Post on 15-Mar-2020
CHAPTER IV
TRADE UNIONISM AMONG THE LEATHER INDUS'IRY WORKERS IN CALOJTT.A
I. GROWTH OF TRADE UNIONISM IN THE LEATI-£R INDUS'IRY IN CALOJTT A:
Introduction: -------The history of trade unions in the leather industry
has its roots in the caste associations which were formed
by the Harij an workers in the tanneries and footwear indus
tries. The unions in this industry are dcminated by Harij an
workers and political leaders. The social crigi ns of the
unions in caste associations also sets apart trade unionism
in the leather indus try from the other trade unions in
Calcutta. This is perhaps a reason why the trade union
movement which ..;athered momentum in 1920s in Calcutta di::i
not influence the workers in the leather industry. It was
only during 1940s that migrant workers in the tanning as
well as leather goods and footwear industry were first
organised into unions. The need for any formal body of
workers • did not arise much because, before the formation of
such a body, workers' grievances were channelised through
caste organisations. These organisations were formed to
protect the social and economic interests of Harij ans.
ThP. Bengal provincial Depressed Classes League {BPDCL)
and the Ravi Das Ekta Canmittee (RDEC) were formed in the
first half of 1930s. The BPOCL, organised by Babu Jagjivan
Ram, used to look after the interests of Harijans (both
employers and employees) in the leather goods and foo~~ar
industry. And the RDEC was formed by sane Harij an leaders
like Gukul Das, Tukkan Ram, Bar an Das 1 of south Tangr a
specifically to protect the interest of Harij an workers
in the Tanneries. The major objective of both the organi
sations was mutual cooperation among their members with a
provision of rudimentary social security system. Naturally,
the stated aim of these organisations was cooperation and
not conflict; but they themselves under pressure of events
star ted acting like unions. The possibility of organising
the leather industry workers on trade union lines was first
demonstrated by these organisations throuqh collective
resistance of attacks on Harij an workers by Chinese employers.
In fact, the leaders of these organisations later took the
initiative to form trade unions since the workers• interest
could not otherwise be fully protected through caste orga
nis ations. They were unable to negotiate officially with
the employers or coul,j not put up charter of demands for the
benefit of the workers. Thus, the need for a separate
working class organisation prompted the leaders of the RDEC
to form the Tannery Mazdoor Union (T M U ) in January 1940,
the first of its kind in the leather industry in Calcutta.
Similarly the All Bengal Charmakar Union (ABOJ) was formed
in 1948 by the leaders of the BPDCL with R amananda Das 2
1 ~)4
as its secretary. The union was mainly formed to represent
the interests of the Harij an workers in the Chinese owned
footwear industry in Calcutta. Though both the above
mentioned unions were formed by the Harij ans and for the
Harij ans in the leather industry, no organic link was built
up between these t·wo. The trade union movement in the tan
ning or footwear industry grew up almost independently
although an attempt was made during seventies to unify
the movement of workers in both these sections of the
leather industry in Calcutta.
Today, in the tanning industry in Calcutta, nearly
10,500 workers are members of four trade unions, namely,
West Bengal Tannery Mazdoar Union (affiliated to the AITUC),
Calcutta Leather and Tannery Employees Union {affiliated to
the CITU), Federation of Leather and Tannery Workers and
Employees (affiliated to the INTUC), and Leather and
Tannery Mazdoor Sabha {affiliated to the HMS}. Nearly
4,500 workers in the tanneries, most of whom are Nepali,
have not joined any union. The West Bengal Tannery Mazdoor
Union is tre largest organisation having a membership of
nearly 6,000 workers in 250 tanneries. This union is con
centrated mainly in the China Town. The Calcutta Leather
and Tannery Employees Union, comes second with over 3,000
members in nearly 50 tanneries. It has established a strong
hold in the tanneries in south Beleghata and Tapsia. The
Federation of Leather and Tannery Workers and Employees
has enrolled nearly 1, 100 members in 30 tanneries in
Tapsia, South Beleghata, Dhapa an;:i South Tangra. Finally,
the Leather and Tannery Mazdoor Sabha, the ol;:iest among
the present unions, is now reduced to a minority of only
4 00 workers in ·few tanneries in Tapsi a and Tangra.
In contrast, a large nwnber of workers in the leather
goods and footwear industry have so far remained unorganised
though several trade unions have appeared on the scene over
the past few decades. The Calcutta Leather Workers Union the
(affiliated to~INTUC), the first union to organise footwear
workers, has remained limited to Chinese shoe factories
The Calcutta the
and has a strength of only 150 members.
Leather Indus try ~vorkers Union (a f filiated toLCITU) which
appeared on the trade union scene during seventies with
muchvigour is more or less defunct today. The only union
which succeeded in increasing its membership very rapidly
after 198 3 is the Calcutta Sports Goods and Shoe Makers • the
t-1azdoor Union (affiliated toLAITUC). To:iay the union has
nearly 2,000 manbers in Chinese shoe as well as sports
goods workshops. The Calcutta Shoe and Leather workers' the
Union (affiliated toLAITUC) which was formed much earlier
in 1 :n 5 in sports goods units nO\oi has only 500 members in
football works hops.
The above narration of trade union activities and
workers• struggles in the leather industry in Calcutta
needs to be located in the socio-political milieu of the
city in order to identify the strategies adopted by trade
unions in the industry. This exercise is undertaken in
the following pages.
!~_2nion Movemen!_!n the Tanneries:
The Tannery Mazdoor Union formed in 1940 was an un
registered and unrecognised body. The .economic hardship--
of Harijan workers provided an impetus to the growth of
unionism. They were paid low wages and the conditions of
work were marked by conspicuous absence of any statutory
benefit. Further, the compactness of the workers colony
in Tangr a area, and the caste solidarity of the main body
of leather workers favoured the growth of trade unions. As
against these advantages, there were some serious ·handicaps
like illiteracy, lack of leaders from among the rank and
the strong financial position of the employers. Neverthe
less, just after the formation of the union, the Ravi Das
Ek ta Committee 1 eaders hip decided to utilise the plat form
of the union to exert pressure on the Chinese employers for
fulfilling some demands of the workers. By resorting to
the powerful weapon of strike, the Tannery Mazdoor Union
in 1942 succeeded in compelling the employers to concede
the following demands:
1. Nine hours of work a day;
2. Wages would be paid before the lOth of every month:
3. 5 per cent increment of wages tor all workers working under the proprietorship ot Chinese owners;
4. 12 paid holidays in a year apart from Sundays which also would be a paid holidays: and
5. Proper medical treatment of workers for any accident occurring from machines. 3
The union got registered in June, 1944. The name of
the union was then changed to All Bengal Tannery Mazdoar
Union (henceforth, ABTMU). Tukkan Ram, a local Harijan
leader and Jagannath Pandey, a lawyer and also a Congress
Party leader, were made the Secretary and the President of the
union respectively. The union got affiliated to the Indian
National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) after Independence.
The union, however, continued to be in a shaky position till
1952. The Labour Investigation Committee while carrying out
a survey on tanneries in Calcutta in 1946 found that the
union did not have either membership register or account
books for the maintEnance of proper records. The Committee
estimated that the membership strength of the union in May
4 1945 was 850.
However, during 1952-54 there was a spurt of trade
union activity in the tanning industry. This was particu-
1 arly caused by· the formation of Leather and Tannery Mazdoor
Sabha in 1952, affiliated to the Hind Mazdoor S.3bha (hence-
forth, for matter of convenience, I would call this union
as Mazdoor Sabha). The union was established under the
leaders hip of .Mr. Kamal Bose, a member of the Azad Hind
1 't ,' '· u
. 5 Force during the 194 Os. After Independence, Kamal Bose
was made the Sup@rintendent of a Government Co-operative
in Tiljala area where he came into contact with the leather
indus try workers. The plight of the tannery workers in
Calcutta drew his attention and with the help of sri Sudhir
Ghosh, a lawyer and also a memb@.r of the Socialist Party,
the Mazdoar Sabha was formed. The other founder members of
this union were sri Narayan Das Gupta and Sri Bhajan Das
Gupta both members of the Socialist Party. After the forma-
tion of the union, the leadership first demanded minimum
wages for the workers. Though the Government of West Bengal
by a notification in March 1951 had fixed the minimum wages
for the workmen in tanneries and leather manufactories,
workers were paid much less than the fixed rate. The mini-
mum wage issue attracted the attention of large number of
workers. Following this development the All Bengal Tannery
Mazdoor Union also joined the Mazdoor Sabha in demanding
minimum wages. In 1954, both the unions decided to go on an
i nde finite strike. Along with the demand for minimum wages
the unions also demanded (a) higher scales of pay for the
semi-skilled and skilled workers after five years of appren
ticeship and (b) a genEral increment of ~.10,L. for all workers.
The strike continued for nearly one month and the dispute was
finally referred to the Fifth Industrial Tribunal, West
Bengal, in the court of Shri G. Palit. 6
The Tribunal awarded
the ruling that all tanning and leather work works hops came
1 () .. . 'J \ ' i
under the purview of the government notification on the
Minimum Wages Act of 1948. Therefore, "there is no reason
why the tanneries should not pay the wage prescribed in
the said notification". 7 The Tribunal decided that the
minimum wage in the case of unskilled workers in tanneries
should be Rs. 30/- as basic pay and Rs. 21/- as dearness allO-
wance per month. The Tribunal, however, turned down the
demand for a general increment on the ground that tanneries
are passing through a critical phase.
The Tribunal award gave a boost to the trade union
activity in the industry. The major gainer was, however,
the Mazdoor Sabha. Inactivity of the .AB:TMU during the
past few years caused widespread dissatisfaction among
its members. It is alleged that the leaders hip of the
ABTMU became pro-management and became sel £-centred. In
fact, a group of young Marijan leaders like Baranashi Das
8 and Jogi Ram became very vocal against the then leadership
of the ABTMU. Due to all these reasons, the Mazdoor Sabha
was allowed enough chance to establish its stronghold among
the tannery workers. Also the background of Mr. Kamal Bose
as well as his strong and uncompromising attitude towards
the Chinese employers made him a charismatic leader during
fifties an::i sixties. His cggressi ve style of functioning
led to several violent incidents during 1950s over the
minimum wage issue.
20~)
After 1956, the Mazdoor s ab ha not only forced the
employers to provide minimum wages, as was ordered by the
Fifth Industrial Tribunal, but also demanded a revision
of the rates of minimum wages for tannery workers. In
November, 1958, the Government of West Bengal by a noti
fication increased the basic wages of semi-skilled and
skilled tannery workers by Rs. 3/- only. The Mazdor Sabha,
however, received a setback in 195 9 when ~. Kamal Bose_ was
convicted by the Calcutta High Court in a case of murdering
a Chinese employer and was Jailed for one year.
At the end of 1960, when Kamal Bose was released from
jail, the union placed its charter of demands regarding
wages, grades of employment, scales of pay, dearness allo
wance, increment and leave days. The ABTMU also joined the
Mazdoor Sabha in demanding a revision of the rates of mini-'
mum wages for the leather workers along with some other
demands. Three associations of the Chinese employers,
namely (i) Chinese Tannery owners ASsociation, (ii) Chinese
co-operative Tanners' society Ltd., and (iii) Calcutta
Leather and Allied Products Marketing Co-operative Society
Ltd., surm1arily turned down the demands of both the unions.
The dispute was ultimately referred far adjudication to
the First Industrial Tribunal, West Bengal, on August 1961.
Before the setting up of this tribunal another dispute
broke out regarding the payment of the dues of workmen
arising out of their past services with the company upto
201
3ts t December, t96 2. The widespread feeling during ~the
IndO-China War that the Chinese may close down their tan-
neries gave rise to such demands. Both the unions, however,
reached an agreement with the Chinese employers • associ a-
ticns by which workers were paid their "retrenchment
benefit• upto 3tst December, t962, although actual dis
continuance of employment of any of those w~kers did
not occur at that moment. It was also agreed that in
case of possible non-employment of any of these workmen
in future, his dues would naturally be calculated from
tst January, 196 3.
The First Industrial Tribunal in the court of Shri
h 96 9
Renupada Mock ~jee sat on September, 1 3. In the
Tribunal proceedings, the three employers• associations
submitted that since the workers are paid •retrenchment
benefits' as per the 1962 agreement with the unions, the
relations hip of employer and employee ceased after that.
Therefore, this Tribunal ceased to have any jurisdiction
to proceed with that reference. The Tribunal did not
consider this argument since the workers were not ret
renched according to law and their services continued as
before.
Regarding scales of pay and other demands of the unions
the Tribunal awarded the following:
(a) The basic wages were revised to P.s. 35/- for un
skilled, ~s.43/- for semi-skilled and "-s.53/- for skilled
workers per month. For each of these categories of workers,
~.5/- per month was enhanced as compared to their earlier
basic wages. The dearness allowance also was increased
by five to seven rupees per month far all workers. Along
with this, for the first time in the tanneries in Calcutta,
yearly increment at the rate of Re. 1/- for the unskilled,
Rs. 2/- for the semi-skilled and Rs. 3/- for the skilled workers
was in traduced.
(b) Payment of gratuity at the rate of 15 day's wages
for each completed year of service was declared as a condi
tion of service of the workers in the tanning indus try.
(c) Workers in tanneries not covered by the Factories.
Act also would get earned or privilege leave in accordance
with the provision of section 7 9 of that Act. 10 Again
five days casual leave in a year was awarded to these
workers.
The award was made for tfm years (from December, 1%3
onwards). Both the trade unions then came to an agreement
with the employers' associations about implementing the
decision of the sai::l Tribunal. Since then, for nearly six
years, no major dispute arose in the industry. During the
first half of 19'70, the unions in the tanneries again became
2 () ,·;
vocal,demanding the implementation of the Wage Board recom
mendations. The Wage Board, in September, 1969, recomnended
an increase in wages by 15 per cent over the existing rates
for all categories of workers except clerical, supervisory
and tect.lical staff. 11 The Wage Board held that "no wcrker
shall receive a wage of less than Rs. 78/- per month or Rs. 3/
per day". 12 The Mazdoor Sabha went on a seven day's strike
in January, 1970, demanding wage increase by 15 per cent as
was sug9ested by the Wage Board. It is alleged that the .::>
office room of the Mazdoor Sabha was set on fire by the
employers; men during the strike. The employers were, how~
ever, forced to come to an agreement with the unions on
February 1970 regarding 15 per cent wage increase inspi te
of their strong reservations.
Trade union movement in the tanneries in Calcutta
during 1970s was marked by the growth of several other
unions. Inter as well as intra-union rivalries· led to
the weakening of old unions. The All Bengal Tannery Mazdoor
Union lost its vigour due to intra-union rivalry. The
you~ Harijan leaders of the Ravi Das Ekta Committee (RDEC)
who were complaining against the leaders of the ABTMU during the
sixties, got the upperhand during seventies. Definite
charges like inactivity, becoming management's 'dalal'and
appropriating 5 per cent commission from the •retrenchment
benefit' of workers in 1962, were levelled against Tukkan
Ram, Mahender Singh and other office bearers of the Union.
Infightings within the RDEC as well as the ABTMU reached
such a stage that a group of young Harij an leaders, being
unable to take control of these organisations, broke away
from them and formed another caste organisation, namely,
'Gram Sudhar Samiti', in 1959. This Samiti was formed
exclusively to counter the activities of the leaders of
both the Ravi Das Ekta Committee as well as the ABTMU and
also to protest against exploitation of Harij an workers.
In 197 2, February, the course of events turned in favour
of the young Harij an leaders when neither the A8THU nor
the RDEC leaders protested against the beating up of a
Harijan worker by the Chinese proprietor of Anjan Tannery.
The Gram Sudhar Samiti took up the matter an=l called an
in=lefinite strike in that tannery. The strike continued
for 17 days without the support of the ABTMU. It was
wi ttrlr awn on the 18th day when the employer apologised
and agreed to pay compensation to that worker. After this
incident, the Gram Sudhar Samiti became popular among the
Harijan workers. With the support of these workers, the
Ravi o'as Ekta Committee was brought under the control of
the young Harij an leader and consequently the Gram sudhar
Samiti was dissolved. The ABTMU was still under the control
of the old lea:ie-rs. At that point of time, the new leader
s hip of the RDEC contacted some local leaders of the
q () :r_ d
Communist Party of India (CPI) like Sushil Chakraborty,
Adi ti B hattachar j ee and As his h Chakraborty. Their help
was sought to counter the activities of the INTUC led
ABTMU. The experienced CPI leaders adviced Banar as hi Das
and others of the Ravi Das Ekta Cammi ttee to actively parti
cipate in the activities of the union (ABTMtJ) rather than
forming a separate union. The idea was to establish their
control over the affairs of the union and slowly isolate
the existing ABTMU leaders.
our ing September, 197 2, both the Mazdoor Sabha and
the ASTMU separately called indefinite strikes demanding
the implementation of the Arbitration Award of 1971. The
Award asked fcc making 60 per cent of the casual tannery
workers permanent. The Mazdoor Sabha withdrew its strike
after 11 days following an agreement w1 th the employers.
It was resolved that (a) 60 per cent of the casual workers
would be made permanent and (b) Re.l/- per week would be
paid as medical allowance to workers who do not enjoy
benefits of the Employees State In~urance Scheme. The
employers also agreed to pay wages to the workers {full
salary to the permanent workers and Rs. 25/- to the temporary
workers) for the days of absence during the strike. The
agreement, however, was not implemented since the ABTMU
did not withdraw its strike. The union was demanding bonus
and puja advance 13 facilities for the workers. Intra-union
rivalry also contributed in prolonging the strike. The
young Harij an leaders of the R avi Das Ekta Committee, who
were very active during this strike, expressed their
reluctance to withdraw it unless all the demands are
accepted. After nearly two months, a settlement was
reached between the leadership of the ABTMU and the
employers• associations through the active intervention
of the then Chief Minister of the State, Mr. Sidhartha
Shankar Roy. It was resolved that {a) 60 per cent of the
casual tannery workers would be made permanent, (b) Rs. 25/
would be paid as bonus and {c) Rs.SO/- would be sanctioned
as puj a advance. The young Harij an leaders of the Ravi
Das Ekta Committee, however, were not satisfied with the
terms of agreement. They, therefore, called upon the
workers to continue the strike. The present leaders of
.the unions were branded as •employers' dalal 11 • Also, the
platform of the Ravi Das Ekta Committee was utilised to
arouse caste sentiments among the Harij an workers. The
'Harijan far Harijan', slogan was raised to isolate the
non-Harij an ABTMU leaders. It should be mentioned here
that the union was then led by Subr ata Mukherjee and
Shankar Ghatak, both non-Harij ans. The slogan was most
effective in drawing large number of Harij an workers, some
of whom were even members of the Mazdoor Sabha, towards
the RDEC leaders. The ABTMU was then success fully taken
over by ·the Harij an labour leaders and the non-Har ij an
f)()··~ '- I
leaders of the union were kept at bay. The strike conti-
nued for some more days with much vigour. The local CPI
1 eaders provided extens:i Vf' help in running the union during
the strike. The strike was withdrawn on the 65th day when
a settlement was reached between the Harijan leaders of
the union and the employers • associations in the presence
of a labour official. According to that settlement (a) 60
per cent of the casual workers would be made permant,
(b) ~.100/- and ~.75/- would be paid as bonus and puja
advance respectively, (c) Employees State Insurance facility
would be provided to workers of tanneries employing ten or
more workers and (d) attendance register would be maintained.
The settlement was signed by Banarashi Das, Ram Bilash Ram
and Chandeswar Das on behalf of the ABTMU though none of
them were formal 'office bearers• of the union. The offi-
cial leaders of the union, however, succeeded in getting
an injunction order passed from the city Civil Court
against this settlement and consequently the settlement
was not implemented.
The young Harij an labour leaders, then, faced with this
new development, decided to form a new union, namely, West
Bengal Tannery Mazdoor Union (henceforth referred to as the
Tannery Union) in 197 3. The union got affiliated to the All
India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), the labour wing of the
Communist Party of India. This new union continued to
function from the premises of the Sant Ravi Das High
School in China Town which was run by the R avi Das Ekta
Committee. The President of the RDEC (Banar as hi Das) was
made the General Secretary of the union. Another leader
of the RDEC CRam Bilash Ram} became tt-2 Joint Secretary ,
of the union. The post of the President of the union was,
however, held by a local cPI leader who used to maintain
relationsbetween the party and the union.
After the formation of the union's Executive Committee,
a new charter of demands was put up. The Chinese employers,
however, did not recognise this union and refused to nego-
ti ate with its leaders hip. The union then had to call an
indefinite strike from September, 1973. The strike conti
nued for nearly three months and was withdrawn after the
following settlement:
a) 60 per cent of the casual workers would be made
permanent;
b) 8. 33 per cent bonus and Rs. 20/- as dearness allowa
nce would be sanctioned;
c) Minimum wages would be paid;
d) ESI facility would be provided to workers of
Tanneries employing ten or more workers; and
e) Attendance register would be maintained.
20 ~-~
The successful execution of the strike and the subse
quent agreement made the Tannery Union popular among the
workers. It also came to be recognised as a representa-
ti ve union by the employers. The CPI helped the union in
collecting funds and providing active support as well as
advice during the strike. The rise of the Tannery Union
in a big way in the post-1972 period damaged the prospect
of the Mazdoor Sabha also. The Tannery Union could make
serious inroads into the base of the Mazdoor Sabha by
exploiting caste sentiment as well as by its concrete
achievements& After the formation of the Tannery Union,
the All Bengal Tannery Mazdoor Union became a defunct body.
No one tried to revive it and the INTUC leaders instead
decided to sponsor another union, namely, East Calcutta
Leather and Tannery Workers • Union. This union was effec
tive in few non-Chinese tanneries in Tapsia and Pagla
danga. The INTUC leaders asserted that at that point of
time they did not try to organise workers in Chinese tan
neries since that could have put them on collision with
the AITUC - a friendly union. The INTUC union was trans
formed into a Federation of Leather -and Tanneries t.;·orkers
and Employees in 1983 (henceforth referred to as the Federa
tion).
In 1975 the Central government declared a state of
Emergency in the country. During the Emergency, there was
no major upsurge of trade union activity in the tanning
2ltJ
industry in Calcutta. None of the existing unions launched
any programme of action though there were some disputes
regarding non-implementation of the agreement made earlier.
After the withdrawal of Emergency and the installation of . .. .•'."'
the Left Front Government in west Bengal in 1977, the trade
union movement again gained momentum in tanneries with the
formation of centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) spons~
red Calcutta Leather and Tannery Employees Union (hence-forth
. refer~eq_to-- as the Employees union). It should be men-
tioned here that much before the formation of the Employees
Union the CITU affiliated National Tannery sramik and
Employees Union {NTSEU) was set up in 1970. The union,
however, passed into the hands of INTUC supper ters after
197 2 when the Congress government came to power in the
State. Some of the CITU leaders in the National Tannery
were physically assaulted and some others went underground.
The local party office of the Communist Party of India
(Marxist) (CPI-M) was closed down for a few months during
the Emergency. It is also alleged that some party members
including labour leaders became victims of attack by anti-
social elements patronised by the Congress Party. The
NTSEU was brought under the control of CITU after the 1977
state assembly election.
The formation of the Employees Union under the leader
ship of Mr. Badal Kar 14 , attracted several tanner workers.
211
The presence of a CPI (M) led goveranent in the state was
an inspiring factor for the workers and party supporters.
The union which used to operate from the CPI (M) local party
office received consider able help from party leaders. The
local CPI (M) Member of Legislative ASsembly CMLA) was . . ~· a
the President of the uni?n_ andL~w other party leaders
were made the union Executive Committee members •
. In 19'78, the Employees union planned an industry-
wide .s trug<~·le for demands like minimum wages, ESI, Provident
fund, and similar S·tatutory benefits.· Though trade unions
in .the industry had earlier brought forward such demands
and had succeeded in reaching some agreements with the
employers, in reality very few tannery employers had imple-
mented them. Taking advantage of a favourable political
situation in the stat~, the Employees Union decided to
exert its full strength for procuring the above mentioned
facilities for the workers. The whole party machinery
was geared up for this struggle. Other trade unions in
the industry were also invited to join the strug1le. All
Unions, except the Tannery Union, came f~ward to join the
strugqle platform led by the Employees Union. some of the
tannery employers voluntarily agreed tc provide minimum
wages to w~kers and implement other labour laws. But in
those tanneries whose employers were reluctant to do so, a
unions calledLstrike. The combined strength of these unions
as well as CPI (M) volunteers could not be resisted by the
employers far long. The strike was a total success in
those tanneries where the Employees Union, the Mazdoor
Sabha and the Federation were powerful. Employers of
these tanneries gradually accepted the demands of the
workers. A large nUmber of workers in the tanneries in
China Town, however, could not share the gains made in the
above struggle, since the Tannery Union did not join it.
Later the Emp).oyees Union concentrated more on the imple
mentation of the agreement. The membership strength of
the union increased steadily after the struggle. Dis
satisfied members of other unions including a few Tannery
Union members also joined it.
Ins pi te of the economic and political gains made by
the Employees Union, the Tannery Union remainea the largest
union in the tanning indus try. Harij an workers by and
1 arge supported their caste leaders in Tannery Union. This
caste factor also helped the union in expanding its influe
nce in tanneries owned by Punj abi Harij an$ in Tilj ala. In
1977, the Tannery Union opened its branch in that area. A
Harij an leader (Mr. Hir alal Das) of Tilj ala, ins pi te of
being a CPI (M) supporter, took the initiative in involving
the Tannery Union there. According to that leader, the
Tannery Union was preferred because •it was led by people
from our s'amaj as well as from my state". On the contrary,
the Employees Union was not liked since "it was led by
Bengali non-Harij ans ". The difference between Harij an
and non-Harijan leaders became more important than the
one between the two Cormnunist parties.
After opening its union office in Tilj ala the Tannery
Union put up a charter of demands for the tannery workers
in that area. Demands like eight hours of work, wage
increase, leave days and dearness allowance were given
. importance. The union also went on an indefinite strike
from November 1977 when other pressure tactics failed.
During the strike, the union volunteers physically preven-
ted some new recruits from working in the tanneries. Most
of these newly recruited workers were brought from Punjab
by their respective employers. But after few weeks, a
large number of Bihari migrant workers went back to their
home si nee they could not sustain themselves for long in
the city without any income. AS a result, the union's was
organisational strengt~reduced considerably. The strike,
however, continued for nearly three months. Though some
employers utilised the service of a few new recruits, the
leather production process was hampered severely in the
absence of trained regular workers. The organisational
weakness of the union got reflected in the settlement made
w1 th the employers • association (Bharatiya Ad Dharm Seva
s ami ti). According to that settlement, the Punj ab1 employers
agreed to provide the following facilities:
a) eight hours w~king_ day,
~ llt
b) Sunday as a paid holiday,
c) 7day• s fest! Val leave annually,
d) dearness allowance, and
e) • talab' or monthly payment of wages.
The employers refused to increase the wage rate or to
provide statutory benefits to workers. None of the workers
were made permanent.
The Tannery Union had a serious setback in 1978 when
the then secretary of the union, Mr. Baranashi Das, was
killed by some anti-social elements in T.ilj ala. The union a
office in Tiljala was closed down forLfew months following
the incident. The terms of agreement: made earlier with
the Punjabi employers could not be properly implemented.
It took nearly two years for the union to overcome the
shock. In 1980, the union under the leadership of Mr. Ram
Bilash Ram, again prepared a charter of demands for its
members in Tangra, Tilj ala and Tapsi a. This time the
union demanded wage increase, permanent status of work,
ESI, provident fund, attendance register and increment
facilities. For the workers in Tiljala, three more addi-
tional demands, i.e., dearness allowance, twenty days leave
and bonus, were included in the demand list. It should
be noted here that the list included such demands which
had been earlier accepted but were not implemented by the
employers.
q 1 ::-: c. ... )
Negotiations over this charter of demands continued
for more than one year. But when no definite result was
achieved, the Tannery Union called an indefinite strike
from September 1981. The Punjab! employers in Tiljala
after one month agreed to ~ovide dearness allowance and
!?5. 200 as bonus tc all workers. The union leaders hip
decided to accept the offer and withdraw the strike in
the Tilj ala area where only a handful of workers remained
behind after one week of strike. The strike, however, conti-
nued in China Town and Tapsia areas for more than two months
since the employers of tanneries in these areas were not
prepared to increase wages or make workers permanent. The
strike errled in November follow! ng an agreement with the
employers • associations, namely, the Calcutta Leather Manu-
facturers ASsociation, Calcutta LeathPr and Allied Produc.ts
Market! n9 co-cperati ve Society Ltd., and Chinese Co-opera-
tive Tanners Society Ltd. According to that agreement, the
employers would slowly make all the workers permanent,
provide the benefits of annual increments, ESI and Provident
Fund to all eligible workers. The 1981 strike was the last
industry-wide struggle organised by the Tannery Union in
the tanneries in Calcutta. Afterwards, trade union struggle
in tanneries was fought at the plant level for the demands
of workers of a particular tannery or for getting the terms
of agreements enforced.
216
The above chronological account clearly establishes
certain important economic and non-economic factors res-
ponsible fcc the growth of unionism in the tanning indus try
in Calcutta. A detailed analysis of the activities of all
the existing unions, the style of functioning of their
leaders, success or failure of different unions as well
as the factors res-ponsible for such success or failure, how-
ever., is needed to appreciate the strength and weaknesses
of trade union movement in the industry. In the second and
third sections of this chapter, I have tried to deal with
such matters.
Trade Union Movement in the leather £!EOd~_2nd footwe-ar=_!ndu s ~_y: ------
(a) Growth of Unionism in the Chinese sh~~~~~ri~~:------------------
The All Ben.gal Charmakar Union formed in 1948, under
the leadership of Shri .Ramananda Das was organising Harij an
wockers in the Chinese shoe shops and manufacturing concerns
in Calcutta. Among other leaders of this union, Sivprasanya
Das and Dipnarayan Das were important. Initially, the union
had 3, 000 members. One year after its formation, the union
went on a strike demanding wage increase and housing facility
for the workers who used to work on piece rate basis. A
detailed account of the strike is not avail.:t>l e. Bu.t old
leaders of the union remember that the employers agreed to
increase piece rate by a small amount.
217
The name of this union was changed to Calcutta Leather
Workers • Union (henceforth referred to as the Workers Union)
while registering it in 195 2. The name was changed because,
(a) the term 'Charmakar' was confusing to the Chinese
employers, and (b) 'Calcutta• was a better term than 'All
Bengal' since the union was confined only to Calcutta. The
union activities gained manentum in 1952 when its President
became a Member of Parliament from the congress Party.
Though the workers Union was primarily formed to look
after the interest of Harij an workers in Chinese shoe
factories, the union leaders also used to help self-employed
Harij ans making shoes and Chappals in Calcutta. On the
other hand, workers of the leather goOds and footwear s
units owned by Harij ans were not encouraged to join unionf
Any conflict or dispute in these workshops was mutually
settled by the union leaders. The leaders of both the
Workers Union and the Bengal Depressed Classes League
actively helped Harijan employers to farm eo-operatives.
Therefore, the caste factor was more important in unioni
sation than the class or worker-employer relationship
factor. Apart from the caste factor, the •regional'
factor also played a role. The union leaders were from
the Ar.t'ah and Mungher districts of Bihar. The workers in
the Chinese shoe manufacturing units as well as the Harij an
employers who were organised into co-operatives were also
from the same districts.
218
The Chinese employers, when threatened by the growth
of unionism in their workshops, started putting out orders
to Harijan shoe makers. This made the Harijan shoe makers
prosperous while the piece rate workers in Chinese shoe
factories suffered owing to insufficieney of work. The
Chinese employers also earned goOd profits using this put
t! ng out sys tern.
The union leaders, realising their limitations prefer
red not to precipitate matters by taking recourse to a
drastic course of action. They also had the experience
of an unsuccessful strike in 1949. Hence the union leader
ship chose to adopt mild protest actions like demonstra
tions, processions and publicising their grievances and
demands through wall posters. It took nearly a decade for
the union to get a few demands such as the demand for ttree
days of paid leave in a year and the provision of electric
fan and lights in the w~kshops to improve working condi
tions. Again in 1960, the union put across a demand fcc
increasing piece rates. The dispute could not be solved
through negotiations. The workers were very much agitated
over the poor piece rates paid to them for the last one
decade. The union then had to go for an indefinite strike
trom 3 rd October, 196 1. The month of October was chosen
for the strike since it is the peak business season fer
shoes in Bengal due to Durga Puja festival. The strike
continued for three months. Almost all the Bihari workers
219
left Calcutta by the end of October. The Chinese employers
suffered a major loss in the festival cum winter season.
But the strike was then abruptly w1 ~hdrawn by the union
President without any major gain. The agreement reached
between the union President and the Chinese Shoe Owners'
Association provided for an increase of only two paise per
pair of shoes made. Following this agreement, the General
secretary of the union (Sivprasanya Das) resigned from his
post in protest against what he termed a 'ccmple te sell
out• of the union. It was alleged that the union President
received bribes from the employers for w1 thdr awing the
strike abruptly. Members of the union also got divided
over this issue. The intra-union rivalry became more prcmi
nent three years 1 ater over the issue of whether the union
should call a strike for demanding higher wage rates for
the workers. The union leaders were not in favour of any
strike. Three consecutive General B<Xiy meetings of the
union were held w1 thou t arriving at any decision. sane of
the workers then approached Mr. Sivprasanya Das for forming
another union. The Calcutta Charmakar Sangha {henceforth
Charmakar Sangh) was then formed with Mr. Sivprasanya Das
as its Gener a1 secretary and Mr. Nepal Roy, a local Congress
Party leader, as its President. Nearly 1, 800 menbers of
the Workers Union joined the Charmakar Sangha reducing the
strength of the former to only 200. After its formation,
the Charmakar s angha came up with a charter of demands.
. 220
The employers did not recognise this union and refused to
negotiate with its leaders. The Charmakar Sangha then
went on an indefinite strike from 16th September, 1965.
The Workers Union ini t1 ally did not support this struggle.
But due to pressure from its members, the w·a:kers Union also
joined the strike after eight days. The strike was a total
success and the workers did not allow the Chinese employers
to open even their sales counter. On the 14th day of the
strike, the Chinese employers came to a settlement with the
Workers Union leadership in the presence of a conciliation
officer. By that settlement, piece rates for adult .,and baby
shoes were increased by 50 paise and 37 paise respectively. the
The leaders of ,Lcharmakar Sangha who had not been invited to
the tripartite meeting on the ground· that their union was
not registered, rejected the settlement. They continued
the strike. Ultimately, after 31 days, the Chinese
employers arrived at a separate agreement with the Charmakar
Sangha. Since the issue of union recognition was more
important for the Charmakar Sangha, its leaders expeditiously
came to an agreement with the employers although it further
enhanced the piece rate by only two paise.
The 1965 strike was the last one called in that decade
in the industry. The Charmakar Sangha became weak after
that due to the neglect of its affairs by its General
Secretary. Even the leaders of the Workers Union did not
take much interest in fighting for the demands of the
2.21
workers although its leaders pledged to take up the workers •
cause every year. It was alleged that the ·leaders of both
the unions became 'friendly' with the Chinese employers.
Inactivity of these unions after the 1965 strike prompted
some workers to approach Milan Verma, a local CPI (M) leader
in 1970. The CITU affiliated Calcutta Leather Industry
Workers Union (henceforth referred to as the Lal Jhanda
Union) was then formed. The union had 150 members in 22
Chinese shoe workshops. After its formation, the Lal
Jhanda Union, far the first time in the Chinese shoe indus-
try, demanded, (a) regulation of work in accordance· with
the provisions of the Factories Act, (b) stoppage of ret
renchment and (c) payment of bonus. The union, however,
could not go for any militant course of action, due to its
poor numerical strength. Harij an workers in the indus try
by and large stuck to their caste leaders in Charmakar
Sangha and the Workers Union. In October, 1971, the Lal
Jhanda Union demanded 20 per cent bonus for all workers •
. · · .~.Following this the Workers Union also demanded festival ·\\.'·1\fi!;l '"\..
J us. This time the Lal Jhanda Union leaders thought of
ng on strike. But before such action could be planned, ~--·?
the employers came to an agreement with the Workers Union
by which Rs. 20/- per head was sanctioned as bonus. Next
year, Lal Jhanda Union again demanded 20 per cent bonus.
The employers this time also came to an cgreement with the
Workers Union by which Rs. 10/- more was added with the e~lier
bonus rate.
222
In 1 en 3, the Workers Union on its own, demanded
wage increase, t'l..ig her bonus, Employees State Insurance
(ESI), Provident Fund and leave facilities. The Lal Jhanda
Union also placed its charter of demands on the same line.
It also threatened to go on strike if tl'e demands were not
met with. The union campaigned seriously cg ains t the
leaders of workers Union who,they alleged,sabotaged their
prospects by being •easy going • with the employers. The
workers started attending the meetings of the Lal 3handa
Union in large number. The Workers Union leadership then,
under canpulsion, resolved to join the Lal Jhanda Union in
organising a strike from the end of September, 197 3. A
settlement, however, could not be reached through collect! ve
bargaining even after 15 days of the strike. The employers
then got the case referred to the labour court. The liti
gation process continued for several years without any
solution. During those years, the unions continued demand
ing higher wages and bonus. It was alleged by the members
of Lal Jhanda Union that their union's pro~pects were sabo
taged every year by the Workers Union which independently
and in haste arrived at settlements with the employers which
provided only marginal benefits. After such a settlement,
the Lal Jhanda Union could hardly mobilise workers for any
course of action. In 1983 the Chinese Shoe Shop Owners •
Association and the workers Union mutually decided to settle
the 1973 dispute. The Labour court subsequently accepted
the following agreement by which (a) piece rate was
223
increased to Rs.14/- per pair of good quality shoes, The
lowest rate for any kind of shoes was fixed at Rs.8.50
per pair. (b) Bonus was increased to Rs. 100/-; and
(c) Workers were allowed six days of festival leave in
a year. For each such leave day Rs. 12/- would be
paid to those who work on the day preceding the holiday.
(b) Growth of Unionism in the non-Chinese r~her goods and shoe factories : -
our attempt so far has been restricted to the history
of the growth of unionism in the Chinese Shoe factacies in
Calcutta. Thousands of workers in the non-Chinese leather
goods and footwear units remained unorganised till the
middle of seventies. The workers of Gleskid India Private
Ltd., a medium sized shoe factory, were the first among
the non-Chinese shoe factory workers to get organised into a
union in 1975. Few years later, workers of sports shoes
and football making units in Calcutta also joined them.
The leadership of the Tannery Union took an active
interest in organising the shoe workers in Gleskid India
Private Ltd. A few of the Harij an workers in this factory
were known to them. Among these workers, a Har ij an worker
of Tilj ala (Shr i Hir al al Das) played a maj ac role in
influencing other workerQl of that unit. Thus the Calcutta
Shoe and Leather Workers Union (henceforth reterred to as
22tl
the sr amik Union), was formed in December, 1975, under
affiliation to the AITUC. Mr. Baranashi Das, the General
Secretary of the Tannery Union, took the responsibility of
leading the union.
In May 1976, the workers of a few sports goods workshops
also joined the sramik Union. These workers were. however,
fighting for their demands from 1975 onwards though they
were not members of any unien. They were then led by Shri
Rambabu Ram, a Harij an worker of a sports shoe unit in
En tally. In April, 1975, a meeting of spar ts goOds workers
was called by Mr. Rambabu Ram, to decide about the course of
action to be adopted to get their demands implemented. It was
decided that the workers in their respective units would
demand an increase of Rs.2/- over the existing rate of Rs.236
per pair of sports shoes. Though some workers felt the
necessity of an organised union to fight for their demand,
the meeting resolved to go for such activity only if the
employers refused to consider such demands. In the nego-
ti ation, the workers lowered t·heir demand to 75 paise, but
the employers were ready to increase only 25 paise per pair
of sports shoes. Failing to achieve their goal, nearly 200
workers of 50 sports goods workshops decided to go for an
indefinite strike from the middle of May, 1975. An Action
committee was formed to guide the striking workers. After
two days of the strike, one employer individually agreed
to increase the rate by 75 paise per pair of shoes. FOllow
ing ttU.s, a. few more employers also agreed to increase the
rate. The strike was then withdrawn in those workshopa.
225
The strike which was timed during the sports season
(April to July) put the employers in considerable trouble.
The course of event..c; slowly took a turn in favour of the
workers. But a problem arose when a group of employers a
objected to the settlements made byL few employers and called \
a meeting of employers. In that meeting the employers
collect! vely resolved to refuse wage increase until and
unless the wholesalers of sports goods increased their
rates. Even those who agreed to increase the rate, went
back on it later. Employers threatened to retrench the
striking workers. Ultimately the strike had to be with-
drawn without any success. The Action Committee could not
prevent workers from joining work.
The experience of this strike taught the workers a
lesson that without any union and outside help, they could
not counter their employers. They, therefore, contacted
leaders of the Tannery Union and became member of the
Sramik Union in May, t'n6. The union then took up the
wage increase issue with the sports shoe employers. Since
the employers were reluctant to increase the wage rate,
the sr amik Union called an indefinite strike from 1St June,
1976. In order to ensure the success of the strike, union
leaders also mobilised the members of Tannery Union. After
nearly a month, the employers were forced to increase piece
rates per pair of sports shoes by 75 paise. This time the
workers were united and did not succumb to the pressure of
22t)
the employers. The presence of a union leadership and the
help extended by 'outsiders• i.e. the Tannery Union members
and the CPI leaders, provided the striking workers with an
added strength. Due to the success of the union in raising
piece rates, its membership strength increased to 800 in
1977-78. The Assistant secretary of the union, Rambabu
Ram, also made significant contributions tovlards organis-
ing a large number of workers in sports shoe workshops.
He not only persuaded them to join the strike, but also
prevailed on them to becane members of the Union. The
Harij an employers of most of the sports shoe workshops
used to employ their relatives and known persons. But
Rambabu Ram who was also a native of Begusarai, the district
to which most of the workers belonged, and was a known and
respected person in his community, could overcome these
social barriers to unionization.
In 1 <n 9, the workers of a few football units also
joined the sramik Union. The workers of B.D. Sports, one
of the wholesalers of sports goods in Calcutta, first joined
the union. The need for a union was tel t by them only when
the employer refused to pay higher rates for making better
quality of footballs using nylon fabrics. A worker of this
workshop, Laxman Das, who had acquired the experience of
organising unions in a rubber factory earlier, brought
workers to the Sramik Union's office in China Town. It
was thought that the Sramik Union would be a better choice
227
for the football workers since it already had organised
sports shoe workers in Calcutta. After becoming members
of the union, all the workers of B.D. Sports sat down in
a Dharna before the factory gate. The union •s flag· and
few placards were also displayed. After two days, the
employer agreed to negotiate with the union leaders and
a settlement raising the piece rate by 50 paise per foot
ball and banning the use of nylon fibre was reached.
This was the first attempt to organise workers of
football manufacturing units. As the news of wage increase
in B.D. Sports reached workers in the nearby football work
shops, they also joined the union. Laxman Das of B.D.
Sports took a leading role in enlarging the union • s base
among the football workers. Workers in small and tiny
es tablis t"ments, however, were reluctant to join any union
initially. Problems like scattered location of football
units, informal relations with Harijan employers, temporary
nature of job and fear of victimization came in the way
of strong unionism. The only advantage Laxman Das had was
that he knew most of the Bihar i football workers informally
as he also belonged to Gaya district of Bihar like the
other workers. The workers in the scattered football
manufacturing units waited till 1981 to join the union.
In May, 1981, during the sports season the sramik Union
put up a charter of demands for wage increase, bonus and
holiday facilities. The union ultimately had to call an
228
indefinite strike from 15th June for the fulfilment of
above demands. The workers of small football units also
joined the strike though they were not members of the
Sramik Union. Laxman Das utilised his social network
for influencing these workers to join the strike. Also
formal meetings were organised in different localities
where workers were told to cooperate with the union for
their own benefit. The union's campai;1n was most effective
in not only enlisting the workers • support, but also in
mobilising them to actively work for the success of the
strike. The members of Tannery Union also came in support
of the striking workers. Leaders and members of the CPI
helped the sports shoe and football workers in areas where
the party had influence. A CPI leader, Shri Chanchal Ghosh,
was particularly involved in helping the striking workers
in M.s. Road, Sealdah and Bowbazar area. Mr. Ghosh earlier
had the credit of organising printing press and hotel workers
of the above mentioned locality. The area, he was entrusted
with, was important from the point of view of the strike
since wholesalers of sports goods mostly had their factories
there. Mr. Ghosh proved to be of great help to the striking
workers. The wholesale dealers of sports goods could not
break the strike, ,.;hich continued for more than one month.
Finally, a tripartite settlement was reached on July 21st
and the workers resumed work. By that settlement (a) piece
rate was increased by 50 paise per pair of sports shoes and
50 to 75 paise per volleyball and football depending on their
22B
size; {b) two paid holidays in a year were granted for which
Rs. 12/- per day would be paid: and (c) Rs. 75/- as bonus would
be paid during the Durga Puj a festival. The agreement was
signed for three years.
The above mentioned settlement was not to the liking
of Rambabu Ram and Chanchal Ghosh. They felt that a long
term agreement was de tr !mental to the interest of piece
rate and temporary workers. They also charged the General
Secretary of the Union, ~.r. Ram Bilash Ram, ·.vith having taken
15 bribes from the employers. Hence, in 198 3, they formed
another union, called the Calcutta Sports Goods and Shoe
Makers Mazdoor Union (henceforth referred to as the Mazdoor
Union). Nearly a thousand members of the Sramik Union
transferred their allegiance to the newly formed union.
The new union also got affiliated to the AITUC and a vete-
ran CPI leader, Shr i MOhartlllad Illious was made its president.
Apparently, the CPI as well as the AITUC did not object
to the formation of another union among the leather goods
and footwear workers. Chanchal Ghosh became the working
President and Rambabu RCfn the General secretary of the
Union. Almost all the workers of sports shoe workshops
joined the Mazdoor Union following their lea d~er, l-4.r. R ambabu
Ram. But a majority of the workers engaged in making fo~
balls stayed with the Sramik Union since their leader,
Laxman Das, did not leave it.
230
After 1 ts formation,
up a charter of demands.
the Mazdoor Union leadership put
The Calcutta Fbotball and Foot-
wear Employers Union, however, refused to negotiate on the
ground that their agreement with the Srami k Union was in
force till 1984. But this was not acceptable to the Mazdoor
Union leaders who gave a call for an indefinite strike on
March 28, 1983. Barely had the strike lasted a week.. when
several employers began negotiating individually with
the union and the strike was withdrawn in their workshops.
The agreements signed provided for (1) a 75 paise rise
in piece rates fot: sports shoes, (2) 75 paise to one rupee
increase for footballs, (3) bonus at the rate of Rs.lOO/-
in factories employing less than 20 workers and Rs.125/-
in factories employing 20 or more workers, (4) dearness
allowance at the rate of Rs.15/- per month, and (5) validity
of the agreement for one year.
Though a large number of employers subsequently agreed
to the unions demands, the strike continued in a few big
factories for nearly four months. The union leadership
caused a rift between the big and small employers. That
is why almost all the small employers concluded agreements
with the union even before the employers' association
agreed to the union's demands.· The small employers were
assured that the union would sympathetically view their
problems and cooperate with them in future if they separate
themselves :frcrn the employers• association which was •
23-1
dominated by the wholes<:~le dealer~ and big employers. The
small emp·loyers had grievances against the leadership of
their association who used to look down upon them and uti
lised the platform of the association to further their own
inter;ests. The differences between the small and big
employers took a formal shape in 1985 with the formation
of the We:st Bengal Ball Boot Manufacturing Association
(WBBMA) b:y th~=> small employers.
The Sramik Union also was benefitted by this strike.
Without h-aving to resort to any strike in the football
units, it could renegotiate through bipartite agreement.
The footb;all employers easily agreed to do so because the
wholesale dealers of sports goods by that time had succum-
bed to the pressures of the Mazdoor Union. The terms and
conditions of the agreement made by the sr amik Union was
almost similar to the one made earlier by the Mazdoor Union.
The only difference was that the agreement did not provide
tor any dearness allowance although it stated that the work-
men shall be paid 15 paise per football made as production
incentive.
The Mazdoor Union had another success in July, 1983,
when nearly 1, 000 workers of Chinese shoe shops in New
• Market, Ben tick Street, Lal Bazar, S.N. Banerjee Road, and
nearby areas enrolled as its members. scme of them were
earlier members of the INTUC and CITU affiliated unions.
232
After enlarging its base among thes ~ workers, the Mazdoor
Union put up a charter of demands to the Chinese Shoe Shop
Owners Association. The Chinese employers initially
ignored the entry of a new union in their shops. The
union then had to call an indefinite strike fran 5th Septem
ber, t983, as a show of its strength. To make the strike
a success, the union put up continuous vigil and the
employers were not allowed to open their factories. The
Chinese employers, however, got a. court order passed in
their favour, to open their factories with police help.
The union leaders hip then decided tc switch over to what
they called "guerrilla tactics", by which they took the
employers by surprise and gheraoed them in their homes.
Also groups of unicn volunteers were placed in di.'fferent
localities to see that the employers coulC. not recruit
new workers. Any 1 new face 1 entering the factory was
marked properly and anyone found helping an employer in
the production of shoes was thrown out of the local! ty.
The union volunteers were even asked to use force if requi
red. The Chinese employers could not sustain th~ fight
for long and had to settle the dispute. The strike was
finally withdrawn on 5th December following an agreement
by which (a) the rate per pair of shoes was increased by
50 paise, (b) bonus was fixed at Rs.80/, {c) two
paid holidays in a year (Rs.12/- for each day) were granted,
and {d) striking workers were paid Rs. 250/- per head as
233
compensation for the loss incu.t"r-ed during the strike. This
agreement was signed for one year.
Later, in April, 1985, the Mazdoor Union on the basis
of a new charter of demands signed an agreement with the
Calcutta Football and Foot-wear Employers Union. This time,
the union did not have to resort to strike to obtain the
following benefits:
(a) 75 paise increase per football on a flat basis,
(b) 55 and 65 paise increase per pair of sports shoes
in small and big factories respectively,
(c) yearly four day's paid leave in big factories
and three day's paid leave in small workshops, and
(c) Ps.125/- and Rs. 175/- as bonus in small and big
factories respectively. The union also succeeded
in raisin;~ wages in Chinese shoe.shops without
any strike. The agreement signed on 12th August,
1985 with the Chinese shoe Shops Owners ASSociation
sta~d that, (i) the piece rate would be increased
by 60 paise per pair of adult shoes and 40 paise
per pair of children's shoes over and above the
existing rate, (ii) Rs.lO/- mare would be added with
the exis t1 ng bonus rate, and (iii) six paid holi
days would be granted. Both these agreements were
signed for one year only.
While the Mazdoor Union could improve its position in
several respects, the Sramik Union did not s.tir itself after
234
the 198 3 crgreement. In 1985 the sr amik Union did put up
a fresh charter of demands, but it could not gear its rank
and file for any course of action. In 1986, the union
leadership again planned a stir for the fulfilment of
demands made in the previous year. When no settlement
could be reached through mutual' discussion, the union a
leadership decided to callLstrike on 7th April. During
the strike, the employers tried to weaken the union by
campaigning that the union leaders hip was intr ansi9ent
and uncooperative. They almost succeeded in alienating
the workers from their leaders. They woul::i do this because
the le·aders had distanced themselves from the workers. Due
to securi.ty reasons Ram Bilas h Ram alway,s moved in a taxi
and had bodyguards, therefore, he could not maintain his
close links with the workers. But the employers could not
derive much advantage from this alienation because the
workers went back to their villages in Bihar during the
strike. The employers ultimately had to yiel::i on May lOth,
·following which the strike was withdrawn. They agreed to
raise the rates by Rs. 2/- per football and to increase the
number of paid yearly holidays to four.
This review of trade union activity in the leather
goods and footwear indus try in Calcutta clearly es t'~lishes
that a large number of workers are s ti 11 unorganised. Trade
unions initially did not organise workers of Karijan owned
235
workshops. Even if the Sramik Union and the Mazdoor Union
started organising such workers from mid-seventies, the
attempt so far has remained restricted only to sports
goods industry. Thousands of workers in leather sandal
and leather bags workshops in Calcutta continue to remain
unorganised. several factors have contributed to the
success and failure of trade union movement in the leather
goods and footwear industry in Calcutta. In the next two
sections we turn our attention to such an analysis.
II. THE WORKERS AND THEIR UNIONS:
The attempt so far has been to spell out chronologi
cally the growth of trade unionism in the leather industry
in Calcutta. This descriptive account is canplemented in
this section by turning the fOous of study to the workers •
attitudes towards unions and their relationship with unions
and their leaders. The discussion here also highlights the
organizational approaches and strategies adopted by various
trade unions and their consequences on the trade unions in
par ti cul ar and on tr ade union! sm 1 n general.
Studies of trade union movement in India have so far
i:ienti. fied several economic and non-econanic factors respon
sible for the growth of unionism. 16 From the narration of
the emergence and growth of unionism in the leather industry
in Calcutta, two factors can be identified as accountable
for the growth of unionism. First, caste solidarity of
23{)
Har ij an workers provided a solid base to th~ formation of
unions. Interestingly, caste soli:iari ty. also prevents
unionisation. On the one hand, the tr acle union arose
almost spontaneously as an extension of caste association.
But caste solidarity also prevents the growth of conflict
consciousness with respect to Harijan employers. second,
the prevalence of an exploitative work system, low wages,
and deplorable working conditions prepared a strong ground
for the formation of trade unions. The unions in tanneries
and in the leather footwear industry had to first attend
to the_various economic problems faced b~ Harijan workers.
In fact trade unions emerged in the tanning as well as
leather footwear industry when the caste organisations of
the Harij an workers proved inadequate in !lecuring economic
benefits far the workers.
The trade union movement in the leattler industry has
passed through four decades of growth. Naturally, one can
expect changes in the priorities of the workers for joining
the union. Analysis of my interview data (I have inter
viewed 120 workers in the tanneries and 80 workers in the
leather goods and footwear industry) shows that the concern
for fulfilment of economic demands has highly influenced
leather industry workers to join unions. Table 4.1 and
4.2 clearly reveal that 55 and 68 per cent of the inter
viewed union members in tanneries as well as leather goods
and footwear industries respect!. vely have joined their unions
237
·----------------------·--------~~~----~---------------Trade Unions Reasons for joining the Union
EmplQY:~anne- Fede- Mazd- Total ees ry ration oor
__________ _!Ln.!.2!?._~n.!.PE_ s a!?J!.L. ___ _
For fulfilment of economic demands
For job security
For unity of workers
This union is power ful in my factory/area of work
For supporting the parent political party
For supporting the caste leaders
This union•s performance is good
17 25
3
2 3
2 7
1 1
3
5
For fulfilment of eco- 4 3 nomic demands and for job security
For fulfilment of eco- 4 4 nomic demands and be-cause the union is power-ful in my factory
12 7 61 (54. 95)
3 (2. 70)
5 (4. 50)
9 (8. 31)
2 4 (3.61)
3 (2. 70)
3 8 (7. 21)
7 (6. 31)
8 (7. 21)
For miscellaneous 3 3 reasons (2. 70) ----------------------------------------------------------Total 35 52 14 10 111
----------------------------------------------------------Note: Workers do not identify job security as an economic
demand1 it means dignity of job and social recognition to them.
238
Table 4. 2: Distribution of trade union members in the Ieat"her-9E_9ds- and foo~~---.!.n~ffont~ basis_f>f reasons s:gecu!!.9 for joining t,b~ J?!:esent_ynion
"Reasons for Trade Unions -joining _________
the union Wcrk- Char- Lal Sra- Maz- TOtat ers• makar Jhan- mik door Union Sangh da Union Union
----- -- --~on --For fulfilment of 17 21 4 3 2 47 economic demands (68. 11)
For ful fi lmen t of 1 2 3 economic demands and (4. 35) for job security
For fulfilment of 3 1 4 economic demands and cs. eo) for good performance of this union
For fulfilment of 1 6 1 1 9 economic demarids and ( 13.04) this union is powerful in my workshop
For miscellaneous 4 1 1 6 reasons (8. 70)
------------------------------------------------------------Total 30 6 5 2 69 ----- -----to get •econcrnic demands fulfilled •. Both wage and non
wage benefits like leave days, bonus, ESI, ~evident F.und
and gratuity, have figured in this demand list. Among
the rest, a good number of union members have mentioned
more than one reason, • the fulfilment of economic demands •
being one of them. Reasons like job security or unity of
workers are considered least important for joining any
union.
23B
Tables 4.1 and 4. 2 also make it clear that non-econcrnic
reasons are considered important far favouring a particular
. union over others. Caste or political considerations,
strength of a union and its reputation among the workers
in a particular factory or area of Work or its perfcrmance
are found to be significant for determining the workers •
choice of a particular union. The following examples are
cited to illustrate the matter:.
(a) Several respondents in tanneries said that they
joined the Tannery Union because the union provided them
with the place to stay in the Ravi Das School building.
some of these workers are Nepalis who earlier used to live
inside the tanneries in which they were employed. These
Nepali workers are also wooed by the leaders of Employees
Union who help them get rented rooms. sane Nepali workers
who have received such help have joined the Employees
Union.
{b) A Bengali worker in the Penhoo Tannery joined the
Tannery Union inspite of being a Congress Party supporter
because he considers the union as powerful enough to protect
the workers' interests in China Town. Two members of the
INTUC Union, however, joined it because of their allegiance
to the Congress Party even though the Union is relatively
weak.
(c) A worker in the East Asia Skin Corporation, a
1 arge tannery employing more than 300 workers, was a member
240
of the Mazdoor Sabha. He had several complaints against
the union but did not cease to be a member because of his
sense of personal obligation to one of its leaders. Another
member of the Mazdoor Sabha in the same tannery supported
the CPI (M) but refused to become a member of the CI'l'U
affiliated Employees Union because he did not like the
local unit leader of that union.
(d) Three Harijan workers joined the Tannery Union
because of caste considerations. But there were workers
who despite living in the Ravi Das School and having a
predilection tor the Tannery Union preferred to j o_in the
Employees Union in factories where it is strong. In the
leather goods and fcotwear industry nearly 13 per cent of
the respondents became members of particular trade unions
because of the persuasion by the co-workers.
From this listing of the consider ati ens that have
influenced workers in joining trade unions, it can be infer
red that while there are some who are strongly motivated
by party ideology or caste loyalty to join this or that
union, many others take decisions about joining unions on
pragmatic considerations. There are some who allow their
personal relationships determine the choice of union. While
at the level of individual workers a diverse set of factors
operate in their choice of trade unions, a definite social
patterning of trade union membership emerges when viewed
241
from the perspective of the industry. In the case of tan
ning industry, this social patterning reveals the importance
of caste.
Caste has played an important role in the formation
of early unions in the industry. Even during the seven
ties, the Harijan leaders of tre Tannery Unicn mobilised
a large number of Harijan workers by arousing caste senti
ment. Though very few of the intFrviewed mernbers of the
Tannery Union today consider caste as an important crit~rion
for union membership, tre social ccmposition of this union's
leaders and members reveal the importance of caste loyalty.
Almost all the office bearers and nearly 90 per cent of the
Tannery Union's members are Harij ans. The Harij an leaders
of this union run the social, cultural and reli9ious
affairs of the Ravi Das Ekta Committee. The members hip
of this committee is open to all Harij an workers irrespec
tive of any union affiliation. But in reality, Harijan
workers belonging to other unions hardly join it. Though
the R a vi Das Ek ta Committee ~s supposed to be open to all
Harij ans it is considered to be an organisation of the
Harij ans of the Tannery Union. some Harij an members of
the Employees Union organise separate reli9ious progr arrmes
on the birthday of Guru Ravi Das. One of the office
bearers of the Tannery Union 1 Mro N.N. Rami who is also
a teacher in the st. Ravi Das School regards the strong
242
caste base of the union as one reason why other unions
could pose no serious threat to his union. The Tannery
Union is just not any Harijan organisation but a Bihari
Harij an organisation. 17 AS has been pointed out earlier
this 'Bihar! Harijan• identity accounted for the workers
favouring the Tannery Union rather than the Employees Union
in Tiljala. Only 10 per cent of the members of Tannery
Union are non-Bihar!, as canpared to 40 to 45 per cent
members of other unions.
Of In the case peather goods and footwear industry, as
all the major unions are led by Harij an leaders hailing
from 3ihar, subregional identities become prominent. Since
the leather footwear industry in Calcutta has mainly rec-
ruited shoe workers belonging to the Bhojpur district of
Bihar, the Workers Union which is led by Harij ans from
Bhojpur is strong in this industry. Even today, nearly
90 per cent of the members of this unien are Bhojpuri.
The same trend is also noticed in the case of the Sr ami k
Union which is active among the football workers who mainly
hail fran the Gay a district of Bihar. The workers in the
Sports shoe wx-kshops belong to the Begusarai district of
Bihar. Under the influence of their leader, who also
belongs to Begusarai, these workers joined the Mazdoor
Union. Though this union has recently penetrated into
the base of other unions in the footwear indus try, nearly
243
45 per cent of its members are still from Begusarai.
The strength of a union in a particular factory cr
locality also plays a vital role in the workers• choices.
Workers in some cases have preferred to remain with a
union which is powerful in an establishment or in a loca-~
li ty irrespective of their ca~te, region or political
considerations. In China Town, the Tannery Union has a
strong base and almost 80 per cent of its members work
in the tanneries in this area. But several Harij an workers
have joined the Employees Union in Pagladanga and Tapsia
areas where it has established a solid base. Multiple
unionism in one industrial area is a rare phenomenon in
the Tanning industry. Exceptions, however, occur in a
few big tanneries. When workers change their union affi
liation it is because a big majority, if not all, of the
workers of a factory/workshop have agreed to do so.
Although poli t1 cal considerations have played a
marginal role in influencing workers preference for a
trade union, an analysis of the responses of interviewed
workers (s~e Table 4.3) shows that 72 per cent of the
union members in tanneries and about 50 per cent of the
union members in leather goods and footwear industry
support pol! tical parties. Among those who support poli
tical parties, the inclination is generally t~ards suppor
ting the parent political party of their own union. Thus,
241
Tanning Tannery 38 14 52 Industry Union (7 3. 08) (26. 92)
Employees 27 8 35 Union (77. 14) (22.86)
Federation 11 3 14 (7 8. 57) (21. 4 3)
Mazdoor 5 5 10 S.abha {50.00) (10. 00)
Non-Union 3 6 9 Member {33. 33) {66.67)
Total 84 ~ 120 {70.00) (30.00) --------------------------------------------------------
Leather Goods Workers 1 4 5 and Footwear Union (20.00) (80. 00) I ridustry
Charmakar 1 1 2 Sangha {50.00) {50. 00)
Lal Jhanda 4 2 6 Union (66.67) {33. 33)
Sramik 5 25 30 Union {16.67) (83. 33)
Mazdoor 23 3 26 Union (88. 26) (11.54)
Non-Union 4 7 11 Member (36.36) (6 3.64)
Total 38 42 80 (47. 50) {52. 50) --------------------------------------------------------
Grand Total 122 78 200 (61.00) (39. 00)
245
for instance, among those who support the CPI, CPI (M) and
Congress (I), the members of unions affiliated to AITUC
(tOO%), CITU (81.08%) and INTUC (60%) respectively constitute
a majority.
When workers change their union affiliation, the per
formance of a particular union becomes a prominent reason.
Out of 180 union members interviewed in the leather industry,
I came across 59 (32. 78%) members who have changed their
union allegiance. Among them, 27 workers (45.76%) left
their earlier unions because of • non-fulfilment of demands •.
Another 10 workers (16. 95%) did so when they felt that
their union leaders betrayed the workers interests by taking
sides with the employers. Reasons lixs 'when other workers
of my workshop left it• (10.17%), 'they are weak' (6.78%),
or • the present union is powerful in the workshop which I
joined recently • (6. 78%) also figured among the responses.
During seventies and eighties a large number of
workers in different tanneries in Calcatta changed their
union membership owing to dissatisfaction with the perfor
mance of their original union. Thus, for instance, the
workers of the Standard Tannery in China Town shifted their
allegiance thrice between 1'n 3 to 1980. In 1 r;n 3, 37 workers
of this tannery became members of the Mazdoor Sabha. The
tannery was then run by a contractor who had taken the
entire tannery on lease fran its Chinese owner. All the
24G
workers were permanent and enjoyed the E)nployees State
Insurance, and Provident Fund facilities. But when the
contractor declined to increase their wages and their over
time rate, and when the Mazdoor Sabha leaders remained
indifferent to the workers • demands, they contacted the .
Federation President who knew the contractor personally.
But this union also could not fulf11 their demands. In
1 g'/7, the owner of the tannery removed the contractor and
closed it down for a few months. When it opened again,
the workers were offered work on a piece rate basis by the
owner himself. The workers then became members of the
Tannery Union in the hope of regaining their old work
status. But when they realised that even the lea:Iers of
this union were indifferent to their demands and tacitly
supported the owner, they decided to join the Employees
Union in 1980. The owner resisted this move by closing
down the tannery and tried to pressurise workers to stay
with the Tannery Union. The Employees Union then went to
court and won the case after a long drawn battle of two
years. Dissatisfaction with the performance of trade
unions and suspicions regarding the collusion of trade
union leaders with the employers have made workers of the
Volga Tannery, Alam Tannery, Indian Leather Tanning Cor
poration, Pioneer Tannery, Mohan General Tannery and the
Tiger Tanning Industry to switch over their allegiance to
the Employees Union. The workers find that the Employees
247
Union has succeeded in winning over a variety of benefits
such as wage increase, permanent work status, Provident
Fund, ESI benefits and the 1 ike. In the leather goods
and footwear industry also, as has been shown earlier,
workers changed their union affiliation mainly because
their economic demands were not being fulfilled. For
instance, in 1983, some members of the CITU affiliated
Lal Jhanda Union changed over their affiliation to the
workers Union because the latter managed to get ~.SOl
increase in the wage rate.
The examples cited above indicate ·that while caste
and region are important, these factors in themselves do
not ensure that workers will continue to support the union
of which they are members. The workers are willing to
change their allegiance to another union if their own union
does not deliver goods to them. Hence ultimately the success
of a union depends on its capacity to protect and further
the interests of ~orkers. The union should possess commit
ted and intelligent leaders as well as a proper organisa-
tional structure to meet the workers • needs.
In this context, it would be relevant to examine the
reasons far workers not joining any union. In the tanning
industry in Calcutta, o~ly about 4,500 workers out of a are not
total of about lS,CO<lttmembers of any union,while in the
leather goods and footwear industry more than 90 per cent
of the workers are not unionised. Responses gathered from
248
a few of these workers which were supplemented by the inter
views of trade union leaders, local (Mohall a) leaders as
well as my own observations indicate clearly that lack of
initiative on the part of existing t.r ade unions is a major
reason for their non-unionisation. Out of 20 non-union·' . -~·
members interviewed in the industry, ten have not become
members of any union because they have :_n~t been approached.
Among others, four have not becane members because of dis
unity among the workers of their establistrnents, three do
not feel the need for any union since their employers are
good, two workers are dissatisfied with the activities of
unions in their factories and only one worker has pointed to
their temporary work status as a reason for not joining any
union.
It has been observed that trade unions have not only
tried to organise these workers but they have in some cases
deliberately neglected it. Thus, for instance, the Tannery
Union leadership has not deliberately bothered to organise
workers in tanneries owned by Bihar! Harij ens in Tilj ala,
while it has organised workers employed in tanneries owned
by Punj abi Harij ans in the same place. The Al:nbedkar seva
s angh which is a voluntary association of the Bi hari Harij an
employers also is supposed to settle disputes arising
between the workers and employers. The secretary of the
sangh asserts that the Bihar! Harij an workers in the Tilj ala
area do not need any union because the employers regard
24B
their workers as 'brothers •. The Ambedkar Seva Sangh has
the reputation of discouraging workers fran protesting
ag ai ns t their employers.
The Tannery Union is also accused of being canmunal
by the Akhil Bharat Nepali Ekta Samaj (a Nepalis • associ a
tion). The Nepali Samaj leaders point out that the Tannery
Union leaders have not cared tc ensure that their collective
bargaining agreements with the Chinese employers are extended
to the Nepali· workers as well • They dismiss the Tannery
Unicn leaders • plea that because the Nepali workers live
inside the tanneries, it is difficult to mobilise them.
They say that the Tannery Union leaders have nEver bothered
to find living quarters for the Nepali workers to loosen
the hold of Chinese employers over them. Hence, they say
that nearly 60 per cent of the workers in the tanneries who
are outside the orbit of unions are Nepal is.
In the leather goods and foot·..rear industry also, the
tJorkers Union left out workers in the shoe an.j leather
sandal workshops owned by Harijans frQn its unionising
efforts. Thou·Jh the platform of the Bengal Provincial
Depressed Classes League (BPDCL) was utilised by the Harijan
union leaders to unite Harijan employers of shoe and leather
sandal units, the workers of these workshops were never
encouraged to join any union. The League did not even allow
the CITU to organise workers of footwear workshops in Uma
Das Lane because of the 'good relations• that prevail
250
between the Harij an employers and the workers. If along
with these cases, is considered the fact that 14 of the 20
non-unionised workers wanted to join a trade union, it
becomes quite clear that workers are not inherently reluc
tant to join unions.
Unionising workers in the leather industry pose a
number of prOblems. It has been seen that the caste factor
helps in mobilising workers but the use of caste loyalty
may result in sectional mObilisation. Further, caste consi
derations have even come in the way of forging effective
workers • organizations, especially in areas where both the
workers and the employers also belong to the same caste.
Thus, attempt made by an INTUC leader in 1982 to organise
leather sandal workers in the: Raj a Bazar area failed because
the workers were not prepared to form a union against their
own relatives. But as the cases of the Mazdoor~union and
the Srarnik Union among the spC?I"ts goods and shoe workers
show, it is possible to overcome these barriers as well
by using caste linkages.
The leather industry consists of a large number of
small workshops scattered all over the city. Many small
entrepreneurs 1 ack ing r com to house a works hop all ow their
workers to take raw materials to their homes to produce the
goods. The trade unions require considerable financial
resources and manpower to set up offices to cover all the
251
workers. To raise funds for union activities is, however,
a big problem. Workers are choosy in paying fees and
unions require people with initiative and drive to collect
fees. Workers prefer to adopt a wait and watch policy in
paying their fees. They \"'ai t far the union to achieve ...
concrete results before paying their dues. The leaders of
the Sr amik Union say that nearly 50 per cent of their
members are defaulters even after they received
their bonuses. In the case of Employees Union and Mazdoor
Union the proportion of defaulters is less, perhaps because
they possess better organisational structures for fee
collection.
Trade unions cannot rely on their members in carrying
on day-to-day business or in attending meetings and demons
trations. Members usually visit the union office only when
they are faced with some problems or when they hope to
listen to some good news from the leaders. Union meetings
are well attended only if the agenda includes the economic
demands of the workers. Though 55 per cent of the inter
viewed union menbers said that they always attend union
meetings irrespective of the issues involved, meetings
called to discuss political matters or to demonstrate
solidarity with other workers, are thinly attended. During
my field work a p'ublic meeting of all the left trade unions
had been called on May Day. The Tannery Union and the
Employees Union were supposed to take out processions from
their respect! ve union offices and reach Brigade Ground
for the meeting. The Tannery Union did not take out a a
procession and only Lfew of its leaders were seen at the
meeting. The procession organised by the Employees Union
also included other local CPI (M) supporters and only a
hundred union members attended it. To cite another
example, the Tannery Union organised a meeting in China
Town on 28th February, 1986 in prates t cg ains t the retrench-
ment of scme workers in Sunita Tannery. There were 400
workers at the meeting but most of them were from Suni ta
and other nearby tanneries. When the union took out a
procession after the meeting, half of the nwnber present
disappeared. It is rarely that workers of one tannery
come out on to the streets in supper t of workers of othe-r
tanneries. But poor attendance at meetings is no index
of the popularity of the unions among its members. Respon-
ses gathered from union members about the degree of
satisfaction regarding their union's performance, are set
out in Table 4.4. This Table shows that 70 per cent of
them are fully satisfied with their union •s functioning.
The proportion of partially satisfied is 18.33 per cent
and only 11.67 per cent of the union members are dis
satisfied. Table 4.4 also shows that in the tanning
industry, while over 85 per cent of the members of the
Employees Union are fully satisfied with their union's
functioning, about 58 per cent of the members of Tannery
Tradeunioiis _g~-otsatiS"fiStroii- Total Fully Parti- Dissat-satis- ally is fied fied s atis-
---------------------------l!ed _________________ __ Tanning Indus try
Tanning Union
Employees Union
Federation
Mazdoor Sabha
30 (57 .6 9)
30 (85. 7 2)
7 (50.00}
6 (60. 00)
14 8 52 (26. 92) (15. 39)
2 3 35 (5. 71) (8. 57)
4 3 14 (28.57) (21.43)
4 10 (40.00)
--~------------------------------------------------------Leather Goods and Footwear Industry
Workers Union
Charmakar sangh
sr arnik Union
Lal Jhanda Union
Mazdoor Union
2 (40. 00)
20 {66 .67)
5 (8 3. 33)
26 (100.00)
1 2 (20.00) (40.00)
2 (100.00)
7 3 (23. 33) (10.00)
1 (16.67)
5
2
30
6
---------------------------------------------------------Total 126 (70.00)
33 21 ( 18 • 33 ) ( 11· 6 7 )
--------------------------------------------------180
Union arxi 50 per cent of the Federation members are so.
In the leather goods and footwear industry, all the members
of the Mazdoor Union are fully satisfied with their union
while only 40 per cent of the Workers Union members and
none of the Charma'kar Sangha members are so. Diss a tis fi ed
251
members of all the unions (see Table 4.5. for details) have
identified non-fulfilment of demands (46.30%) and union's
slackness in solving their problems (31.4%) as the major
reasons for their dissatisfaction. A third related reason
is that union leaders do not maintain contact (5. 56%). ,
Members of the Tannery Union s.tate that their dis
satisfaction with the union stems from the union's inability
in getting their demands accepted by the employers. A few
{22%) of the dissatisfied members of this union complain
that the union leaders have become self-centred. The
workers contrast the achievements of the Employees Union
in forcing the employers to provide statutory benefits
such as the .Provident fund, gratuity, annual increment,
ESI and the like with the Tannery Union's inability to
get permanent work status and higher wage rates to a large
majority of workers inspite of several successful struggles
launched by it. More than 73 per cent of the interviewed
members of the Tannery Union are temporary while only 22.86
per cent of the Employees Union members have this status.
Further only 25 per cent of' the Tannery Union members
receive E .. s.I. and provident Fund facilities, while 80
per cent of the Employees Union members receive them.
Table 4.6 shows that even other facilities such as gratuity,
yearly increment and yearly paid leave days are available
to only a few of the Tannery Union members whereas a 1 arge
~sons------------------------------------------------T'rade unions _________________ _ Tannery Employ:-Tectera:Ma"Zdoor sramikLal ____ worker'S'-c"'harm~---'Totai Union ees tion Sabha Union Jhanda Union kar
__________________ __Qni_2g___ _ ___________ .Y.!ll.£>.!L_. _J.il.n.9.b9..... __ _
Demands not fulfilled
Leaders do not react promptly
Leaders do not maintain contact
Leaders work for their own interest
Leaders are aggressive
2
3
5
3
1 1 5
3 3 4
2 1
1
1 1 25 (46 • 30)
2 2 17 (31.48)
3 (5. 56)
6 (11.11)
3 (5. 56)
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Total 22 5 7 4 10 1 3 2 54 --------------- ----------------------------------------------------
25{)
number of members of other unions including the Federation
and the Mazdoor Sabha receive them. Interestingly dissatis
fied members of the Federation or the Mazdoor Sabha have
not identified •non-fulfilment of demands' as the major
reason for their dissatisfaction with their unions• function
ing.
The trade unions • problems do not end once agreements
with employers are reached. Agreements do not guarantee
their implementation. The Tannery Union's leaders, unlike
the leaders of the Employees Union or of the Federation
and Mazdoor Sabha, have not carefully monitored implemen
tation even when agreements had been reached after long-
drawn strikes during the seven ties and eighties. Hence,
~he outstanding demands of the workers in China Town, though
officially accepted, remain unimplemented even after several
years.
Several factors have contributed to such a state of
affairs. certainly, the prE-valence of a tenancy system in
the Chinese tanneries is an important factor. The Tannery
Union had signed agreements with the associations of the
Chinese employers. The contractors, who are not members of
such associations, are not bound to accept such agreements.
In any case the contractor who conducts his business only
for a short period cannot and will not be able to give
257
Fac1li ti PS ____ T annery--Empi oy--~dera:-Mazdoor ___ Total
ESI & P. F.
Union e~s ----~!~----§~E~----------Yes 13 28 10 7 58
(25.00) (BO.CO) (71.43) (70.00) (52.25)
No. 3 9 7 4 3 53 (75.00) (20.CO) (28.57) (30.CO) (47.75)
----------------------~-------------------------------------Gratuity Yes 12 20 9 4 45 (23.08) {57.14) (64.28) (40.00) (40.54)
No 40 15 5 6 66 (76.92) (42.86) (35.72) (60.00) (59.56) ------------------------------------------------------------
y~ ar 1 y Yes 5 2 1 7 3 36 Incre- (>9.62) {60.00) (50.00) (30.00) (32.43) ment
No 4 7 14 7 7 75 (90.38) (40.00) (50.00) (70.00) (67.57) ------------------------------------------------------------
Yearly Nil 31 4 1 3 39 paid (59.62) (11.43) (7.14) (30.00) (35.14) leave days 7-20 11 3 14
days ( 21. 15 ) ( 21. 4 3) ( 12. 6 1)
21-40 1 21 2 7 31 days ( 1. 9 2) (6 0. 0 0) { 14 • 2 9) (7 0. 0 0 ) ( 27 • 9 3)
4 1-55 9 10 8 27 days (17.31) (28.57) (57.14) (24.32) ------------------------------------------------------------Bonus Nil 2 2
Rs. 100-500
(3.85) (1.80)
29 2 5 2 37 (53.85) (5.72) (35.71) (20.00) (3~.33)
Rs.501- 12 13 2 5 32 900 {23.07) (37.14) (14.29) (50.00) (28.83)
Rs. 901- 10 20 7 3 40 1, 2GO (19. 23) {57.14) {50.00) (30.00) {36.04) ------------------------------------------------------------
D. A. Yes
No
48 33 12 9 {92.31) (94.29) (85.71) (90.00)
4 2 2 1 (7. 6 9) (5.71) (14.29) (10.00)
102 {91.89)
9 (8. 11)
------·------------ ·----------------·--
25B
workers a perman~nt status. The tenancy sys~em also allowed
the employer to divide his tannery among smaller employers
at least on paper and thereby avoid the provisions of the
Factories Act.
The leaders of the Tannery Union, however, played into
the hands of the Chinese employers by not insisting that
they maintain proper attendance registers and issue proper
employment letters to the workers. The leaders of the
Tannery Union are not only accused of being neglectful of
the workers• interests but are also char9ed with collusion
with the Chinese employers. It is said that thase leaders
appropriate commissions from the bonus or dearness allowance
to workers. Hence, because they compromise their positions,
the leaders have to look the other way when the employers
resort to retrenchment or other anti-1 abour policies. One
instance of such compromise came out into open when the
owner of Sunita Tannery brought out a pamphlet accusing
the General secretary of the Tannery Union of taking bribes
from him. The Harijan employer of this tannery stated
that he had 'good relations • with the General secretary,
Shri Ram Bilash Ram, in the past. He had helped Shri Ram
in buying land and getting his daughter 'married. The union
leader in turn ensured that the employer had a peaceful
war.k force, even when the union had called strikes in other
tanneries of China Town. The employer stated that when he
stopped helping Shri Ram, trouble began in his tannery.
The pamphlet gave details of when and for what purpose
money was paid to Shri Ram, including details such as cheque
number, name of the commercial bank on whi. ch the cheque was
drawn and other witnesses to that.
The treasurer of this union, Shri N.N. Ram, does not
deny the charges labelled against Shri Ram Bilash Ram. He,
however, maintains that the union President, Shri Chandeswar
Das, is not involved in such practices. He expresses his
helplessness in countering corruption because there are far
too many corrupt leaders and that even the parent Party
(CPI) had lost control over these leaders.
The Chinese employer's reaction to the st-3te of trade
unionism also indirectly confirms the thesis of union- .
management collusion in China Town tanneries. The Chairman
of the China Town Citizen Committee, for example,claimed
that some union leaders including leaders of the Tannery
Union take bribes. He said that the Chinese employers
pre £erred the Tannery Union since it is 'disciplined •. He
went on to say that •a special form of kinship between us
and the Tannery Union has brought about industrial peace
through better understanding• and hence the Chinese employers
would not easily allow the Employees Union to gain an entry
into China Town. It is important to note here that nearly
40 per cent of the interviewed members of the Tannery Union
agreed that employers favoured their union. In the case of
2{)0
the Federation or the Mazdoor Sabha, however, complaints
mainly refer to leaders • lack of contact with the workers.
The Tannery Union still has managed to retain its base
in China Town, first, due to the caste and regional identity
of its leaders, and second, because employers favour the
union. The Chinese employers favour this uni.on so much
that if workers openly defy the leaders of the Tannery Union
and join any other· union, they may lose their job or even /
face physical torture. Thus wherever the Employees Union
replaced the Tannery Union in China Town, the employers
subjected its members to considerable trouble. For instance,
the Penhoo Tanning Indus try was closed down by its employer
in 1982 following 20 of its 30 workers shifting over to the
Employees Union from the Tannery'union. The lockout
continued for six months and physical fight broke out.
In other tanneries in China Town, the members of Employees
Union are frequently enticed to change over to the Tannery
Union by the employers who offer them loan or special leave
facility.
The organisation and style of functioning of the the
Tannery Union also p:OJ.tle adequate scope ·toJemployers to
collude with the union leaders. Though th:! union has an
Executive Committee of ten members, only four members of
this conmittee <Ram Bilash Ram, Chandeswar Das, Jogi Ram
and Sukhu Ram) look after the problems of the workers.
2f>1
Mare importantly, each of these four leaders deal indivi-
dually with the affairs of particular tanneries; and when-
ever any dispute arises workers contact that particular
leader since their employer listen to him only. The
Executive Committee meetings are hardly called and only
when a strike is organised the services of other Executive
Committee members including a few Party (CPI). members are
utilised. The Executive Committee, however, has never
passed any decision against the top four leaders since it
is mostly comprising of men 'close• to these leaders. Since
a few persons daninate the union affairs, leaders cannot
ensure proper implementation of agreements in diverse
tanneries sPr-ead over a vast area. True, a few leaders
did acquire charisma by successfully mobilising workers
and fighting far their causes. But their charisma also
made then targets of inter and intra-union rivalries. The
leaders, there fare, are farced to move in taxis with body
guards. Such arrangements only serve to alienate them
from the workers further.
of The style of functioningLthe Federation is similar
to that of the Tannery Union. Its leader Shri S.M. Imam
is locally reputed as an effective trade unionist. The
Federation, however, suffers from lack of infrastructural
facilities in the form of offices and support staff in the
tanning area. The workers have to trudge a long distance
to Imam's office to corrmunicate their grievances. In the
f)("' J '~ ) (;.,
case of the Mazdoor Sabha, its charismatic leader is old
and is unable to keep in,daily touch with the workers.
The Employees Union, on the contrary, has enlarged
its base in recent years because of its style of function-.
ing. The union has set up Unit committees in tanneries
where its members dominate. The leaders of these Unit
Committees are empowered to negotiate and settle any dispute
in consultation with the Executive Committee. The EXecutive
Committee has eight members who take important policy
decisions and guide the Unit Committees. Only in excePthe
tional cases, the members oL'Executive Canmittee are directly
involved in bargaining process. By following such practices,
the Employees Union has gone against the practice of •top
leader based negotiation•. This practice has initially been
disliked by the employers since it prevents them from estab-
lishing 'good relations • with the top leaders of the union.
The employer of Alam Tannery in Tapsia, for example, initia-
lly refused to negotiate with the Unit Ccmmi ttee leader of
the factory. The striking workers were asked to bring their
top leaders. The Employees Union leadership, however, stuck
to its principle and forced the employer to negotiate with
the Unit Committee leaders. The Executive Committee
strictly supervises the work of Unit Canmittee leaders.
It is claimed that this •control and check system• does not
allow any Unit Canmi ttee leader to betray the interests of
the workers. In the recent past, the Employees Union has
2B3
suspended one of its Unit Committee leaders and one Executive
Cornmi ttee member on charges of taking bribes from the emplo-
yers which shows that the organization can check dominant
personal! ties to a considerable extent.
The success of the Employees Union is also due to the
political climate in the State since 1 <n7. The CPI (M) led
government in West Bengal has inspired the members of the
union to work actively during strikes without fear of
police intervention in normal trade union disputes. AS a
result~ the workers are not afraid of getting arrested by
the police for picketing at the tannery gate. 18 On the
contrary, the members of the union have experienced that
police cOmes to their help in case of attacks on them by
the employers • men. Moreover, the local CPI (M) members and
its student and youth supporters also have helped the union
during strikes. Most of the Executive Committee members of
union are actually local leaders of the CPI (M). The President
of the union is a local MLA fran the CPI (M), and its General I
Secretary is a member of the Calcutta Corporation from the
same party. Hence, the union, which operates from the local
party office of the CPI (M), receives all kinds of help fran
the Party. The close union-Party relationship has proved
beneficial to the Union.
In the leather goods and footwear industry, the only
union which could satis·fy all its members is the Mazdoor
Union. Thd.s union has succeeded in bargaining for higher
")(' 1 r.. )
wage rate and other facilities like bonus, leave, ar..d
dearness allowance fer its members. This is, however, not
the only reason why the Mazdoor Union is liked by its
members. Other unions like the Sramik Union have also
succeeded in achieving sQ'ne demands for their members. The I
major difference lies in the work style of the leaders of
these unions. The leaders of the Mazdoor Union, unlike
others, are in constant touch with the union members and
their day-to-day problems and try to solve them. The
leaders of Sr ami l< Union do not get enough time because
they also have to manage the affairs of the TB!:l~ry Union.
The founder of the Charmakar Sangha Shri Sivprasanya Das,
comes only once a year to finalise the bonus claims of a
fev·J '.oJorkers. Only if he succeeds in getting higher bonus
rates, the 30 members of his union in Chatawala Gali pay
their dues. Otherwise, they contact the leaders of Workers
Union. It has been mentioned earlier that none of these
unions has organised any strug·;rle over the 1 as t fifteen
years. The Workers Union, oldest among the present unions
in the leather goods and foo~ar industry, has failed to
revive its organisational strength after the death of its
founder in 1973. The union's day-to-day work is now sanehow
managed by its ASsistant Secretary, Shri Raj Kishore Ram,
a worker in a Chinese shoe factory in Chatawala Gali .. Other
office bearers are all non-workers and trey take less
2{,~
h)
interest in union's work. The Lal Jhanda Union has also
become inactive due to the negligence of its founder, Shri
Milan Verma. The union is mace or less defunct now and
some of its members in New Market area have already shifted
to the Mazdoor Union. Milan Verma claims that during the
seventies he tried his best to organise shoe workers in
the Chinese factories but the local party (CPI (M)) leaders.
pai:i little attent;ion to such activities. He says that he
could not persuade a 1 arge number of Harij an workers in the
Chinese shoe factories to leave the Wcckecs Union and take
recourse to militant actions because of the Harij an wcckers •
attachment to their cas·te leaders. Also, the experience of
two long strikes in 1961 and 1 rn 3, which resulted in no
major gain, made them antagonistic towards strikes. Mr. Verma
1 aments that,
If I can bargain higher wage rates for workers, they will be happy; but if I ask them to join a strike or a demonstration for their demands, they are not prepared.
The leadership of the Mazdoor Union, has, however,
proved that if correct tactics are followed, if the union and if
leaders are commi tted,_"help from political party is available)
workers of even small workshops could be mobilised to take
to a militant course of action. It has been mentioned
earlier that the Mazdoor Union (and also the Sramik Union)
has succeeded in making even those workers of sports goods
workshops its members, who are relative of their employers
2f)E
and who eat and sleep with their employers. The union
leaders have correctly avoided the course of going through
labour tribunals which take long time. They rather have
depended on the strength of union and Party volunteers,
and utilised the division between the small and big sports
goods manufacturers to attain success. Also the strategy
of calling strikes during the peak business seasons paid
off.
But we should. admit that whatever has been done in
the leather goods and footwear in::lustry is just a begin-
ning. Trade unions will have to go a long way to establish
themselves properly. To what extent they would be able to
fight effectively for the workers will be determined by
their strategy and commitment to fi~ht for the workers'
causes. This is true about u9ions in the tanning industry
also.
III. SOME IMPCRTANT OBSERVATIONS ON TI-E PROBLEMS ~~ PROSPECTS OF UNIONISM IN THE LEATI£R INDUS1RY:
Over the last forty years or more, trade unions in
the leather industry in Calcutta have tried to organise
workers and fight for their economic demands. Quite a few
of the struggles launched by unions, as detailed earlier,
have proved successful. But still only a small proportion
of workers enjoy Provident FUnd and E SI benefits • This
is ins pi te of the fact that in the tanning indus try nearly
'>f'7 '~ )
seventy per cent of the workers are unionised. Unions
in the leather goods and foot·.vear industry could, however,
organise only a few of workers. Lack of initiative on the
part of trade unions in recruiting new members has been a
contributory factor to the sluggish growth of trade unions
in this sector of leather industry. There are, however,
several other problems confronting the trade unions in the
leather industry.
In the earlier two sections, I pointed out that the
style of functioning of some of the unions, the negative
role played by their leaders, and inter-union rivalry have
been largely responsible far poor state of unionism in the
indus try. Lack of ini ti ati ve on the part of a few union
leaders and their concern with winning over employers •
favour have done much harm to trade unionism. Further,
several union leaders have betrayed the workers• interests
for their personal gains. The leaders of the Tannery Union
are regarded as pro-management men who turn a blind eye
to blatant violations of labour laws, and non-implementa-
tion of agreements. Even when the Chinese employers have
deliberately gone back on the agreements they had signed,
the union leaders have not protested. In the leather shoe
industry, the Chinese employers utilised their 'good
relations • with the leaders of the Workers Union for
bypassing· the claims of the Lal Jhanda Union. The settle
ments reached between the employers and Workers Union
2BB
during the last two decades have secured only a marginal
increase in the wage and bonus rates. Union-management
collusion has weakened the other unions fighting for the
exploited w~kers. Though the union management collusion
has particularly helped the Tannery Union to retain its
base in Chfna Town, it has gone against the workers • interest
in general.
Similarly, the caste factor which favoured the growth
of unionism in the industry at a particular stage of its
development, now weakens the trade union movements by divid
ing the workers and instilling caste and ethnic conscious
ness. The Nepali workers in Chinese tanneries consider the
Tannery Union as "Harij ans • Union" which cannot properly
protect their interests. Caste and region feelings have
also be~n utilised to maintain the influence of corrupt
union leaders.
AS against the style of functioning of the Tannery
Union or Workers Union, the Employees Union and the Mazdo~
Sabha have becane popular because their leaders are supposed
to be committed to the workers • interest. Also, these
unions allow their lower level leaders and members to
participate in the decision making processes thereby limit
ing the scope for collusion between labour and management.
This arrangement also makes for prompt redressal of workers •
grievances.
Inter-union rivalry has also weakened the strength
of trade union movement in the leather indus try. Such
rivalry arises mainly because of differences in union's
perspectives, in the level of commitment of their leaders,
and their desire for s hart-term gains. The employers have
over the years taken advantage of inter-union rivalries.
For instance, the Employees Union members of Saber a and
Canpany went on a strike in February, 1986, for demands
like payment of monthly wage in time, payment of earliPr
dues and reinstatement of retrenched workers. The other
union. in the tannery, namely the Federation, did not
support this strike and asked its members to continue
work. The owner of the tannery utilised this rift during
the strike and assured the Federation of his sympathy and
cooperation in the future. AS a result, inspite of fighting
jointly against the employer, the members of the two unions
remain locked in a mutual fight.
A proper evaluation of the problems of unionism in
the leather industry also involves the way union have fixed
their priorities in dealing with workers• grievances. Though
unions have fought for the ful fi lmen t of economic demands
of their members, the implementation of the settlements is
not given proper importance by all the unions. AS a result,
a 1 arge number of workers in the tanneries in China Town,
for instance, have remained temporary though employers have
270
formally agreed to make them pP.rmanent. On the contrary,
due to constant pressure from the Employees Union leader
ship, the employers in South Beleghata and Tapsia are
forced to make a 1 arge nwnber of their workers permanent
and provide the.'Tt statutory benefits. .Aqain, trade unions
in both tanning and leather goods and footwear industry
have rarely fought for better working condition or against
health hazards. First Aid Box is seldom maintained and
workers are not provided with safety equipment. But trade
unicns have not even tried to inform workers about potential
dangers in work. Though the tanning process involves dealing
with dangerous chemicals and machines, ever 50 per cent
of the workers in tanneries, as has been mentioned earlier,
do not have E s I card. On the is sue of safety and
security of leather industry workers, trade unions could
have mobilised public opinion. This, as a corollary, could
have added extra momentum to their struggle for various
economic demands of the workers. But not a single trade
union has made safety and security of workers an issue of
struggle. Most of the workers in the leather industry drink
alcohol and on an average they spend between ~.30 to
Rs. 50 a month for this. But, for all trade unlon leaders
this is quite a natural phenanenon.
It should, however, be maintained that the task to
fight even for the economic demands of the workers is not
an easy job every where. In the leather industry in Calcutt~
271
industrial sickness and resulting unemployment have made
the trade unions defensive in sane places. For instance,
nearly 500 workers of the National Tannery are fighting for
the last few years to retain their jobs under the leader
ship of CITU and INTUC unions. Inefficient management and
a long period of low productivity rendered the tannery sick
for over two decades. Hence, members of both the unions in
the tannery have not even protested that production bonus
or canteen allowance are not being paid far the last few
years. The same is the case with the workers of Standard
Tannery, C.R. c. Tannery, I. c. Limited, and a few other
tanneries.
The structure of the lEather indus try itself has put
obstacles to the growth of strong unionism. In an indus-
trial structure, where the small employers are subordinated
to the interests of big employers as well as wholesalers,
trade unions may find it di f fi cult to articulate their
struggle only against the small employers who are just
intermediaries. In the leather goOds and footwear industry,
for example, trade unions have faced a simi 1 ar kind of
situation. The wages of their members cannot be raised
unless the wholesalers of sports goods or shoe businessmen
raise rates given to small employers. In such a situation,
if trade unions squeeze the small employers, it may le-ad to
decrease in product! vi ty. Ultimately any fight on behalf
of the workers gets centred around those who control the
business.
272
The Mazdoor Union adopted a strategy of divide and rule.
The union decided to sympathise with the small employers who
merely perform •job work' and to counter the wholesalers.
This may, over time, develop cQ'nplications. The small sports
goods manufacturers can any day refuse to cooperate with the
union and they may as well join hands with the wholesalers.
In organising workers in small works hops, trade unions
face several problems. Thus the workers of leather sandal
workshops in Central Calcutta had not joined any union be.cause
most Of them were relatives of their employers. The informal
systen of recruitment by which relatives or known persons
are employed generally prevent workers from joining unions.
Further, a worker who works along with his employer develops
close and personal relationship with tum. Trade unions in
the leather industry succeeded in breaking this nexus by using
regional and caste loyalties. The history of unionism in the
leather industry shows that workers generally cnoose a union
led by leaders sharing their caste and regional background.
But the vast pool of unemployed persons in Calcutta sets
sharp limits to the growth of trade unionism. The trend
now-a-days of replacing Harij an workers by Nepali and Punj abi
workers in the tanning indus try. is inimical to the growth of
unionism. It has been ob:3erved that trade union~ eaftnot
always resort to mili t.:~nt course of action like strikes.
Poor Harijan workers, even in the tanning industry, cannot
sustain themselves for long at Calcutta 1..rithout work and
leave for their homes during prolonged strikes. Hence
unions in the leather goods and foot·~ar indus try call
strikes only during the peak business seasons. The strikes
are usually general strikes affecting a large number of
workers in a particular division of industry if not workers
in all the divisions.
In the tanning industry also trade unions, for nearly
three decades, have mainly confined themselves to the stra-
tegy of organisin~ struggles on industry-wide basis. There
have been instances of even two or more trade unions going
tor j oint actions • However, after 1 981 trade unions have
mainly taken up the demands of worker's worKing in a single
industrial establishment arising mainly from the non-
implementation of agreements signed by the employers or
due to the violation of labour laws. During the last few
years trade unions have not raised any fresh demand which
could have resulted in industry-wide actions. While this
strategy of organising unit level struggle has helped
trade unions to consolidate their strength, it has came in
the way of pr anoti ng workers • solidarity. There have,
of course, been attempts on the part of trade unions to
involve workers in solidarity actions, but workers• parti
cipation in such actions is low. Perhaps the post-1981
trends reflect the ruling Party's dilerrma. While it is
ideologically committed to militant trade unionism, it
cannot afford to alienate employers who may resort to
lcclc-ou ts and closures.
').., 1 ,_ ' l
It can be Said that trade unionism in the Calcutta
leather industry cannot be visualised without recognising the workers • causes. Party volunteers
the role played by political parties in supporti.ngLand the
infra-structural support of party organisations have helped
trade unions mobilise workers on a large scale and overcome
the institutional obstacles. Yet this type of political
linkage has promoted a unionism which aroused only an instru-
mental consciousness among the workers. It has yet to gene-
rate a sense of working class solidarity and consciousness
which transcends bread-butter issues of daily existence. It
can be argued that trade unions cannot transcend economism
·because of the structure of the economy. When the employers
can subdivide and fragment their enterprises and when they
can substitute militant Harijan workers with docile and
loyal Nepalis and when strikes reduce the volume of business
of small football employers in Calcutta and drive them out
of business by exposing them to compe titi.on from manufac-
turers of synthetic football in Punjab, it is clear that
trade unionism will be bo;}ged down in •economism• for quite
some time. But to condemn trade unionism on these grounds out the
is like throwingLthe baby withLb~th water. The major issues
in the contl!xt of Calcutta leather industry are the contra
dictions that trade unionism has generated. A theory of
the practice of trade unionism should squarely confront
the contradictions generated by the very success of unionism.
2 ,_, r: ' t.J
When trade unions succeed im fighting for the war kers •
interests they not only reinforce a tendency towards econo-
mism on the part of workers, but they also generate back
lashes fran a monopolistic economic structure which may
exacerbate the economic problems of workers instead of
relieving them. In such a situation, the practitioners
of trade unionism have to grasp the general economic trends
and develop a strategy which promotes the long term interests
of workers and realise their potential as agents of change.
To work out such a strategy, it will be instructive now to
turn to the problems of trade unionism in Calcutta's book-
binding industry.
NOTES:
1.
2.
3.
4.
s.
6.
All these Harijan· leaders of South Tangra were earlier workers in Tanner:;ies. They received considerable help from Babu Jagjivan Ram while forming the RDEC.
Mr. Ramananda Das was an influenclal leader of the BPDCL in West Bengal. In the first Parliamentary election he stood fran Dumdum constituency of West Bengal as a Congress Party candidate and won heavily.
See, for details, Labour Investigation Cormnittee, !!~ECX:.!- on Lab_gY!:_f~!.!!..2~!!L!annery and Leathe£ Goods Factories by Ahmed Mukhter (Simla: Govt. of india ~ess;-1146), pp.so-s1 •
.!!2iOoe 1 P• 81.
Be fore joining the Azad Hind Force, Kamal Bose was a pilot in the Royal Indian Airforce. He was arrested by the German Soldiers in Middle East and then taken to prison camps in Greece, Rome and Henbarge. He was caught again by the British Army in Kohima in August, 1945.
The Fifth Industrial Tribunal, West Bengal, £:.!!.sg-ttt gazette, (Par~) Extrao/.dinary, April 19th, 195 , pp.S00-3. .
7. !bid., p.801.
() .. , l' ::.. I )
8. Both these leaders were Executive Committee members of the R avi Das Ek ta Conmi ttee.
9. see, far details, The First Industrial Tribunal, West Bengal, The Calcutta Gazette, Part I-C, September 26, 1%3, w.82~~ --
10. According to section 79 of the Factories Act of 1948 every worker, who has worked for a period of 240 days or more in a factory during a calendar year, shall be allowed during the subsequent calendar year, leave with wages tor a number of days calculated at the rate of - (i) if an adult, one day for every twenty days of work performed by him during the previous calendar year, (ii) if a child, one day for every fifteen days of work per formed by him during the previous calendar year.
11.. Government of India, Report of the Central wage Board !gE-~~~£_~~~2§9s-JEdustry Wew Delhi: Ministry of Labour, 1969).
12. ll21§., p.63.
13. Harij an workers in Calcutta also celebrate Durga Puj a. That is why the unions in the leather industry demanded bonus and 'Puja advance' before the festival.
14. Mr. Badal Kar was an influencial leader of the CITU in East Calcutta. He took a leading role in- forming the National Tannery Sramik and Employees Union and the Calcutta Rubber workers • Association during the first half of seventies.
15. It was reported that the party (CPI) was aware of such complaints. Ram Bilash Ram was a CPI member. Therefare, a secret enquiry at the party level was conducted to establish the truth.
16. see, far details, K. Mamkoottam, Trade unionism:_My~ §Ed R_!.§!ity - Un!_2n~m in ~e Tata Iro~g__§te~ ~~ li5elhi: Oxford University Press, 1982); Vaid, K.N., "Why workers join Union", Indian ~ourna).-9£ Industrial Relations, vol.I, 1%5, pp.208-30; Sood, santosh, Traaeunion Leadership in India (New Delhi: Deep Pub.:l9s4 r:-pp. 16S-6 9.
17. All the Harij an leaders of the Tannery Union are from Bihar. They maintain extensive social and political link with their home towns. Recently, the President of the Union fought Assembly Election in the sta~e as a CPI nominee.
I) .._, '7 ::... I
18. Although the Left Front government's labour policy prohibits police intervention in normal trade union disputes, in the case of strike in the Amrit Bazar Patri ka office, the government was forced by a court order to .sent in the police to remove the striking CITU agitators. There were few such incidents in the state ove-r the past one decade-.