Mithraic)
interpretation (Sagona 2009, 37), which will be discussed later in this chapter.
Figure 6.8: Possible reconstruction of the Long Chamber at Ras Il-Wardija (Sagona 2009, 101, figure 56).
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6.2 A time of change (1 st century BCE-Late Antiquity)
While the first centuries after the Roman conquest saw only a gradual change in the
material culture, at one point the Roman culture began to permeate this local society and
more evidence for Roman influences, such as increased presence of the Latin language,
can be recognised. This could well be a result of the re-organisation that followed the
turmoil of the civil wars during first century BCE in Rome. As a result Malta and Gozo
lost parts of their independence which they seemed to have enjoyed despite being under
Roman rule. A first clear sign for a changing political environment is visible in their loss
to mint their own coins (Bonanno 2005, 195), for no locally minted coins appear during
and after this period.
The first part of this sub-chapter will analyze the religious developments that can be
witnessed during this period and will look into specific well-known religious phenomena
that appear throughout the Roman Empire and will examine their possible presence on the
archipelago. First the evidence for religious activities during this phase will be discussed,
looking at inscriptions, statuary and other possible evidence relating to a religious context.
Already briefly mentioned when discussing Ras Il-Wardija, was the possible existence of
a Mithraeum. Furthermore, this section will discuss the presence (or absence) of cults for
Isis and Mithras on the islands, which are well-attested elsewhere in the Roman Empire,and therefore these cults might give us some indications about Malta following similar
developments as other regions within the Empire, or whether it follows a different
trajectory.
6.2.1 Evidence for religious developments
An inscription in Latin, CIL, X, 7494 (figure 6.9), probably found near Mtarfa, celebrates
a freedman of Augustus and procurator of the islands named Chrestion for restoring the
temple of Proserpina, for he had the columns and pediments restored (Bonanno 2005,
203). Another sentence refers to the gilding of a pillar or a cult statue (Bonanno 2005,
203), while it is also interesting to note that a mention is made of the restoration of walls
belonging to the temple of Proserpina. These walls were about to succumb to old age
(Bonanno 2005, 203), hence informing us that a temple of Proserpina had been present
on the islands for a while already at the first century BCE. This cult possibly originates
from Sicily, where Demeter and Persephone were worshipped, although it is not
uncommon for Punic coins to portray Persephone (Bonanno 2005, 190). However, the
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'Romanisation' of the name Proserpina (as referred to in the inscription), and not
Persephone, does show the increasing influence from the Romans.
Other inscriptions have surfaced which indicate the presence of the imperial cult on theislands. One Lucius Castricius Prudens was a Roman citizen, who during his career filled
the position of magistrate and priest of the deified Augustus, as is written in Greek on an
inscription (IG, 601) (Bonanno 2005, 204; Buhagiar 2007, 13). Another inscription is
dedicated to Augustus' wife Julia Augusta (before her deification known as Livia
Drusilla), identified in this inscription (CIL, X, 7501) with the deity Ceres, and which
was inscribed on what probably was a base for a statue. The inscription was dedicated by
Lutatia, a priestess (sacerdos) of Augusta and the wife of a high priest (flamen) of Gozo
(Bonanno 2005, 206; Buhagiar 2005, 13). A draped female statue from Gozo has been
associated with this base and is therefore identified as Julia Augusta (Bonanno 2005, 224).
These inscriptions confirm not only the worship of the family of the deceased emperor as
deities, but also the institutionalisation thereof on the islands, for official titles and posts
were held by families during the first century CE.
Figure 6.9: CIL, X, 7494 (Bonanno 2005, 203).
Another base for a statue (second century CE) was uncovered near Mdina and has an
inscription (CIL, X, 8313) which commemorates the construction of a marble temple for
the god Apollo and describes parts of the building, which had four columns on the front
portico (Bonanno 2005, 206). Another inscription (CIL, X, 7495) was found in the
vicinity, again commemorating the construction of a marble temple with a cult statue, but
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the deity is unknown (Bonanno 2005, 206). During the second century the imperial cults
maintained their presence on the islands, as is known from two inscriptions concerning a
father and his son. Caius Vallius Postimus was honored by the people of Gozo (CIL, X,7507) and held a position (among others) of high priest (flamen) for the deified Hadrianus.
Eventually he was elected into a rank of magistrates of equestrian rank by Antoninus Pius
(Bonanno 2005, 208). His son, Marcus Vallius Rufus (CIL, X, 7508) was also
commemorated and raised to the rank of knight by the deified Antoninus Pius, indicating
that at the point of erection another emperor had been deified (Bonanno 205, 208).More
fragmentary inscriptions (CIL, X, 7502, 7503) datable to the fourth century CE have been
interpreted as honoring Severus and Maximian (Buhagiar 2007, 13).
Further statuary uncovered in the Mdina-Rabat area has been identified by their excavator
as representing Aphrodite, while a small bearded veiled male head was identified as
representing Pluto, but could just as well be compared to Serapis, Heracles, or any other
bearded deity (Bonanno 2005, 225). These statues however are largely without find
context and might portray humans rather than deities and their identification as deities
rests mostly on the bias of the identifier.
From these inscriptions and statues we learn that under Roman rule the religious
influences from Rome flourished, as the sanctuary of Tas-Sil became less active, whilemention is made of several new marble temples following a classical floor plan, dedicated
to deities such as Proserpina and Apollo. These temples seem to have been erected in
quite a fast pace, when compared to the erection of cult places in the past. Further
religious activities are seen in the participation in the emperor cults, shown by the many
dedications to priests for these cults, as well as a group of statues from a domus in Rabat,
which have been identified as Emperor Claudius and his family (Bonanno 2005, 221).
Apart from the apparent syncretism of Ashtart with Hera and Juno, the Capitoline triad
appears to be absent from the islands and there is no evidence for the worship of the maindeity of the Roman pantheon, Jupiter. There is one statue representing the Egyptian deity
Bes, found earlier in amulets, possibly indicating the presence of an Egyptian (ising) cult
on the islands (Bonanno 2005, 255). While the Romans were very superstitious, the
amulets one might expect to encounter in the archaeological record on the islands remain
fairly absent (Bonanno 2011, 17). The only evidence for an amulet from this period
comes in the form of a bulla, an amulet worn by Roman boys to ward off evil, which is
seen on a marble statue of a boy, probably representing Nero (Bonanno 2011, 18). This
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might not be indicative for the customs on the islands, for it clearly portrays a Roman
citizen (the boy wears a toga), a foreigner. The absence of amulets in the material record
might be a result of the few full excavations of Roman structures, for it is unlikely that asociety used to the use of apotropaic amulets, of which many were worn in the preceding
phases, would completely abolish this tradition.
Once more, the burial customs appear to change little over time and the existing
necropoleis in the vicinity of the urban centers remain to be used (Bonanno 2005, 218).
More frequently tombs are opened and re-used during the Imperial period on Malta and
both inhumation and cremation are practiced (Bonanno 2005, 218). Isolated rock-cut
tombs were used less than before, possibly the result of either burial in sarcophagi in the
open (Bonanno 2005, 218), or a shift to burial in underground systems (foreshadowing
the later palaeo-Christian hypogea).
6.2.2 Presence of 'Eastern' cults
The Romans are known for their tolerance towards foreign cults and even for the practice
of incorporating them into their own society, appropriating them and adapting them and
then diffusing them further. This section will focus on the presence (or absence) of a few
of these cults on the Maltese archipelago, grouped together under the category of Eastern
cults. Commonly belonging to this group are the cults of Isis, Serapis, Mithras and the
Magna Mater. It is not within the scope of this study to discuss the categorisation and
identification of these cults as 'foreign' or 'eastern'. This part will rather focus on the
material evidence present on the islands, so as to determine whether these cults can be
positively identified as having been practiced. There is no evidence whatsoever for the
cult of the Magna Mater on the islands. Already briefly mentioned in this study were a
few possible depictions of Isis (as well as other Egyptian deities) and a possible
Mithraeum. These cults will be explored more in depth in the following section.
6.2.2.1 Isis and other Egyptian deities
The diffusion of Egyptian iconography and cults from Egypt has been subject of
publications and conferences for many years. While originally it was thought that Malta
may once have been inhabited by Egyptians, this theory has been refuted (Bonanno 1996,
43; van Sister 2012). The presence of Aegyptiaca on the islands therefore is the result of
two different 'Egyptianising' waves. The first wave was brought upon by the Phoenicians,
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travelling throughout the central and west Mediterranean, and saw the diffusion of
Egyptian iconography as well as altered religious beliefs (Bonanno 1998, 217). The
second wave of diffusion, the Hellenistic wave, saw the diffusion of religious cults andrelated iconography throughout the Graeco-Roman world (Bonanno 1998, 217). Temples
for Isis and Serapis were founded in the Roman Empire after the incorporation of Egypt
into the Empire and were very popular. Both of these waves left their mark in the Maltese
material record.
Isis was first encountered in the material record on the papyrus originating from an
amulet found at Tal-Virtù, discussed in the previous chapter, where she is accompanied
by a Punic enemy destruction spell. The amulet incorporated Egyptianising iconography,
but not in its original form. Traces of Isis and her iconography can further be found on the
Romano-Punic coinage, where a female deity wears a crown similar to Isis' crown,
adapted however to Phoenician/Punic style.
During later periods, when the 'Roman culture'
had been established more firmly on the islands,
only a few traces of the deity can be identified. In
Rabat a small statuette was found which was
identified as Isis, uncovered in a room identifiedas a mosaic workshop (Bonanno 2005, 216).
Another statue (figure 6.10), provenance
unknown, portrays a female, draped with cloth.
Under her breasts an 'Isis knot' is sculpted, and her
hair is braided in the 'Lybian style', characteristics
of Isis (Bonanno 2005, 225). Around her neck is an elaborate necklace, displaying a row
of rams' heads, as well as rows of rosettes (Bonanno 2005, 163), a necklace thus far never
encountered on Isis (Bonanno 2005, 225). The presence of the rams' heads on thenecklace might be a link to Baal Hammon, for they are also portrayed on some coins and
thus again might point to an assimilation of Egyptian (ising) elements on a familiar deity,
rather than the actual presence of Isis, at least in a familiar form, on the islands.
Figure 6.10: Statue of a female deity (Bonanno2005, 163).
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A marble relief, probably originating from Tas-Sil, displays
two snakes flanking a flower (figure 6.11). The snake on the
left possibly carried a human head, while the cobra on theright has been described as "a frontal uraeus with a broad
shield" (Bonanno 1998, 220). The rosette in the middle has an
interesting stem, for it greatly resembles an Egyptian atef-
crown, often associated with Isis and Osiris (Bonanno 1998,
221). The presence of snakes in Alexandrian iconographic
parallels -also depicting a slim snake and an uraeus- have led
to an interpretation of the snakes portraying Isis (or Isis-
Thermouthis) and Agathodaimon (possibly Serapis-Agathodaimon), a combination which appears more often (e.g. at Carinola in Campania
on the backside of a throne, as well as on a marble relief from the Drovetti collection in
Turin) (Bonanno 1998, 222). The presence of the atef crown in the middle, connected to
Osiris, also has an iconographical parallel on a relief from El Bahnasa, now in the
National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden (Bonanno 1998, 222).
The possible provenance of the slab from Tas-Sil, combined with the Egyptianising
architectural fragments recovered there, might indicate that a shrine for an Egyptianising
deity, possibly Serapis, Osiris or Isis, once stood there (Bonanno 1998, 226). Further
evidence for the presence of Serapis or Osiris could be deduced from the names of the
dedicators from the two Punic-Greek inscriptions mentioned earlier this chapter (figure
6.1), Osirxamar in Punic, Sarapion in Greek (Bonanno 1996, 47), as well as possibly from
the coins discussed earlier. This is however all circumstantial evidence and one need to
watch out not to draw to many conclusions from them.
The first depictions of Isis, on the amulet and on coinage, appears to be the result of
contact with the Phoenicians or Carthaginians, and do not prove that Isis was worshippedon the islands. Absence of any inscriptions or dedications mentioning Isis lead to the
theory that during this early phase her iconography entered the islands already, but the
cult did not (Bricault 2001, 146). It seems that the main deity worshipped, Ashtart,
assimilated characteristics of Isis. Whether at one point Isis, Serapis, Osiris or the entire
triad was worshipped at Tas-Sil cannot be concluded from the evidence currently
available to us and thus needs to be investigated further.
Figure 6.11: Scene possiblydepicting Isis and Serapis
(Source: prof. Bonanno).
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6.2.2.2 Mithras
The cult of Mithras was practiced throughout a large part of the Roman Empire; the peak
of its popularity occurred during the second and third century CE. It was established as amystery cult, where membership was a pre-requisite to be able to participate in the cult’s
ritual activities. The cult of Mithras largely centered on a solar deity and the cosmic
significance of the used symbolism and the interpretation thereof has been studied and
debated extensively over the past few decades (for example Beck 2006), and will not be
within the scope of this study. Suffice it to say that the initiates of the Mithras cult were
divided into seven stages, following seven celestial bodies (Saturn. Sol, Luna, Jupiter,
Mars, Venus and Mercury). The members of the cult often gathered in relatively small
cult locations, Mithraea, which varied in their design. These Mithraea were set-up in a
way that provided privacy to those within (for membership was required) and they
usually contained a central room, which had a division of a central aisle with benches or
podia on either side of it (Sagona 2009, 4). This main area often contained altars and
statues in different locations (accompanied by Mithraic symbolic decorations) and had a
central focal point in the shape of a statue of Mithras killing a bull (Sagona 2009, 4). A
Mithraeum could be located anywhere and examples from Ostia, the Roman port city,
demonstrate that they can be found in various urban contexts, frequently appropriating
earlier existing built structures, often in the vicinity of baths or professional environments
like warehouses. Mithraea can also be found in rural contexts (e.g. the temple for Mithras
in Carrawburgh) and could be situated in natural caves (Sagona 2009, 2-3).
Although the possible presence of Mithras cults on the islands has been suggested earlier
(personal communication from Hanna Stöger 16 ), only recently Sagona produced a
thorough study of all possible evidence to this cult (2009). The possibility of a Mithras
cult had never before been fully explored, since the focus of research was more on either
the Temples or on the Christianisation of the islands (Sagona 2009, 6). In addition, thenature of the archaeological record on Malta complicates the identification of Mithraea.
There are already not many surviving architectural remains from this period and Mithraic
cult locations might also have been purposefully destroyed by Christians or re-purposed
16 Personal communication from Hanna Stöger (December 2013), based on personal discussions with Prof. Helga
Mach, Stuttgart, who was the first to identify Mithraic presence in the archaeological record of Malta.
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(Sagona 2009, 8). As it is, Sagona recognises one convincing site which certainly could
have functioned as a Mithraeum. The aforementioned site of Ras Il-Wardija contains in
its Long Chamber the typical benches, it has several altars, as well as bases for statuaryand the inner sanctum with its niches. The iconography previously identified as Christian
crosses or Punic symbols or the sign of Tanit could in fact be traces of Mithraic symbols
(Sagona 2009). While Sagona acknowledges that the structure outside of the sanctum
might have been a Punic temple, her dating of the rock-cut features limits itself to the late
first till the fourth century CE, based on its identification as a Mithraeum (Sagona 2009,
37). While this is a logical relative dating, the structure could well have been used already
in Punic times and have been further expanded by the Mithraic followers.
Figure 6.12: Initiation scene portrayed on a stele from Mdina, Malta (Sagona 2009 75, figure 3).
Furthermore, Sagona identifies several other Mithraic scenes in the Maltese material
record. While the tauroctony (the bull-slaughtering scene) seems to be completely absent
in the material record from the islands, a stele from Mdina appears to display an initiation
scene from the mysteries (figure 6.12), displaying stages in the initiation (the pater, miles
and the initiate) (Sagona 2009, 13-15). Several clay figurines and graffiti portraying aman on horseback could possibly be identified as Mithras, based on the iconography and
the Persian nature of the clothing (Sagona 2009, 15-17). Mithras is often depicted as
emerging from rocks and this scene can also be recognised on Malta, in a carved statue
(figure 6.13) and possibly in some tombs (Sagona 2009, 24-25). Further tombs display
signs of the podia and benches, most of which contain niches for lamps or statuary and
one of them in the Binemma Hypogeum contains seven niches, a number with special
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significance for initiates (Sagona 2009, 43).17 Some possible Mithraea, located in urban
areas (e.g. al Pilatu Hypogeum 1, St Agatha's Hypogeum 7 and 13, St Paul-St Agatha
area, Catacombs 6, 20 and 22b, as well as the complex of Tal-Abbatija tad-Dejr) werealready recognised as not having a Christian origin and also display possibly Mithraic
iconography and benches (Sagona 2009, 48-56).
Figure 6.13: Figure emerging from the rocks at the Xaghra tombs (Buhagiar 1998, 238, figure 16).
There is considerable evidence to conclude that Mithras was indeed present on the islands
and that several Mithraea would have dotted the landscape. Local influences probably left
their mark on the exact nature of worship and the iconography, possibly explaining the
Punic nature of some symbolism, and continuation of older cult sites might have beenpracticed. Sagona remarks that the symbolism of Mithras merged with Apollo and
Hercules/Melqart (Sagona 2009, 57). Further research might bring to light more evidence
on the Mithraic mysteries.
17For a complete overview of Mithraic features identified in both the material record and the tombs see Sagona
2009.
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these tombs were sometimes connected creating clusters of tombs,19 which were during
the fourth and fifth centuries CE further linked and expanded into hypogea which were
subsequently used by both Christians and Jews (Buhagiar 2011, 74). These catacombswere a common phenomenon in the Roman Empire (Drag 2007, 113). The existence of
separate Jewish burial areas seems unlikely, for Jews did not object to utilising the same
areas for mortuary rituals as other communities, rather they let themselves be influenced
by them (Drag 2007, 113). Nevertheless, there are a number of indisputable traces
pointing to Judaic tradition and religion; the evidence comes from the underground
cemeteries. However, none of these burials seem to pre-date the fourth/fifth century CE (a
date based on the presence of North African Hayes red ware) (Buhagiar 2011, 79-94;
Drag 2007, 113). One emblema from a domus in Rabat (figure 7.1) used to be interpretedas a Judaic scene of Samson being shaved (Becker 1913 and Ashby 1915 in Buhagiar
2011, 74-77), but a mythological representation seems more likely (Buhagiar 2011, 77-
79) and the emblema is thus not an indication of Jewish activity on the islands.
Figure 7.1: Emblema from the Rabat domus (Buhagiar 2011, 79, figure 6).
While some theories (e.g. Buhagiar 2011, 82) say that the Jews entered the islands during
the Phoenician period, others say that Jews came to Malta in the period that followed the
destruction of the second Temple of Jerusalem by Titus, which also marked the end of the
Jewish ‘state’.20 There is no archaeological evidence however to back up either theory
19 A typology of the types of tombs has been established already by Caruana 1898 and Becker 1913, and later re-
evaluated and revised by Buhagiar 1998 and Sagona 2002. Since the Jewish community did not seem to favor a
specific type of tomb, questions of tomb typology will not be subject of this chapter.
20 Personal communication from dr. Hanna Stöger (December 2013).
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(Drag 2007, 113). Even in the record of St Paul's shipwreck there is no mention of him
visiting the local Jewish community, even though it was his custom to do so (Acts 28, 1-
11, in Drag 2007, 113).
Figure 7.2: Drawing of the different types of Menorahs of the St Paul and St Agatha hypogea (Buhagiar 2011,
89, figure 17).
At least six Jewish hypogea have been identified in the area of Rabat, two of them in the
St Agatha's catacomb complex and four located in the area between St Paul and St
Agatha's catacombs, one of which contains an ossuary (Bonanno 2005, 329-330;
Buhagiar 2011, 88; Drag 2007, 114). The total amount of individuals buried is estimated
to be around 300 (Buhagiar 2011, 81). These cemeteries are associated with Judaism
because of the presence of painted, roughly scratched or finely carved menorahs (see
figure 7.2), often located near the entrance of a hypogeum (Buhagiar 2011, 88; Drag 2007,
114). These representations of the menorah, together with a number of inscriptions, are
the only distinction between Jewish, Christian and 'pagan' tombs, for the tomb layout and
architectural characteristics are similar (Buhagiar 2011, 90) and would not indicate any
religious preference. The exception to this is the absence in the Jewish tombs of the
funerary triclinia, or the so-called 'Agape' or Omega tables, which are frequently featured
in the Christian hypogea (Buhagiar 2011, 90; Drag 2007, 114). Often associated with
ritual meals to commemorate the dead (Buhagiar 2011, 90), their absence in the Jewish
catacombs indicates that the Jewish community possibly did not partake in this custom.
The presence of rock-cut benches in the Jewish hypogea might indicate that the family
members visit the tombs and remain there in the presence of the deceased. This custom
might shows that the local Jewish community assimilated local customs within their own
belief system (Drag 2007, 115-116). Adaptation to the local customs might also be
reflected in the way none of the graves are oriented towards Jerusalem, which seems to be
against Jewish customs (Drag 2007, 116) and would rather reflect the ability to adhere to
local conditions.
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Figure 7.3: Inscription from one of the hypogea, transcribed by Charles George Zammit, FSA (Buhagiar
2011, 84, image 11. Drawing courtesy of Heritage Malta).
The identification of Jewish tombs is further complicated by their own amalgamation of
symbols, as well as the amalgamation of their symbolism by the Christians, as they
adopted much of the Jewish iconography (Drag 2007, 114). Apart from the menorah there
are other motifs that appear on the hypogeum walls, such as representations of sea vessels,
associated with either Noah's Ark or mercantile vessels indicating a craft, and palm leaves,
often associated with Judea and Israel on coinage (Buhagiar 2011, 86-88; Drag 2007,115). More information can be gleaned from the Greek inscriptions accompanying these
symbols, which help reconstruct the organisation of the Jewish community on the islands
at that time. One three-line inscription, discovered in St Paul and St Agatha's hypogeum
14 (see figure 7.3), refers to a man who was a gerousiarch), the leader of
a Council of Elders, who was known as a (filentoli[os]), which has been
interpreted as his possible name, or more likely as an epithet meaning 'lover of the
commandments', which appears more often in these contexts (Bonanno 2005, 268;
Buhagiar 2011, 83). Further mentioned is his wife, Eulogia, described as
(presbytera). This indicates that she as well held a high office in the Jewish
community (Bonanno 2005, 268; Buhagiar 2011, 84) and that the local Jewish
community was hierarchically structured. Both of them apparently held a position of
respect in the congregation (Bonanno 2005, 268). A second inscription refers to a woman
named Dionisia, known as Irene, named by scholars a ritualistic name possibly inferring
her peaceful state (Buhagiar 2011, 84; Drag 2007, 114). Quite a few other inscriptions are
too fragmentary to be fully translated, but might be salutations or could refer to the names
of the deceased (Buhagiar 2011, 84-86).
From the available evidence it can be established that a moderately sized Hellenised
Jewish community was present on the island. The community was integrated into the
local society, even amalgamating some of the local customs, such as the burial in the
catacombs, located in the vicinity of Mdina-Rabat. Probably of a mercantile nature, the
community held close contacts with Sicily, a major center for Jews in the sixth century
CE (Buhagiar 2011, 80).
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7.2 Palaeo-Christianity
The Christianisation of the Maltese archipelago has been a point of discussion for many
years by both Maltese and foreign scholars and, although seriously contested, a long
tradition has been claiming early conversion to Christianity during the early Roman
period (Bonanno 2005, 199-200). There is however little to no evidence for Christianity
this early on the islands, either literary or archaeologically, because the first reliable
evidence for Christianity does not predate the fourth/fifth century CE (Bonanno 2005,
199-201). Most of the dates were retrieved from the presence of the North African Hayes
Type IIA lamps, inscribed with Christian symbols, which have been found on both Malta
and Gozo (Bonanno 2005, 275; Buhagiar 1997, 116). On Sicily, an island highly
connected to Malta, the first reliable sources for Christianity are datable to the third
century CE (Bonanno 2005, 262). The late appearance of Christian symbols in Malta
might have been the result of the early Christian community keeping mainly to
themselves and staying in the background, although this is very difficult to prove
(Bonanno 2005, 254). The first Christian activity on the islands can be witnessed in the
funerary landscape of the islands in the hypogea, as well as in a few cult locations. Both
these subjects will be discussed in the following sections of this chapter.
7.2.1 Early Christian cult locations
7.2.1.1 Tas-Sil
After the first century CE the religious activities at Tas-Sil appear to have ceased and a
hiatus in the material record can be witnessed, a period during which the site was
abandoned and the structures on it were probably left to become ruins (Buhagiar 2007,
46). New signs of activity on the site become visible in the fifth century CE, datable by
the presence of North African oil lamps. These do not appear before 400 CE (Buhagiar
2007, 46) and coincide with the first attested Christian activities on the islands. At this
time, the previous sanctuary was once more appropriated, modified and re-utilised as a
sanctuary for Christian activities. This appeared in a similar way as we have seen before
when the Phoenicians utilised the site for their ends. The central paved courtyard of the
former 'pagan' sanctuary was turned into a roofed basilica with three aisles and an apse
on the eastern side, next to the prehistoric temple (see figure 7.4) (Bonanno 2005, 271;
Buhagiar 2007, 46). The columns of the peristylium of the former courtyard were used to
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provide internal divisions. The old floor was retained, while in the eastern apse mosaic
pavement were placed and an altar was installed (Buhagiar 2007, 46). A stone enclosure
wall was erected within the central aisle of the church, possibly a presbytery, forming thesacred area of the church (Bonanno 2005, 271; Buhagiar 2007, 46). The prehistoric
remains were once again repurposed and modified, possibly reduced to fundament levels
at this time, and in the middle of the semi-circular remains a baptismal font was inserted
(see figure 7.5) (Bonanno 2005, 271; Buhagiar 2007, 46). The rectangular room shows
signs of rebuilding and modification, with walls stuccoed in white plaster (Buhagiar 2007,
46). In the middle of the room a rectangular basin with a drainage hole was constructed,
with marble-clad steps around it (Bonanno 2005, 272; Buhagiar 2007, 46). This type of
basin has been dated to the end of the fourth, beginning of the fifth century CE based onits typology and this date has been confirmed by the typology of the altar in the basilica
(Buhagiar 2007, 46).
Figure 7.4: Christian structures at Tas-Sil (Buhagiar 1996, 32, figure 2).
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The church was possibly built after the edict of Theodosius, which granted the Christian
Church right of possession over the Temples and their property. The church of Tas-Sil
remained in use until 870 CE (Buhagiar 1996, 11; Buhagiar 2007, 46); continuity into theByzantine Empire is confirmed by the presence of 275 bronze and silver coins datable to
the reign of several Byzantine emperors (Bonanno 2005, 272). As is the case with the
former re-utilisation of the sanctuary, the site was probably not chosen because of its
religious values, but rather as a convenient location with already standing structures to
modify. While former iconography does not appear to be purposely destroyed, no trace of
older iconography during this phase of ritual activities can be found at Tas-Sil.
Figure 7.5: The baptismal font at Tas-Sil (Bonanno 2005, 271).
7.2.1.2 San Pawl Milqi
The site of San Pawl Milqi has a long history of occupation, having been used already
during the Żebbu phase as evidenced by the presence of prehistoric tombs. Pottery from
the Bronze Age points to activities during that period and tombs and inscriptions from the
Punic period indicate continued activities. The Roman period saw an intensification with
the establishment of a large farmstead and life continued into later times including theMuslim period and more recent times with the construction of a church (Buhagiar 2007,
50-51). During the Roman Imperial period an impressive villa, equipped with substantial
agricultural installations -e.g. for the extraction and processing of olive oil-, stood on its
location (Buhagiar 2007, 50-51) and it is this structure that has been the focus of many
theories and speculation surrounding the advent of Christianity on the Maltese islands.
One of the rooms of the villa, containing a water cistern, is thought to have been
converted into a cult location during the Late Roman period (Bonanno 2005, 273;
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Buhagiar 2007, 48-50). This room was eventually incorporated into the seventeenth-
century church (Bonanno 2005, 299). There is the hypothesis that the Roman farmstead
of San Pawl Milqi was the villa where the shipwrecked St Paul stayed. In addition, theabove mentioned cistern was supposed to be the sacred well, used as a baptismal font by
St Paul (Bonanno 2005, 273; Buhagiar 2007, 48-50). The location’s association with St
Paul might have resulted in San Pawl Milqi becoming a place of religious significance.
This could also help to explain why no early church can be found on the location. Since
early churches were often built on the location of the tomb of a saint or the site of a
martyrdom, the place obviously lacks these characteristics (Buhagiar 2007, 52). This
theory of San Pawl Milqi being the location related to St Paul’s stay on Malta is based on
a few scanty archaeological finds, one of which is an architectural limestone fragment(figure 7.6). The stone shows engravings of ships on one side and a schematic carving of
a bearded man on the other (Bonanno 2005, 273; Buhagiar 2007, 53). Although the
engraving is void of any direct reference to St Paul, the deeply-rooted Pauline tradition
prompted Maltese scholars to immediately associate these graffiti with the shipwreck of
St Paul, indicated by the ships and the person of St Paul as depicted by the bearded man.
Figure 7.6: Fragment with possible Pauline engravings (Buhagiar 1996, 40, figure 10 a nd 11).
The presence of ship engravings on the stone however need not be associated with St
Paul's shipwreck, for similar incised ships appear in many locations on the islands with
no Christian association (Buhagiar 2007, 53), for example the Jewish catacombs. The
identification of the carving as representation of St Paul is not very trustworthy either and
has been discarded as evidence related to the alleged presence of St Paul (Bonanno 2005,
272-273; Buhagiar 2007, 53). A stone block featuring incised Greek letters supposedly
reading ‘ Paulos’ is also highly controversial and is believed to be the result of natural
erosion and was clearly dismissed by most scholars (Bonanno 2005, 274; Buhagiar 2007,
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later time four strategically placed hypogea were linked together around an open space
(Bonanno 2005, 270-271) but still might be the only site where a predetermined plan can
be recognised (Buhagiar 2007, 24).Many of the hypogea have been interpreted as being
Christian, sharing many characteristics, for almost all of
them display a similar floor plan (long corridor leading to a
rectangular room, surrounded with several tombs), and show
that people were buried in pairs, possibly a reflection of the
contemporary ideology allowing couples to be together after
dead (Bonanno 2005, 265 and 334-335). Ranging from
single tombs to large clusters of hypogea, a remarkable
diversity in types of tombs can be seen in the individual
hypogea and there does not appear to be a direct correlation
between tomb types and the religion of the deceased
(Bonanno 2005, 334-336). It is noteworthy that there were
blocking arrangements of several types attested for most of
the tombs; in many cases stone slabs were cemented in
place using a compound capable of rendering the tomb
water-proof (Buhagiar 2007, 25).
Only thirty-nine inscriptions have been found, most of them fragmentary, including the
Jewish ones discussed before (Buhagiar 2007, 32). One inscription from St Thomas Bay
reads " in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ rise and walk", while another reads "Lord,
save me" (Bonanno 2005, 267).
Iconography with strictly Christian meaning is rare and it is very likely that not all of the
decorated tombs were Christian (Buhagiar 2007, 25). However, there are sufficient
textual and iconographic indications to assume that most of the tombs in the two largest
clusters (St Paul and St Agatha) were Christian burials (Bonanno 2005, 266- 267). While
the catacombs do not offer a wealth of decorations, traces of paint and several carvings
withstood the test of time and provide us with useful information. The constant re-
utilisation of the catacombs might be one of the reasons for the absence of most materials,
while another cause might be the porous nature of the rocks. The motifs encountered
often displayed symbolic or decorative images (Bonanno 2005, 326; Buhagiar 2007, 29).
One of the few figures found depicted in the tombs (in this case St Paul's Catacombs) is a
Figure 7.7: Plan of the hypogea at L-
Abbatija Tad-Dejr (Buhagiar 2007,
198, figure 36).
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seated person on a chair, resting his hands on an object in front of him, accompanied by
an early Christian anchor symbol and an inscription (Bonanno 2005, 326; Buhagiar 2007,
29). The inscription either reads possibly the name of the deceased,or , which could mean 'Good luck', or 'Farewell' (Bonanno 2005, 326;
Buhagiar 2007, 29). Other depictions include birds, fish, roses, possible laurel wreaths,
horses, but also one of two genii carrying an inscribed cartouche (Buhagiar 2007, 29).
Often associated with Christian iconography, but also with the Jewish iconography is the
palm frond, which was a symbol of victory over death, borrowed from 'pagan' beliefs'
(Buhagiar 2007, 31).
Figure 7.8: Scene painted in a tomb in St Agatha's Catacombs.
Iconography of undoubted Christian meaning can be seen in one of the tombs in St
Agatha's Catacombs, where a scallop shell is painted above a chi-rho monogram, flanked
by doves carrying twigs (figure 7.8) (Buhagiar 2007, 30). A painting from Xaghra ta'
Santa Duminka has been interpreted as a standing figure with raised arms, symbolising
prayer (Buhagiar 2007, 30). Another scene depicted in the Hal Resqun Catacomb (figure
7.9) shows three humanoid figures with raised arms, surrounded by animals, and is often
interpreted as displaying the Creation of the World, which has been associated with
palaeo-Christianity (Buhagiar 2007, 30). In contrast, a different interpretation sees these
figures with raised arms as representations of Mithras emerging from the rock, or Mithras
in his capacity as solar deity, replacing the sun (Sagona 2009, 25-25). Therefore, this new
reading of the image would link these catacombs to a possible earlier use related to the
cult of Mithras. Several sites display incised and painted crosses of different typologies,
sometimes accompanied by an alpha and omega, or inscribed within a circle (Buhagiar
2007, 31).
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Figure 7.9: Scene with animals and figures with outstretched arms (Buhagiar 1998, 238, fig. 17).
A phenomenon frequently encountered in both the larger complexes such as St Paul and
St Agatha and the individual hypogea, is a cylindrical table surrounded by raised stone
benches (figure 7.10), often called a stibadium or a 'Agape' or Omega table (Bonanno
2005, 334-336; Buhagiar 2011, 90; Drag 2007, 114). Cut-out of the rocks, these tables
and benches were often placed close to the entrance of a hypogeum (Buhagiar 2007, 26).
These stibadia are associated with ritual meals and appear to have been of great
importance since there seems to be a structural line between the stibadium and the nearby
tombs, whereby the principal tombs were located closest to the table (Bonanno 2005, 265;
Buhagiar 2007, 26). Sometimes a hypogeum contains several of these stibadia, and often
recessed niches are located strategically close to hold lamps and other necessary objects
(Bonanno 2005: 265; Buhagiar 2007, 26). Associated with these structures is the
consumption of a communal, ritual meal. While funerary-triclinia are commonly
encountered in Roman 'pagan' contexts (Buhagiar 2007, 27), Christians adopted the
triclinium (refrigeria) and the Roman tradition became associated with the Eucharist
tradition of Agape (Buhagiar 2007, 27; Drag 2007).
Figure 7.10: Example of a stibadium (Buhagiar 2011, 91, figure 20. Photograph: Keith Buhagiar).
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8. Conclusion
This study’s aim was to examine the religious developments on the Maltese archipelago
within the broader context of insularity and connectivity and to establish the extent of
(dis)continuity of traditions and cult sites, while avoiding the traps of cultural
universalism. This thesis produced a religious biography for the islands from the
Neolithic until 535 CE, achieved by chronologically studying the available literary and
material evidence. By subjecting all relevant existing evidence (literary and material
culture) uncovered on the islands so far to a systematic investigation, this study was able
to reach new conclusions about the religious development with specific regard to
continuity of religious practice, site location and venerated deities.
According to traditional research the history of the islands has been divided into parts
(prehistory, Phoenician, Punic, and Roman), which are based on the geopolitical situation
rather than on the coherence of the material culture. These divisions seem arbitrary and
do not hold for Malta’s religious past since several religious developments span multiple
periods, while others end abruptly within a single period. The religious developments
seem to correlate with periods of increased contact with certain regions and thus help us
understand the position of Malta during these phases. The first part of this chapter
presents the conclusion by means of the religious biography of the islands and answers
the research question posited by this thesis: How have the influences of connectivity
and insularity, two seemingly opposing forces, influenced and shaped the religious
developments occurring on the Maltese archipelago from the Neolithic until the
beginning of the Byzantine period in 535 BCE? The second part of the chapter will
outline possibilities for further research.
8.1 Synthesis of the 'Religious biography'
The recognition and reconstruction of past religious behavior is not a simple task and it is
accompanied by theoretical and practical problems. Proper definitions of 'religion' and
related concepts have been provided to be able to study these phenomena in past societies
and to avoid wrong interpretations due to semantics. Still, it is difficult to escape from
established biases within archaeology and to critically reflect upon information and
established interpretations provided by other authors. Furthermore, proper
contextualisation of encountered phenomena is important, yet one has to avoid being
caught in a similarity trap and one should be aware of similarities as well as differences
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between regions. Malta, due to its geographical location, is connected to many regions of
the Mediterranean, yet should not be seen as merely another part of this broader system,
but as its own geographic entity, while sharing characteristics with other regions.Therefore, some developments have their unique character and may appear differently on
the islands than they do elsewhere.
At the beginning of the prehistoric period on the islands there was little evidence for
religious activities. From the Neolithic until the start of the Bronze Age people were
collectively buried in chamber tombs. The same areas that display activity in earlier
phases, saw the rise of the later Temples, buildings indeed used for religious rituals
(although possibly not exclusively). A period of increased insularity is thought to have
occurred during the formative phase of the construction of the Temples. Between the
Temples a remarkable amount of uniformity can be witnessed and there appears to have
been a greater organisational structure guiding the population in their rituals, with only
little influence from outside Malta. Near several Temples subterranean hypogea
functioned as a burial ground, but there is also evidence that these structures were used
for other religious activities. A continuous development of religious activities from the
early prehistory up to the end of the Temple period appears to have occurred with only
little influence from outside. Even though the ceramics show a break between the earlier
Skorba phases and the Temple period, this is not clearly reflected in the evidence for
religious activities, which continuously developed. The island was quite connected to
other regions during these phases, as is shown from pottery and other imported wares, but
these connections are not very visible in Malta’s religious landscape, which seems to
have taken off on a different trajectory from neighbouring Sicily and other islands, where
no megalith development similar to Malta’s Temple culture developed.
The first clear break in continuity of religious traditions occurs at the start of the Bronze
Age, when both the Temples and the hypogea were no longer in use as religious grounds.
The Temples were repurposed for domestic use, as well as for cremation burials. The
ritualistic landscape appears to have fundamentally shifted and the distinction between
rituals for the living on the surface and rituals for the dead beneath the surface, as
established in the preceding period, seem to have changed during this period. Similarities
in the encountered dolmens and the ceramics suggest that this was a period when contact
with the outside, for example Sicily and Italy, was intensified.
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During the Phoenician period increasing influence from the East affected the islands as a
result of the high connectedness created by the rise of sea-faring communities. While the
megalith structures of the Temples still filled the islands’ landscape, the attached religiousvalues seem to have disappeared completely. After a long hiatus of more than a
millennium, parts of the prehistoric Temple at Tas-Sil were once more utilised as a
sanctuary, having been incorporated into a Phoenician Temple. This was the result of a
practical decision rather than a religious one, since no elements of the older traditions
remained active and visible in the religious landscape of Phoenician Malta. This
Orientalising phase of religious development saw the introduction of typical Phoenician
deities, such as Ashtart and Baal Hammon, on the islands, similar to the situation in other
Phoenician colonies. The re-introduction of burial in chamber tombs, this time individualrather than collective, was the result of burial customs of the Phoenicians, and not a
clinging to older indigenous traditions.
The religious traditions established during the Phoenician phase gradually developed and
continued during the Punic phase. The religious landscape on the islands betrays
Hellenistic influences, visible in statuary and the architecture of the sanctuary of Tas-Sil,
which gradually evolved into a fortified hilltop sanctuary with a courtyard. An
elaboration of ritualistic activities can be witnessed, as well as the introduction of new
deities, primarily Melqart/Heracles. The identification of Ashtart with Hera indicates that
the local deities worshipped were not replaced, but newly introduced deities were
assimilated and identified with the older ones. The exact extent of similarities between
the Hera on Malta to others in the Mediterranean area is unknown and one should not
assume similar traits based solely on a name.
The use of chamber tombs intensified, often clustering into larger groups. The absence of
exotica and metal in the tombs might indicate that local traditions were maintained, for
they are encountered in contemporary Punic tombs in other regions. The development and
syncretism of deities, as well as the continuation of older traditions might be the result of
the insular nature of Malta, while the influx of new influences due to the islands’
connectivity is shown in the introduction of new deities and the import of amulets.
This Hellenising phase continued during the first period of Roman rule, where continuity
in material culture and religious developments shows that there was not much top down
pressure and local developments continued. A gradual transition from the Oriental nature
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This efficient utilisation of earlier cult sites could be related to possible earlier traditions,
or could be the result of the limited amount of proper locations, considering Malta's
insular nature.
Contrary to literary sources and common belief, the first evidence for palaeo-Christianity
and Judaism comes not from the first century CE, but from the fourth/fifth centuries CE,
around the same time when Sicily went through the process of Christianisation. Already
during the Roman period the clustering of different tombs led to a subsequent connection
thereof, which eventually expanded into hypogea. These were used by communities
following various forms of religion on the islands; a distinction between the groups, or a
classification by type is not always easily made. Because of the interaction between
different communities and cultures the iconography is very similar, with only a few
symbols displayed solely by one religion. The presence of menorah motifs on the tombs,
accompanied by Greek inscriptions, tells us there was an organised Hellenised Jewish
Diaspora community on the islands, probably in close contact with the Judaic center in
Sicily at that time. Even these Jewish tombs, located amidst Christian and 'pagan' tombs,
displayed signs of adopting local customs. Most of the Christian hypogea (and some
possible 'pagan' tombs) contain one or more stibadia, a phenomenon that seems to span
across all religions on the islands, with the exception of Judaism. The latter only
conceded to occasionally adding a bench to the area outside the tombs. The insular nature
of Malta led to the amalgamation of older traditions within newer traditions, which were
brought new to the islands, possibly from Sicily.
At Tas-Sil, after a hiatus of several centuries there is evidence for a new ritual focus
during the Late Roman period. A roofed basilica with a baptismal font was constructed,
incorporating parts of the earlier Hellenistic and prehistoric sanctuary. None of the former
religious values appear to have been invoked, mirroring once again the earlier
construction of the Phoenician sanctuary on the site of its prehistoric predecessor.
Nevertheless, the choice of location is significant, but probably the result of a political
and practical decision, rather than a religious choice. The site remained in use during later
periods, as confirmed by the study of coin finds. Extended continuity can be seen at San
Pawl Milqi, where a seventeenth century church incorporated earlier remains, which have
been interpreted as a place of reverence in the past. The continuous use of sites into later
periods is not uncommon, since a number of the sites were associated with earlier
Christian activity.
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have not been securely identified and their meaning is still subject to debate. Similarly,
many of the graffiti incised in possible cult sites (such as Ras-il-Wardija) have been
interpreted as being either Punic, Mithraic or Christian, thus rendering it difficult toestablish a more precise date and a clearer identification of the structures. The
iconography found in the hypogea is similarly problematic because of the amalgamation
of symbolism by different religions. A better comprehension of the iconographic record
might not only help to understand complicated sites such as Ras-il-Wardija and San Pawl
Milqi, but also help in the identification of possible Mithraea.
Finally, because of the many discernible influences from Sicily and the comparable
situation of the islands the study of religious development might benefit from a similar in-
depth study of religious developments on Sicily.
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Abstract
This study explores the religious developments on the Maltese archipelago from the
Neolithic period until the incorporation of the islands into the Byzantine Empire in 535
CE. By chronologically analyzing evidence for religious activities on the islands, gleaned
from the corpus of published works, in a diachronic perspective and using an explorative
approach, the continuity of traditions, sites and possibly beliefs are systematically
studied. The result then is a religious biography of the islands, discussing mainly the
continuity of phenomena and the development of religious activities.
The Maltese archipelago was subjected to many different cultural influences, which is
reflected in the development of religious activities. A gradual evolution from the earlyNeolithic up till the start of the Bronze Age can be witnessed, during which foreign
influences can be recognised. After the Bronze Age, which was fundamentally different
in religious traditions than its predecessor, the Orientalising influence brought upon by
the Phoenicians shaped the religious landscape of the archipelago, laying the fundaments
for the succeeding millennium-and-a-half. The rise of several powers in the
Mediterranean area (such as the Etruscans, Greeks and the Romans) influenced Malta
indirectly. During the Punic and Roman phases the religious activities are affected by
Hellenising influences, seen in material culture and the identification of deities. Under
Roman Imperial rule the population gradually adopts more Roman religious customs.
There is some evidence for some of the Eastern mystery cults of Mithras and Isis, but
future research should help to elucidate this. From the fifth century CE onwards there is
enough evidence to confirm the presence of a Diaspora Jewish community, as well as
infer that a good amount of the population at that time followed the religion of
Christianity.
The religious developments show how insularity at one hand encouraged localdevelopment of traditions, while the high connectivity due to the geographical location of
the islands encouraged the introduction of new traditions. As a result a clear line of
development can be traced and influencing trends can clearly be distinguished. There are
still some areas, such as some of the iconography encountered, which require further
exploration to provide a better understanding of the religious developments on the
islands.
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List of figures
Cover page: Statue of a female deity, originating from Malta.
Source: Bonanno 2005, 163.
Figure 1.1: Map of the Mediterranean showing Phoenician trade routes.
Source: Bonanno 2011, 39.
Figure 1.2: Map of the archipelago showing archaeological sites and locations.
Source: Bonanno 2005, 282-283.
Figure 2.1: A chronological overview of cultural sequences in Malta.
Source: Fenech 2007, 37, figure 3.1.
Figure 2.2: Overview of the carbon dates from the Maltese archipelago.
Source: Fenech 2007, 36, table 3.2.
Figure 2.3: Overview of competing territories in the central Mediterranean in 264
BCE. Source: Bonanno 2005, 75.
Figure 2.4: Overview of the chronology of the Maltese archipelago as set by
different authors. Source: Fenech 2007, 35, figure 3.1.
Figure 4.1: Early Skorba figurine. Source:
http://www.odysseyadventures.ca/articles/malta_temples/02.skorba_figurine.jpg.
Figure 4.2: Drawing of plan and section of the chamber tombs.
Source: Malone et al. 2009, 99, figure 7.7.
Figure 4.3: Examples of libation and oracle holes.
Source: Malone 2007, 29, figure 5.3.
Figure 4.4: Archaeological indicators of Religion applied to the Maltese Temples.
Source: Barrowclough 2007, 48, table 8.1.Figure 4.5: Figurines and votives.
Source: Malone 2007, 30, figure 5.4.
Figure 4.6: Schematic temple plan displaying the location of similar motifs from in
temples. Source: Grima 2011, 60, figure 6.
Figure 4.7: Reconstruction of the Brochtorff Circle.
Source: Malone et al. 2009, 374, figure 14.12.
0
7
12
13
19
25
30
43
45
48
49
51
52
53
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Figure 6.4: Hellenised coin portraying female deity. Obverse: Egyptianising scene.
Source: Bonanno 2005, 86.
Figure 6.5: Coin portraying a bearded man. Obverse: Laurel wreath and ritual cap.Source: Bonanno 2005, 158.
Figure 6.6: Plan of the structures at Ras Il-Wardija.
Source: Sagona 2009, 100, figure 55.
Figure 6.7: Plan of the exterior building at Ras Il-Wardija.
Source: Sagona 2009, 105, figure 61.
Figure 6.8: Possible reconstruction of the Long Chamber at Ras Il-Wardija.
Source: Sagona 2009, 101, figure 56.
Figure 6.9: CIL, X, 7494.Source: Bonanno 2005, 203.
Figure 6.10: Statue of a female deity.
Source: Bonanno 2005, 163.
Figure 6.11: Scene possibly depicting Isis and Serapis.
Source: Prof. Anthony Bonanno.
Figure 6.12: Initiation scene portrayed on a stele (from Mdina, Malta).
Source: Sagona 2009, 75, figure 3.
Figure 6.13: Figure emerging from the rocks at the Xaghra tombs.
Source: Buhagiar 1998, 238, figure 16.
Figure 7.1: Emblema from the Rabat domus.
Source: Buhagiar 2011, 79, figure 6.
Figure 7.2: Drawing of the different types of menorahs of the St Paul and St
Agatha hypogea. Source: Buhagiar 2011, 89, figure 17.
Figure 7.3: Inscription from one of the hypogea, transcribed by Charles George
Zammit, FSA.
Source: Buhagiar 2011, 84, figure 11. Drawing courtesy of Heritage Malta.
Figure 7.4: Christian structures at Tas-Sil.
Source: Buhagiar 1996, 32, figure 2.
Figure 7.5: The baptismal font at Tas-Sil.
Source: Bonanno 2005, 271.
79
80
82
83
84
86
89
90
92
93
96
97
98
100
101
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Figure 7.6: Fragment with possible Pauline engravings.
Source: Buhagiar 1996, 40, figure 10 and 11.
Figure 7.7: Plan of the hypogea at L-Abbatija Tad-Dejr.Source: Buhagiar 2007, 198, figure 36.
Figure 7.8: Scene painted in a tomb in St Agatha's Catacombs.
Source: http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20130929/life-features/21-
catacombs-and-tombs-outside-Melita-s-walls.488440#.UptN68TuJS4
Figure 7.9: Scene with animals and figures with outstretched arms.
Source: Buhagiar 1998, 238, figure 17.
Figure 7.10: Example of a stibadium.
Source: Buhagiar 2011, 91, figure 20. Photograph: Keith Buhagiar.
102
104
105
106
106
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