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BRITISH INDIAN VIEWS

(NINETEENTH

AND

EARLY

TWENTIETH

CENTURIES) OF THE LATER FOLLOWERS OF THE RAUXANIYYA

SECT

IN

AFGHANISTAN

AND NORTHERN

INDIA

By Sergei Andreyev

St.

Hugh'sCollege,

Oxford

The

Rau'ini

movement,

which

spanned

the

period

from the second half of the sixteenth

century

to the first four

decades

of the seventeenth

century,

flourished

in

Afghanistan

and

Northern

India.

The movement

had a dramatic

impact

on

the

cultural and social

life

of

the

mediaeval

Pashtun tribes. The Rauxani movement was

headed for

many

years

by

Bayazid

Ansari, also

called

Pir-i

Raux'in

( Light

Mentor / Mentor

of

Light ) by

his followers

and

Pir-i

Tirik

( Dark

Mentor / Mentor of

Darkness )

by

his

adversaries,

and

this is

what

gave

the movement its name.

This

movement can be considered as the

strongest

upsurge

of the

original

Pashtun

thought,

which was

extremely

free and

radical.1

The

Raux'niyya

are still almost

unstudied.

Since

1810,

when the first article on the Raux'ani move-

ment

was

published by John Leyden,

a few scholars

have written about the

movement,

mainly

repeat-

ing

the

ideas and data contained

in the first ever

article on the

problem. Leyden's

article,

as

well

as

the works of his

successors,

was based

mainly

on

mediaeval Indian sources written

in

Persian,

with

some examination of Akhiind Darwiza's

books,

while the

writings

of the followers of the

Rau'aini

sect

itself

remained

unstudied. The first scholars

who

began

to use Rau*dini sources were

Kh. A.

Nizami

(Nizami,

1960; Nizami,

1989),

S.A.A. Rizvi

(Rizvi,

1961; Rizvi,

1965-8),

Muhammed Shafi

(Shafi, 1961)

and

Tariq

Ahmed

(Tariq

Ahmed,

1982).

However,

they

have

concentrated

on

the

study

of the

Hadlnama-yi Bayazid

Raushdn

(also

known as

Hdlndma-yi

Pir-i

Dastgir

or

Hadlnama-yi

Bayazid

Ansdari)

y

'Ali

Muhammad

Mukhlis,

a

biog-

raphy

of

Bayazid

Ansarli

and his descendants

in

Persian,

having

left aside the Pashto sources. None

of these historians has

given

an account of the later

followers of

the

Raultini

creed. Scholars

working

in

modern

Afghanistan

and Pakistan

concentrate

on

the mediaeval

history

of

the

movement,

its

doctrine and

literary heritage,

and do not even

mention

its later followers.

There is no direct evidence for the survival of

followers of the

Rau'iini

doctrine after the

general

defeat

of the

Rauaini

movement in the first half of

the seventeenth

century.

The

only

original

sources

which

contain

some

indirect information of rele-

vance are

the

Tadhkirat al-Abrdr

wa'

1-Ashrar

by

Akhuind Darwiza2 and the

Tdrikh-i

Murassa'

by

Afzal Khan Khaffak.3

However,

it is

possible

to

find

some

relevant

information

in

British Indian

sources of the late

nineteenth-early

twentieth centuries. Later

British

data on the followers of the Raux'ani doctrine are

very

controversial,4

since British Indian

officials

were

in

the main not familiar with

the

history

of

the

Rauaini

movement and did not

focus on this

specific problem.

However,

given

the

considerable

amount

of

information

provided

on this

subject

in

administrative

reports,

it seems

possible

to assume

that this

problem

was

regarded

as rather

important.

In

the absence

of

evidence based on modern

field-work,

the

problem

of later

adherents

of

the

Rau'ini sect has to be left at

present

unsolved.

Some British colonial sources

(Ibbetson,

1883;

Ridgway,

1910;

Gazetteer

of

the Peshawar

District,

1898)

tried to associate the Shiah

groups

of the

Orakzai,

Bangash

and

Turi

tribes

of

Pashtuns5 with

the

Raux'ini

doctrine.

The

Pashtuns are known to be

mainly

Sunnites.

At the end of the nineteenth

century,

however,

there were

10,591

Shiites counted

in

the Koh-t

dis-

trict

(the

main area of the Orakai and

Bangash's

residence

[S.A.]).6

They

were

confined

to a

portion

of Samilzai and

Hangii

(administrative

units in the

Kohait

district

[S.A.])

and to

the

adjoining region

of

Tirdih.

The Orakzai clans of the

Shiah faith

belonged

to the

Muhammad

Khel

tribe.

They

were

the

following:

the

Sipaihs*

or

Sipayas*

(perhaps

a

derivation from

sipdh

or

sipdhi

[S.A.]),

Maini

Khel,

Bar

Muhammad

Khel,

'Abd al-'Aziz Khel and a

portion

of

'Ali

Khel,

Tazi,

Bar And* and

Lar

And*;

three

hamsdya

or

vassal sections of the Tira-h

Sturi*

(alias

Afzal

Khel)

are also

Shiites

(Rose,

1914,

vol.

III,

p.

177).

All

these tribes

resided

in

Tirah

and

bordered

on the

Shiah

portion

of

Samilzai.

Rose,

noted

that,

according

to the tribal

pedigree,

all

people

of the Shiah

Muhammad

Khel

were descen-

dants

of

Biyazid

Ans~iri

(loc. cit.).

These

Orakzai

clans are said to have been

converted

by

the

Tirih

Sayyids

about the

beginning

of the

nineteenth

135

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136

JOURNAL

OF

PERSIAN STUDIES

century

(Kohat

Gazetteer,

1884,

p.

69;

White

King,

1984,

p.

151).

The

Shiah

Bangashs

of

the

Samilzai

clan were

probably

converted a little

earlier,

but could

not

freely

admit to

being

Shiites

during

rule from

Kabul

(Kohat

Gazetteer, 1884,

p.

69).

All the

Bangash

of

the

Upper

Kur(r)am(a)*

valley

and a

portion

of

Samilzai

and

Hangui

were

Shiites,

while those of

the

Lower

Kur(r)am(a)*

and the remainder

of the

Kohat

district were Sunnites

(Ridgway,

1910,

p.

76).

All

the

Turi

Pashtuns

(6,000

in number

in

1910,

resident

in

the

Kur(r)am(a)*

valley)

were

reported

to be the

disciples

of the

Tirah

Shiah

Sayyids

(Ridgway,

1910,

p.

159).

All the

above-mentioned Orakzai

Shiah tribes

were under

the

religious

influence of a

Sayyid7

family

residing

at

Kilal*,

and

generally

known as the

Tirah

Sayyids.

The

Sayyids

of

Pir Khel

and

Mansuir

Khe-

(probably

the

Bangash

clans

[S.A.)8

were said

to be descended from

Bayazid

Ansari

(Pir

Tarikhi in

the

Gazetteer) (Kohat

Gazetteer, 1884,

p.

69).

Raverty

stated that the descendants of the famous

Raua-ani

poet

Mirza Khan

Ansfirl,

a

grandson

of

the

founder

of

the

Rau'aini

movement,

still

(sc.

in

the second

half

of

the

nineteenth

century

[S.A.])

dwelt

in

the

Tirah

district,

amongst

the

clan

of

Miyan

Kheel

(probably

the

Bangash

clan

[S.A.]),

and have the

repute

of

being

quiet

and well behaved. There

is

generally

one of

the

family

who follows the life

of

an

ascetic;

and is

allowed,

by

the

simple

people,

to

have

the

power

of

working

miracles

(Raverty,

1978,

p.

55).

However,

White

King argued

that the

Tirahi

Sayyids,

the

leading

Shiah

Sayyid

clan

in

the area

in

question,_

were

descended

from a

Shiah

priest

Fakhr-i

'Alam,

who

came

from

Gardez

about the

middle

of

the seventeenth

century

and settled

in

Kur(r)am(a)*.

His

grave

is in

Kirman

(Kur(r)am(a)*),

and is held in

much veneration

by

the local Shiites.

Another

separate

branch

of

Shiah

Sayyids,

descen-

dants of

Shah

'Isa

Bukhari,

settled

in

Marai* from

Peshawar. There was another

Family

of Shiah

Sayyids,

known as

Tal(l)a Nm(a)(n)(d)zi*,

and

Muhammad

Takki

Nm(a)(n)(d)zi*9

in

the

Bar

Muhammad

Khel

country

(White

King,

1984,

p.

150).

As one can

see,

neither

Bayazid

Ansari

nor

his known

descendants were mentioned

by

White

King

among

the founders of these

Sayyid

families.

The

only

information available on the conversion

of the

Pashtuns to Shiism

in the

Middle

Ages

is

the

following. During

the

reign

of

the

Mughal emperor

Jahangir

and ca.

1620

A.D.,

Sayyid

Mir

'Aquil

settled

in

the Marai* District with the Bar Muhammad

Khel

and converted

many people

to Shiism. These

people

were driven

by

the

oppressive

rule

of

Malik

Toi,

the Khan

of

the Orakzais,

0

to seek

asylum

with

Mir

'Aqiil. Consequently,

Malik

ToF

attacked

Mir

'Aqiil,

who was

slain,

and whose

family,

on their

ejection

from

Tirah,

settled

in the

Samilzai

valley

of

Kohat.

After a

time,

this

family

won

over the

Mishtis*,

Mulla Khels

and

Shaykhans,

who,

with the

Bar

Muhammad

Khel,

seceded

from

the rule of

the

Orakzai Khan

(White

King,

1984,

pp.

150-1).

Unfor-

tunately,

White

King

did

not mention

the source

of

his

information;

perhaps

he relied on the oral tribal

tradition,

as

many

other authors often

did.

According

to the Gazetteer

oJ

the Kohat District

(1884)

there were no

acknowledged

members

of the

Rau'ani

sect

remaining

(Kohat

Gazetteer, 1884,

p.

70).

It is

noteworthy

that

White

King,

Deputy

Com-

missioner

of

K6hat

and

in

political

charge

of

the

Orakzais

(period

of service

1897-1900),

also never

mentioned the

Raujxani

doctrine

in

connection

with the then

contemporary

Orakzais.

Some authors did not however

agree

with the

statement of the Gazetteer. Ibbetson

and

Ridgway

considered

the

contemporary Sayyid,

Orakzai,

Bangash

and Turi Shiites

as followers of

the

Rauxani

doctrine

(Ibbetson

also wrote about a few

adherents

of the

Rauxani

doctrine scattered

along

the

Trans-Indus

Salt

Range

from the

Kohat

District

to the

Dera

Isma'il

District) (Ibbetson,

1883,

p.

146;

Ridgway,

1910,

p.

31).

The authors of the Gazetteer

of

the Peshawar

District

generally

supported

this view:

At

the

present

time

(1897-8

A.D.

[S.A.])

its

[the

Rau~iani

sect

(S.A.)]

tenets

are

professed

only

by

the

immediate descendants of

the

founder

in

Tirah

and

Kohhat

and

by

some

of the

Bangash

and

Orakzai.

The

ancestors

of those

members of the Orakzai

tribe,

who are

popularly

known as

Shiites were

probably

of this sect.

(Peshawar

Gazetteer, 1898,

p.

60).

Accord-

ing

to

Ibbetson,

these

people

were

rather

called

Shiites because

they

were

rejected by

the Sunnites

than because

they

followed the Shiah

doctrine

(Ibbetson,

1883,

p.

147).

Sir Olaf Caroe

disagreed

with the

previous

state-

ments

and,

referring

to his

experience

with the

Orakzai and

Bangash

Shiites,

stated that he had

never heard this identification

publicly

made.

According

to

him,

there was no

affinity

between

the

Shiah

beliefs

professed

in

this

region

and either

the

Rau3'iani

religion

or the

Khariji

and

Isma'-li

sects,

with

which the followers of

the

Rauiiani

movement

were sometimes associated. Caroe

admitted that

the

final

discrediting

of the

Rauxiani

movement

gener-

ated

a

political

reason for

covering up

these

matters,

still

operative

to some

extent

in

his own

day;

moreover,

even

if

the

suppressed

followers of

the

Rau~aini

doctrine had taken cover as Shiites in

the

Mughal

times,

their

descendants,

forgetting

their doctrinal

origin,

would have

tended more

and

more to have

merged

with the

general

Shiah confes-

sion

(Caroe,

1964,

p.

202-3).

According

to

Leyden,

the adherents of

the

Rau3aini

sect,

who

still

existed,

were confined

to

the wildest

and

most

inaccessible

districts,

conceal-

ing

their books

and their tenets with

equal

care.


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BRITISH INDIAN VIEWS OF THE RAUX2ANIYYA SECT

IN

AFGHANISTAN

AND NORTHERN

INDIA137

Amir

Muhammad,

a

native

informant from Pesha-

war,

told

Leyden

that some followers of

Bayazid

Ansari

were

still

to

be

found,

both in Peshawar and

Kabul,

but

that

they

were reckoned

to

be

even more

numerous

among

the Yuisufzai tribes

(Leyden,

1810,

p.

79).

However,

Bellew,

the

author

of

the detailed

monograph

on the Yuisufzai tribe written

mainly

from his

personal

observation

and from native

information,

argued

that the

Rauiiani

creed

disap-

peared among

the Yuisufzais

after

Bayazid

Ansaari's

death

(Bellew,

1864,

p.

73).

According

to

Leyden's

informant,

the then

contemporary

followers

of the

Rauxani doctrine were

supposed

to hold

secret

meetings

in

Peshawar,

by night,

in

an ancient

edifice,

with a

dome,

where

Bayazid

Ansari

formerly

resided,

and at which the

pious

Muslims,

as

they

pass by

the

ruins,

generally

cast stones

in token of

their

abhorrence,

accompanied by

fervent

impre-

cations

and

curses on the founder

of the

Rauxani

movement

(Leyden,

1810,

p.

79).

However,

the

question

arises,

who were these

contemporary

followers of the Rauxiini

sect des-

cribed

by

the

British

authors?.

There is some

very

limited

information

in

the

original

sources

about

different trends

of the

Rauxiini

doctrine

professed

by

the

YUisufzais,

who were

described

by

Leyden

as

the then

contemporary

followers

of

the

Rau'iani

sect.

According

to the

Tadhkirat al-Abrar

wa

'l-Ashradr

One

Miyan

'Isa,

a

native

of Peshawar and follower

of

Bayazid,

alias

Pir-i

Tarik,

the founder

of the

Raushani

heresy,

went

to

Swat

(the

main area of the

Yiisufzais' residence

[S.A.]),

and

preached

its doc-

trines with considerable

success

amongst

the

Yiisufzais.

Those who became converts to his

doctrine were called

'Isa'i.

(Akhiind

Darwiza,

fol.

80a

[Plowden's

translation

in

(Plowden, 1893)]).

Plowden wrote

in 1893

that descendants

of

this

'Isa'i

still resided

in

the

city

of Peshawar

(Plowden,

1893,

p.

VI).

According

to the later evidence of the Tdrikh-i

Murassa',

there

was a distinct difference between

the

genuine Rauxainis

and

the

followers

of

'Isa:

After that

the

pride

and

impiety

of

the YUisufzais

increased;

heterodox

practices

and sects

sprung

up

among

them.

Some,

together

with their

head-men,

became

'Isa'i (Christians

in

English

translation

[S.A.]);

others followed the tenets

of Pir-i

Rauxan,

whom

people

call

Pir-i

Tarik.

(Afial Khain,

1893,

p.

221;

English

translation,

p.

183).

This

is

the

only

information

available about the

so-called 'Isa'i

sect.

It seems therefore at

present

impossible

to

define

any

more

closely

the

original

affiliation

of

the

fol-

lowers

of

'Isai

and their connection with the later

Raui~inis.

i

Note

on

transliteration:

The standard

Iran

system

is used for

the

transliteration

of Persian and Arabic

words. For the addi-

tional Pashto characters the

following system

is used:

0-

t-

--

-

.

Words

with doubtful and/or

various transliteration are

marked

by

*

2 This voluminous

book

ascribed

to

Akhiind

Darwiza was

written in Persian

in

1021/1612-13.

In this

treatise,

the

author

gives

an

account

of orthodox and heretical

teachings

of Darwiza's time. He condemns

the

teaching

of

Baiyazid

Ansaari

and devotes

a

special

section to the

description

of the

Rawifini

tenets and

activity

of the followers of

the move-

ment.

Unfortunately,

his account

of the

Rawxani

movement

is

extremely

unsystematic

and even

contradictory.

In the

concluding

part

of

the

Tadhkirat it is stated

by

Darwiza's son

Mulla

'Abd

al-Karim,

better known

as

Karimdad,

that

the

book was dictated to

him

by

Darwiza and

he wrote it

down,

arranged

the

text

in

proper

order and

enti-

tled it (Darwiza, Tadhkirat, ol. 202b).

3

The Tdrikh-i

Murassa'

is a voluminous

history

of

the Pashtuns

written in Pashto

by

Afzal

Khan

Khaffak

(lived

approxi-

mately

1072-3/1661-3

to

1161/1748),

a

grandson

of

the

famous Pashtun

poet

and

warrior

Khushhal Khan

Khatfak.

The narration

is

brought up

to

the

year

1136/1723.

The

Rawiiini

movement

is mentioned

in the fifth and sixth

daftars

of the book.

4

British

colonial sources

are

highly

accurate

in

their

descrip-

tions

of

geographical

conditions

and tribal

statistics;

however,

in the course of historical

narration

they

rely

mainly

on oral

traditions,

which

sometimes contradict

the

original

written sources.

Yet,

given

the

lack

of

proven

data,

the student

of

the Pashtun

tribal affairs is forced

to use these

sources,

although

certainly

with

a

reasonable

degree

of

reservation.

s

Such modern

authors as Sir Olaf Caroe and Akbar

Ahmed

have confirmed the existence of

Shiah clans

among

various

Pashtun tribes

(Ahmed,

1984,

pp.

III, VI, VII,

X;

Caroe, 1964,

pp. 26, 202-3, 308).

6

It

seems

that

these

Shiites were in a difficult

position living

among

their Sunnite

neighbours.

Ibbetson wrote: the

Sunnite Pashtuns

abominate

the Shiites

and all their

works,

insomuch that in old

days

a man

hardly

dare admit that he

belonged

to that sect

(Ibbetson,

1883,

p.

146).

Perhaps

this

tradition of dissimulation

(taqiyiya)

s one of

the

reasons for

the

discrepancy

in

defining

the

real

religious

affiliation

of

the

tribes in

question.

In

British colonial

sources,

Muslim

clergy

were often called

Sayyids

regardless

of

their

origin.

8

It is

noteworthy

that,

according

to

Ibbetson,

many

of the

tribes

(perhaps groups/clans,

there are no Pashtun tribes

claiming Sayyhid origin

[S.A.])

which claim

Saiyad origin

are

Shiahs

(Ibbetson,

1883,

p.

201).

9

If

we read the word

nmazi

given by

White

King

without trans-

literation as

nmdndzi

(praying

[man]) (z

and

dz

are often con-

fused in Pashto, especially in Persian loan-words, nmanndz,

sometimes

nmuindz,

rom Persian

namaz)

we

get

an

interesting

name of this

Sayyid

family- The

praying people

from

Tdl(l)a

(Ta(a)l(l)a

is a

geographical

name

especially popular

in the

country

of the Haz~iraPashtuns

(Adamec,

1972-85,

vol.

VI,

p.

778)

and

The

praying people

from the

Takki

(Takki

(Zam)

is a river

not

far

from

Kainiguram

in Wazirist-n

(Caroe,

1964,

p.

405)).

10

Malik

To_,

once a committed follower of the

Rawxaini

doc-

trine,

left the movement about

1620

and

joined

the

Mughal

forces.

It

seems

that his conflict

with

the Shiah

preacher

in

the Orakzai had a

political

character or was caused

by

the

traditional

Sunnite-Shiite

hostility.

At

all

events,

there is no

mention of the

Rawxaniyya

in

White

King's

narration.


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138

JOURNAL

OF

PERSIAN STUDIES

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