QUICK FACTS

NAME: Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj ibni Almarhum Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah

OCCUPATION:Prime Minister

BIRTH DATE:February 08, 1903

DEATH DATE:December 06, 1990

PLACE OF BIRTH: Alor Setar, Malaysia

PLACE OF DEATH: Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

more about Tunku

BEST KNOWN FOR

Tunku Abdul Rahman was chief minister of the Federation of Malaya (1955–1957), the first prime minister of an independent Malaya (1957–1963), and the prime minister of Malaysia (1963–1970).

Synopsis

A Malayan governmental figure since graduating from college, Tunku Abdul Rahman became his country’s first prime minister and foreign minister after it gained its independence, continuing in that post when the federation of Malaysia was formed in 1963.

CONTENTS

Synopsis Early Years

Professional Life

A Life In Politics

Malayan Independence

Early Years

Tunku Abdul Rahman was born February 8, 1903, in Alor Setar, Kedah, in Malaya, a country then under British control. He was the twentieth child of Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah and Che Manjalara, the sultan’s fourth wife. In 1913, he went to study at Debsurin School in Bangkok, and in 1919, he was awarded a scholarship to further his studies at Cambridge University. After a lengthy trip from Singapore aboard a cargo ship, during which he contracted malaria, Tunku disembarked in the village of Little Stukeley, England. He graduated from Cambridge in 1925 and returned in 1926 for an honors degree in law. He sat for the bar exam in 1930 but failed to complete a section of the test and therefore did not pass on this first try.

Professional Life

In 1931, Tunku Abdul Rahman received an appointment as a cadet to the Kedah civil service and was later an assistant district officer in Kulim. In 1933, he passed the cadet's law exam on his first attempt, and finally, in 1939, he retook the English bar exam he had failed nine years before and passed. In 1949, he was called to the bar and was then named deputy public prosecutor in the Malayan Federal Legal Department, a position he left in 1951 to embark upon a political career.

A Life In Politics

Abdul Rahman became president of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and spearheaded the alliance between the UMNO and the Malayan Chinese Association (1951) and that of the UMNO and the Malayan Indian Congress (1955). His Alliance Party won a sweeping majority in the election of 1955, and Abdul Rahman became the first chief minister of Malaya. In August, he used his first broadcast as chief minister to declare his determination in seeking independence from Britain without bloodshed.

Malayan Independence

In January 1956, Abdul Rahman led a mission to London to negotiate for Malayan independence, in the end securing immediate self-government for Malaya and the promise of independence by August 1957. That promise was kept, and Abdul Rahman became independent Malaya’s first prime minister (a post he would retain when the Federation of Malaysia, which consolidated the countries of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah, and Sarawak under one umbrella, was formed in 1963). At midnight on August 30, he stood at the flagpole in Merdeka Square, in Kuala Lumpur, when the Union Jack was lowered for the last time and the new Federation flag was raised.

In September 1970, with his power slipping and Singapore gone from the Federation for five years, Abdul Rahman relinquished his post as prime minister. He died in 1990 at the age of 87.

Abdul Rahman Tunku Biography

Known as "the Tunku" in Malaysia, Tunku Abdul Rahman (1903-1990) was the first prime minister of the Federation of Malaya, and later of Malaysia. He was considered the "father of the nation."

For decades Malaysians have referred to their country's first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, simply as "the Tunku." The title, literally meaning "my lord, " is shared by several other Malay aristocrats; but it is a clear indication of his stature as "father of the nation" that only Tunku Abdul Rahman is "the Tunku."

Tunku Abdul Rahman was 54 years old when, on August 31, 1957, he accepted from the Queen's representative documents which formally granted independence and sovereignty to the Federation of Malaya. His life up to that point had prepared him well for a position of national leadership. His father was the Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah, whose reign in Alor Star, capital of the state of Kedah, spanned a period of 61 years.

Kedah is one of nine Malay states which Great Britain had controlled, along with the "Straits of Settlements" of Singapore, Malacca, and Penang, since early in the 19th century. In furtherance of their objective of developing tin mines and rubber plantations, the British encouraged immigration of laborers from China and India while protecting the indigenous Malay culture and institutions. This paternalistic policy made it possible for Tunku Abdul Rahman to study at Cambridge for the better part of 12 years, beginning when he was 16 years old.

While in England the Tunku helped establish and became secretary of the Malay Society of Great Britain. This experience, and his subsequent tenure with the Kedah state civil service, foretold his participation in the slowly developing and moderate Malayan nationalist movement. Upon returning in 1949 from another stay in England, during which he completed his legal studies, Tunku Abdul Rahman became chairman of the Kedah Branch of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the political party which served as the major vehicle of anti-colonial sentiment. When the Tunku accepted the national presidency of the UMNO in 1951 he became the leading exponent of Malayan nationalism.

Communal Tensions a Persistent Problem

Malaya's large Chinese and Indian populations were not assimilated into Malay culture, and the uneasy relations among Malays, Chinese, and Indians have been a fundamental and persistent societal problem. The Tunku is credited with devising the formula whereby political organizations representing the Chinese and Indian communities joined with UMNO to constitute the Alliance Party. The Alliance, or, as it came to be called after other parties were invited to join it in the early 1970s, the National Front, was the government party after

independence. Its most one-sided electoral victory occurred in 1955 in the first federal elections, when 51 of 52 elected representatives were Alliance candidates.

In the years leading up to independence the Tunku was involved in government efforts to suppress a Communist insurgency known as "the emergency." The fact that the Malayan Communist Party, which abandoned guerrilla tactics in the early 1960s, had a predominantly Chinese membership aggravated interethnic tensions. In 1969 the simmering communal conflict boiled over when, in the aftermath of parliamentary elections, bands of armed Malays and Chinese attacked one another and generally caused considerable property damage and some loss of life. It was the most severe crisis of the Tunku's tenure as prime minister, and he described the anguish it caused him in his book May 13: Before and After. Although neither he nor any other person could engineer racial harmony and prevent violence, Tunku Abdul Rahman strove for conciliation. As one authoritative account put it, he was "liked and respected by members of all communities and considered honest, fair, and tolerant."

Foreign Affairs a Major Activity

Once Malaya became independent the British sought to disengage from other colonial territories in the region. By 1963 it had been determined that this would be achieved through the concept of Malaysia, which by then was strongly supported by Tunku Abdul Rahman. In September 1963 Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, and Sabah were joined together in the new nation-state of Malaysia. In that form it was short-lived, for the UMNO leadership felt that Singapore's well-organized political elite was excessively ambitious. In August 1965 the Tunku informed first Lee Kuan Yew, prime minister of Singapore, and then the Malaysian Parliament that Singapore was being separated from Malaysia and would become an independent nation-state.

Neither the separation of Singapore nor the bitterly anti-Malaysia position adopted by Indonesia's President Sukarno prevented Tunku Abdul Rahman from pursuing a policy of regional cooperation. Having participated in the establishment of the Association of Southeast Asia in 1961, the Tunku supported the expansion of the association in 1967 to include Singapore and Indonesia. The organization thus formed, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, joined those two countries with Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, and, later, Brunei in a vigorous and durable regional grouping. In addition, the Tunku's commitment to constructive participation in the British Commonwealth as well as his active interest in international Islamic affairs established the basic parameters of Malaysian foreign policy.

In 1970 Tunku Abdul Rahman relinquished the leadership of UMNO, and with it the position of prime minister, to his close associate, Tun Abdul Razak. After his retirement the Tunku's ability to enjoy certain of his favorite forms of recreation, such as golf and travel, was impaired by physical problems, but he took conspicuous pleasure in time spent with his family. As the "grand old man" of Malaysian public affairs, he also made occasional public appearances, such as his speech dedicating the new Malaysian Chinese Association headquarters building in early 1983. He also wrote a weekly newspaper column under the title "As I See It" and thus continued to add to his enormous influence on political and social life in Malaysia.

Tunku, who led Malaysia in winning independence from Britain in 1957 and served 13 years as its first prime minister, died Dec. 6, 1990. He was 87.

Further Reading on Abdul Rahman Tunku

Two biographical accounts provide information on the Tunku's early life and political career. They are Harry Miller, Prince and Premier (1959), and Willard Hanna, Eight Nation Makers: Southeast Asia's Charismatic Statesmen (1964). Studies which describe the Malaysian political scene more generally include Gordon Means, Malaysian Politics (1970), and R. S. Milne and Diane Mauzy, Malaysia: Tradition, Modernity, and Islam (1985). Pending a compilation of the Tunku's Star newspaper columns, the best glimpse of the Tunku's personal style and predispositions is provided by his book May 13-Before and After (1969). His obituary ran in several newspapers including the Los Angeles Times.

Encyclopedia of World Biography. Copyright 2010 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.

Tunku Abdul Rahman

In Brief Email this

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PMs of Malaysia - Tunku Abdul Rahman

"Right from the moment when I became Prime Minister, my

aim, my thinking, my planning and as a matter of fact my

whole heart was set on building up a prosperous and happy

Malayan society."

Tunku Abdul Rahman

TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN PUTRA AL-HAJ

(1957-1970)

Remembered as the "Father of Independence", Malaysia’s first Prime

Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, had recognised the vital importance of

fostering cooperation among Malaysia’s various ethnic groups as a way to

overcome political problems. It was also Tunku who envisioned the idea of

Malaysia - a federation of Malaya, Singapore (which later seceded in

1965), Sabah and Sarawak which was established in 1963. Tunku is also

recognised for his elevation of Islam to the status of official religion and

he was instrumental in the setting up of the Organisation of Islamic

Conference in 1969, of which he was the first Secretary-General. Perhaps

Tunku Abdul Rahman’s greatest single achievement was in giving

Malaysians a sense of pride and nationhood.

Tunku Abdul Rahman

Full Biography Email this

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PMs of Malaysia - Tunku Abdul Rahman

TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN PUTRA AL-HAJ

(1957-1970)

Tunku was born on February 8, 1903 in Alor Setar, the

capital of the State of Kedah. He is the seventh prince of

Sultan Abdul Hamid Shah, the twenty fourth Sultan of

Kedah, and Che Manjalara. Said to be a robust and bright boy with a

particular fondness for sports, Tunku received his early education at the

Debsurin School, Bangkok and Penang Free School.

On a Kedah Government scholarship, he went on to study at St.

Catherine's College, Cambridge University, where he received his

Bachelor of Arts in law and history in 1925. A firsthand experience in

racial discrimination with the college's administration was said to have

intensified his conviction in fighting for equality and ignited his desire in

making his homeland an independent state, free from British colonialism.

His leadership flair also unfolded in England. Realising the Malay students

there were not represented by any organisation, he established the

Kesatuan Melayu Great Britain (Malay Association of Great Britain) and

became its first secretary.

After returning home, he joined the Kedah Civil

Service as a cadet in the Legal Advisor's Office, and

then as a district officer in several Kedah districts.

He proved unpopular among some British officials

thanks to his outspokenness and tendency to introduce reforms in his

quest to improve the living standards of the people.

His attempt at completing his law studies at the Inner Temple in England

in 1938 came to a halt due the outbreak of the Second World War. He

resumed his studies eight years later and came home with his legal

qualifications in 1949.

The political awareness he gained while making friends with people from

various nations in England did not go to waste, when he was made

chairman of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) soon after

his return. On August 26, 1951, Tunku became the UMNO President

succeeding Dato' Onn Jaafar. He travelled all over the country meeting

people from all walks of life to promote unity. His efforts in overcoming

the country's political problems by way of cooperation among the various

ethnic groups saw the birth of the Alliance Party in 1955.

Under his leadership, the Alliance won the country's

first general election in July 1955. Tunku was then

appointed the country's Chief Minister and Minister

of Home Affairs. In 1956, he led a mission to

London for a discussion with the British government concerning the

independence for Malaya. The meeting resulted in the signing of the

Independent Treaty at Lancaster House in London on February 8, 1956

and consequently, the independence of Malaya in August 31, 1957. Tunku

was then elected as the first Prime Minister of Malaya, and led the

Alliance to victory in the 1959, 1964 and 1969 general elections.

Tunku Abdul Rahman became the first prime minister of the Federation of

Malaya from 1957 to 1963, and of Malaysia from 1963 to 1970.

He loved football and horse racing so much that he made them as his

hobbies. Under his initiative, "Pesta Bola Merdeka" was born in 1957

which led to his appointment as the first President of Asian Football

Confederation (AFC). "Whatever the sport, I was a very keen sportsman. I

have always been an outdoors man, a lover of all the wild things in life."

Source: www.pmo.gov.my

Key Speeches

TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN PUTRA AL-HAJA PLACE IN THE SUN FOR EVERYONEIt is some years back since I last attended a Press Club dinner. in fact: so longago that I can hardly remember the occasion. Tonight, therefore, provides anopportune moment to review developments affecting Malaysia, because so muchwater has passed under the bridge since I last addressed you-in fact some of it verydeep water indeed.The first thing 1 would like to say is to offer to the Press my warm thanks fortheir help and co-operation during this present period of trial. I know this hasrequired no little effort on their part to keep some of the news they had obtained and

which they would naturally like to splash in headlines, but because of their spirit ofco-operation, they have exercised self-restraint so as not to cause embarrassmenteither to the nation or to the Government. This is the greatest service they could giveto the Government in the cause OF the nation’s interest. As a result of this help givento us we have been able to deal successfully with the difficult situation and keepthings under control. In time of war security is very necessary, in fact essential, andthis is very well understood. In the period we are now passing through we do nothave war and we do not have peace but we do have a state of emergency. Under thesecircumstances, the maintenance of security. Which can be vital at times to theinterest of the nation, depends very much on co-operation. This co-operation thePress has given because they understand the need.The foreign Press, too, have been very understanding and objective. 1 am gladto say that most of the news about Malaysia appearing in papers in foreign countrieshas been very favourable and helpful to us. There have been of course a fewexceptions. I am thinking in particular of two articles published in Australia, one in anewspaper and the other in a weekly magazine in which the writers charged thisGovernment with a variety of epithets. One said that this Government wasdiscriminatory, corrupt and inefficient. The other said Australia should not helpMalaysia because this country was blatantly undemocratic.Proud RecordFortunately, such ignorance of Malaysia is like voices in the wilderness. Wehave to put up with it, just as we have to endure the lies and misrepresentations sotypical of Antara and the Communist Press. The real answer however, can be foundin the reactions of the responsible Press of the free world. Everyone knows that wehave a record in this country of which we have every reason to be very proud, arecord of which the whole free world is beginning to take notice. We do not boastabout our achievements but, nevertheless, we are quite proud of them.

It hardly seems necessary for me to tell you this because the Press in Malaysiais very well aware of the all-round development and progress we have made, theeconomic and political stability we possess, and above all the fairness and honesty ofthis Government. We had only to ask your cooperation and you have given it mostwillingly. This you have done because you know that we have never at any timeinterfered with the freedom of the Press. This is more than some countries, not so faraway, are prepared to do. We don’t mind being criticised as long as the criticism wasfair and factual, but in our present time of crisis neither the Government nor thePress would wish to prejudice the nation’s interest and security.Between you and me-or to be more correct between the Press and theGovernment-there exists a happy relationship, and it is my hope that this will alwayscontinue to be the case. You have a very important role to play in helping to mouldthe minds and thoughts of our people so that they are made aware of conditions anddevelopments. You have your own duties to perform, the very essence of yourprofession, and that is, to present the news and the facts to the people. In doing so,naturally you would like to give the people what they want, but this does not deteryou from presenting sometimes home truths that may be unpleasant to hear but,nevertheless, must be faced and solved. In both these aspects of your profession, theexpression of opinion and the provision of news, I think on the whole that you havedone, and are doing, your job very well indeed.The trouble confronting us today began with the formation of Malaysia. I firstmentioned the idea at a lunch given by the Foreign Correspondents’ Association inSingapore in May 1961. As I recall the time, it was only a paragraph, but its effectswere startling. It lit up the whole local scene, and you will recall that from that timeon for nearly two years Malaysia was continuously in the local news, morning, noonand night.Malaysia A Reality

After that things began to take shape and we moved on and on until Malaysiabecame a reality. We have Malaysia now, and to me it has been an achievement inour history which has no parallel.In the first place, it was very difficult for Britain to give up their possessions,particularly to an Asian country, Secondly, it must have been hard for the peoples ofSabah and Sarawak to agree, even though merger with us would bring with itindependence for them. There was no difficulty with Singapore which had beenknocking at the door for some time to come in. For the peoples of Sabah and Sarawak,however, independence was a new thing. They had never clamoured for it as theywere living their own lives in peace and security under British rule. Nevertheless,deep in their hearts there was a real urge to feel like other peoples the wish to beindependent and free. The fire was there; it was only waiting for the spark to light itup.Now that Malaysia has been formed and we have taken our rightful place inthe United Nations, our neighbour wants to wipe us out of existence, as they blindlyrefused to accept the reality of Malaysia, and they stubbornly decline to recognize ourright to live our own way of life. Whatever opposition there may come yet from ourfrustrated neighbour and whatever effects this may have, the recent debate in theSecurity Council has shown that right-thinking people in the world do not approve ofactions so aggressive as those taken by Indonesia against us. We had expected the vetofrom Russia, but we did not anticipate that nine countries out of eleven wouldsupport the resolution put forward by Norway. Our delegation, ably led by Dato’ Dr.Ismail, came away confident in the belief that a good job had been done well.I agree that we should not just rest on our laurels, but that we should pursuethe matter further by cultivating friends abroad and presenting our case to them so

that no amount of propaganda from Indonesia can destroy our good relations withnations and peoples overseas. We are making plans to put this into effect. I saw in thePress this morning that you are anticipating such developments. I must warn you,however, that this story is stepping ahead of events, and is not quite correct. What wehave decided on what to do, you can rest assured that I would be only too eager to letyou know.Tense SituationThe situation in this region of the world is still tense, because Indonesia indesperation might well step up confrontation and turn the situation into full-scalearmed conflict. In such a case we would not be the only people involved, but othersmay be brought into it as well. Win or lose, victory or defeat, are not the issues; wemust try to keep the situation under control. For this reason I have often said that assoon as Indonesia can recognise our right to live our own life as a free andindependent people, I would be willing to meet Soekarno and talk peace. This wasexactly what I had in mind when I said that first he must withdraw his troops and Iam happy that the Security Council has endorsed this view, at the same timerespecting our sovereignty and integrity as a free and independent nation.Indonesia’s action finds no parallel in this modern era. Just because she doesnot like us and the friends we make, is no ground for wanting to crush us. In fact theUnited States with all her might could have wiped out Cuba for worse faults, but shehas respects for Cuba’s rights, whatever her faults may be. Soekarno’s action isnothing short of a mad impulse by an irresponsible person. What has surprised memost is that the world should have condoned his actions by trying to humour him andto pacify him. If the world is just and fair and gives more thought to peace and humanrights they should condemn him without a moment’s hesitation. What Soekarno hasdone and is doing is highly dangerous. As a matter of fact it is tantamount to a persondemanding the right to destroy and crush anything that is not to his liking. If this

should be allowed, then there can be no place at all for a small country like ours toexist in this world.We have no other wish than to be allowed to live in peace. Indonesiamaintains that what she is doing is part of her revolutionary movement, and so shehas every right to do it. To her the end justifies the means. She thinks all imperialistsor capitalists should be completely eradicated from Asia and that we are neocolonialist,formed to carry out the bidding of the imperialist master. So, bigIndonesia thinks that she can destroy little Malaysia. I need hardly remind you thatthere is a very familiar story in the Bible of David and Goliath.Revolution in any form is a terrific strain on the economy of a country. Itdrains the blood of the nation, sets the country in turmoil and disorder, and brings inits trail distress and death, destruction of lives and property. To Soekarno, all thesematter little; and excuse has to be found for the many ills in which Indonesia findsitself deeply enmeshed.DevilishnessIn his speech on Indonesia’s Independence Day on 17th August, Soekarno hadthis to say and clearly showed his devilishness.“I use this podium as the place for a dialogue between the person Soekarno,with Soekarno the Great Leader of the revolution. The place for the dialogue betweenSoekarno, the Great Leader of the revolution and the people of Indonesia who arecarrying out the revolution…..“I am giving advantage to one group only, namely the revolutionary. I am afriend of the nationalists, the revolutionary nationalists. I am a friend of the religiousgroup, the revolutionary religious group. I am a friend of the Communists because theCommunists are revolutionary people. What is more, as I said some time ago in thesports palace at Senajan, I am a friend of the very revolutionary people. . . ..“Our army is dreaded by the imperialists. Our navy is glorious and strong. Ourair force is unmatched. At this moment Malaysia is still spreading itself out as awatchdog of imperialism in front of the house of the Republic of Indonesia.”

Obviously these are not the words of a sane leader. Soekarno went on to say:“At that time when their capitalism was grasping for breath in near death,they had great men such as Mussolini and Hitler. (No one else today would glorifytheir memory.) Now in this age of the universal revolution of man they have nobody.They do not have prominent leaders. They do not possess great men with greatconcepts. They do not have a leader with a Capital L. The Indonesian revolution cancrush anything that is thrown in its way. You are not a nation of worms. You are anation with the traits of the Banteng Bull. Come on, march on, go on, tearing down.Keep on building. Ever onward, never retreat.”This shows the character of the man who seeks to destroy. To him there isonly one leader with a Capital L and that is himself. One thing on which Soekarnocan rest assured is that he can never hope to crush Malaysia. Our people and ourfriends will not permit it. We have friends who believe in the right of small nations toexist. No Banteng Bull can ever hope to crush us. Let Soekarno stop boasting andthink instead of what the effect of war in South East Asia would mean to all thepeople of this region, Hitler and Mussolini, the great leaders he spoke of came to a sadend. Will the Great Leader Soekarno who cherishes their memory come to a similarend? He will, if he does not take care.A revolution is as serious as war itself; to keep a country in a state of perpetualrevolution is equivalent to a continuous act of war. After 18 years of revolution andhaving attained independence, Indonesia should have long ago thought ofreconstruction and rehabilitation. Instead Indonesia has gone on making one messafter another, and to escape the blame for the mess they have made they try to justifyit by putting it down to revolution. To keep the fires of revolution alive they havecoined slogans by the dozen. Not only do they cause misery to their own people, butto others as well, in particular to ourselves-we who were their first friends-we whosigned a Treaty of Friendship with them as long ago as 1959. You will recall that I

even went out of my way to help Indonesia over the West Irian issue by making pleasfor them with America, the Netherlands and the United Nations.I am still hopeful that Indonesia and Malaysia will come to terms. I lookforward to the day when we can discuss peace instead of talking about war. Let ushope that the little fun he is now having abroad will put him in the right frame ofmind for talks about peace.Philippine ClaimThe next subject I would like to refer to is the impasse with the Philippinesover their claim on Sabah. This is a matter on which I think the least said the betterfor all concerned. We have tried to settle this particular dispute without allowing ourrelations with the Philippines to deteriorate. This is a matter which cannot resolveitself easily as it affects the rights and the fate of the 300,000 people of Sabah who oftheir own free will and choice have joined us. We have undertaken to do our duty bythem, to guarantee to safeguard their interests and to ensure their future.It is a pity that a misunderstanding should have cropped up at this momentwhen we are having our troubles with Indonesia. I feel that this matter should besettled in the spirit of ASA, whereby the two countries and Thailand are pledged towork together in close association and cooperation to bolster the economic, social andcultural well-being of the region, and to put an end to the exploitation of man by manand of one nation by another.We want to return to this atmosphere of high hopes and implicit faith in ASA.The sooner we can resolve this particular issue the better it will be for all of us. If weallow this claim by the Philippines to drift it might not be possible to know where itwill stop. If the matter is taken to the United Nations or to the World Court, talks,debates, charges and counter-charges will only create ill-will and bad feeling. For thatreason when it was once suggested to me that we should make a claim on SouthThailand I felt and said that to bring up a claim was one thing but to find a settlementwas another. The ultimate result we all know. It would create bad feelings and bad

blood, from which no one would gain at all except our enemy. Besides, in this worldof unrest we should not create more difficulties, but we should minimise anymisunderstanding arising in our relationships with one another. I trust, therefore,that the Philippines will approach this matter in the spirit of ASA to which wecontribute. Only in this way can their claim on Sabah be resolved amicably.I am supposed to give details of the Philippines’ claim this evening, accordingto the Press, and I have no doubt that you will feel somewhat disappointed that I amnot doing so after all. I think the least said the better because I am hoping that I mayhave a talk with President Macapagal.It is worthwhile recalling here that when I met President Macapagal in PnomPenh in February this year, he was trying to persuade me to refer the matter of thisclaim to the World Court. This is not something I can decide on my own. After somediscussion I issued a communique, the relevant portion of which is as follows: - “Withregard to the Philippines’ claim on Sabah, Malaysia would welcome a statement to theclaim and is prepared to consider the best way of settling it without precludingreference to the World Court.” I noticed that President Macapagal issued a similarstatement which reads as follows:“With regard to the Philippines’ claim to Sabah (North Borneo) we agree in acommunique that Malaysia would welcome the memorandum on the claim andagrees to discuss with the Philippines as soon as possible the best way of settling theclaim including reference to the International Court of Justice.”It is therefore clear to all that the intentions of both sides then were to discussthe question in a friendly atmosphere around the table and, if there was a case for itto go to the World Court, such a course would not be precluded.Peaceful Co-existenceMy attitude towards friendly round-table discussions has remained and stillremains unchanged. Let us therefore continue to attain this objective because there

are enough difficulties existing in the world today already. In fact, we are living intimes of momentous change. No one appreciates this more than the members of thePress who in the space of the past few weeks have had to handle top-line news eventsof world-wide importance occurring, in fact tumbling out on top of one another. Firstthere was the ousting of Mr. Khrushchev. What this means, your guess is as good asmine, but I hope and pray that Russia will not change its policy of peaceful coexistence.The big powers must try to lower the temperature of world tension becausethey must face up to the reality of the tremendous disaster of nuclear war. Let us hopethat they will put science to its best use for the good of mankind, and not try to viewith one another for superiority in the conquest of space, but rather to pool theircreative genius for man’s well-being. This will give the world a feeling of relief, asense of relaxation. So it is my earnest hope that whatever may be the portents of thechanges in Soviet leadership, they will not be for the bad but for the good of mankindeverywhere.Then suddenly out of the calm of peaceful co-existence, like a jolt out of theblue, China exploded her nuclear bomb. However, I am happy to note that MalaysianChinese are not particularly enthusiastic about this event. This reaction shows thatnot only have the times changed but the outlook among the people of Malaysia hasalso changed. However, I feel a sense of confidence that the Chinese Communists willuse their new discovery in the interests of peace. One thing I must say is that thisindeed is great achievement for the Chinese. They have shown the world that notonly the West can achieve nuclear success but that Asians are also capable of doing so.On this note I pay a compliment to the Chinese for this great discovery but at thesame time 1 say that their discovery of nuclear power must be used for the good ofmankind and not as an instrument of destruction. Otherwise, all the efforts they have

made will be wasted.Very soon, in fact only a week from now, the United States will be holding itsPresidential election. What the result will be is not for me to say, as it is entirely anAmerican affair. At the luncheon given in my honour in the White House thePresident interjected during my speech to say that he envied me for having such alarge political majority. I went on to talk about the forthcoming elections in theUnited States, but not for long, ending up, much to the amusement of the President,by wishing success to the voters. There is no doubt at all that the whole world will bewatching and following the progress of the elections in America because all of usrealise that today the destinies of nations are bound up with one another; so we mustall of necessity look to the United States with hopeful hearts, as America is thechampion of the free world.To us in Malaysia America has been a very close friend, the guardian ofdemocracy, and in my opinion, the greatest country in the world. Whatever theresults of the elections may be I am convinced that American policy so far as Malaysiais concerned will not change.TributeI remember with deep gratitude and a warm heart the wonderful welcome Ireceived in America during my recent visit. The American nation and people havecomplete and absolute sympathy for Malaysia. This is not only a tribute to us as asmall nation and a thriving democracy, but it is also a manifestation of the principleswhich America has proclaimed, and for which she has always stood, the causes offreedom and peace.Another election has just ended in Britain with the coming into power of theLabour Party. I can say with every confidence that the policy of Britain under theLabour Party towards Malaysia will not change. We are fortunate indeed that inregard to Malaysia, and irrespective of the Party in power, the attitude of Britain

remains the same. The Labour Party will not change this policy. Both Mr. HaroldWilson and his new Foreign Secretary, Mr. Gordon-Walker, have stated that theywill support Malaysia and will work in close co-operation with us. I knew this beforethe elections because during talks I had with Mr. Wilson at the time of theCommonwealth Prime Ministers Conference I was given this assurance.We in Malaysia have every good reason to see and appreciate on the spot thereality of British support, because their Forces, and those of our other friends in theCommonwealth, Australia, New Zealand and Canada, are standing by US here in ourown country to assist us in this time of crisis and need.Speaking of Britain it is well to note that they have the characteristics ofconsistent loyalty to their country. They are loyal Britishers, first and last and always.If the party to which they belong happens to be in the Opposition, they proudly callthemselves “The Loyal Opposition”. The policies of political parties may differ buteach and all think only of Britain as a whole. Whenever the time arises for loyalty tobe demonstrated to the full they sink all party differences and work patriotically andsolidly together for their country.This is democracy as I understand it in Britain, but this is not quite so here.Differences between political parties should never over-ride national interests, andloyalty to the nation should come first.No MisgivingsThe Alliance Party, which is made up of the UMNO, the MCA and the MIChas no misgivings about our duties and responsibilities and no doubts at all where ourloyalty lies. But this is not so in the case of some political parties. When the going isgood they go along with the tide. Immediately an opportunity arises for them to showtheir full and true colours, they make no disguise of it. As soon as the Indonesianslaunched a big offensive against us, and there seemed to be a possibility of a take-overby Indonesia, then they starzed to profess their leadership for them. Some politicalparties distributed thousands of leaflets all around the country, blaming this

Government for the difficulties which resulted directly from Indonesian aggressionand confrontation. They went on to accuse the Government of using our young menand women as cannon-fodder. They urged people not to serve the country. TheCommunists went further by sending their own members over to train in Indonesiaand to help to bring them here. Thank heavens, our enemies who landed here havealmost been accounted for.Other political parties show their skill at exploiting the simple people in therural areas of the country by playing on religious and sentimental issues in order tohelp the cause of the enemy. And there are certain political organisations, thoroughlybankrupt of ideas, who have also voiced support for the enemies of this country.All these instances show that when political parties here oppose, they opposethe whole set-up of the Government and the country itself and even go so far as tojoin with the enemy.There is still a long way to go yet for Opposition Parties here to appreciate theworking of and the cause of parliamentary democracy. There is still time for them tolearn for the Alliance intends to stay in power for a long time to come; so they cantake their time, and until they can learn they can never hope to win the support ofthe loyal citizens of this country. The people of Malaysia are practical minded; theyhave a clear idea of things and of what they want, and they know what is good andwhat is not good for the country.Healthy EconomyI need hardly say that Malaysia enjoys a sound stable Government with theAlliance Party in power. The economy is healthy and with every good prospect ofstill higher standards of living for our people. This Government is able to give ourcitizens a sense of living in security and enjoyment of a life and prosperity second tonone in Asia.To sum it all up there is a place in the sun for everyone in Malaysia. Whatever

harsh judgments other parties may make about us, we are proud to say that we havemade progress. We have delivered the goods to our people.This is another matter concerning political parties which I am sure is of topicalinterest to you. A little argument with the PAP has recently arisen as a result ofattempts being made by Inche Khir Johari to reorganise the Alliance Party inSingapore. Certain unpleasant things have been alleged to have been said by him. Iconsider this as just a storm in a tea-cup. The reorganisation of the Alliance Party inSingapore is necessary. As a political party it is not new. It has been established eversince the first elections in Singapore, and it even fought alongside the PAP andsupported them when many of their members chose to cross the floor.The presence of the Al!iance Party in Singapore and in every State of Malaysiais essential. The Alliance may not win an election as in Kelantan or, it may losecompletely, as in Singapore, but nevertheless the presence of the Alliance Party inevery State in Malaysia is a reminder to all political parties of every shade and opinionthat the object of a political party is first and foremost to give loyalty and service toMalaysia. Secondly, it is a reminder that there is need for every community to workand co-operate with one another, for on this basis of mutual interest and effort thefuture of our country rests.All people must feel that there is room for them in our country and that wecan all live in peace with one another, provided of course that we respect oneanother’s rights, and provided, too, that we realise we owe duties to one another forthe good and well-being, the progress and happiness of our country, Malaysia.Shortly we will have an opportunity to express our unity, irrespective of party,by taking part in National Solidarity Week. I hope that all parties, all citizens,everyone in the nation, will give their full support to this special week so as to makeit a tremendous success. We need money badly to strengthen our defences. With

money forthcoming and with the help we are receiving from all directions we will beable to fight the enemy effectively; we will be able to counter aggression and hostilemoves against us, and with the blessing of God we should be able to help to bring anend to Indonesia’s unholy policy of confrontation. To this end, the achievement ofpeace with honour, to this objective, unity throughout the nation, National SolidarityWeek is dedicated. I wish to take this opportunity to announce that during NationalSolidarity Week the slogan for us will be “BERJAYA”.I wish to thank all of you, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Press. My speech is notas happy a one as I would have liked it to be and possibly that you would have likedto hear. It is my duty, however, to give you the facts of life for Malaysia and ourrelations to the world as I see them, and this 1 have tried to do. In conclusion, I wishto thank you for your invitation to this very successful evening and in doing so, to say

that I consider it a privilege to address the Press of Malaysia.

Tunku Abdul Rahman: A Great Leader and Statesman

By Dato Dr Ananda Kumaraseri@http://www.nst.com.my

TUNKU Abdul Rahman envisioned Malaysia as a nation founded upon the noble principles of liberty, human rights, natural justice and the rule of law, possessed of a leadership

committed to serve the welfare, happiness and peace of the people as a whole, devoid of discrimination of any sort.

He resolutely believed in the supremacy of the Constitution, which he deemed must always be respected by all Malaysians, regardless of social standing, ethnicity, political preference or religious persuasion.

He firmly held that the principles of good governance enshrined in the political ideal of constitutionalism served as a permanent and reliable guarantee for the stability and the very continuity of the nation.

Driven by his ingrained political creed of liberalism and a deep consciousness of the country’s plural heritage as well as of his own immediate maternal Thai extraction, the Tunku embraced a liberal approach to the country’s rich and diverse cultures and religions throughout his life.

Little wonder that the Tunku was so fondly revered as Bapa Malaysia among Malaysians from all walks of life. This was true not just during the period he held the helm of the country as the first Prime Minister but right up to his very last days. Only a few world leaders can boast of such continuing adulation.

We also owe it to the Tunku’s insight in statecraft, sagacious statesmanship and diplomatic adroitness that we achieved political independence earlier than most people expected, and in such a healthy and amicable fashion.

This was all the more creditable in light of the challenges posed in garnering a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious populace into a cohesive and progressive nation that was to confidently take on its role and responsibilities in the international arena.

From its birth as an independent country, Malaya was drawn into the thick of the Cold War that was characterised by a fierce rivalry between the democratic world led by the United States of America and Western Europe on the one side and the communist bloc of countries

represented by the Soviet Union, the Peoples’ Republic of China and Eastern Europe on the other.

The Tunku chose to steer the nation’s foreign policy in a distinctive pro-Western direction. Having experienced the atrocities and wanton destruction the internal communist insurgency had inflicted on the people since 1948 and overcoming the subversive communist threat in 1960, the Tunku could not help but be sensitive to the threats communism posed elsewhere in the world.

He never hesitated to take a strong stand against these threats. For a small, newly independent country to pursue a stridently anti-communist foreign policy most certainly constituted a courageous, principled stand.

The Tunku was among the very first to stoutly condemn communist China’s “rape of Tibet” when in 1959 Communist Chinese troops “subjugated” the people of Tibet. In the same anti-communist fervour, the Tunku vehemently castigated China for “naked aggression against India” when the Sino-Indian border-conflict flared up in 1962.

The Tunku was in India on that fateful day on an official visit. In several Indian cities, as part of his itinerary, he vehemently condemned China’s aggression and repeatedly reiterated Malaya’s support for India. I am told that, as a symbolic expression of camaraderie, he donated his blood for the Indian jawans (soldiers) who were bravely fighting in defence of democracy.

His spontaneous gesture was rewarded with profound appreciation by the government and the people of India from all across the country. On his return home, the Tunku embarked on a bold initiative in launching a public campaign, the “Save Democracy Fund” which raised over a million dollars to help India defend itself against communist Chinese armed attacks.

The Tunku’s spontaneous support in India’s hour of need had the electrifying effect of winning the hearts and minds of Indians. Thus, although he was a leader of a relatively small nation, the Tunku was held in high esteem in India for years to come. Our students located all over India can vouch how they were embraced with the warmest of hospitality by complete strangers and treated with brotherly affection because of the Tunku’s unequivocal support for India.

On a personal note, I nostalgically recall the “special treatment” accorded to me at the official level, as well as in private Indian circles, during my diplomatic stints as Assistant High Commissioner in Madras (present day Chennai) from 1969 to 1973, and subsequently, as Counsellor in our High Commission in New Delhi from mid-1973 to 1975.

Many a leader from among far more powerful countries was somewhat perplexed over the Tunku’s anti-communist policy stance which was distinctly vociferous even in comparison to the non-communist posture which neighbouring Singapore opted to adopt.

No doubt the Tunku’s staunchly anti-communist foreign policy was drawn from historical experiences of combating the internal communist insurgency and the steady spread of communism in the region.

His ability to successfully steer the development and progress of our infant nation in the face of serious challenges encountered in the international arena is largely attributable to his enlightened vision, sagacious statesmanship and diplomatic acumen.

The leadership qualities, personal skills and gentility which the Tunku personified and brought to bear in the country’s diplomacy and conduct of foreign affairs were in fact a unique feature of the Malay royal families, aristocracy and elite that merit appreciation in a separate article.

THOUGHTS ON “TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN: A GREAT LEADER AND STATESMAN”

1. dinobeano says: August 24, 2012 at 10:53 pm

The Tunku, like De Gaulle and Mandela, is one of a kind. Our country is blessed to have had the Tunku as our Leader and Prime Minister during our early years of Independence and proudly I say, Tunku is a member of the Kedah Royalty which has a proud history, stretching a few centuries. –Din Merican

2. Mr Bean says: August 24, 2012 at 10:55 pm

His father was the older brother of my great grand father. We shared common interests in wine, women and songs. Greatly missed. Fondly remembered.__________Surely, Bean, you can say more about this great statesman.He gave his best for our country. Long may Tunku be remembered as a defender of our constitution. He had a great team who he led by example. He was a good judge of character and human frailties( remember his good friend Lim Yew Hock, former Chief Minister of Singapore and our High Commissioner to Australia).–Din Merican

3. Tony says: August 25, 2012 at 12:29 am

Our dear Tunku was not perfect…but he was head and shoulders above all who have come after him. He will always be remembered as a true Malaysian and Bapa Malaysia…and Uncle Tunku to my wife when she was a very young daughter of a foreign diplomat who enjoyed many rounds of golf at the RSGC in the ’60s.

4. Looes74 says: August 25, 2012 at 12:41 am

We know what happen to him in Australia. Is a tragedy for lim yew hock. Lee kuan yew has second opinion on tunku. Time to reread Lky memoir. I wonder if rajaratnam or toh chin chye succeeded in persuading Singapore to not secede from malaysia.

I believe what tunku said about Singapore being the new York of Malaysia. Just like new York, it takes a life of its own

5. Greenbug says: August 25, 2012 at 1:45 am

I have seen the Tunku many times on a wheelchair in 1987/88 at Burmah Plaza along Burmah Road, Penang, just watching the world go by… I asked to take a photograph with him and he obliged and I have treasured that photo eversince. He was my hero and in one of the meetings, I asked to buy him a coffee and he jokingly said “you know young man, no one has offered to buy me coffee ever since I stopped as Prime Minister…” and he was always the jovial and humble man although we have met just a few times… Of course, his assistant Insp Owen paid for the coffee….

TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN: Follow path set by Tunku

Read more: TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN: Follow path set by Tunku - Letters to the Editor - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/opinion/letters-to-the-editor/tunku-abdul-rahman-follow-path-set-by-tunku-1.15630#ixzz2J9uEo19e

TODAY, 21 years ago, the nation mourned the loss of Tunku Abdul Rahman Al-Haj -- "father of the nation" and its first prime minister -- who had dedicated his entire life to the nation and her people.

Tunku Abdul Rahman's death meant the loss of a most dynamic and capable statesman. He was well loved. He is remembered and respected until today.

On the 21st anniversary of his death, this letter is dedicated to the "father of independence" in appreciation of his services.

Tunku, son of the 24th ruler of Kedah, the late Sultan Abdul Hamid, was born at Istana Pelamin, Alor Star, in 1903.

After his early education in Malaya, Tunku attended Cambridge University, the United Kingdom, where he obtained his degree in 1925 and later qualified as a barrister.

In 1951, the Tunku, as he came to be fondly known, became president of the United Malays National Organisation (Umno) and, to his credit, he did what no one could have done at that time.

Against all odds, he managed to unite the Malays, Chinese and Indians by forming the Alliance -- comprising Umno, the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) led by the late Tun Tan Cheng Lock and Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) led by the late Tun V.T. Sambanthan -- to work together and obtain the country's independence from the British.

In 1955, the Alliance saw an overwhelming victory in the first federal election, gaining 51 out of the 52 seats contested, and Tunku became Malaya's first chief minister.

In 1956, he led a mission to London to negotiate the independence of Malaya.

Malaya gained independence on Aug 31, 1957 and Tunku became the first prime minister.

Tunku and the nation's other great patriots overcame a host of obstacles to win freedom for the nation and they did this without any bloodshed.

The British had confidence in Tunku, seeing him as a moderate prince who enjoyed the respect and support of the Malays and non-Malays alike.

Tunku was also responsible for the formation of Malaysia, which came into being in 1963 through the coming together of the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. He went on to become Malaysia's first prime minister.

Unfortunately, Singapore left this line-up in August 1965 to become an independent state. Under his leadership, Tunku brought about many changes and developments to meet the aspirations of a new country.

Tunku was responsible for choosing our national anthem from a selection of compositions.

Being a person who loved sport, he brought Stadium Merdeka and Stadium Negara into existence to cater for the sporting needs of the country.

Tunku was also responsible for the construction of Parliament House, the National Mosque and National Museum.

Later, after observing an impressive War Memorial in America, Tunku raised funds to build the National Monument.

Another landmark which exists till today is the Subang International Airport: the site was handpicked by Tunku.

All these national symbols were the vision and genius of one man -- Tunku Abdul Rahman.

During his tenure as prime minister, Malaysia became well known throughout the world through its active participation in various international organisations, such as the United Nations, Commonwealth and Asean.

On May 13, 1969, racial riots broke out in Kuala Lumpur and other parts of the country but they were brought under control by the authorities.

In 1970, Tunku stepped down as prime minister after 13 years to give way to younger leaders. His successor was the late Tun Abdul Razak Hussein.

He continued leading the Islamic Welfare Organisation of Malaysia (Perkim), which he initiated in 1960. He also contributed substantially towards the growth of sport in the country, especially football and badminton.

Tunku was honorary life president of the Football Association of Malaysia. He was also elected president of the Asian Football Confederation and Asian Badminton Association.

Tunku also paid special attention to culture, stressing the importance of the spirit of national integration.

Tunku died in Kuala Lumpur in 1990, at the age of 87.

He remains loved and honoured by the nation, occupying a special place in Malaysian history.

Tunku was the architect of both Malaya and Malaysia. He was a man of peace and principle, with great diplomatic and negotiating skills and vision.

He believed strongly in cooperation, not confrontation, and was humble, simple, likable, kind and forgiving.

He wanted the rakyat, regardless of race, religion and creed, to progress as brothers and sisters. He believed in the capabilities and talents of others.

Tunku wanted all Malaysians to excel in life and be the masters of our own destiny.

Knowing, remembering and appreciating Tunku and his contributions is not enough. What's more important and meaningful is for the people to follow in his footsteps. It is hoped that Tunku's exemplary life, leadership qualities and vision will be cherished forever by the people.

And the best way to repay the first prime minister is by ensuring that this great, unique nation enjoys racial harmony, political stability and prosperity, generation after generation.

Tunku Abdul Rahman’s exemplary life, leadership qualities and vision will be cherished forever.

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Read more: TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN: Follow path set by Tunku - Letters to the Editor - New Straits Times http://www.nst.com.my/opinion/letters-to-the-editor/tunku-abdul-rahman-follow-path-set-by-tunku-1.15630#ixzz2J9uToc78