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Pastoral Transhumance in the Southern Balkans as a Social Ideology: Ethnoarcheological

Research in Northern Greece

Author(s): Claudia Chang

Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 95, No. 3, (Sep., 1993), pp. 687-703

Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the American Anthropological Association

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/679657

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Saharan Africa and the Near East, an-thropologists have written about the eco-nomic and ecological nature oflong-distance transhumant pastoralism(Ingold 1987). Here I wish to examinethe ways in which the economic forces ofpastoral mobility are inseparable fromsocial and ideological forces. While thisis hardly a revolutionary insight, whenapplied to the analysis of discussions orprehistoric pastoralism, it does modifymany of the incomplete and speculativemodels presented by prehistoric arche-ologists on the evolution of pastoral sys-tems.My specific aim, however, is to addressmore general theoretical issues pertain-ing to Grevena pastoral transhumanceand agropastoralism that may be used toformulate useful analogies between his-torical and prehistoric pastoral produc-tion systems. I argue that if pastoraltranshumance can now be understood asmuch more than an ecological or eco-nomic strategy for historic and contem-porary Koutsovlach upland settlement,Mediterranean archeologists must inturn evaluate the evolutionary and eco-logical models they have used for ex-plaining the origins and development ofspecialized pastoral systems from Neo-lithic through Bronze Age Periods.When the ethnoarcheological surveyof modern pastoral sites in the mountain-ous Pindos region of Northern Greecewas first initiated in 1988, my main objec-tive was to outline the economic andecological limits of two strategies of pas-toral production sedentary villageherding and seasonal longZistance tran-shumance (Chang 1992). Myassumptionwas simple; if I could demonstrate theecological and economic limitations ofthese two systems of pastoral productionin the modern material record, then

PastoralTrsn.shtlmancen theSouffiernBaLkans s a SocialIdeology:EthnoarcheologicalResearch n Northern GreeceCLAUDLA HANGDepartment fAnthropology nd SociologySweetBriar College

Transhumance is a common form ofpastoral economic and social organiza-tion in which flocks or herds move longdistances twice yearly between uplandsummer pastures and lowland winter pas-tures. In Mediterranean Europe, pastoraltranshumance has been identified his-toricallyand ethnographically; it rangedfrom the 13th- to l9th-century state-spon-sored Mesta, an organization that pro-duced merino wool for national andinternational markets in Castilian Spain(Braudel 1949), to ethnic enclaves likethe contemporary Koutsovlachl (Arou-mani-speaking) pastoralists of the Bal-kans, who engage in activities such assheepherding, muleteering, and trading(Nandris 1990). In the Balkans, pastoraltranshumance practiced by the Kout-sovlach, Sarakatsani, and other ethnicgroups has captured the interest of an-thropologists and folklorists throughoutthe 20th century (Campbell 1964;Schein1974; Wace and Thompson 1914). In thisreport I examine the economic basis, ma-terial culture, and cultural ideology ofpastoral transhumance in the GrevenaRegion of Northern Greece, an area wellknown for Koutsovlach transhumanceand pastoral brigandage. Specifically Isuggest that pastoral transhumance, aneconomically inspired strategy, is alsoembodied in the cultural ideology ofKoutsovlach ethnic and social identity. Inother regions of the world, notably suSAmericanAnthropologist5(3-):687-703. Copyright i) 1993, American Anthropological Association.

687

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688 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST [95,1993]

these datacould be usedfordevelopingresearchmethodsfor the archeologicalsurveyof pastoralismcf.Nandris1985).During the first two field seasons ofethnoarcheological esearch n the East-ern Pindos Mountainsat elevationsof900 to 1500 meters,it became increas-ingly apparentthat funds and develop-ment assistance from the EuropeanEconomicCommunityEEC)haddrasti-cally altered the pastorallandscape ofNorthern Greece. Shepherdsand goat-herds were able to affordsmallpickuptrucksfor daily transportation o theirmountain stanes (corralsand encamp-ments). The developmentof infrastruc-turein uplandareasof Grevenasuchaspavedroads,concreteloadingplatformsfortruck ransport f livestock easonallyto the high mountainpastures, oncretewateringtroughs,and concrete animalsheltershadchangedtraditional erdingpracticesand pastoralmaterialculture.The famous Koutsovlachand Kupat-shariherdersof the High Pindosof theGrevenaPrefectureof NorthernGreece,asdocumentedbyWaceand Thompson(1914) and Sivignon (1968) beforeGreece's 1982 entry into the EEC, nolongerrepresenteda "pristine,"recapi-talistpastoralproduction ystem. nwhatwayshad the modernGreeknation-stateand the agricultural oliciesof the EECaffectedpastoralmobilityn the uplandsof NorthernGreece?Alonga similar ra-jectory,was specialized pastoralisminprehistoric ndhistoricperiodsoftenen-couragedand supportedbystatepolicy?In attemptingto bridge the gap be-tween he moderncontextof EE(;spon-sored pastoralismamong the Koutso-vlachand their neighbors and prehis-toricpastoralproductionsystems,I be-ganto explore ethnographicaccounts,oralhistories,andotherhistoricalmate-rialsof Koutsovlachpastoralism n thisregionduringthe 18thand l9th centu-ries. Historically,the Koutsovlach orAroumani-speakingerdersof the HighPindosMountainswerean ethnic groupincorporatedn the OttomanEmpiresoas o fulfill occupationalroles of mule-teers,raders,woodcutters, ndherders.As n ethnic groupwithinthe Ottoman

miUetystem, heylayatthe geographicalfringesandperipheriesof urbancenters,often in the inaccessiblemountain re-gions (Schein1974:93).Theiridentityastranshumantpastoralists ppearedto betied to the perpetuationof theirethnic-ity. Social and politicalpractices,oftenrecorded in the form of folkloric ac-countsof Koutsovlachife,served orein-force regionaland nationalperceptionsthat the Koutsovlach r Aroumaniweredistinct from other Greek populationsandheldaspecialplace nmodernGreekhistory (Nandris 1985, 1990; Schein1974).Afterthe demiseof Ottomanrulein the beginningof the 20thcentury, heKoutsovlach ontinued to perpetuateaseparateethnic identitywithinthe con-text of the modernGreeknation-state.Transhumant astoralism, r the long-distance movement between two fixedresidences the high mountainsin thesummerand the lowlandplains in thewinter was an outwardexpression ofthe continuationof Koutsovlachdentitydespite the period of destruction anddepopulationof mountainvillagesdur-ing WorldWarII and the subsequentGreekCivilWarof 194849. The histori-caland ethnographicbackground f theKoutsovlachof Northern Greece cou-pled withan evaluationof theircontem-porarysituationvis-a-vishe practiceoflong-distance, seasonal transhumancebecame the context for the ethnoar-cheological researchon which this re-port s based.Inthe contextof Koutsovlach astoral-ism,Iarguethatthe ideologyof pastoral-ism as well as its actual practice isessentialto the maintenance of Kout-sovlach thnicity.Ethnoarcheologicale-search n modernpastoral itesfromtheGrevenaRegion indicates that Kout-sovlachtranshumantpastoralistshavebeenreinforcedn theireconomicstrate-giesby the EECand the modern Greeknation-state. here are significantnum-bersof shepherds and goatherds andsomecowherdswho move their flocksseasonallyo effectivelyutilize differentecologicalconditions and land use sys-tems.2heirdualmembershipsnwinterandsummervillagesdefines important

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RESEARCHREPORT 689

ethnic and sociopolitical universesthrough the mech- anisms of livestockhusbandry. Supporting this hypothesis isthe EEC's praciice of providing creditand subsidies to these transhumant pas-toralists. Through such payments theperpetuation of pastoral transhumancein Grevena has been encouraged, revital-izing a UtraditionalXorm of pastoral pro-duction.From an archeological standpoint, thisis an exciting idea because pastoral tran-shumance appears to be more than a'resource getting strategy;" t is also de-fined by the social and cultural relationsthat shape both a community's internalorganization and its view of the outsideworld. The origins of pastoral transhu-mance are most often discussed in lightof keyenvironmental and ecological con-ditions necessaryfor the maintenance ofa pastoral regime divorced from cultiva-tion. Yet Khazanov (1984) and Lees andBates (1974) have suggested that all pas-toral specializations develop in complexsocieties in response to political and so-cial as well as economic factors. The his-torical continuity of pastoral trans-humance in the Pindos Mountains ofGreece illustrates in a modern contexthow classic mobility strategies are real-ized through a set of structural relation-ships existing between local com-munities and larger regional and na-tional contexts. Ethnoarcheological in-sights on the social and ethnic identity ofpastoralists in the Near East have alsobeen used to explain the decline of ur-banization in the EarlyBronze Age andthe rebirth of townsin the Middle BronzeAge in the Levant (Kamp and Yoffee1980). The ethnoarcheological azproach to problems of ethnicity, culturalidentity,and collecove representations ofpastoralism allows archeologists to drawsome broad parallels between present-day contexts and the prehistonc past.The dynamic nature in which pastoralspecializations emerged during the riseand collapse of complex societies is prob-ably best investigated in the recent pastwhere there is a rich ethnographic andhistorical record available to scholars(Cribb 1990).

Perhaps specialized pastoralism in pre-histoxy was also more than an occupa-tional specialization. It could haveinvolved entire communities that trav-eled between upland and lowland re-gions establishing multiplex social,political, and economic networks.Alongthese same lines of speculation, it mightalso have been possible that social trans-humance persisted long after the demiseof pastoral specialization. The support ofsocial transhumance would have comemost likely from regional or nationalstate-levelorganizations. In fact, many ofthe discussions of enclosed nomadism ofwestern Asia (Rowton 1973, 1974) drawparallels between the recent historicalpast and the period of the Mari state asderived from Babylonian texts in whichautonomous pastoral chiefdoms werefused to sovereign states. The political,social, and economic structuresbywhichnomads or transhumants were linked tothe state in the Near East suggests thatthe origins and development of special-ized pastoralism could also have beentied to the rise of complex societies inEuropean prehistory (Halstead 1987).In the Near East,Adams(1981 :13936)suggests that the semisettled nomads in"edge zones" away from the Mesopo-tamian alluvium were part of an ethniccontinuum of ruralproducers whose mo-bility provided channels of communica-tion and integration between urbancenters and rural hinterlands duringearly state development. Zagarell (1989)also rules out the possibility of periodicnomadic incursions in Mesopotamia asthe cause for stateformation. Drawing onsettlement data collected from archeo-logical surveysin the Bakhtiariregion ofthe Zagros Mountains, Zagarell presentsan alternative scenario for the evolutionof pastoral specialization in Mesopota-mia: during the Neolithic period, therewas the development of a mixed herdingand farming economy in the uplands,and then in the late Chalcolithic period,larger agricultural settlements were in-terspersed with small, perhaps mobilepastoral campsites. This archeologicalevidence indicates an actual separationbetween highland and lowland econb

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690 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95,1993]

mies. Zagarell (1989:300) concludes thatlater processes of state formaiion in thealluvial valleys were not caused by pas-toral incursions from the highlands;rather, the highland settlements weretransformed by their relations with cen-tralized, hierarchically organized low-land states.Furthermore, the relationship be-tween ethnicity and pastoral productionin the modern nation-state has implica-tions for how anthropologists view pas-toral production in developing nations.The ethnic identity of the Koutsovlachwithin the Greek nation-state and theEEC can be compared to the process bywhich other pastoral groups have beenincorporated into modern nation-states.Hjort (1990) discusses Sweden's nationalpolicy concerning the future economicdevelopment of Saami reindeer herders.The Swedish government is attemptingto grant Saami their own ethnic auton-omy within the context of a rationalizedpastoral economy, but once they dropout of herding and thus are unable to bemaintained within a nomadic pastoralcommunity, the nonherding Saami losetheir ethnic, cultural, and minority rights(Hjort 1990:28). On the other hand, theworks of Campbell (1964) and Schein(1974), on which I will build here, pre-sent cases of ethnic groups of transhu-mant pastoralists in Greece who main-tain ethnic identity, and who-specifi-cally, in the case of the Koutsovlach-areable to manipulate their position withinthe nation-state so as to enhance theirethnic autonomy. These European casesalso have implications for African pastor-alism as rationalized within modern na-tion-states (Hjort 1990).

Ethnographic BackgroundThe awareness of Koutsovlach ethnic-ity emerged out of the Greek nationalistmovement in the 18th through 20th cen-turies. Today, the study of ethnicity as itpertains to Koutsovlach and other recog-nized ethnic minorities is complicatedby, on the one hand, ethnographic andfolkloric studies that are meant tojustifythe ancient Hellenic roots of Greek cul-

ture, and, on the other hand, the socialand cultural ideologies of local commu-nities and ethnic groups, which oftenaggressively oppose the dominant Hel-lenic traditions (Herzield 1985, 1986).The local community or ethnic groupoften stands in direct opposition to thenationalist ideology, a common dynamicopposition found in rural Mediterra-nean society (Campbell 1964; Pitt-Rivers1954) and elsewhere. In the case of theKoutsovlach communities of Grevena,ethnic autonomy and community soli-darity can be maintained successfully bylocal manipulation through patron-cli-ent relations linking local communitiesto the state. Even in the cases when thenation-state imposes its control fromabove and cannot be successfully ma-nipulated through local patronage, localideology becomes an outlet for defend-ing local values against those of the na-tion-state. The folkloric image andstereotype of the Koutsovlach pastoralist,in this sense, metaphorically sets up theboundaly of local ethnicity, social mar-ginality, and opposition to the state.Schein ( 1974) contests the differencebetween Sarakatsani and Koutsovlach(Aroumani) ethnicity in the neighboringprovince of Epirus. During the 18th and19th centuries, the Koutsovlach main-tained their ethnicit through languageand their specialized economic role astraders in the Ottoman millet system. Inthe 20th century, this autonomy is car-ried over through a number of diversestrategies ansing from this set of histori-cal circumstances. Schein states:

Aroumanian ethnic identity condensesmultipleexperiencesand meanings non-Greekness, cological and economic mar-ginality, unique control of muleteering,and dominance of the cheese tradc- andthus has great but non-specificpotentialuses. It not onlyunitesAroumani n diversecontexts, but also connects upper andlowerclasses Ties of kinshipbetween emi-grantsand sedentaryvillagershave alwaysformed routes along which passed moneyand patronageconnections that could beused for mobility. Such lines have alsocrossed class division because, eitherthrough the few inter-class marriageswhich occurredor through ictivekin ties,

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RESEARCHREPORT 691

thelowerclasscouldmake mallbutsuc-cessfuleconomicandpoliiicalclaimsontheirethnickin.Inreturn heupper lasshavebeen assured uppliesof milkandlivestock, lients,and potentialpoliticalsupport."Schein 974:93]The stereotypic images of kleMs(thieves),herders,andmuleteers n localfolkloreand everyday onversation usethe Koutsovlachand Kupatshari(Hel-lenized Koutsovlach)culturalidentitieswiththatof nomadicexistence.Perform-ances of ethnicity and pastoraloriginsarereadily dentifiedwithinthe commu-nityarena of summerpaniyeri (religiousfeast days) and aggressivedisplaysofmalesolidarity hroughmeat-eating nddailyconversationalbanterat local cof-fee shops (cf.Herzfeld1985). In the Ku-patsharivillage of Polyneri today,con-versationalgold amongmen in theirsix-tiesand older are storiesof thieveryandbanditry;muleteeringjourneyso thedis-tantcities of Iannina,Thessaloniki,and

Filiates;and herding.The ethnic differ-ence between the Koutsovlachand Ku-patshari villages are expressed inlinguistic erms.Vlachohoria,orthefourfamous Koutsovlach villages of Gre-vena- Samarina,Perivoli,Avdella, andSmixi aredescribedas the summervil-lages of the Koutsovlach,where Arou-mani is spoken.The Kupatshari illagesoccupyingelevationsof 1,100metersandlower,are year-round illageswhere lessthan a quarter of the total populationengages in transhumant pastoralism.The Kupatshari, hilerecognizing hem-selves as Greek-speakers nd thereforeHellenized,alsoacknowledge heirKout-sovlachorigins.Thiskindof socialtranshumance, ikeclassicpastoral ranshumance,reliesonfixed settlement in two or more locali-ties.3Indeed, both the urbanand ruralKoutsovlach,who do not engage in pas-toral aciivitiestoday,migrateseasonallyto an uplandvillageas a meansof main-tainingcommunityandethnicsolidarity.Other pastoralgroups, especiallythoserecently sedentanzed, often practice apatternof returnto the villageor settle-ment of originas a meansof reaffirmingtheirethnicityandidentityaspastoralists

(Salzman 1980). In discussing labor mi-gration of the Sinai Bedouin, Marx(1977:40) discusses how lineage solidar-ity and tribal cohesion among the Bed-ouin are maintained ritually and socially,after men leave the tribal territory incharge of the female household mem-bers, who tend small flocks and gardens.A concept of Uhomeland," when fixedideologically but realized only pen-odically in a behavioral sense, posesstructural problems (Salzman 1980:8).The urban Koutsovlach in his village oforigin faces a similar structuralproblem;he identifies with an ZideologicalXhome-land in the mountains but dwells for themost part in the lowlands. Forshepherds,the ideology of transhumance fits thebehavioral reality of actual dual resi-dency.A Koutsovlach shepherd, when askedwhy he preferred his summer residencyin the mountains to his winter lowlandresidence, explained his sentiments inthese terms:as much as he preferred themountains, the sheep prospered evenmore than humans once at their moun-tain pastures. I took this to mean that notonly do humans prefer the sociabilityandconviviality of their mountain communi-ties, but in a productive and generativesense, sheep grow" better in the moun-tains. Yet a shepherd's productive activi-ties depend on both arenas; themountains and the plains offer differentkinds of social relations, productive re-sources, and possibilities for individualand group identities. This ideologicalview may be similar to the Sinai Bed-ouin's notion of a shared homeland, keptphysically active through women whotend gardens and keep flocks, and ideo-logically and socially viable by missingmen who must find ritual opportunitiesto return and assert the moral and socialresponsibilities of the bonds of lineageand tribal solidarity (Marx 1977:40). Inthe case of Koutsovlach identity,effectivekinship relations, social networks, pa-tron-client relations, and pastoral pro-duction continue to be reasserted andreaffirmed within the context of the sum-mer migration to the village of origin.

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692 AMERSCANANTHROPOLOGIST [95,1993]

This pattern of urban return to therural village of origin is typical through-out Greece; in the Koutsovlach and Ku-patshari (Hellenized Koutsovlach) vil-lages of the Pindos, an overarching em-phasis is placed on the discursive anddramatic performances of individuals,notably men, verbally expressing theirkleftic and pastoral identity. This culturalideology is often expressed in terms ofexplicit pastoral behavior. The dominantideology may serve to emphasize "sharedidentity," thus masking the class tensionsthat exist between the urban elite whoreturn for summer holidays and theshepherds who still practice transhu-mance. The ritual cycle of religious feastsand even mourning ceremonies is sched-uled to coincide as much as possible withthe period of summer transhumance andreturn. Even village women explainingthe ritual meaning of Klidonas,4a divina-tion ritual carried out during St. John'sDay, place the importance of this eventin terms of the transhumant schedule bynoting its occurrence at the time whenall the shepherds have returned to themountains from their winter pastures.

The Ethnoarcheological CaseThe ethnoarcheological and the mod-ern material studies of pastoralists in theNear East have provided a very rich con-textual background for reconstructingprehistoric pastoralism (Hole 1978,1979; Digard 1981) . I shall briefly outlinethe results of an ethnoarcheological re-search project conducted from 1988 to1992 (Chang 1992; Chang and Tourtel-lotte 1993). Since the more detailedanalysis of these data has been publishedelsewhere, this material is summarizedwith particular reference to those pointsthat further elucidate arguments about

the ecological, economic, and social na-ture of transhumance.The pastoral site (corral, enclosure,fold, or encampment) is an economicnecessity for carrying out herding activi-ties and a symbolic representation of aherder's commitment to the pastoral wayof life. Thus, there is a direct connectionbetween the artifactX of pastoral activi-

ties and how pastoralists conceptualizetheir use of space logistically in terms ofcompetition over key resources and vis-a-vis other production systems. The actualcultural material pattem does not deline-ate ethnicity, nor even a cultural ideologyas such. The material data only indicatethe presence of different productionzones.In the eastem Pindos Mountains, theeconomic and ecological conditions aresuch that pastoralproduction in the threeupland environmental zones ranges fromsummer transhumant pastoralism to year-round village agropastoralism (Koster1987). Figure 1 illustrates the spatial pat-teming of pastonl sites and land use in thefirst three zones. The upper elevations ofthe eastem flanks of the Pindos Mountainsfrom 1,300 to 1,500 meters (Zone 1) arethe topographic zone for Koutsovlachsummer transhumance and summer set-tlement. The summer transhumants fromVlachohorio (the High Pindos) travel tolowland pastures from 50 meters to 150kilometers in the plains of Thessaly,Kozani, and Elassona. In the Lower Pin-dos Mountains, from 1,000 to 1,300 me-ters (Zone 2), a group of Kupatshari(Hellenized Koutsovlachs) engages inboth long-distance transhumance andsettled year-round agropastoralism(wheat, barley, viticulture, orchards, andsmall flocks of sheep and goats). Below1,000 meters (Zone 3), in the foothills ofthe Pindos, year-round agropastoralismoccurs among Kupatshari and someTurkish groups. The agricultural basin ofGrevena at about 500 meters (Zone 4), isprimarily a wheat, barley, and fodderarea, interspersed with oak woods. Lesspastoral production occurs in this agri-cultural plain than in the upper threezones.Table 1 illustrates 1986 agriculturalcensus data for each of these six villageson total land area, land area in pasture,total number of sheep and goats, andaverage number of animals per herder.The last two columns also report the rela-tive density of animals per total pastureand per total area. The two Koutsovlachvillages (Avdella and Perivoli) from Zone1 (the High Pindos) have larger average

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-

CULTIVATEDFIELDS tti-

WHEATIBARLEY/FODDER FIELDS.INTERSPERSEDAGRICULTURAL

: S FIELDS 4-: :NO SUMMERSTRUNGASRETURNS TOVILLAGE JAT NIGHT "

awev--

RESEARCHREPORT 693

ZONE1 KEYWATERTROUGHPs

SUMMERsGRAZINGA

WINTERGRAZING@IN FALLOWAGRICULTURALFIELDS

SUMMERv STRUNGA

*HIGH INDOS t*UPLANDUMMERt 1t - ^TRANSHUMANCE * $*NOAGRICULTURE*AVERAGELOCK IZEIS 150-160*HERDERS TAY TSTANIDURING IGHT RTRAVELTOVILLAGEACHEVENINGZONE2 ^ a S

I vLOWER INDOS*UPLAND UMMER tTRANSHUMANCE 8>*UPLANDCULTIVATION*VILLAGE Sv SUMMERTRANSHUMANTSITE

@ BARNS& FOLDSONE3*PINDOSFOOTHILLSQ*VILLAGE 'AGRO-PASTORALISM*SUMMER . :(TRANSHUMANCE 2

PATCHINESSF . g. e 'sCULTIVATION, g . ;guxHERDING * w ',ANDOAKFOREST #*AVERAGELOCK IZE S 60*SPATIALACKINGS TIGHTLYESTRICTED*SOMEHERDERS TAYWITHFLOCKS TSUMMERSTRUNGAS R DISTANTWINTER OLDSATNIGHT

A schemadcdrawing howng pastoral and use in {hreezones of Grevena,Greece.

VILLAGE

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694 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95,1993]

Table 1Grevenadata (1986) romsix villages.TotalVillageArea(ha)perAnimal5.137.866.433.622.334.45

AverageNumber ofAnimalsper Flock191162111129159

59

PastureArea(ha) perAnimal2.051.874.86

.361.472.45

Number ofSheep andGoats8,425

17,4651,6651,9354,4225,578

TotalArea inHectares43,200

137,20010,700

7,00010,30024,800

PatureArea inHectares1 7,30032,700

8,100600

6,50013,700

VillageAvdellaPerivoliLavdasPanoramaPolyneriMegaro

flock numbers han the other villages. nZone 2, the villagesof Lavdas,Panorama,and Polineri show slightly oweraverageflock numbers than in Zone 1, but inPanorama nd Polineri here s consider-ably less pasturearea per animal. Thesedata indicate a high density and over-packingof grazinganimalsper unit area.In both villages we have observed theeffects of overgrazingon pastures.Usu-ally the naturalgrasslands ppear to bein poorer condition and show greaterincidence of soil erosion. In Zone 3, thevillage of Megarohas a moderate num-ber of animals per grazing area but amuch loweraverage lock size. Megaro san agropastoral illagewhere sheep andgoat husbandryare combined with ce-real cultivation.The Decision-Making rocess Used forSchedulingSeasonalMobilitr

The transhumantherders describedtheir decisions regarding summer andwinter mobility and the scheduling oftheir moves in terms of the followingstrategies: (1) if winter pasture in theplains is difficult to obtain, they will at-tempt to leave for summerpastures; 2)if summerpasturebecomes overgrazed,theywillmove to the lowland reas.Transhumantherdersmust establish xtensivesocialnetworksorobtaining ccess o low-

land pasturethroughuse-rights, ent, orlabor exchange. Herders rent fallow orstubble fields for grazing, and also toobtain fodder in the form of hay andclover.If a herderowns land in the low-lands, as do some of the more successfulKoutsovlach erders,he will be less de-pendent on developingan extensivenet-work.A transhumant erder,by travelingto the uplands during the summermonths, also extends the overall lacta-tion period of his milkinganimals by amonth or more. Other mportant onsid-erations regarding chedulingand long-distance movement include when theherder should breed his animalsso as toget maximum off-takeat peak marketperiods (Christmas and Easter) andwhetherthe herderwill travelby truckorby foot. Those who elect to walk fromupland to lowlandpastures pend abouttwo weeks in transit,making daily deci-sions about where their flocks can graze.In Zone 2, where historically here hasbeen a combinaton of both year-round-biillageastoralism nd seasonalsummertranshumance, hose who choose to betranshumantsmust haveaccess to winterpasture lands in lowland communities.Usually hese landsare obtainedthroughcontractual agreements. Transhumantflocks are larger (over 100) and villageflocks are smaller (under 50). Someherders choose a sedentaryyear-round

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life for severalreasons: heir inability oobtain owlandpastures, hecost/benefitratios of capital as realized from bothfarmingand herding,anda socialorien-tation towardmaintaininga single resi-dence. On the other hand, pastoraltranshumants invest in large flocks,maintain dual residences, and obtainpasturein the lowlandsthroughendur-ing social networks.For transhumantherders,the entrepreneurial spectsof atranshumant lifestyle reinforce thebonds of patronageand brokeragenec-essaryfor integrationbetween lowlandand upland communities (Campbell1964).Mlllage erdersdescribe heirdecision-makingprocesses in terms of the year-round condition of grazing lands andfodder storage.Herderswho live at 800metersor abovehaveto provideanimalswithfodderduringthe winter,especiallyif there is snow cover. In some years,whensnowcoverhasbeen relativelyight(undera meter,andnot lasting ormorethanaweek), sheepandgoatshavebeengrazed continuously.Fodder demandsare relativelygreat, depending on howmany animals one owns and for whatperiod of time they must be housed in-side the fold. Each adult female sheeprequiresone kiloof grainandone kilooffodder (hay, clover,or leafy branches)perday.Oftenagropastoralistsn Zone3andbelowhousetheirflocks orabout50daysper year,depending on snowcoverand rainy weather.Herders who mustprovideyear-roundodder tend to keepsmaller locks of sheep andgoats (under100,and on the average,about50).This rangeof livestockhusbandry ys-temshas been vastlyaffectedbyagricul-turalpoliciesimplementedbythe Greekgovernment as a resultof its 1982entryinto the EEC.The perpetuationof uwland communities in Zones 1, 2, and 3since the depopulationand diasporaaf-terthe GreekCivilWar(1949) hasbeenin partdue to the economic incentivesprovidedby EECsubsidies,credit, andmarketsupport.This is particularlyele-vantfor pastoral ranshumancen Zone2. The oral historyof pre-1940sagricul-turaland animalhusbandrypractices n

villageslike Polynerisuggest that agro-pastoralismwas more prevalentin thepre-1940speriod.The demiseof uplandcerealcultivationover the last50 years snowcoupledwitha rapidrisein pastoraltranshumant locksoccupyingthe areasof unused agricultural ands. Concreteanimalfolds, an extensivesystemof wa-tering troughsand springs,and sortingand loading platformsfor transportingstockby truckbetweenlowlandand up-land pastureshave all been funded di-rectlyorsubsidizedbytheEEC.Thus,thematerialcultureof pastoralismodayre-flectsthe effectsof nationalandinterna-tionalagricultural olicies.

Transhumance s a SocialIdeologyHow then can the argument be ad-vanced that pastoral mobilityentails aculturaland socialideologyaswell asaneconomic basis?First, I argue that themaintenance of ethnic boundariesob-

servable n current andusepraciiceshasimportantsocialand ideologicaldimen-sions. A Kupatshariherder who has nokinship,godparenthood,or social tes tolowlandpasturecannot consideradopt-ing transhumanceas a pastoralstrategy.The dualmembership nto summerandwinterresidences,seeminglydictatedbyecological and economic necessity,in-volvesa necessarily ohesivestructure-one that is bestexpressedand sustainedthroughsocialiiesandcultural deology.Insimpleterms, ranshumancesembed-ded in a worldview ndin an individual'ssocialpersona.In Herzfeld's (1985) exegesis of thecultural performances of Cretan man-hood amongthe Glendiotshepherds,heoften refersto the local villageideologyinwhich theshepherdssee themselves shero-kleftes pitted against the larger,more remote nationalideology.Amongthe Koutsovlachand Kupatsharimen,whether urban or local, their mainsource of local identitycomes from theuplandvillages of Grevena.The best inlifecomesfromthe mountains women,livestock,and conviviality.A shepherdwanted to know why Americans n myregionof the UnitedStates(amountain-

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ous area) did not practice transhumancebetween the high mountains and the lowplains. He used the analogy of thecuckoo bird, who migrates in early Aprilfrom Africa to the High Pindos of North-ern Greece. He then claimed that humantranshumance between upland and low-land communities was a natural state likethat of bird migration. This dominantideology in which a mobility strategy isviewed by the herders themselves as gov-erned by climate and natural tempera-ment illustrates how the practice oftranshumance is naturalized."Why do transhumant herders andother community members believe thatsocial transhumance is a natural state?We can consider transhumance as a setof observable social behaviors tied to thepastoral worldview. Among the Sarakat-sani, patronage, lopsided friendship, andclientage are used by shepherds to gainaccess to grazing lands in the summervillage, curry political favor, and main-tain protection against official, bureau-cratic policies (Campbell 1964). Like theKoutsovlach, the Sarakatsani identifywith their summer village.In the Kupatshari villages where bothtranshumance and year-round residencyoccurs, there is a variation of this patternof renewing social ties and networks inthe summer village. The transhumants,who tend to remain in their own residen-tial neighborhoods, stand outside thecentral social arenas of year-round resi-dents; they describe themselves as out-siders" or newcomers to their village oforigin, since they cannot claim full-timeresidency. It is here, however, that theymust also establish essential social ties toother herders, villagers, cheese mer-chants, butchers, and patrons. The socialmilieu of transhumant herders is quitedifferent from that of year-round villageresidents. The transhumant herder mustoperate in two distinct social settings-the closed world of an upland village andthe larger world of sprawling agriculturalvillages and towns of the Thessaly plains.In social terms, while the Kupatsharitranshumant herder has two distinct so-cial arenas, neither social communityconsiders that he is completely an in-

sider. While transhumant mobility in thissense may appear to have obvious socialdisadvantages, the Kupatshari herdersare in the enviable position of occupyingthe interstices existing between the Kout-sovlach and Kupatshari. The Kupatsharitranshumants are part of an informalnetwork of shepherds, many of whom aretranshumant Koutsovlach. Often the Ku-patshari and Koutsovlach transhumantsshare common winter villages. The Ku-patshari transhumants are thus able tohave direct access and ties to the Kout-sovlach herders in Zone 1 by virtue oftheir occupational specialization andshared winter residence. In the past,these ties became part of larger networksthat the Kupatshari had to Koutsovlachcheese merchants and entrepreneurs.Such patronage was by no means one-sided, especially in the first half of the20th century when the Koutsovlach, whospent only the summer months in thePindos, depended on the Kupatshari vil-lages for agricultural products, supplies,and services. One may speculate that his-torically, the ideology of a shared ethnicorigin of Koutsovlach and Kupatshariwasemphasized to promote the patron-cli-ent relations between the two ethnicgroups.In the two Koutsovlach villages in-cluded in our ethnoarcheological survey,Avdella and Perivoli, there is evidencethat the majorityof community membersadhere to the outward expression of a"herding past," although only a smallpercentage of summer residents actuallyengage in animal husbandry. Men gathernightly in the village squares with theirshepherd's staffs and partake in eatingroasted kid or lamb.5 The Koutsovlachtraditions recalling a kleftin past are re-newed through story-telling among for-mer herders and urban Koutsovlach.Many urban Koutsovlach continue to al-ternate their residence between an uwland summer village and lowland urbancommunities. The ethnic identity of theupper-class Koutsovlachs, now the urban-ized Koutsovlachs, had its historical ante-cedents in the profit-making activities oflong-distance muleteering and tradingwith Koutsovlach merchants in Yugosla-

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via, Bulgaria, and Albania (Schein1974:92). Pastoral transhumance andsubsidiaryprofessions such as cheese-making, woodcutting, and butcheringare perhapsthe only concrete evidenceof a transhumant conomy.Thesummerresidencein the Koutsovlach ndKupat-sharivillages(Zones1 and 2) lastsfromMay to September and October. Thepeakmonthsof occupationareJulyandAugust. By Novemberthe Koutsovlachvillagesarevirtually bandoned,whereasmanyof the Kupatshari illages n Zone2 mayhavefrom 10 to 40 householdsinresidence during the winter. For theKoutsovlachand Kupatshari ommuni-ties where summer residence is high,transhumancesa "asharedcultural de-ology."Moreover, here is a nationallyrecog-nized political aspect to summer resi-dence in the uplandKoutsovlach illagesof Grevena.The Koutsovlachsummercommunities,unlike the restof Greece,hold theirlocalelectionsin the summerrather hanin thefall.ManyKoutsovlachclaimtheirprimary esidence n thesum-mer village, thus maintaining votingrights n theKoutsovlach plandvillages.In this sense, Koutsovlachdentity s tol-erated and even encouraged by theGreeknation-state.Thusfor manyKout-sovlach,seasonaltranshumance mbod-ies accessto politicalrightsas an ethnicenclave and the communityvalues,ori-entation,and ideologyspnbolicof a for-mer pastoralor mobile existence. Thefactthatthe nation-state upportsethnicautonomy by grantingthe Koutsovlachtheir own summerelections withinthenational electorate system is indeed anindicationof thedegree of politicalcloutheld bythisethnic group.How and why does pastoraltranshu-mance,perhapsarisingoutof thespecial-ized needs of a pastoral population,becomeapervasivewayof lifehistoricallyfor certainethnic groups?Clearlyn thecase of Grevena, here are sociopoliticalreasonsfor whysome Koutsovlachswholive in urbanareasand followa numberof urbanprofessionsfar removedfrompastoralismmightwishto maintain heirethnicity and political identitythrough

continued social transhumance. n thesame way that pastoralistsare predis-posed to certain career trajectories n-volvingbanditry ndbrokerage trading,raiding,and smuggling), they also sub-scribe to mobility strategies that canshape an entire community'sorienta-tion. The social flexibilityrequired ofsocial transhumancerelies also on net-worktiesandbrokeragebetweenuplandand lowland communities. If transhu-mantpastoralisms indeed a gmoveablefeast," then transhumantmobility de-fines for its participantsdifferentsetsofsocial and political arenas.Social tran-shumancethus becomes a meansof or-ganizingentire communitiesand ethnicgroups.

PastoralTranshumance s anArcheologicalProblemPastoraltranshumanceas an archeo-logical problemhas tantalizedprehisto-rians working in the Northern Med-iterranean.In fact, there has been con-siderablediscussionaboutwhenthe ori-gins of specialized pastoral transhu-mance occurred and whether this islinked to the developmentof complexsocieties during the Late NeolithicthroughIronAge (Greenfield1988;Hal-stead 1981, 1987;Jacobsen 1978, 1981,1984; Lewthwaite1981, 1984; Sterud

1978). Pastoraltranshumance s oftenviewedasthebestexampleof specializedpastoralismn the EuropeanMediterra-nean by those archeologistsworking nregionswhere such practicesare recog-nized historically nd ethnographically.The developmentof pastoral ranshu-mance is often tied to the "secondaryproducts revolution" (Sherratt 1981,1983),a hypothesis hatmeat-based as-toralismwasreplacedby daixying,woolproduction,and animaltractionduringthe late Neolithic when large tracts ofEuropean woodlands were deforested.The argumentfor linkingpastoral ran-shumance to the secondary productsrevolution s thatpastoralspecializationmusthavedependedon broadexchangenetworks and/or markets. Such ex-change networksrelied on tradingthe

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surplusproductssuch as dairy tems andfibers. Mixed farming and herding sys-tems often are characterized s Neolithicadaptations based on a "subsistence"rather than market orientation (Hal-stead 1987). Thus many archeologistsviewpastoral ranshumance s a possiblemechanism for explaining high-land/lowland interactions during theLateNeolithic throughBronzeAge peri-ods, periods of increasing social com-plexityand politicalcentralization.6Research documenting prehistoricpastoral ranshumance as yet to be con-ducted through the traditionalmeans ofsurveyor excavationprojects.Archeolo-gists like Halstead (1987), working inNorthernGreece,and Lewthwaite 1981,1984) working n Corsicaand Sardinia,have repeatedlycautioned archeologistsabout the speculativeand inconclusivenature in which archeologistshave usedhistoricaland ethnographicexamplesofMediterranean ranshumanceas analo-gies for describing he originsof special-ized pastoralism.Ethnoarcheologicalresearch on con-temporarypastoral ranshumance n theNorthernMediterraneanmaycontributeto these discussionsboth methodologi-cally and theoretically.From a theoreti-cal perspective, t is essentialto drawonthe considerable progress made by so-cioculturalanthropologists tudyingpas-toral nomads over the last two decades.How do pastoralists urvive n pluralisticsociopolitical arenas and in relation tothe nation-state and larger, regionalstructures?For archeologists to tacklesuch a complicatedproblem as the ori-gins of specialized pastoralismor pas-toral transhumance, there is also anecessity o understand he socioculturalcontext of historicaland ethnographiccases of pastoral ranshumance.Withoutattention to such linkagesbetween pas-toral production and larger economicand sociopolitical tructures, he premisethat pastoralism xisted as a specializedform is only informedby speculation.Pastoralranshumanceouldhaveorigi-nated at severaldifferentpoints in time.This is often unrecognizedby prehistori-ans,who tend to view he originsof special-

ized pastoralism s a naturalprogressionin the evoluton of animal husbandiysystems.The question of the origins ofpastoral ranshumancen the prehistoricrecord are most often discussed n lightof the key environmental nd ecologicalconditions necessary for the mainte-nance of a pastoral egimedivorced romcultivation.Yet n Grevena,pastoral ran-shumance is also realized through a setof structural elationshipsbetween localcommunitiesand largerregionaland na-tional contexts.

PastoralTranshwnance nd the StateDoes the economic impactof the EECrender Grevenapastoraltranshumancean inappropriate case for developingmodels with which to examine prehis-toric pastoral ranshumancen the Medi-terranean?While it is absolutely clearthat this form of modernization is farremoved from a "pristine" ituation ofMediterraneanpastoral transhumance,an even more fundamental questionmust be addressed.Did Mediterraneanpastoral transhumancearise out of re-gional and national policies in recenthistory? f so, pastoraltranshumance nthe prehistoric record may also havebeen attached o the evolvingcomplexityof an emergingstate-level rganization.In the late l9th century,pastoral ran-

shumance in the Koutsovlachvillagesdwindled when Ottoman chif iS7 inThessaly ame under ocal Greekcontrol(Wace and Thompson 1914:160-168).Pastoral ranshumants ound it increas-inglydifficult o gainaccess o large ractsof winter pasture and thus turned toother occupations.Wars,uprisings,andbrigandage n the second half of the l9thcentury,all directlya cause of the incor-poration of the Koutsovlach y the Otto-man Empire and later by the Greeknation-state, ed to an unstable politicalclimate for pastoral ranshumants.Pastoral ranshumance s a conceptualproblem cannot be viewed in isolation.All pastoral systems have connectionswith the outside world and are neverdivorced from agriculture (Khazanov1984) Pastoral ranshumances not even

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really a type" of pastoral production; itis only a mobility" strategy.What makesEuropean pastoral transhumance so in-teresting is the varietyof organizationalstructures in which this strategy has ex-isted in histonc and modern times. InGreece, pastoral transhumance is a mo-bility strategy organized by entire com-munities of pastoralists who definethemselves ethnically or'by individualpastoral households living in agropas-toral villages. In the case of the Kout-sovlach transhumants, this relationshipto the "outsideworld"can best be tracedthrough recent historical processes ofstate formation. Throughout the secondhalfof the l9th centuiy and beginning ofthe 20th centuv, Koutsovlach pastoraltranshumance operated on the fringes ofan emergent nation-state. This historynow serves as the background for Kout-sovlach identity within the modern na-tion-state.This ethnic group continues toassertits identitybyreinforcing the socialtranshumance between the upland Kout-sovlach communities and pluralistic low-land communities.Each mobility pattern is itself con-strained by the other components in theregional pastoral system and by largerstructural entities. A compelling exam-ple is the manner bywhich empires andstates imposed political control over theethnic Koutsovlach, thus constrainingmechanisms of integration between uwland and lowland communities from themid-19th- to early 20thwentury period.The Koutsovlach,who occupied a territo-rial niche between the disintegrating Ot-toman Empire and the emergentindependent Greek nation-state, shiftedin and out of pastoral transhumance de-pending on the political conditions.While it might be effectively argued thatthe Koutsovlachwere pariicularlyvulner-able in this historical period of politicalinstability,such vulnerabilitycan be seenas advantageous to the perpetuation oftheir ethnic and political autonomy. TheKoutsovlach could operate in such a wayas to hedge their bets so that both low-land and upland communities couldselve as refuges. Herders who droppedout of pastoral transhumance were able

to resume this activityat a later time or toenter into subsidiaryoccupations like utland brigandage and banditry. Whilesuch activities probably maintained the"stateless,backward"nature of Grevenathroughout the 20th centuIy, it was infact an effective strategy open to theKoutsovlach and other transhumantpopulations. Today, pastoral transhu-mance continues to operate on the mar-gins and periphery, seIving as a vitalchannel of communication, trade, andbrokerage between local ethnic groupsand the nation-state. At the same timefavorable economic incentives broughtby Greece's entry into the EEC onceagain opened up a viable niche for pas-toral transhumants and allowed urbanKoutsovlach to maintain social transhu-mance in the upland communities.These examples drawn from the con-temporary and historic socioeconomiccontext of Grevenapastoral systems serveas very useful comparisons for archeolgists seeking a theoretical framework forexplaining the development of pastoraltranshumance in Mediterranean Europeand elsewhere. Pastoral transhumance asa flexible, open-ended strategy integrat-ing upland/lowland communities mustbe seen within a broader regional con-text. While it may not be possible to drawanalogies between contemporary pas-toral transhumance and what happenedin prehistory, one may legitimately posita model of pastoral transhumance interms of an organizational strategy thatwasused byherders. Pastoralistswho hadto organize and schedule movement be-tween twodifferent environmental zonesprobably also had to make complex ar-rangements for gaining access to pasture-lands. Just as the Koutsovlach have beenable to Zmixand match" settlement andmobility strategiesunder variousforms ofstate-level control, prehistoric pastoraltranshumance would also have affordedherders a chance to shift in and out ofvarious sociopolitical arenas. Moreover,even when pastoral transhumance wasfavored, there was always the possibilitythat herders could shift into closely re-lated careers like smuggling, raiding, andtrading. Once again, with these ideas in

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mind, it may be more useful for archeolo-gists to see any development of pastoraltranshumance as not necessarily at-tached to a certain evolutionary stage inprehistory, nor as strategy that originatedonly at one point in time, but as a seriesof structural arrangements between pas-toralists and the state.

ConclusonsThe ethnoarcheological research onwhich this report is based has furtheredan understanding of pastoral transhu-mance in southern Europe by: (1) a sys-tematic data collection of contemporarypastoral land use strategies over threemajor upland environmental zones; and(2) providing the ethnographic back-ground to describe how and why ethnic-ity as associated with pastoral trans-humance can be sustained in a modernnation-state. The observation that thepastoral sites of summer transhumants

and year-round herders across three up-land environmental zones leads to themore theoretical inquiry of how and whyherders adopted long-distance transhu-mance as an ecological and economicadaptation. The specific issues of ethnic-ity and transhumance as a cultural ideol-ogy begin to emerge only as the socialand cultural context of local communi-ties vis-a-vis he modern nation-state be-comes apparent. The role that the EECfunds play in the individual decision-making processes of transhumant herd-ers and village herders is essential forunderstanding the links between localupland communities and lowland urbancenters. In these regional and nationalcontexts, transhumance as a mobilitystrategy also embodies a cultural ideol-ogy of Koutsovlach identity. Data andanalysis support the hypothesis that pas-toral transhumance is realized through aset of structural relationships betweenlocal communities and regional and na-tional contexts. As a consequence, theprocess by which the modern Greek na-tion-state incorpontes the Koutsovlachsthrough economic and political policiescan be contrasted to the processes ofincorporation implemented in Sweden

and other regions where tnnshumanceor nomadism s associatedwith a specificethnic group.Nevertheless, he objectiveof this researchproject is first and fore-most to provide the prehistonan withusefulanalogiesand parallels rom mod-em historic and ethnographic contextsthatcan then be appliedto archeologicalintexpretaiions n the origqns f special-ized pas orali m.

NotesAcknowledgm4nts:his research was funded

by the Wenner-Gren Foundation during1988-89, and subsequent summer grantsfrom Sweet Briar College from 1990 to 1992.The ethnoarcheological data were collectedunder the auspices of the Grevena Archeo-logical Project directed by Nancy C. Wilkie. Iwish to thank Harold A. Koster for our manyfruitful discussions about Greek pastoralismover the years. The three anonymous review-ers and Norman Yoffee, Fotini Tsibiridou,and Emanuel Marx provided invaluable sug-gestions on earlier drafts. Also, I wish to thankKarla Faulconer for drafting Figure 1, andPerry A. Tourtellotte for sharing the field-work and compiling the data for Table 1.1. I use the term Koutsorlucho identify thisethnic group of Aroumani-speaking Greeks.Schein (1974) refers to this same ethnicgroup as Aroumani. Campbell (1964) andWace and Thompson ( 1914) refer to them asthe Koutsovlach. Nandris (1990) identifiesthe Aroumani as Vlahs, but prefers to use thenonpejorative term of Aromani. Contempo-rary Greek folklorists and ethnographers re-fer to this ethnic group as Koutsovlach (FotiniTsibiridou, personal communication, 1991).So as to minimize confusion between Greekand Western anthropologists, I have decidedto use the term Koutsorlarh.2. Sheep, goats, and beefeattle are herdedseparately. When sheep and goats are herdedtogether, usually a small number of goats ( 15head) are lead animals for sheep flocks. Aherder may own both cattle and sheep, buteach species is herded separately.3. The definition of pastoral transhu-mance in anthropology and historical litera-ture on animal husbandry has led toconsiderable confusion. The single mostproblematic point is that of categorizing pas-toral transhumance, a mobility strategy basedon two or more seasonal localities and fixedresidences as pastoral nomadism (cf. Ingold1987). According to Ingold (1987), pastoral

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transhumance s differentfrom nomadismbecausetranshumance ccursbetweenfixedsummerand winterresidences,whereasno-madicmobilityexhibitsresidential lexibilityand a high degreeof territorialmobilityoverspace and through time. In this regard, Ifollow Ingold's (1987) distinctionbetweenpastoral ranshumance ndnomadism.4. Klidonass a termderived romancientGreekused to describeSt.John the Diviner(Megas 1963:131). This women's ritual isused to divine whethera girl will becomeengaged.5. This ritualof eatingmeat as a form ofmale solidarityhas been discussedin greatdetail for Cretan shepherds by Herzfeld(1985:141).IneasternCrete,shepherdswhostealsheepoftenliketopublicly onsumethestolengoods.6. A discussionof the secondaryproductsrevolutionduring the Eneolithicand earlyBronzeAgeperiods romthecentralBalkansis presented in Greenfield's(1988) article.Chapman(1982) evaluatesmanyof the assumptions of the secondaryproducts hy-pothesisfor CentralEurope.7. Chiftlik and wasredistributedamongGreeks o thatparcelsof winterpasturewereoftenreduced nsizeandprobablyweremoredifElculto obtain for the individualherder.When Thessaly came under independentGreekcontrol in 1881,Samarina hepherdsoftenfoundit difficult o obtainwintergraz-ing. DuringthisperiodsomeVlachpastoral-ists abandoned their profession and sum-mer residences in the Pindos (Wace andThompson1914:167-168).

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European S o c i a l S c i e n c ei n Transition- Assessment a n d O u t l o o kMeinolf DIerkes and Bernd Biervert, edItorsMajor Subject Interests:SocZology,uropern he social sciences in Europe are in a maJorphase of translton, not merelycaused by the social

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