Knowledge of excellence, the artisans and the rebozo de Santa María del Río, Mexico.

Claudia Ramírez Martínez1 1Habitat Faculty, Autonomous University of San Luis Potosí

KeywordsRebozo, traditional techniques, artisans, knowledge, Santa Maria del Rio, Mexico

Corresponding e-mail address: claudia.ramirez@uaslp.mx

Abstract

The rebozo is a traditional clothe similar to shawls; it implies knotting, tinctured, waving of threads and ending subprocess. Its use is quite popular within all the women in Mexico. Traditional techniques, materials and knowledge of rebozo differ throughout the country, as well as its costs. The artisans from Santa Maria del Rio have one of the most renown rebozo techniques at Mexico, where there are not only rebozo workers, but an amplitude of arts and crafts. This research aims to show how social and economic conditions have affected profoundly the knowledge of rebozo process. Through historical documentation, observation and interviews a community of artisans shows a strong technical knowledge of the preparation of the threads, dyed, knotting, weaving and ending of the rebozo. Artisans were asked about their knowledge by vernacular naming of tools and subparts of the processes of ancestral techniques. Two parts of the process: the tinctured and the ending (empuntado), were especially rich in content; however, it was revealed lacks at the long term knowledge of the handcraft of silk rebozo, paradoxically and for far, the most famous product of rebozos.

Introduction

Santa Maria del Rio is recognized by the manufacturing of silk rebozos and other arts and crafts in Mexico. The term rebozo de Santa Maria means a rebozo manufactured at this precise town, even when there is not Controlled Designation of Origin [C.D.O.] of its name. None of the other arts and crafts of Santa Maria del Rio are called with its geographic precise location. Inhabitants use to talk of Santama, Santa Maria cabecera, or simply Santa.

1

Map 1

Map 2Maps 1 and 2: Location of Santa Maria del Rio. Source: National Institute of

Geography and Statistics, INEGI Mexico, 2020.

Rebozos have been traditionally a piece of clothing for domestic, religious and ceremonial uses. Even when rebozos are used in all the country, the Santa Maria del Rio´s rebozo is perhaps the most famous or following Romero Giordano the finest rebozo.(1974, p. 222)

Following the government web pages, the rebozo is a synthesis of three historical influences: the prehispanic mamatl, the mantilla from Spain and the oriental knotting. The rebozo has been the characteristic clothing in the presentation of the Mexican woman, from the vice-regal period (since 1500 until 1810), has given celebrity to the artisans of Jilotepec, Tejupilco, Calimaya and Tenancingo. The Tenancingo rebozo is elaborated with cotton and might have threads as artisela between them.” (Textil | Portal Ciudadano, 2018)

The processes of acculturation took place not only in the physical aspect between Indigenous and Spanish social groups, who arrived at the New Spain at the Colonial Period.

2

Many aspects of the quotidian life were impacted. In his study of Mexican handcrafts, Romero Giordano mentions the textile branch as the second in importance in a country with more than 54 branches of handcrafts. Siveroni and Tiballi (2016) mention some pieces of dyed fabric dated from the pre-Hispanic period from Peru. Its uses have been barely studied for the pre-Hispanic period from Mexico.

Following Dong Jingsheng “The labor presence of the Chinese in Mexico suggests a knowledge in the use of silk that should have permeated since the seventeenth century through the Chinese migrant labor, particularly for its presence in textile areas.” (Jingsheng, 2006, pp. 79–82)

1. Social relevance

Towards the economy, the rebozo represents a unique value, it is one piece of clothing purchased or made by a woman in her life. The economic value of the rebozo, depending of its quality, is taken as a piece that maintains its profitable value. Marie Francois documents stated that in 1788, the rebozos were used as a piece of pawn, taken at a value of 4 reales at the Pulpería Guarico of Mexico City.(Marie Francois, 2004, p. 335)

“Textiles were cultural currency, tools of creative expression and even of social mobility and defiance. Just as now, clothing functioned as language: sending messages, expressing personality, revealing ambitions, or suggesting means. Garments also had social lives of their own: handmade by one person, purchased by another, passed in a will or pawned with the corner grocery, bought again at a pawnshop a tion or at a stall in a street market, and finally rehabilitated with a dye refurbished buttons, or a new cut.”(Marie Francois, 2004, pp. 345–346)

Catholic church had been an important institution that impacted the traditions and habit´s changes from the Indigenous life in a period of 300 years in the history of Mexico. Acha mentions that “At the time of the Colony in Spanish America we see the architectural, sculptural and pictorial production next to the silver, textiles and ceramics. We meet a popular Catholicism that, clinging to a few indigenous or African elements generated, crafts production, distribution and popular use. In the complicated craftsmanship of that time, the Colony and the Church reigned” (Acha, 2009, p. 65) The indigenous aspect seems to be another aspect that could matter, but nowadays is not as evident as it was documented in pretty earlier literature. Ramirez mention that tools were documented in different ways as the Nutall, Borgia, Féjérvary-Mayer and Mendocino codex. (Ramírez, 2016, p. 68) However, we observed different tools that have clear indigenous names as malacate, tzotzopaztli or machete, jaspe and enjuilos among others.

2. Materials and methods

This research was made from a corpus of thirty-two rebozo´s artisans, women and men, and ten artisans of other kind of works, all of them based in Santa Maria del Rio. Our research was made in four different periods of time, between 2001 and 2015. Our first contact was in 2001, at the Rebozo´s school and with the Municipality Government. It was continued in 2010, 2014 and 2015, also at Santa Maria del Rio.

We use as research tools: observation, interviews as well as interviews commented with photographic images. Different locations were used for interviews. The main location for interviews was at the Rebozo´s School location, and the artisan´s houses in case that we

3

were invited to follow their work. Two kinds of interviews were used: at the first contact, we made some general questions, pretty short in time, looking for the suitability of the subjects. We tried to establish a contact with the artisans; later, by an appointment another semi-structured interview was conducted. The type of work was taken with a hierarchy, looking mainly rebozo´s workers, women and men.

We ask the consent of each person and register each interview in audio, took some pictures, and we made photography and video records at the rebozo´s school and in their own houses. Public events were also registered with video and photos. We based our interviews with the works of Goode & Hatt(Goode & Hatt, 2008, pp. 237–245) as well as that Duverger propose as multiple interviews(Duverger, 1978, p. 282) and within this concept, an interview commented with pictures, based in the proposal of Duverger of interviews- memories(Duverger, 1978, p. 295).

The preparation of the fieldwork for this research was based on the works of Cresswell(Creswell, 1994, pp. 152–154) and Garza. These work allow us to control the information and were useful for the interviews, as well as the commented interviews with pictures.

Before the field work, a list of the data to be retained was prepared. Once we have a classification of the variety of our informants, we have had persons accepting a conversation and those persons that recounted their histories showing their pictures. That is, with their interview commented, and more specifically, it was about having personal information, by the way of a large interview in their house and followed by pictures, journals and pictures. Specific questions were included about the journals of the artisans, looking for the transmission of knowledge before and after them.

We have designed as commented interview with pictures of the person. This has two moments, the first one is where they answer generalities and we decided if they were our main research subjects. The second moment of the tool was when they count their life history, they talk about their work, how it was started, how their knowledge was improved, whom they learn the more, among others.

Besides, we interview artisans from the following activities: basketry, wax-workers cera escamada, bakery, marquetry, cookers, smithy and nut-workers. These activities have a clear hierarchy among inhabitants of Santa Maria del Rio, and each one could be considered an artisan in their practice.

Respect to the video recording, it was considered as secondary term materials, although it seemed to be equally important in ceremonies and civil events. We asked the respondent for their consent regarding the uses of their pictures and videos on this research. They were four persons that refused to be recorded, and they were two persons who accepted partially to be recorded.

Anonymity has apparently two sides for artisans: in one hand, they have a very personal issue that does not want to be shared publicly; on the other hand, if some artisans receive publicity, or they are part of some official politics benefits, they prefer to show their names and their work. In this case, we keep their names, if they preferred.

3. The process of rebozo

The process of a rebozo could be similar to the shawl, and for our research, we propose this division of six sub-process to study the rebozo:

4

1st. Measurement of the threads. How long will be this rebozo or shawl? Depending on its size, it will be the long of threads. This first step gives an order to the threads to be used and includes winding and stretching.

2nd First stretched of the threads. It includes for the rebozo the first knotted sub process, following the schema of the model to be done by each artisan.

3rd. The dye. This includes the preparation of tinctures for dye. It includes a basic process of making fire to give the adequate temperature, mordants materials and fixture of the tinctures.

4th. Second stretched. This step allows a complete dry after the dye process and prepares the threads to be waved, and also this sub-step allows to clean evident impurities of threads once dyed.

5th. The wave. This is the most known and sometimes the only referred part of the process. When we study this issue, some of the work refers graphically to this part of the process, ignoring other steps.

6th. Ending or empuntado. This is the last part of the process and includes knotted of the colors following specific models, and also gives an alignment of the threads before exhibit for sale.

The process of the rebozo differs of the shawl at some of these steps. Basically, the shawl is made with only one color and the rebozo implies at least two colors, depending of the model, it could be a combination until seven colors. Mexican rebozos and shawls could be thought of as similar work involving both weaving and, but, without a large part implied with the rebozo as initial knotting, separation of threads, stretched of threads once dyed, weaving threads of different colors, and knotting the end with different colors.

Depending on their figure, dye and ending, Santa Maria del Rio´ rebozos used to have specific names: most known and traditional are de bolita, de concha, de pino abierto, caramel (which is made with seven colors) and palomo (white and gray, ending white); but, when the handcraft implies a creation, artisans give a name for that particular rebozo and usually is made of artificial silk known as artisela or silk. Following the same artisans´s discourse, chalinas are not a rebozo, since they do not imply the knotting and tinctured process of the rebozo. However, it implies also some part of this knowledge, and indeed is taken as part of the rebozo marketing and it is made also at Santa Maria del Rio.

Rebozos from Estado de Mexico bear evocative names such as: pomegranate bow, bean flower, double line, drizzle, palaces, deer, mice or coyotes, although none of these animals will be drawn on the canvas.

The rebozo is made in almost all the country. They are made in a variety of materials since cotton to silk; with an equally variety of prices, going from 100-200 Mexican pesos (5-10 US dollars) to 15,000 Mexican pesos (1200 US dollars) for a silk rebozo and up to 25,000 Mexican pesos for a silk rebozo empuntado from Santa María del Río. Such variety let us suppose a difference in quality and time of its process.

5

3.2 The gender aspects of the rebozoOther important aspect concerning the rebozo is that it is a piece of women´s clothing.

It is not considered as pashminas could be actually used by men in Mexico. Once it is a valuable item, Marie Francois remarks that historically: “Spanish and Creole women of the upper classes wore the mantilla, while most Mexican women (whether poor whites, mestizas, or Indians) wore the rebozo. Both types were commonly pawned.” (Marie Francois, 2004, p. 346)

Bernard reviews the use of the rebozo in public and private places and points out the conformity in its use in Mexico City in 1941(1941).Once the rebozo of Santa Maria del Rio acquired fame, like so many issues, it easily falls into the lesser known. Basically, a rebozo is composed at least by two colors, the central part which is the longest use to have a figure and the endings are kept in one of the two colors. Popular rebozos implied a long process that goes from extending and counting threads, knotting, dyeing, unlace knotting and re-ordering threads and stretched them, waving at the loom, and ending at both sides of the rebozo, knotting for the last time. This process, made by hand at this location, is made by machine in almost everywhere in the country, the very first reason for the difference in prices.

In this case, the handcraft of rebozo is made by women and men. However, parts of the rebozo process, particularly the end of the rebozo work, are considered almost limited activities to women with a very good manual experience in the knotted. (Cabrera, 1906) Cabrera mentions that towards the 1920 -1930 decades, the work of the silk weaving of rebozo was made by both genders. (Cabrera, 1906) More recently, Imanari has pointed a gender situation that she has found at School of rebozo: “the weavers in the school are all men. Once women are married, it is difficult to go out from their house. Some of them have tools at home and continue, some gather in the houses of neighbors who have tools. So, naturally, only men work in the school. There are, of course, other weavers who belong to other shops beside the school. But their situation is similar […]”(Imanari, 1982, p. 36)

In her same research work, Imanari showed us that: “Weaving used to be women’s occupation. Maybe someday it might go back to that again. But then, women will not be the women of the past. They will have more education and more chances. In reality, young girls are changing even in this small town.” (Imanari, 1982, p. 38)

6

Graphic 1. Observation of thread preparation as the first part of the rebozo process.

3.3 Natural dye, traditional but expensive Mexico is known historically as a producer of the cochineal Dactylopius coccus. We

can find various works on this, since the first Spanish chronicles of the New Spain, passing through Breyn´s Natural History in the 18th Century (1731), to the most renown work of the cochineal of Antonio Alzate published also in the 18th Century (1794).

The newest works of Arrioja (2013) and Tarantola (1999); with a different focus on the dye technique, but not less important in the Mexican new bibliography seems to be the work of Roquero (1995). And, without a doubt, one of the most important works is the well- documented of Sarabia Viejo(1994) about the cochineal and Indigo Mesoamerican techniques. Or, it exists an amplitude of works treating cochineal; however, the Breyn´s Natural History implies the silk study, with cochineal use for threads in America.

Following Sarabia Viejo(1994), we known that Guatemala and El Salvador had been also two countries of important production of grana and indigo colorants.

Actually, the use of tinctures, natural and artificial materials and colors is barely communicated; nevertheless, this does not mean that artisans ignore it. Our interest now is centered in how far contemporary artisans know their own rebozo´s techniques. It is not only a competitor´s issue, but also a long term knowledge enclosed historically in this community.

7

The use of dyes is actually done with dyes as Mariposa and Caballito, both artificial powder and bars. It seems to expose some absent knowledge of natural materials and preparation. In fact, there are, on one hand, greater facilities in the use of commercial dyes, distributed in small portions that depending on the garment to be inked, it can be used an envelope of a single dose or two envelopes or more of a unique color, both accessible for every artisan at low-cost and color variety.

We observed that one Caballito dose of 16 grams costs commercially 16.50 Mexican pesos, that are less than one dollar; while one kilogram of Grana cochinilla cochineal ready to dye rounds about 1300 pesos for one kilo, some 150US dollars. Obviously, the quantity to be used depends on the model of the rebozo. For darker colors, Indigofera tinctoria powder, rounds about 1500 pesos for a package of one kilo could be acquired only in the international market.

Even when the government has been made eventually programs to reinsert the use of natural dyes and materials as silk, the cost for an artisan is expensive, if not impossible. If, for a woman, a complete rebozo is paid at 500 pesos, and manufacturing could take one week to be completed, they will do three or four in a month, which means 1500 or 2000 pesos income; logically, neither the cochineal Grana cochinilla nor Indigofera is an option for a simple artisan.

Cabrera documented in 1906 the professions at Santa Maria del Rio, and let us know the existence of 138 rebozo women and men makers, among them two tinctures workers. Professions listed as Copper workers, orange wood workers and soap makers(Cabrera, 1906, p. 35) are today disappeared. Tincture’s workers used natural tinctures, especially browns and reds, obtained from some metallic parts or combined with cochineal processes. It seems that this procedure is nowadays forgotten or lost in its popular knowledge. In 2005, we have found that just two women of the interviewed recognized this procedure, but ignored their process.

It seems that the use to the use of artisela or artificial silk, precise temperatures, specific use of mordants, post-mordants known as fixative -fijador- were not recognized by everybody, or have some difficult naming the tools, materials or parts of the process. For example, we show this text:

“Artisela has been one of the most popular materials of rebozo wave at Santa Maria del Rio. It was synthesized in 1886 by Hilaire Bergnigaud in France and means artificial silk. Its characterization is often between synthetic or no natural materials. At the 1954 Economic Census of Mexico, it has been merged between the production of silk, and separated from wool, cotton and linen. (Anuario estadistico, 1954, p. 517)” In the interviewed persons, we have that this very short information is ignored by almost all the artisans, only 6 women expressed to know what it was, and 4 expressed that the artisela is extracted from a tree, wrongly thinking that it is 100% natural. Barely, they expressed that it was bought at Mexico City by the Administrative part of the school, and they ignore where it comes from exactly. Graphic 2 shows parts of the process and the state of the actual knowledge

For the School of rebozo, Llanas and Zamora analyzed with clarity the administrative functionality of the school and its economic activity(Llanas García & Zamora Náñez, 2007). It is the school that buys the material and provides it to the artisans; it is the school that pays the artisans, and who will sell the rebozo. Payment is different from the process of a silk empuntado rounding from 600 pesos to 814 pesos, while a process of artisela

8

empuntado is paid from 300 pesos to 500 pesos. The time invested for an artisela empuntado usually goes from one week to two weeks, while for a silk rebozo empuntado, it goes from forty-five days to three months. Following Llanas & Zamora, the rebozo sold at the same school, will vary from 1500 pesos (around 80 USD dollar) for an artisela rebozo, while for a silk rebozo it goes from 3500 (around 180USD dollar) until 6000 (around 300 USD dollar)(2007, p. 36).

Graphic 2. Observation of knowledge of the actual rebozo subprocess of dye. Artisans where asked to name contemporary and historic materials and tools; as a result, they know some parts of the process, but only maestros were able to name everything, showing their knowledge.

The dye also implies another knowledge and, depending of the level of the worker, they could or could not make with a single shawl, some models of rebozo, or to achieve their own creation. One of the dye subprocess at the very first knowledge they acquire is the shawl, not considered explicitly as a rebozo, since it does not imply any knotting work. The knotting is the next step of the process. Similar to the dyeing process, knotting also could be made since the simplest rebozo´s models bolita, until some drawings of own creation.

9

The last part of the process, the ending empuntado, is the most difficult part of the rebozo. In fact, the finest rebozo´s are those called empuntados, where the wave is not presented, just knotted and dyed. Very few empuntados works and it are not easy to see them, once they are kept as family treasures. A well-known pretty beautiful caramel with short empuntado could be seen at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, dating from the XVIIIth Century, shown at Image 4, made of silk plain weave with resist dyeing and silk and gilt thread embroidery in darning, satin, and outline stitches; knotted fringe. Its dimension is 30 inches x 7 feet 6 inches (76.2 x 228.6cm). It shows a caramel style with five lines of the classic figure of the six or seven color of such style, by 4 spaces where it was shown the main design) In this case, 20 different scenes of quotidian life and maybe Sunday journeys at Mexico city, where it was more places similar to Xochimilco, once we have the boat scenes; dancers, little talks between friends; musicians, couples, perhaps some church scene, indeed indigenous presence; but, in its ensemble, it is a quite equilibrated charge between the scenes and the lines of the rebozo. The empuntado shows the colors of the caramelo´s red, green, beige, orange, grey, among others, and it was achieved by a well knotting knowledge, but also with a very specific esthetic for this creation. This kind of work could be difficult to achieve nowadays, even if caramelos are still in production, why? Knowledge transmission or lack of historic knowledge, or could this be a lack of their own capacity of design? When was it lost? Besides, if all the steps of the process require different levels of knowledge, being a worker of empuntado implies being the best of the rebozo artisans, having the best eye-hand abilities to work with silk, and interpreting their own and other´s creations. It could be the part of the process best paid, if it could be measured in some way.

3.4 Social conditions of artisansNelson points out the existing problems in regarding indigenous relationship to the activity of marketing for mestizo people. On one hand, indigenous natives have a certain feeling of contempt and handicap in front of mestizos; on the other hand, they have become more proud of their work and identity as indigenous people. (Nelson, 2006, p. 55) Regarding Santa Maria del Rio, the ethnic aspects were blurred throughout history. Nowadays, its populations are mostly mestizo who works as artisans of the town within artisans of the rebozo. Indeed, no ethnical evidence seems to be immediate; however, richness and poverty are present in the town.

Among the artisans (not the rebozo workers) interviewed, it is admitted some kind of respect to the workers of rebozo. The number of artisans may vary throughout the year, because inhabitants use to live some part of the year in the U.S., or they could be there for years and get back again later, and do the same arts and crafts learned at Santa Maria del Rio. Ramon is a clear example of this case: he was 52 years old in 2004; he lives in Texas, U. S., but he goes back almost every August, each year before the fair of the town. Their family work consisted of making and stitching fine layers of wax that will form the platform of the saints for the processional at each day of the 15 days of the fair. This kind of work is also one of the finest in its class; he learned this activity from their family, and they support this activity, but also his departure. In their explanation, the economic side of life won´t be enough with wax work.Other important migrant reasons of the rebozo workers, men and women, were the age of their departure to U.S. It could be expected at a very young age, so early as 14-16 but no

10

more. Once cross the border is not easy, and could be more expensive for adults to trespassing the border to the U.S. Formerly, they worked at the U.S. where they do not work as artisans, but as industrial employees. Since two or three years ago, high school is a mandatory level; however, the educational level could be another reason to migrate, once an important part of the population has for finish level the middle school, which means to stop their education at 14 or 15 years old. When a young person works as an employed, they could be engaged, but not well paid; if the same young person works in the U. S., even illegal, their expectative of life quality improves, once the income is better.

At this point, we talked with five empuntadoras women, two of them at the rebozo´s school in 2011. Sebastiana Hernandez, an old woman who had more than 32 years of being an empuntadora, talked with me at 2002 of her work of empuntado; Sebastiana was one of the artisans that could travel showing the rebozo technique at Japan and at the U.S. Later, she gets back to rebozo´s school. Ten years later, she continued working at home before became almost blind; she could not walk anymore. With the money she made at work, it was hard to confront all the expenses, due to her age and to her medical condition. How could we explain that the most renown artisans might live in such conditions at their advanced age? The artisans barely survive using the money they got from working and they cannot save some money for a retirement with quality life.

Doña Rosa, another empuntadora at rebozo school, work all day and go back to her house where she continues working after make their meal. The separations of activities by gender were observed at Santa Maria del Rio: for the woman, they have to work and once at home prepare the meals, wash the dishes, clean the house, washing the clothes, etc. For men, being at home, goes to work, eventually take children to school. It must be said that we have not found empuntadores ending – men of the rebozo, just wavers-men of the rebozo.

A young lady at Santa Maria del Rio talk me about their empuntados, the finest of the rebozo´s model. An empuntado, means a silk rebozo made only with the process of empuntado, perhaps with the knotting and dyeing processes, but without being waved. It requires the most of the ability eye-hand of the maestra. In this particular case, the artisans have not the reference of the wave to start the ending; on the other side, the alignment of threads will depend only from herself.

It reveals me two important issues, the very first this kind of rebozo keeps the value of an excellent worked item, which goes also to the economical side of the work; and the second one, the position of the artisan who made it. Obviously, to have the economical possibility to offer such rebozo, and to receive it had another reading of the social status of the rebozo. None of the empuntadoras interviewed talked about it.

Another aged woman, Maximina, she does not know to read, nor to write, told me that her rebozo was not in use anymore, because it was changing its color, but she still kept it, in its box. The box, a marquetry work, nowadays is said specially handcrafted for the rebozo. Even the marquetery box is something that helps to maintain in a good state the rebozo. It exposes a place where people use to keep valuable belongings.

3.5 The excellence, a way of thinkingWe were asking ourselves how all this knowledge has passed to artisans in order to be

said as the finest (and the most expensive) Mexican rebozos? We observed and asked about it, women and men at the rebozo school at Santa Maria del Rio.

11

The way of thinking of artisans implies some interesting attitudes for being excellent, not only good techniques or products. For example, they show in their own workshops rebozo´s from other places of Mexico where rebozo was also made. That mean, artisans study and evaluate the other techniques of the rebozo, as well as its results; but, also recognize their own technique and work, perceiving themselves as possibly the best of the country. The rebozo artisan has its own charge of stress as a creative being, they evaluate and critics their own work continuously. Following this, they are not only rebozo workers, but the activity is a hierarchically stratified work; it existed learners, apprentices and workers of different levels until maestros of each different sub process of the rebozo.

The discursive arguments of these artisans presented some common points, where: i) What I know, I know it very well. I have for sure what I am doing without a doubt;

but learners do not emphasize this. That means, I perceive myself as a master, maestra, maestro.

ii) Economic value of my rebozo is well sold. I have the evidence, therefore, the rebozo I did, is pretty well done.

iii) The truth, to myself, this rebozo is a beautiful work. I can create something. This point gives the artisan the payment of a demanding work.

iv) The administrative employee’s do not appreciate my work, but they are asking me this because they need it, which means there is nobody like me to do this work. Sometimes saying this, I could perceive some kind of shame but at the same time, it is an affirmation of their own self esteem.

Another difference found among the rebozo workers, is that the maestro or maestra artisan may create a design and is made by means of figures achieved by, dyeing, weaving on the waist loom and knotting the end of the threads of the rebozo.

Another important difference is partial dyeing or inking of the garment. In the basic models, there are two colors to mix in the simplest model of rebozo, until eight colors of the caramelo model. These difference of threads colors are used in the largest part or body of the rebozo, letting only one, two or more of these colors for the ending of the same rebozo, where empuntadoras do another ending work by knotting it.

4. DiscussionImanari has questioned how the most renown empuntadora of Santa Maria del Rio

have had to work in a commerce at the market of the location (1982). Perhaps social conditions have changed nowadays, but economic conditions still continue to be hard in order to survive. In some talks with people at town we´ve observed the departure of young women and men to the United States. Some excellent young weavers, must migrate to the United States in order to improve their economic conditions. However, when they get back to Santa Maria del Rio, the weavers used to retake one more time their rebozo work. In some way, weaving the rebozo has deep social acceptance. That is, all the handcrafts´ activities developed at young ages, or before the usual migrate ages, meaning before getting married, give the individual a strong identity sense. It does not matter if women or men work in a very different kind of activities at the United States; they will keep their own social status of being an artisan, belonging to a handcraft’s long history town. That is why Government founding is essential to keep people at the rebozo´s school.

12

Different authors (Aube, 2018; Borkopp-Restle et al., 2016; Szuppe, 2018) have pointed out the importance for the history and the material culture of textile objects. However, and perhaps due to a lack of resources for research, the recovery of material and its conservation are still lacking in the country. With the opening of the Rebozo museum at 2019, it is open a possibility for its study, however, without economic resources for research it could not be achieved.

Another question is the lack of long-term impact of workshops of special techniques offered by the same government, coming from inhabitants of Santa Maria del Rio or from outsiders of the town. We have learned about the different workshops offered, addressing not only the rebozo weaving, but also the dyeing processes as well as the efforts to implement silkworm cultivation in the region without long-term results, or very few results.

Even if the specialists had been at Santa Maria del Rio, trying to expand the artisans´ possibilities, throughout the recovery of lost knowledge has no impact at long term in the people. Why? Knowledge has different levels and if it exists conditions that block a very deep acquaintance, in concept and empirical, it will not last to the people, nor have a long-term impact. However, the fact of renew of knowledge is essential to young generations, even to teach all possible historical sources of their own know-how of the rebozo.

The fact that there is no new techniques observed or experimented as in another countries where it exist the same style of silk textiles or dye processes(Dransart, 2016; Nakpathom et al., 2017; Vankar et al., 2017), reveals to be another reason why this knowledge is stuck in its place. Contemporary resources implementing a more precise knowledge of the dyeing of ending empuntado subprocesses could help to maintain which is indeed traditional of this place. Without a doubt to refuse trying to convert it in some industrial production, but keeping its handcraft value.

In some identity aspects, competition among artisans is always present and the offer of knowledge must take this in account. Artisans’ places have been historical nourished by these aspects of competition; more than one anecdotic talk is known. Wherever it could be some renown activities, they do not exist as an isolated way, but need other activities as support; and Santa Maria del Rio has in their social structure the basis to maintain rebozo excellence.

5. ConclusionsIt has been revealed a good knowledge and quotidian practice at the different parts of

the rebozo manufacturing process. Silk continues being the most defying of all the materials for a rebozo artisan, man or woman, but also it can offer the possibility of do a personal creation. Once a silk rebozo achieved, any weaver, any dye´s artisan, any empuntadora, could by far, be called maestro or maestra. The good knowledge of all the subprocess of the rebozo allow the artisan to give a creation; often, this creation will be their own rebozo.

Any reference to the names of the artisans should be kept at the location, not to forget how far could an activity give an identity sense to the individuals.

Social memory implies not only one specialized work as could be the rebozo weaving, but also it tends to expand to other activities. And this is the case of Santa Maria del Rio, where every kind of handcrafts tend to be in superior and competitive levels. Throughout this research we observed how the wood workers, wax workers, basketry workers, among others in this location tend to be excellent in their work. Perhaps those activities are not so

13

well known as the rebozo process, but indeed, they could also have another identity point of well-being for the community.

References

Acha, J. (2009). Introducción a la teoría de los diseños. Trillas.

Alzate y Ramírez, J. A. de. (1794). Memoria, en que se trata del insecto grana ó cochinilla: De su

naturaleza y série de su vida, como tambien del método para propagarla y reducirla al

estado en que forma uno de los ramos mas útiles de comercio. [Mexico : s.n.].

http://archive.org/details/2172035R.nlm.nih.gov

Anuario estadistico. (1954). Dirección General de Estadística.

Arrioja Diaz Viruell, L. A. (2013). El “cultivo de grana” en el sur de México, 1752-1856. Baética

Estudios de Arte, Geografía e Historia, 35, 254–271.

Aube, S. (2018). Katsuhiko Abe. “Silk for the Court: Safavid Silk Textiles in Japanese Collections.”

Abstracta Iranica. Revue bibliographique pour le domaine irano-aryen, Volume 37-38-39.

http://journals.openedition.org/abstractairanica/46154

Bernard, J. (1941). Normative Collective Behavior: A Classification of Societal Norms. American

Journal of Sociology, 47(1), 24–38.

Borkopp-Restle, B., McNeil, P., Martinetti, S., Miller, L., & Riello, G. (2016). Museums and the

Making of Textile Histories: Past, Present, and Future. A discussion with Birgitt Borkopp-

Restle, Peter McNeil, Sara Martinetti, and Giorgio Riello, moderated by Lesley Miller.

Perspective. Actualité En Histoire de l’art, 1, 43–60.

https://doi.org/10.4000/perspective.6297

Breyn, J. P. (1731). Joannis Philippi Breynii M.D. Academ. Imperial. Nat. Curios. et Societ. Reg.

Lond. sodalis, Historia naturalis cocci radicum tinctorii quod Polonicum vulgo audit:

Praemissis quibusdam coccum in genere et in specie coccum ex Ilice, quod grana kermes et

alterum Americanum, quod cochinilla Hispanis dicitur spectantibus : cum figuris coloribus

nativis pictis. Gedani [Gdansk] : Sumtibus auctoris, prostant apud Cornelium a Beughem.

http://archive.org/details/joannisphilippi00brey

Cabrera, A. (1906). El Estado de San Luis Potosí, Obra útil que contiene multitud de datos

referentes al partido de Sta. Maria del Rio del mismo estado. (Casa de la cultura RAG913.1

C1e 1905(2) tiene un número foliado 9843; Edición ilustrada con la carta geográfica del

Partido de Santa María del Río, Vol. 2). Editor Antonio Cabrera.

14

Creswell, J. W. (1994). Research design: Qualitative & quantitative approaches (15th ed.). Sage

Publications.

Dransart, P. (2016). The sounds and tastes of colours: Hue and saturation in Isluga textiles. Nuevo

Mundo Mundos Nuevos. Nouveaux Mondes Mondes Nouveaux - Novo Mundo Mundos

Novos - New World New Worlds. https://doi.org/10.4000/nuevomundo.69188

Duverger, M. (1978). Métodos de las ciencias sociales (10th ed.). Ariel.

Goode, W. J., & Hatt, P. K. (2008). Métodos de investigación social (3rd ed.). Trillas.

Imanari, T. (1982). Weaving the Traditional Mexican Rebozo (A personal account of the

experience) [Thesis Master of Fine Arts]. Faculty of the Graduate School Instituto Allende

Incorporated with the University of Guanajuato.

Jingsheng, D. (2006). Chinese Emigration to Mexico and the Sino-Mexico Relations Before 1910.

Estudios Internacionales, 38(152), 75–88.

Llanas García, Y., & Zamora Náñez, J. B. (2007). Ampliación y remodelación de la casa regional

del rebozo y artesanías en Santa María del Río, S.L.P. [Tesis de especialidad en

administración de la construcción]. Universidad Autónoma de San Luis Potosí.

Marie Francois. (2004). Cloth and Silver: Pawning and Material Life in Mexico City at the Turn of

the Nineteenth Century. The Americas, 60(3), 325–362. JSTOR.

Nakpathom, M., Somboon, B., Narumol, N., & Mongkholrattanasit, R. (2017). Fruit shells of

Camellia oleifera Abel as natural colourants for pigment printing of cotton fabric. Pigment

& Resin Technology, 46(1), 56–63. https://doi.org/10.1108/PRT-01-2016-0010

Nelson, L. (2006). “Artesanía”, mobility and the crafting of indigenous identities among

Purhépechan women in Mexico. Journal of Latin American Geography, 5(1), 51–77.

Ramírez, R. (2016). El hilado y el tejido en la época prehispánica. Arqueología Mexicana, 55, 68–

69.

ROMERO GIORDANO, C. (1974). SOMERA SEMBLANZA DE LAS ARTESANIAS

MEXICANAS. Boletín Bibliográfico de Antropología Americana (1973-1979), 37(46),

221–223.

Roquero, A. (1995). Colores y colorantes de América. Anales Del Museo de América, 3, 145–160.

Sarabia Viejo, Ma. J. (1994). La grana y el añil, técnicas tintóreas en México y América Central .

Fundación El Monte CSIC.

Siveroni, V., & Tiballi, A. (2016). La producción doméstica de textiles en la ocupación

prehispánica tardía de la región de Nasca (costa sur del Perú): Una mirada desde Huayuri,

Palpa. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos. Nouveaux mondes mondes nouveaux - Novo Mundo

Mundos Novos - New world New worlds. https://doi.org/10.4000/nuevomundo.69901

15

Szuppe, M. (2018). Nobuaki Kondo (ed.). Mapping Safavid Iran. Abstracta Iranica. Revue

bibliographique pour le domaine irano-aryen, Volume 37-38-39.

http://journals.openedition.org/abstractairanica/46098

Tarantola, G. (1999). Cochenille et indigo en Méso-Amérique (1770-1870). Études Rurales,

151/152, 43–49. JSTOR.

Textil | Portal Ciudadano. (2018). http://edomex.gob.mx/textil

Vankar, P. S., Shukla, D., Wijayapala, S., & Samanta, A. K. (2017). Innovative silk dyeing using

enzyme and Rubia cordifolia extract at room temperature. Pigment & Resin Technology,

46(4), 296–302. https://doi.org/10.1108/PRT-06-2016-0065

Appendices

Image 4. Philadelphia Museum of Art, Gift of Mrs. George W. Childs Crexel, 1939-1-19.

16