FRONT COVER

Photo: In The Area - CA sticker run in Parkdale.

W A N T E D Information on racist or fascist activity, literature and related

news reports/clippings from your region.

C L A S S A C T I O N

The traditional left is in meltdown. Gone are the days when the left actually made an impact on the hearts and minds of everyday working class people. As evidenced by the lack of working class participation in so-called 'revolutionary' politics today, the organized Left has abandoned the people it claims to be acting in support of.

Though most of the Left blames the working classes for not being 'radical' enough, we believe the problem can be attributed to the liberal orientation and rank opportunism of the Left itself. I f progressive forces fail to provide answers to important social and economic questions, solutions wil l undoubtedly be sought on the side of reaction.

Class Action was formed to reinforce the pole position of class in the struggle for self-empowerment. We are committed to halting the progress of the Far Right, in pursuit of an independent working class movement. At the same time, we intend to expose the fault lines in orthodox left thinking and practice, charting a new course for class politics based in the real world.

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C O N T E N T S

3 ACTION REPORT Round-up of activities and news

4 FEATURE In The Area: Anti-Fascism Revisited

7 MEDIA MATTERS A Climate of Reaction

8 OUT IN LEFT FIELD Beyond Left and Right?

9 FIGHTING TIMES The Battle of Christie Pits

10 UNDER REVIEW 'Fascism & Anti-Fascism'

If you're interested in getting involved with Class Action or if you have information from your area that might be helpful to us, write to the National Office at the address or e-mail below. Please include a phone number and e-mail address if you wish to apply for supporter status and receive notification of activities.

Subscriptions are $10 (North America) $20 (rest of the world) for 4 issues. Sample copies and back issues are available from CA for $3 ppd. Bulk orders are $14 per each 10 copies. Make checks and money orders payable to Class Action. US funds for US and foreign orders.

Issue 1

Race and Reason - HF: Symptom or Cause?

Resistance is Fertile? Failed anti-racist strategies

Hero or Villain? The Legacy of John Brown

Under Review: 'When Race Burns Class'

Issue 2

Backlash: Consequences of the 'War on Terror'

On File: Fighting Music

The Forum: Towards a Police State

Under Review: 'S11: Truth and Consequences'

The new stickers are available in batches of 50 for $3 by writing to the CA address.

FASCISM THE POISON

CLASS ACTION THE ANTIDOTE c l a s s a c t i o n @ h u s h m a i l . c o m

CLASS ACTION 522 Church St. Box 111, Toronto, ON. M4Y 2E3

National Office e-mail: classaction@hushmail.com

If you're writing to our postal address for any reason, please follow up confirmation with an e-mail to ensure we received your correspondence.

ACTIVITIES & NEWS

O

This issue is dedicated to the memory oi

Maurice Constant 191,5 - 2002

" You can go proudly "

We begin now with our usual round-up of activities and news..

T I M E FOR A C T I O N

Since the Heritage Front officially announced its reconstitution last year it has existed as a one-man show. Al l the same, the diligence, as well as that of a few other 'one-man' outfits attempting to reignite network contacts in several key cities and tossing a few leaflets and calling cards around in the process, has been noted. Class Action has countered with follow-up to these sprees on several occasions, the fruit of this sort of labour not something that grows overnight.

The anti-immigration meal ticket for the HF isn't a losing strategy. Anti-immigrant politics have been the primary force behind the relative success of the far right elsewhere. Since the September 11 attacks, the HF has been vocal about its anti-immigration stance, its most recent foray a meeting in Halifax together with the Canada First Immigration Reform Committee (another one-man show). This meeting was righteously disrupted by an ARA group on the east coast. Two days later, the HF 'reps' were in Moncton distributing 'Immigration Can Ki l l You' calling cards.

These areas in particular are being targeted, not only because the HF is attempting to raise its old chapters from the dead, but since the potential positive reception to HF ideas in the area already exists.

With CA contacts in Nova Scotia being thin on the ground these days, we're working towards reigniting some eastern contacts and conducting some follow-up activity. It's easy for the HF to parachute in, stir up a hornets nest and slip away just as quickly. Denying them the oxygen of publicity is paramount.

Closer to home, CA has been leaving some calling cards of its own. A recently-reported 'sighting of boneheads' in the Parkdale community of Toronto may well have been Class Action supporters on a Saturday afternoon stickering run in the area.

A loose outfit of Polish boneheads claims to hold sway in this part of town, its rap sheet of courageous feats so far consisting of unprovoked swarm attacks on couples walking home late at night, the macing of civilians in an area bar, a minor scuffle with an anti-war picket, and a three-on-one attack inside a bus following some verbal torment they directed towards an elderly black woman. Kings of the community, these scum.

The main response they've faced so far has been having their photos taken, but despite the provocation they've not been overly keen to shout the odds with their hecklers. So that doesn't say much. There's certainly a right-leaning influence in this community that's spawned these gutter-skins, but apart from the odd 'bright spark', their lack of substantial support leads us to believe these shouldn't prove difficult to 'dissuade' should they decide to actually make a go of things.

Elsewhere...

Upon discovering the appearance of National Alliance stickers in Hamilton, Class Action supporters in that region have been following up on the matter there as well.

F I G H T I N G MUSIC p a r t 2

"Despite wayward claims that Blood & Honour and Combat 18 are nothing more than websites and t-shirts, the worldwide B&H factions have remained active on and off the internet^ claims an opening statement on the Blood & Honour USA website. Of course the only news offered up from the American side is passing mention of a B&H/C18 Missouri youth who was mysteriously stabbed an unknown amount of times. Maybe they should stick to the chat-rooms!

Internet nonsense aside, there have been some recent organized attempts at putting B&H on the map in Canada. As a fascist music movement that's supposedly meant to be 'cornering the market' on a disenfranchised youth culture, perhaps their associates south of the border are pressuring them to pull their socks up. A few isolated tendencies are coalescing behind the B & H banner under the guidance of a few older - yet equally isolated - specimens based closer to home. Vinland Warriors are a bonehead band from Quebec whose members have claimed to be the contact for Blood & Honour Canada, which we assume will remain something of a myth until they get the obligatory website going.

An underground show featuring the Vinland Warriors in Scarborough on June 8 was initially spooked by the presence of three school busloads of non-combatant ARA protesters who held a picket at its redirection point in the Warden/401 area. Unfortunately, this effectively prevented actual contact. Our supporters observed that the police were more 'on the prowl' than the protesters were. Had there been less fanfare leading up to the event, alternative scenarios may have proven possible.

The tactic of occupying the redirection point is a tried, tested and true method but when all of the opposition manage to successfully shift from Plan A to B relatively seamlessly, it's not a question of poor luck. The gig took place unhindered in a privately rented hall. Soon after, a similar private gig was announced in the Durham region.

While it's uncertain how much these gigs are doing for recruitment at this stage of the game, we'll need to find ways to operate around the roadblocks. Avoiding the uneccesary attention of the police is one thing. Getting caught between a rock and a hard place is quite another.

4 Ant idote - No 2 - Winter 2001/Spring 2002

SUPPORT THE BALTIMORE 28

On Saturday, August 24 a group of twenty-eight anti-fascists were arrested in Baltimore on an action designed to prevent buses of National Alliance supporters from reaching their rally in Washington D.C. The rally in D.C. consisted of a protest at the U.S. Capital Building, followed up by a 'Rock Against Israel' concert billing Brutal Attack, H8 Machine, Definite Hate. Celtic Warrior, and Max Resist.

A busload of Hammerskins and supporters from Detroit were attacked by Baltimore anti-fascists who wrought some serious damage to the vehicle and its occupants. At least one account attests to rumors that the vocalist of Max Resist had an ugly liason with a tire iron.

When a second contingent of anti-fascists arrived on the scene, police arrested them on trumped up felony charges. When these twenty-eight activists were finally allowed to see commissioners, some of them were released on their own recognizance while others received bail amounts upwards of $10,000. None of these activists had committed any crime, nor were they told what they were being charged with until after they had been interviewed. Bail was raised and all of them are now out of jail . Many have lost their jobs and are all facing serious legal fees.

The National Alliance claimed to police that they were confronted by anti-fascists in the morning. I f so, the attackers had been there and left well before the twenty-eight had arrived. The police decided to round up anyone in the parking lot and are attempting to pin any real or imagined crimes on these activists.

Some charges have since been dropped but donations are still required for legal support. Personal checks or money orders should be made out to Black Planet Books, earmarked for legal defense fund, and sent to:

Black Planet Books 1621 Fleet Street Baltimore, Maryland 21231-2931 USA

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UPDATE "Anti-Racists targeted in New Jersey and Pittsburgh!

On Wednesday, September 11, 2002, anti-racist activists in New Jersey and Pittsburgh had their homes visited by neo-nazis from the National Alliance (NA) and the World Church of the Creator (WCOTC).

In the New Jersey incident the targeted anti-racists were inside the house for 5 minutes. When they stepped out again they found an NA sticker on the door and literature in their mailbox.

In Pittsburgh, three neo-nazis tried to intimidate an anti-racist at his home with knives and a metal baseball bat. However, when they were confronted by three unarmed anti-racists they limited themselves to trying to intimidate the anti-racists verbally.

The police intervened and after a quick check for warrants (but not weapons) the Nazis were sent on their way.

The anti-racists were targeted after their full names, home addresses, weight, and height was published on Nazi Internet bulletin boards and Web pages.

Neo-nazis gathered that information after they were among 28 anti-racists arrested by Baltimore police on August 24."

What's happening in your area?

Anyone interested in making contact should write to us at our address or e-mail. Leave a name and phone number where we can reach you. Any/all information you provide will be handled in the strictest of confidence.

FEATURE 5

Against the grain of contemporary 'anti-racist' thought and practice, anti-fascists in C A circles have argued the importance of countering the ideas and actions of the far-right with progressive class-based solutions, as opposed to assuming moral notions of 'right vs. wrong' or 'good vs. evil' will determine the outcome by default. As others concerned by the looming pitfalls have identified, "The assumption that in fighting fascism we would automatically enjoy majority support has crashed.'1''

IN THE AREA ANTI-FASCISM REVISITED

b y M a t J o r s e n

Organized far-right groupings of recent times (HF, NA, etc.) are a faint - albeit steady - blip on the radar. While these fringe-dwellers seem more a nuisance than a direct threat, their potential lies in the ability to manipulate and even set the tone of social and political debate. With the already-existing threat of a racial backlash, our investment in any contest within the debate is clear. The increased frequency in low-level fascist activity of late, together with some of the questionable responses it has provoked, triggers concern.

For starters, these organizations are actively appealing to our constituency, the base of support that has traditionally been that of the left - the working class. While progressive ideas may have captured the imagination of the many, there is no guarantee that this is a permanent affair. In an organized sense, the traditional left is insignificant, i f not altogether absent.

Many o f theoretical persuasion blur the relationship between fascism and the capitalist system, thereby failing to respond to it in an effective manner. On the other hand, those with a purely action-oriented outlook soon discover the shelf life of single-issue anti-fascism to be altogether short. I f anti-fascists don't have a good handle on what they're fighting for, chances are they aren't entirely clued up on what they're fighting against. I f the only options ahead are: chase shadows for the rest of your days, or: saddle the problem wi th the next generation of unlucky punishment-seekers, it 's time for a serious rethink.

No time l ike the present then to begin diagnosing the disease and set into motion the ongoing framework for developing an antidote. A full can of worms it may be but i t ' s worth opening, especially for an organization that expresses considerable interest in the field of anti-fascism.

C L A S S N O T N A T I O N

The term fascist often gets misused to incorrectly describe everything from the

behavior o f an unfair landlord, to a disk jockey who refuses to play someone's favorite record. The term itself actually originated in Italy in the 1920s, with Mussolini's movement adopting the name fascist?. 'Fascist' has since been applied to describe any movement that matched this model in overall form. Similarly, the term 'Nazi' has been attributed directly to the pre-WWII German National Socialist movement. For the purposes o f clarity, the term 'fascist' has been used to encompass all such manifestations to the present day.

There are wide-ranging examples of fascism stretching down the line from inter-war to post-war variations. As such it is somewhat difficult to nail down in terms of a common ideology. There isn't one. But there are a number of traits within fascism that have a significant bearing on its ability to act both as a 'regime' and 'opposition movement'. As a totali tarian regime, fascism's most distinguishing feature is its anti-working class program. Generally speaking, the practical agenda of fascism is the elimination of radical working-class opposition to capitalism. In order to achieve power, fascism has allied wi th conservative forces on the basis o f common priorities and common enemies.

It can be argued that to a degree, the fascist platform can be indistinguishable at times from a straightforward reactionary establishment agenda. And while fascism is never quite under ' t o t a l ' control , the establishment has been known to 'contract the disease' i f it feels the need. Certainly, both fascism and capitalism set out to preserve their respective 'nations' at the expense of the working class. But does this make them peas in the same pod? In forming a work ing definition, we need to properly investigate the basis for what goes into the making of fascist ideology. A look at what is referred to as 'the nation' - the backbone of any fascist ideology - can provide some useful clues.

I f there is one sole definitional trait in amongst the currents and loose alliances of fascists, it is the idea o f 'na t ion ' . Fascists are always rattling on about their struggle for a 'new order', 'new awakening' or 'new dawn' . Nation is at the heart of this mythic core of ideas that draws its inspiration from the past, reminiscent more of a fantasy role-playing game than anything of real world substance. Nation as we know it is an abstract concept which functions to gloss over glaring class distinctions. Quantified only by borders, it sometimes needs to recruit the assistance of two friends: imperialism and war. Imperialism has its roots in notions like 'being American is better than being Arab', so we can see where the obvious racial connotations come from when we deal with how this affects fascism. War is something that functioned as a vehicle for nation-building in the first place.

What should be realized is the mass of people w i l l be mobilized behind the idea of self-determination, against the threat or imposition of external aggression, and that this, in a basic sense, is entirely valid. The fact that it can be manipulated and used by reactionary forces is something we also know all too well - which brings us to the fascists. To foster feelings of 'national un i ty ' , the standby 'threat o f invasion' theory is employed. The invader for Mussolini was communism. For Hitler it was the Jews. In both circumstances the nation is the primary mover, the fundamental. Hitler's

Ant idote - No 2 - Winter 2001/Spring 2002

anti-Semitism was based primarily on the threat he argued the Jews posed to the 'nation', not on racial hatred pure and simple. Anti-Semitism and racism aren't and never quite were required components or dimensions. I t ' s important to make this distinction because race isn't used blindly, and without the perception of a threat, could not be said to be a tactic worth employing.

So, i f fascism is an extreme investment in the idea o f nation, is it not just a revved up version of what already exists in the form of conservatism? Basically, it is. However, fascists argue that the 'nation' is in decay, that 'the establishment' is corrupt, and the 'nation' wi l l only be saved by 'the people' rising to take back its national birthright and 'work together' to make the nation great again. This is what 'National Socialism' meant. Rather than socialism being applicable to the working class, Hitler used the word as applicable to the nation.

The concept of nation is the qualifying factor in many countries where fascism has dominated the debate. In North America, the same is true. Just that it didn't need to rely on fascism to corrupt and divide the working class. Even so, fascism's capacity as a movement oppositional to the ruling order is something to be considered.

T H E NEW R A D I C A L OPPOSITION?

Considering the German and Italian examples, we can see that in order to take power, both Hitler and Mussolini - despite the 'radical' rhetoric - had to accommodate the interests of established capital. In Hitler's case this saw the elimination of the elements in his own movement who had actually believed in some kind of radical agenda.

In today's times, within these borders, there is no significant parallel between our situation and the conditions in which German, Spanish, and Italian fascism developed. Capitalism in the here and now isn't on its last legs - to the contrary. Fascism is generally thought of in the context of traditional capitalist economic crisis. An economic depression is one thing, but we know that under capitalism the success of one class translates to misery for another. Change itself, rather than an outright economic crisis can create favorable conditions for fascism.

In North America, there currently exists no tendency for fascist movements to be containable w i t h i n the framework o f conventional party politics. Instead, fascism has largely taken the form of cadre or 'mass movements' in overtly appealing to highly

charged collective emotion. This is the immediate threat to the working class. And as we mentioned earlier, just because the organized left is noticeably absent, this does not leave capitalism any less inviting a target. This is where the fascists are taking aim, working to replace class struggle politics with 'nationalist ' politics; working within the working class while fundamentally set against it. They recognize the discontent and anger and present themselves as ' an t i -establishment', identifying wi th genuine working class concerns.

Camouflage. After the failure of nationalist propaganda with the working class, Goebbels induces Hitler to wear Marx's beard when addressing the workers. Heart field

But does fascism have the capacity to form a genuine element of anti-capitalism? I f nation is the defining core of fascism, it follows that internationalism is not something fascists are part icularly keen on. This doesn't mean however, that they might present the rejuvenation of the national community as transcending class confl ic t , destroying traditional hierarchy, rewarding productive members of the new nation, and harnessing the energies of capitalism and technology in a new order in which they cease to be exploitative and enslaving.

"Indeed in the inter-war period, when Bolsheviks were confident that their cause represented the next stage of human progress, many fascists made the counter-claim that their solution to the crisis of civilization

embodied the only 'true ' socialism, an assertion often associated with a commitment to corporatist economics, national syndicalism, and a high degree of state planning." (Fascism, Griffen, 1995)

And unlike the Left, who often undertake the diff icul t task o f exposing the myths and pointing out far-reaching evidence to people, the fascists are using what is already in place in terms of ideology (ideas about nation, multiculturalism, etc.). While the ideology of nation exists within the working class, so wil l its fascist spin-off.

So, we've got capitalism on the one hand and fascism on the other. Not only does this provide us with a new enemy, that enemy is entrenched in our own camp and draining our resources. Fascists are making the effort to go to the working class. The Left has spent years seemingly expecting the working class to come to them, only to find them moving in the opposite direction.

BY WAY OF A DIAGNOSIS

As the traditional parties pile on the pressure, cutbacks, layoffs, gentrification, etc., leaving the poor to foot the bill, the lack of a radical left is a vacuum that the fascists are all to quick to f i l l . We need to realize that in the search for solutions, people generally fight for or against something that carries the prospect of tangible benefit or threat, rather than abstract political concepts. Our interest lies in clearing the space for reasoned debate and action to exist where bullshit and reaction might otherwise take root.

Fascism is in many ways l ike a virus, constantly evolving to accommodate changes in its habitat, producing a wide variety of new strains resistant to traditional remedies.

An anti-virus needs to act in kind. •

MEDIA MATTERS 7

A C L I M A T E O F R E A C T I O N

According to a police report released earlier this year "Hate crimes in Toronto more than doubled after the terrorist attacks on the United States" (Toronto Star, 02.26.02) Muslim and Arab communities bore a great deal of the brunt.

A similar report released around the same time by B'Nai B'rith (which differs only in the sense that it restricts its coverage to anti-Semitic attacks) indicates that the rise in anti-Semitic attacks can be attributed to fallout from increased tension in the Middle East. The report 'suspects' that "most of the incidents reported during this period were acts of opportunistic hate groups or individual anti-Semites who used the Middle East tension as an excuse or catalyst for their expression of hatred" (Toronto Star, 02.21.02)

On July 14 of this year David Rosenzweig, father of six, was stabbed to death in the predominantly Jewish area of Bathurst and Lawrence. A shaven-headed young white man and a black woman were the prime suspects at large. Reportage on the heinous crime provoked instant reaction as well as attention in Israel where it was dubbed a hate crime in newspaper and website headlines. Despite Toronto police hesitation to frame the murder as such, news of the slaying spread quickly in Israel where newscasts made it their lead item. A popular news site bore the headlines: "Toronto police hunt skinhead Jew-killer" read the headline. Another story led: "Toronto police: murder of Jewish man was a hate crime T

B'Nai B'rith Canada president Rochelle Wilner opportunistically politicized the tragedy by broadly linking it to Israel's critics charging, "This terrible crime is the fruit of Durban, of an irresponsible press and an indifferent international community." Immediately pointing the finger at 'Toronto neo-Nazis', executive vice-president of B'Nai B'rith, Frank Dimant went further to add "We've seen it in Israel and now in Canada. It's open season on the Jews."

According to Ed Morgan, regional chair of the Canadian Jewish Congress, his group has since received "numerous calls from elderly people worried that they can't go out shopping."

Supposed 'skinhead' Christopher Steven McBride and his girlfriend were soon arrested by detectives and armed tactical officers at a Kipling Ave building, north of Finch Ave.; an area well known for its rampant drug activity, referred to as 'The Ghetto' by area residents. Police head Fantino revealed findings to the press. "My understanding is that he was aggravated by some misdirection or misinformation that he got when he was on the hunt for marijuana." A few days later, Staff Inspector Bob Clarke explained that although a possible connection to White Power groups was one avenue explored, "We've investigated that and looked into it, and the evidence that's available to us at this time does not indicate it's a hate-motivated crime."

"He just happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time." claimed one witness.

Not about to let anything get in the way of a good press release, B'Nai B'rith stuck by its original comments in light of the new information. "When you 're looking at a totally visible Jewish establishment, with visible Jews, and when somebody comes in displaying insignia, if you will, that earmark one's ideological belief and bent and then proceeds to stab someone, I personally don't think it's necessary to scream beforehand a statement 7 hate Jews'," said Dimant.

In fact, the 'insignia' in question - a tattoo apparently 'resembling the Celtic cross' - was actually more consistent with gangster-rap imagery.

Other voices from the Jewish community offered up a more sobering perspective on the Rosenzweig slaying. "If it turns out to be, tragically, the wrong man at the wrong time, and indeed any individual who happened to be standing there would have met the same fate, then questions about the implications of what's going on in the larger world become irrelevant." (Len Rudner, CJC's director of community relations)

But the aftermath of this crime was clearly politically exploited. It's unlikely that David Rosenzweig or his family had close, personal ties with Premier Ernie Eves, former cabinet minister Art Eggleton, Police Chief Julian Fantino and Mayor Mel Lastman. But all of these individuals attended his funeral.

"Few of the 15 homicides that occurred in Toronto this year were front-page news. Indeed some, such as the murder of 45-year-old John Manuel Gomes in the Panama Cafe and Sports Bar, were treated as normal events... In the case of the Gomes slaying, both victim and accused murderer were 'working class individuals who were known to police' while the Panama Cafe was described as a 'small billiards and drinking room ' frequented by 'unemployed locals who had little else to do but grab drinks during the day. (Thomas Walkom, Toronto Star 07.16.02)

Political motivations impacted on crime indeed call for specialized scrutiny. But 'crying wo l f in absence of the facts knocks the wind out of this fundamental appeal. Considering Rosenzweig's case has been deemed a hate crime, even an unproven one. you'd think the story would still be newsworthy. But this is where coverage seems to end in resounding silence. Perhaps it's been bashfully relegated to the back of the newspaper, under the status of'normal' crime. Pretty heartless, i f not outright criminal. •

8 Ant idote - No 2 - Winter 2001/Spring 2002

O U T IN LEFT FIELD

BEYOND LEFT AND RIGHT?

'We are still winning' has been the hopeful slogan touted by the rag-tag alliance of students, environmentalists and anti-authoritarians from Seattle to Prague to Quebec City to Genoa. Signs surrounding the most recent anti-G8 spectacle in Kanatasis suggest otherwise.

In the post September 11 atmosphere, many anti-globalization activists on the Left blame the impotency of the protest movement on external factors. In some regards, this might be true. Given that the state has on several occasions labeled the perpetrators of last year's terror attacks 'forces against global capitalism', people can't be blamed for feeling as though they might somehow constitute membership in that wildly loose category. Most of the 'movement' has backed into safer territory; 'anti-war' rather than 'anti-capitalist', crowing against vague notions of globalization and empire. Some are coming to realize that not everyone opposing global capitalism is on their side.

An article entitled Extreme Link (Now Magazine, 7.11-17.02) outlines how an 'organization' calling itself the Anti-Globalism Action Network - AGAN (formed just prior to the Kananaskis G8 meeting), is directly tied to the National Alliance -reportedly appearing at anti-globalization demos of recent years. Their website is registered by "NA Canada" in Calgary, (g8activist.com) intentionally mistaken for the G8 Activist Network site (g8activist.ca).

A press release on the front page from AGAN spokesperson 'Anthony Phillips' reads: "Both our cooperation with the National Alliance, and its active participation in G8 demonstrations, does not preclude AGAN from cooperating with other divergent groups and individuals in the future. The anti-globalism movement will either broaden its base of support or it will wither away.'" A serious

threat or just another blatant bid for headlines and controversy?

The National Alliance is one such organization that has taken on the appearance of attempting recruitment from two opposing ends of the political spectrum. An organization that earlier this year embroiled in controversy surrounding alleged support of the 'Stephen Harper Leadership Campaign' and participation of its members at a Canadian Alliance convention in Edmonton. Its efforts to recruit conservatives in tandem with its 'active participation' of National Alliance members in recent demonstrations against the G8 Summit, shows its propensity to 'play the field'.

A National Alliance member in writes in an article entitled 'Beyond Left and Right':

"Many anti-globalists may never support the National Alliance, and a minority within the anti-globalist movement would not be welcomed into our ranks even if they were so inclined. These 'un-salvageables' include the radical homosexuals, drunks, native-fetishists, and mental deficients, that helped to alienate mainstream society from the demonstrations. In reality, the demonstrations included countless real people, abandoned, both by the political mainstream, and by the radical left, which has failed to provide them with a realistic worldview or long-term direction.

The National Alliance must be prepared to fill this political void, by providing dissatisfied anti-globalists with a real revolutionary alternative. Not only must the National Alliance continue to speak out against globalism, and attempt to make further inroads into the anti-globalist movement, but we must do a better job of marketing ourselves to those within the anti-globalist camp who may be receptive to our message.

There are particular challenges to recruiting from the traditional left, which must first be understood and then overcome. Unlike conservatives, who often accept the importance of race, yet not of revolution, much of the left has abandoned any hope of reforming the system, yet does not understand the importance of race. The challenge is to convince people from the traditional left that race, rather than class or gender is the key component of the struggle.''

The NA are working with some ready-made opportunities and themes, handed to them in the wake of September 11. The West Virginia-based organization has embarked on an

unprecedented series of public rallies and protests at Israeli Embassies, geared against the Bush Administration's alliance with Sharon. Defacto support for the Palestinian cause - traditionally left-wing turf - has been crafted for broad popular consumption while, working in tandem, COTC milks the opposite angle; targeting Americans of Arab decent as the source of the problem and calling for a race-based immigration policy.

"The National Alliance is also working to exploit continuing fear of terror attacks with a new community-based 'terror-free zone' campaign, which calls for an end to U.S. aid to Israel alongside a return to pre-1965 U.S. immigration regulations. The National Alliance leaflet, being distributed in working-class neighborhoods, says the group will collect names of neighborhood signatories and pass them on to nations in the Middle East. This will ensure, the group claims, that communities signing on will be 'declared terror-free zones' and will 'not be targeted for reprisals. "'(In These Times, 9.13.02)

Certainly, angling with the pro-Palestinian stance must be disruptive to the NA, considering they are the most Hitlerian of groups on the fascist right in the US. Especially considering the late William Pierce's attempts to cross-pollinate his organization's ideas through the far right, reactionary, conservative political and social movements. Prior to his death earlier this summer. Pierce told Michelle Cottle of The New Republic: "My primary concern is not really for Palestinian freedom or how they run their lives over there - or for the Iraqis." So, while care must be taken not to over-inflate this broadly labeled threat of 'third-positionism', there is a risk that turf loosely occupied by the left can be usurped.

In many countries, the far right has replaced the left as the main political opposition. The National Alliance aren't so blind to think they carry any sway over the disenfranchised of the movement against capital, but they intend to appeal to them. The 'radical' Left meanwhile believe that they are already the resistance acting on behalf of the people; that these same people should be coming to them, rather than the other way around.

There is political steam being generated by these far-right initiatives that needs to be countered. Although the outcome of this conflict will be formulated and determined in the disaffected communities themselves, rather than on television at a raucous picket, something presents a strong argument for our going undercover as whackos and showing up at these free for alls. •

FIGHTING TIMES

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Thousands Caughl Up in Park Melt* i j - . - ^ i H 1.1dm: I • ?:pe% and Bats

Sweep Streets, Blu<l«oniiiE Victim

THE BATTLE OF CHRISTIE PITS "Widespread disorder raged over the vast area of Toronto streets for hours last night when rioting broke out following the display of the swastika emblem on a white quilt at a baseball game in Willowvale Park. In the disturbance which flared up like a spark among tinder, scores were injured; five were removed to hospital. Lead pipes, baseball bats, broom-handles and clubs were freely used. Police at times were almost ovenvhelmed or out-numbered; reserves were called out and batons were drawn... The disturbance became largely racial in character, bands of Gentiles and of Jews apparently taking up opposing sides in the battle... More than 8,000persons were involved or enmeshed in the disturbances shortly after they began."

Daily Mail and Empire, 17 August 1933

"The anti-Communist crusade started a chain reaction that created some pre-conditions for the Christie Pits riot five years later. First it intensified the identification in the minds of many between Communism and Jews. It emphasized the foreignness of the immigrants, their supposed ungratefidness to Canada, their alleged unwillingness to adopt British ideals and values."

The Riot at Christie Pits, Cyril H. Levitt and William Shaffir

If there was a center of Protestantism and the British connection in the mid-thirties it was Toronto, home to one of the largest concentrations of the Orange Order in Canada. Maintaining "the connection between the Colonies of British America and the Mother Country, and ever ready to resist all attempts to weaken British influence, or dismember the British Empire", the Orange Order's influence on ideas of nation and territory had a profound

impact on political, social, and religious life in the city. Orange anti-Semitism was inextricably bound up with xenophobia, anti-communism, and Protestant moralism.

Against this backdrop, residents of Toronto's Kew Beach district organized a Swastika Club to police their beach in attempts to keep it free of Jewish patronage. Although not fascist by design, youth gangs wearing the swastika appeared in a number of cities to harass Jewish citizens. The first major manifestation of the resulting tensions came in 1933 following the launch of Toronto's Balmy Beach Swastika Club. After the residents association had abandoned the swastika emblem, a far-right element hijacked and revitalized it. A new Swastika Club was born, complete with brown shirts and a fascist program. A public meeting held by the new group was attended by an overflow crowd -not of supporters - but of anti-fascist opponents who had come to disrupt the event. Fearing a riot, police shut the meeting down.

In the same year on August 17, front-page headlines read, "Six Hours of Rioting Follows Hitler Shout - Scores Hurt, Two Held." The incident took place at a baseball game between Jewish and non-Jewish teams at Willowvale Park in the working class district of Christie Pits. A swastika painted on a bed-sheet in the stands and shouts of Heil Hitler understandably kicked it all off. Fighting began on the field and spread throughout the

park, players and all. The quick appearance of sledgehammers, lead piping, and sawed-off bats meant planning and organization. The flag bearers were beaten down and their bed-sheet ripped to pieces by militant Jewish youth. Italian and Ukrainian allies of the Jewish combatants joined the fray that raged until about 2am. Police were hopelessly outnumbered. Most units had been dispatched to Allan Gardens to intimidate a meeting of the Unemployed Ex-Servicemen's Association. The main anti-fascist element at the rumble was working class youth of Jewish immigrants who, despite their elders' counsel against taking the law into their own hands, delivered an undisputed second prize to the pro-Nazi element.

The Battle of Christie Pits was the boiling point of a crisis that had been simmering for years, an event that many have since described as a race riot. But although neither the organized left or right had any direct involvement in the proceedings, there were definitely two 'political' sides to this fight. The fact that progressive forces won the day was never at any stage a guaranteed outcome.

As easily as the far right has been able to harness and direct feelings of national pride, it also retains the luxury of absolving itself of all responsibility when things go in a direction otherwise intended. The left isn't afforded that same luxury. Something worth keeping in mind. •

The presence of Jews at Toronto's east beaches prompted residents to complain of a 'foreign invasion'.

Ant idote - No 2 - Winter 2001/Spring 2002

UNDER REVIEW 'Fascism & Ant i -Fascism'

"For much of the U.S. left, fascism is little more than an epithet - simply another way to say 'bad' or 'very bad' applied loosely to quite different social movements as well as to various aspects and elements of capitalist reaction. But for those with more of a 'theoretical bent' fascism in essence is, and always has been, a 'gorilla 'form of capitalism. That is, fascism is a system of capitalist rule that would be more reactionary, more repressive, more imperialist, and more racist and genocidal than current 'normality' of ruling class policy. Many of those who see fascism as essentially capitalist also minimize the extent to which it is a sharp break with 'normal 'forms of capitalist rule. They see it as just the extreme end of the continuum of systemized repression that characterizes late capitalism. Often this is expressed in the view that capitalism contains an inherent drive towards fascism, a trip some believe has already been completed."

Here then is the basis for an exploration into the nature of fascism that also sets out to initiate debate about tactics and strategies in confronting it. Don Hamerquist, American author of Fascism & Antifascism, argues fascism has the potential to become a mass movement with a substantia] and genuine element of revolutionary anti-capitalism; that simplistic viewpoints about fascism have been -and still are - paired with simplistic and inadequate anti-fascism. In his opening words, he states:

''Anti-fascism was either confined to the terrain of reformism or collapsed into the general struggle against capital. In the rest of this paper I hope to demonstrate what's wrong with the first point, and to develop an alternative to the second."

Leading things off with a brief look into history, Hamerquist attempts to demonstrate that the common left view has intetpreted fascism, since its emergence, as a capitalist reaction to the threat of an organized working class challenge to capital. Outlining how the core of this view saw fascism's mass base rooted in 'competitively insecure sectors of the capitalist class', never as a tendency within the working class, he warns that in the present frame, such a position wil l lead to a ''serious blurring of the distinctions between the politics of a revolutionary left and those of various militant anti-capitalist fascist tendencies."

In brief consideration of the potential prospects and contradictions of capitalism, Hamerquist states, "There is no doubt that in response to these developing crises some elements of resurgent fascism will ally with capitalist reaction" but in his opinion, "these are unlikely to be the decisive and defining elements in this country." The potential for a strategically significant section of U.S. capital opting for a fascist state is seriously questioned as he asks, "even without such ruling class support, might a pro-capitalist variant of fascism gain hegemony over the various elements of right wing reaction and shape it into a unified mass movement that could impose fascism on the capitalist ruling class as well as the rest of society"!

As Class Action have similarly articulated, Hamerquist points out that we face conditions very different from other places and times in history where fascism has gained a mass following and built a significant challenge to state power, but that there exists a real danger that the fascist movements wil l be the main beneficiary of capitalism's developing contradictions. He also draws attention to the failings of the left operating on "the unstated assumption that in any competition with fascists for popular support we win by default. When the secondary issues underlying this assumption are eliminated, two main grounds

for it remain. This first is the belief that all of

the significant fascists will expose themselves as pro-capitalist. The second is the belief that fascism is inevitably white supremacist."

Hamerquist recognizes the link between white supremacy and support for capitalism in the U.S. and acknowledges that any white fascist movement there that isn't 'categorically opposed to capitalism' would be white supremacist. But for the purposes of this thesis, he focuses on the third position variant of fascism (one that envisions a 'third way' between fascism and capitalism) that he believes poses the greater threat.

"It makes a direct appeal to a working class audience with a warped, but militant, socialist racialist-nationalist program of decentralized direct action that has at least as much going for it as the warped reformist, nationalist, and pervasively non militant schemes of the established left. Not only does it intend to appeal to the working classes and the dispossessed - in distinct contrast to groups like the National Alliance; but at least some elements within it explicitly aim to recruit from the ranks of the militant left, and not from the radical right"

While I suspect the above approach (apart from the 'recruit from the ranks of the militant left' part) is standard fare for most fascist organizations anyway, I 'm not altogether convinced the threat of third-positionism isn't being overstated here. The participation of

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1 l i . _LL J National Bolsheviks Conduct Recruitment Drive From New Party Headquarters, Red/Brown Alliance Feared

UNDER REVIEW

working class people in anti-globalization protests, for instance, has been absolutely nothing the organized Left can take credit for. It's something that can be easily 'taken away' i f serious changes in basic approach aren't made. The turf can be lost to practically any tendency on the far right. The real danger lies in failing to calculate the reasons why, in order to see it coming and prevent total calamity.

As for the 'recruit from the ranks of the militant left', part, I would still argue that the primary danger lies in the far right appealing to the left's constituency before they've been won over! Show us examples of people on the militant left convinced enough to switch allegiances and we'll gladly see the backs of people not worth having on our team, period.

"Indeed, elements of third position politics are hard to distinguish from common positions on the left, even from positions held in some of the groups that are closest to us. For example, some punks and skinheads who view themselves as working class revolutionaries, some elements of RASH [Red and Anarchist Skinheads], and even participants in our own organizations are ambiguous on issues which should clearly differentiate right from left. These ambiguities, and actually this may be too mild a term, include romanticized views of violence, male supremacy, susceptibility to cults and omniscient leadership, and macho opposition to open debate and discussion with respect for individual and group autonomy."

Ambiguity here is certainly a theme. While I almost cringe waiting to hear what 'some elements of RASH' might be defined as, I also sense some underestimation of how informed discussion on these crucial points has been amongst those who've been on the sharp end of the debate for more years than fingers. Considering the left has become dominated by the middle class in composition and therefore hasn't committed to effecting social change from within the working class, it comes as little wonder that groups like RASH seem ambiguous - they're worlds apart! This is reflected in the personal rather than political treatment of rank and file fascists that Hamerquist accurately points out elsewhere. It happens to militants of our stripe as well. As for the 'ambiguities' pinpointed here, these are symptomatic of anti-social gang culture, so I 'm not sure painting political stripes on them is useful.

Next, Hamerquist warns of the dangers of 'militarization'. Fears of political action degenerating into gang warfare in its purest form are indeed well grounded. And while this discussion isn't necessarily new to the

uninitiated, it's certainly worth repeating. As Hamerquist correctly points out, "The capitalist state and its repressive apparatus is a player in the conflict between anti-capitalist left and neo-fascist right. It has interests in disrupting and diverting both sides. It has interests in setting the terms and circumstances of their opposition to each other."

Along the same thread, it's worth adding a few cents to the statement: "There is no meaningful sense in which fascism can be strategically defeated while capitalism survives."

While this may stand to reason in theory, it leaves room for misinterpretation. Surely a complete victory against fascism isn't something that will be achievable while society is organized the way it is. But in a practical sense, space needs to be cleared in a range of areas where - i f fascists are active - the building of progressive working class influence can otherwise range from difficult to the impossible. 'Strategically' is the key word here, but what is the strategy? Are we talking about occupying turf and influence while incrementally building sway in a given area over time, or are we talking about wild misadventures seemingly designed to attract maximum repression and community scorn? When you're actually entrenched in the community and have nothing to do with the theatrics of a visiting rent-a-mob, things can change dramatically.

Hamerquist succeeds in delivering the understanding that the movement is still using the old left's failed theories about fascism and anti-fascism from the 1920s. He also has a good finger on the pulse in his assessments of far-right trends and outmoded left rationale. Sure, some stuff in here could be argued over, but I think the spirit and intent of the paper encourages this. The fact that Fascism & Anti-Fascism is brave enough to tread uncharted territory is reason alone to recommend it. •

(Reviewed by S. Rosedale)

Fascism & Anti-Fascism is being published in book format complete with a response by J. Sakai entitled 'The Shock of Recognition', and related texts. Available for $12.95 US / $20 CDN by writing to:

Kersplebedeb Distribution CP 63560 CCCP Van Home Montreal, Quebec Canada H3W3H8

FASCISM IN UNFAMILIAR D R A G

"The stunning attacks of 911 are being assigned to religious fanaticism, an "islamic fundamentalism" that represents all that is backward to the West. Ironically, both sides, both the u.s. empire and the insurgent pan-islamic rightists, prefer to call their movement a religious one. To the contrary, nothing about capitalism's "first World War of the 21st century" can be understood that way. Think it over. A supranational political underground of educated men, organized into cells with sophisticated illegal documents and funding, who are multilingual and travel across the world to learn how to fly passenger jet airliners and then use them as guided missiles, is nothing but political. And modern. Pan-islamic fascism pressing home their war on a global battlefield.

The small but growing white fascist bands here in the u.s. picked up on this immediately. They had political brethren in the Muslim world. Politics is thicker than blood. "Anyone who's willing to drive a plane into a building to kill Jews is alright by me", said Billy Roper of the National Alliance, the largest white fascist group here.

... Not race and not religion but class politics."

(J. Sakai, The Shock of Recognition)

National Alliance Membership Director. Billy Roper. The left has taught him all he knows about anti-capitalist politics, particularly the bits about getting hit with blunt objects.

CLASS ACTION 5 2 2 C h u r c h St . Box 1 1 1 , T o r o n t o , ON M4Y 2E3 c l a s s a c t i o n @ h u s h m a i l . c o m

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