1

WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN

TRADITIONAL ASIAN SOCIETIES A CASE STUDY

OF BEGUM NASIM WALI KHAN

BY

HASSINA BASHIR

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR

SESSION 2011 ndash 2012

2

WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN

TRADITIONAL ASIAN SOCIETIES A CASE STUDY

OF BEGUM NASIM WALI KHAN

Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science University of

Peshawar in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the

Award of the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR SEPTEMBER 2019

i

ABSTRACT

In traditional Asian societies women still face impediments in different fields of

their lives including politics Such hurdles obstruct them to attain top political leadership

positions Despite these obstacles Asian societies have experienced some notable women

political leaders who not only acquired political leadership positions but sustained these

positions successfully for extended period of time Likewise the rise of a woman political

leader Nasim Wali Khan in a traditional Pukhtun society is an intriguing matter to

explore Various theoretical studies contest how political leaders emerge and sustain their

positions These theoretical explanations shift their focus from factors such as personal

traits situations charisma and skills However this study extensively borrows from

theories based on premises that situation and skills matter most when it comes to

attainment or retainment of political leadership This research is based on primary data

gathered from a variety of respondents through semi-structured interviews along with

analysis of selected speeches this research explores the course to political leadership

followed by Nasim Wali Khan The existing literature proposes that Asian women

political leaders acquire leadership position because of the support of their illustrious

families and political exigency This study goes beyond such an argument and argues that

women political leaders do not attain and retain leadership positions just because of the

political background of their families but also because these women adroitly use various

skills which they acquire through political apprenticeship and their involvement in active

politics Likewise Nasim Wali Khan exhibited specific leadership skills which

empowered her to establish a space for herself in the political sphere Though crisis

situations mobilized her to proceed in politics Nasim Wali Khan skilfully adopted

appropriate course of actions to neutralize and overcome various hurdles Consequently

she won considerable popular support and admiration from her political peers

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SNo Topic Page No

Abstract i

Acknowledgements iv

INTRODUCTION 1

Research Objectives

Research Questions

14

Significance 14

Methodology 15

Experience of my field Work 18

Limitations of the Study 20

Structure of the thesis 21

Chapter ndash 1

1 THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 23

11 Leaders as Great-Menlsquo 23

12 Charismatic Leadership 24

13 Leadership as a Trait 26

14 Transactional Leadership 27

15 Transformational Leadership 29

16 Situational Leadership 32

17 Leadership Require Skills 37

18 Theoretical Framework 42

19 Conclusion 44

Chapter ndash 2

2 THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

45

Profiles of Women Political Leaders An Over View 47

21 Sirimavo Bandaranaike (Sri Lanka) 47

22 Chandrika Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) 49

23 Indira Gandhi (India) 51

24 Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan) 53

25 Begum Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) 56

26 Sheikh Hasina Wajid (Bangladesh) 58

27 Corazon Aquino (Philippines) 59

28 The Rise of Women Political Leader Critical Analysis 61

29 Conclusion 66

iii

Chapter ndash 3

3 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN 67

Social Stratification of the Pukhtun society 69

Pukhtunwali An Unwritten Code of Conduct 71

Islam and Pukhtunwali 74

Impediments to Women Progress 76

31 Religious and Economic Structures 76

32 Socio- cultural impediments faced by the Pukhtun women 82

33 Political Impediments 87

34 Extremism as an obstacle to Womenlsquos Political Participation 90

35 Political Role of Pakhtun Women 93

36 Conclusion 97

Chapter ndash 4

4 POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE RISE OF

NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

99

Situational Analysis Circumstances surrounding the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as

a Political Leader

99

41 Political Resistance to an Autocratic Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto 99

42 Identity Crises Nasim Wali Khan being a Pakhtun Woman 114

43 Conclusion 123

Chapter ndash 5 124

5 POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP AND WOMEN LEADERSHIP IN A

PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY NASIM WALI KHANrsquoS POLITICAL

STRUGGLE THROUGH ACQUIRED SKILLS

124

51 Political Acumen of Nasim Wali Khan 126

52 Persuasive Oratory Skills of Nasim Wali Khan 134

53 Efficient Decision Making 142

54 Social astuteness of Nasim Wali Khan 149

55 Exceptional Confidence of Nasim Wali Khan 156

56

6

Conclusion

CONCLUSION

162

164

7 Bibliography 169

8 Appendix 207

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All praises to Almighty Allah who enabled me to complete this research work

The odyssey of this research work was not easy to be completed without the guidance

support and contribution of many people First of all my deep gratitude goes to my

research supervisor Dr Muhammad Ayub Jan(Assistant Professor Department of

Political Science University of Peshawar) His intellectual supervision support and help

would have made this work possible I would like to thank Dr Sami Raza and my

colleague Mohammad Sajjad who assisted me at different stages of this research work I

am also grateful to my interview respondents who gave me their precious time from their

busy schedule and shared their personal experiences with me All my interview

respondents have appreciated my work I would like to mention the names of Sir Sami-ur-

Rehman (lawyer) and my elder sister Saima Bashir (lawyer) and Fayaz Khan (lawyer)

who provided me the contact numbers of majority of my interview respondents including

Begum Nasim Wali Khan Sir Latif Afridi Amir Haider Khan Hoti and Farid Tofan

They arranged my interviews with them as well I am also grateful to Sir Hayat Roghani

who made possible my access to the Bacha Khan Markaz library The main part of my

data collection became possible only after I found the old magazines and newspapers in

the Markaz Library

Needless to say this research work could not have been possible without the

support and encouragement of my family members I am happy to express my special

gratitude to my father Bashir Ahmad my elder sister Saima Bashir and my younger

brother Aamir Bashir who stood by me Their priceless help and support encouraged me

to complete my research work They also took care of my children during my research

work My brother accompanied me during interviews and also helped me in the collection

of relevant material I would like to mention the name of my (late) mother Ilfam Bibi

though she is no more with me but still I feel that her prayers are with me in every step of

my life

My greatest debt is to my husband Muhammad Abid who has shown remarkable

support to me I would like to mention the names of my three children Fatima Abid

Owais Karni and Ayesha Abid who never distracted me from my research work rather

they helped each other in their school work for the purpose to minimize my work burden

Without their cooperation and support I could never have spent the years doing the work

I did Their cooperative attitudes are behind every word of this work

1

INTRODUCTION

Societies where patriarchal structures are still intact women are not considered

capable to make decisions and to lead In such societies they continue to experience

significant discrimination related to their participation in public affairs It is partly

because women are thought of as more attentive to the personal relations of family

Therefore they are considered to be best suited at homes In traditional male dominated

societies gender based roles are speficied and men and women are required to obey them

otherwise they will face social censure Mostly in traditional societies women are

considered unfit to give testimony and are forbidden to take any sort of social and

economic responsibility Likewise public spheres are considered to be the maleslsquo

domain Presence of women in the public domain is undesirable Their participation is

considered to be stigma for the honour of family and community The norms and values

of these societies bar women from the matters related to autonomy public responsibility

judgement and leadership Thus women are deprived from various authoritative roles in

the society

Though in traditional societies the status of women is alarming nonetheless

South Asian region saw prominent women political leaders They opted for leadership

positions in crises situations They faced hurdles in their political struggle but confronted

the turbulent situation in a manner which further paved their way to proceed Likewise

Nasim Wali Khan is one among these notable women political leaders from a traditional

society of Pakistan The political family background is considered to be a facilitating

factor for the attaining and retaining of prominent political leadership positions But the

question is how a woman of the traditional society attained and sustained political

leadership position in the presence of such hurdles How she overcame such hurdles

This research addresses such questions It argues that the political background of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos family is not the exclusive contributing factor for achieving the leadership

position One needs to see wheather other factos ie political exigency and leadership

skills have played any role in rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader Moreover the

discussion on the world wide trends in gender inequality is crucial for the purpose to

understand the impediments which obstruct their (women) way to proceed in public

sphere

2

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP GLOBAL TRENDS IN

GENDER INEQUALITY

Leaders are pioneer who inspire and rule the public and as a result of the public

recognitions leaders are granted formal and informal authorities (Heiftz 195113)

Furthermore charisma sincerity courage (moral physical and political) spirit to serve

the public wholeheartedly and make suitable decisions are the inevitable features

possessed by them (Phneah 2013)

There are different views regarding the evasion of women from the political

sphere Some considered social factors like family caring and household chores confined

them to participate actively in the political sphere (Raksasataya 196886 Jensen

200813)

Other considers improper political grooming and training because of the women

traditional role in the society Similarly lack of education and economic resources are the

barriers in the way of women to play and participate in the political field (Welch

198357) Likewise lack of interest and opportunities for them in the political field also

hinder their existence in political domain (Iwanaga 2008 125) There are ethnic and

cultural variances societal norms and economic disparities as well (Flaschenberg

2009211) Apart from socio-cultural hindrances women of the traditional societies face

several religious challenges which obstruct their way to political participation (Islam et

al 201271) Likewise these hindrances are consolidated through structural barriers

inform of discriminatory law

The capacity gaps like lack of communication resources and education are the

impediments for women to become efficient public leaders (True et al 20146-7) UN

General Assembly Resolution on the Women Political Involvement mentions that in

various parts of the world women are generally side-lined from the political sphere

mainly because of the biased social practices attitudes lack of access to health facilities

and gender stereotypes(Perret nd02) All these aspects of womenlsquos life are

interdependent which have a deteriorating effect on the overall political status of the

women (Quinn 1977183)

Gender parity and womenlsquos empowerment is the core debate throughout the world

but the way is still long and arduous Some efforts have been made for the reduction of

gender inequality gaps advancement of the women empowerment and protection of their

rights but still needs more Thus politics is also considered to be one of the most

challenging public spheres for the entrance and participation of women (Community of

3

Democracies report 201602)

According to 2017 IPU- UN Maplsquos edition the number of the countries having

the women head of the state or government show trivial decrease since 2015 from 19 to

17 which shows their solitary position in politics (Rosenbluth et al 201510) Different

researches give the importance of presence of large number of women in parliaments

Such researches focussed their attention towards the womenlsquos problems Women political

engagement is crucial for the gender equality and palpable democracy This would be

feasible for women to be involved in the public decision-making process (UN Women

Report nd) Women contribution in the decision making process would largely benefit

them They are able to perform their function being as active citizens having the value of

their voting behaviour and accepted as effective leaders as well This would have a

positive effect in the advancement of the entire community (Report 2016 01)

Despite the barriers and difficulties women are struggling to improve their

positions and status in political sphere throughout the world According to The Asian

Foundation Report the parliamentary seats held by the women across the globe become

almost double since the last twenty years This was 11 in 1995 but now it has reached

almost 22 in 2015The average of only 16 percent parliamentary seats are occupied by

the women in Asian-Pacific region (Report 201601) Thus data given by Inter-

Parliamentary Union reveals that though the number of women in the national

parliaments throughout the world is sluggish and is increased slightly from 226 (2015)

to 233 (2016) But women as speakers of parliament have boosted notably which is

191 (out of 273 posts 53 are occupied by the women speakers of the parliament) which

is a positive trend but still women status lag behind the gender balance So in all power

structures and in decision making process the gender equality remains slow and power

dominance in different areas lies in the males hands (UN News 2017)

Globally since 2015 there is minimal improvement in the number of women

occupied the executive or parliamentary posts 11 ministerial posts are held by Asian

women which was 106 in 2015 while 257 women government representatives in

Indonesia is on the top and Vietnam experienced decline below 5 (Press release 2017)

Furthermore a number of business and political women leaders arose to challenge

the stereotypes The Asian women political leaders raised and achieved the heights of

success South Korean women President Park Geun-hye is 12th

first female President of

Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen ranked 17th

Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar is on the 26th

position

and chief executive of the government of Singapore owned her investment company and

4

is ranked 30th

Recently we observed that in Japanese political sphere the rise of women

political leader Yuriko Koike became the first elected governor of Tokyo and Renho

Murata occupied the seats as the elected head of the opposition Democratic Party and

afterwards she held the post of a defence minister as well This ranking shows the

standing of Asian Women political leaders in the international political arena Women of

a region are still endeavoring to overcome hurdles to gender equality They are struggling

to break the glass ceiling and taking the political leadership roles but Asialsquos gender gap is

still intimidating (Fensom 2016) The new political leaders offer hope that the so-called

―rice paper ceiling can be successfully challenged without waiting anymore Though

Asialsquos gender gap is still alarming but more and more women are getting political

leadership roles (Fensom 2016)

Though the overall presence of women in the political sphere is not satisfactory

especially in the traditional Asian societies But there were prominent Asian women

political leaders who reached to zenith in their political careers and attained international

recognition for their role in the national and international politics The most notable

among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike Sri lankalsquos first female prime minister in 1960

who served for decades 1960-65 1970-77 and 1994-2000 Then Indira Gandhi the first

Indian women leader and a woman prime minister who also served her country from 1966

to 1977 and again from 1980 till her assassination in 1984 Golda Meir the first female

politician of Israel to occupy the highest office without following a father or husband in

the post and served the country as a fourth prime minister from 1969-74 Likewise

Corazon Aquino the first woman President of Philippines who served from 1986-92

Young female prime minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto who held the post for two terms

from 1988-90 and again from 1993-96 (Jalalzai amp Krook 20105) Chandrika

Kumaranatunga was the first woman President of Sri lanka who remained in power from

1994-2005 The first female prime minister of Bangladesh was Khalida Zia who held the

post from 1991-96 and again from 2001-06 and another female of the same country is

Sheikh Hasina Wajid served the country for two terms from 1996-2001 and from 2009-

present (Chowdhury 20088) Myanmar woman leader Aung San Suu Kui and Philippine

President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo are the admirable addition to the list of eminent

women political leaders

All the above mentioned women have struggled hard for the betterment of their

societies and nations They abide by their culture and traditions and were acknowledged

by their respective societies as well Because of their motivated attitudes and sound

5

policies they have earned the different titles Indra Gandhi earned the title of Durga

Amma and Kali The name of the prominent Hindu goddesses Her sound economic

policies and her efforts to enhance the Indialsquos status in the world granted her the title of

the ldquoEmpress of Indiardquo She was also called as the ldquomother of the nationrdquo as she treated

the nation as her family and nation (Fleschenberg 2009123) Golda Mair gains the title

of ldquoIron ladyrdquo and she was often depicted as the ―straight- talking and strong willed

grandmother of Jewish people (Whipps 2008) Aung San Suu Kui was called as the

―glaring example of the power of the powerless because of her efforts towards the

democracy and struggle for the nation (Liton 2016)

But scholars argue that these women political leaders are the members of the elite

political families and achieved the top political positions because of some mishaps like

imprisonment or assassination of the male members of the family in politics These

mishaps provided those opportunities to enter in the political arena and gain the

sympathies of the public in the respective constituencies (Fleschenberg 2009103)

Though majority of them have had the privileged family background their political

careers were far from being trouble less However their political grooming within their

families enabled them to handle the different obstacles

Moreover the striking feature of the above mentioned notable women leaders are

the skills which enabled them to attain and then retain the political power and support

Thus family political attachment is not the exclusive factor for the emergence and

attainment of political power

Apart from these prominent women political leaders of the region still there are

women in majority areas of the region who are still struggling to achieve remarkable

places in the public sphere In South Asia the status of women in Pakistan is alarming

Pakistan is the 2nd worst country in the world on the basis of gender inequality Ahmed

argues that according to report of the World Economic Forum (2016) published by the

Global Gender Gap Pakistan is on 141 positions in the women economic opportunities

out of 144 countries Pakistan was on the 87th position in the previous years on the basis

of women political empowerment which further degraded to 97th position The ranking of

Pakistan is crumbling every year (Ahmed 2018)

Nonetheless Fleschenberg mentions some Pakistani women parliamentarians who

stood against the odds and gained the prestigious positions both in their parties and in the

national political arena They struggled for the rights and representation of women in

Pakistan (Fleschenberg 2009211 amp166)

6

After 2018 general election in Pakistan during Imran Khan Government four

women ministers are included in the Cabinet with its total strength of 31 Shireen Mizari

(federal minister of Human Rights) Fehmida Mirza (federal minister for Inter-provincial

Coordination) and Zubaida Jalal (minister of Defence Production) and Zartaj Gul

(Minister of State for Climate change) Similarly there is absence of women ministers in

the provincial cabinets of KP and Baluchistan assemblies while one in Punjab (Yasmin

Rashid the provincial minister of primary and secondary healthcare) and two women

ministers (Azra health and population minister and Syeda Shehla Raza a minister of

women development) are serving in the Provincial Assembly of Sindh

Women political participation in the North West region of Pakistan is limited as

compared to other parts of the country As in the 2013 general elections women in most

parts of the KP province were not permitted to cast their votes (Sherazi 2013) But the

election Act of 2017 make it indispensable for the political parties to allot 5 of tickets to

women candidates This Act enables women of the region to be involved in the male

dominated political sphere Likewise more than 2000 women candidate have submitted

their nomination papers Thus considerable number of women have contested elections

for the first time in the political history of Pakistan (Shah 2018)

Similarly in 2018 General Elections party tickets were awarded to almost 105

women candidates across the country while 66 women candidates contested elections

independently This was a slight better situation for women candidates from 2013 where

party tickets were allotted to 74 women candidates while 61 women candidates contested

elections independently (Ali 2018)

Thus in KP 16 women candidates had contested election on general seats of the

National Assembly whereas 34 women had contested for provincial assembly seats Ms

Ali Begum a candidate in NA- 46 (Kurram Agency) is the only women candidate on a

general seat of National Assembly in FATA (Shah W 2018) Though the presence of

women in the political field is a positive step towards their advancement in the society but

still there are barriers which obstruct them from performing their active function

The emergence of meagre number of women political leaders in this region is

because of the diverse religious interpretations and socio- cultural practices The

prevalent ethnic group of the region are Pukhtuns They spend their lives according to the

centuries old code of conduct called Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns also closely identify with

religion Islam (Barth 1969 Ahmad 1980) Islam and Paktunwali are interrelated to each

other but there are some similarities and discrepancies between the two as well

7

(Bertalotte 2000) Socio-cultural practices prevalent in Pukhtun society restrict Pukhtun

women to show their abilities in various spheres of life including politics (Shaheen

nd4)

Apart from the hurdles Pukhtun society has certain historic precedents of women

taking part in political movements and resistance The most notable one is that of Malalai

of Maiwand who stood by her fellow men against the Imperial forces in the second

Anglo-Afghan war She along with other females treated the wounded of war provided

them water and weapons as well Her courage and determination enrolled her in the list of

national heroes (Ewing 2005) Similarly leader of the great Pukhtun nationalist

movement called Khudai Khitmatgars (KK) Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan also motivated

Pukhtun women to leave the four walls of their houses and join the movement His call

was wholeheartedly welcomed by his followers who allowed female members of the

family to participate in KKlsquos struggle (Banerjee 2000101) Ghaffar Khan was a firm

supporter of the women political participation and deemed that the success of the

movement was possible because of the involvement of both the genders of the society

(Wight 2012)

There are some notable Pukhtun women political figures of the North West region

of Pakistan These include Begum Zari Sarfaraz Begum Shireen Wahab Sultan Begum

Shad Begum and Begum Kalsoom Saifullah All these women political leaders performed

their political role in the modest way abide by their traditions (Sabir nd 873)

Besides these politically prominent women the women parliamentarians from

Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have also performed well They have raised their voices from time

to time against all the discriminations against women Though there is a common

perception that these women have not contributed significantly but this perception thrives

because there is lack of cogent academic effort to investigate the activities performance

and achievements of these women leaders

In the recent years women of the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have taken strides

towards change and transformation in the field of politics Some women have established

their political credentials at national level such as Bushra Gohar Rahila Qazi Nighat

Orakzai Dr Mehr Taj Roghani Yasmeen Pir Mohammed Khan and others However all

these Pukhtun women leaders have be preceded by a much well known political figure ie

Begum Nasim Wali Khan She not only preceeded these Pukhtun women leaders but also

inspired them to step in political arena Nasim Wali Khan being an old guard stood

against all odds and carved a space for herself in politics which was long considered a

8

domain of men in this male dominated society In such a way Nasim Wali like other

Pukhtun women leaders resisted conservative values and confronted arduous challenges

and consequently turned out to be role models for others Her success in the elections is

considered to be symbolizing something more than a popular vote for her party it

represents the endorsement of woman as a political leader in the traditional conservative

and patriarchal society She proved herself to be a progressive woman politician and

epitomized a Pakistani Pukhtun Women leader Political endeavor of Nasim Wali Khan

for the rights of the people and democracy are significant The focus of this research

study is the leadership skills and personal struggle of Nasim Wali Khan in attaining and

retaining leadership position among her followers

This study investigates turbulent situations which incited her to join active politics

and her extra ordinary will courage and skills to retain her leadership position for quite

some time It is therefore pertinent to briefly highlight the family background and

political career of Nasim Wali Khan

NASIM WALI KHAN AS WOMAN POLITICAL LEADER A PERSONAL AND

PROFESSIONAL PROFILE

Nasim Wali Khan was born in 1936 at Hoti village in District Mardan of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa province of Pakistan Her father Amir Mohammad Khan was a renowned

activist of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement and close companion of Ghaffar Khan Her

mother Meher Sultana was a housewife from a reputable landlord family Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos parents were from the same family and belonged to Lakhkar Khail sub-tribe

(Hoti) MardanShe ranked third among her six siblings Amina Bibi and Zubaida Bibi are

elder sisters of Nasim Wali Khan whereas two other sisters Parveen Bibi Surayya Bibi

and a brother late Azam Khan Hoti were younger than Nasim Wali Khan The nickname

of Nasim Wali Khan is ―Chamo Zubaida bibi (interview 2017) an elder sister of Nasim

Wali Khan recalls that Nasim Wali Khan was very social from earlier childhood She

helped her mother in her household chores Nasim Wali khan had a great affection

towards her father So whenever her father prepared himself for the processions and

demonstrations Nasim Wali helped him in packing his luggage for different visits of the

Khudai Khitmatgar movement She was very keen of learning It was her determination

and parental support that enabled her to complete her education till matriculation despite

strong opposition from her maternal uncle She completed her tenth grade from the

―Bigarh Ganj Boys schools Mardanrdquo in 1952 Zubaida bibi posits that after the birth of

9

their younger brother Azam Khan1 a person came to congratulate Amir Mohammad

Khan for having a male child after his five daughters and asked for zeeray2 The birth of a

male child in the Pukhtun society is welcomed by money alms giving and aerial firing

However her father replied that at the birth of his five female children he had never asked

for such money then why should he give it to him now Zubaida Bibi states that their

father liked his daughters more than his male child However her mother had a great

affection towards her son They lived in a joint family Amir Mohammad Khan had no

siblings but his cousin shared home with them

Nasim Wali Khan was very cooperative and a good student at school She had the

ability to make good friends at school At her young age educational opportunities in her

area were very limited Education opportunities for females were even more limited

Nevertheless the support of her family enabled Nasim Wali Khan to pursue her study

Later she got admission in a College but due to her marriage to Abdul Wali Khan in

1954 she could not continue her studies (Bibi interview 2017)

Her husband Abdul Wali Khan was a renowned political figure and the son of

influential Nationalist leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan At the time of their marriage Abdul

Wali Khan was a widower with three kids Abdul Wali Khanlsquos first wife Tajo Bibi died

on February 14 1949 when he was in prison She left two daughters Nasreen and Parveen

and a son Asfandyar Wali Khan He was released form prison in 1953 Abdul Wali Khan

married Nasim Wali Khan on November 22nd

1954 and the nikah ceremony was held in

Attock district of Punjab It was because of a ban imposed on her father- in-law Abdul

Ghaffar Khan in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan (WaliN interview 2014)

At the time of marriage she was only 18 years old There was an age difference between

Abdul Wali Khan and Nasim Wali Khan but because of the close ties of her father with

Ghaffar Khan her father was not able to reject the proposal She took responsibility of the

three children of Abdul Wali khan in her very young age and tried to fulfil it

wholeheartedly (Amir 2006) She later became the mother of two kids a daughter called

Gulalai and a son called Sangeen Khan

Abdul Wali Khan was very supportive to her Even after her marriage she was

fond of education which led her to complete her intermediate (FSc) from College of

Home Economics University of Peshawar in 1961 seven years after her marriage It was

1 Azam Khan was also a politician and has served as Federal minister of Communication

2 Money given to someone for sharing good news Zeeray‟ on the birth of a son is common in Pukhtun

Society

10

a time when her own children Gulalai (born 15th

July 1956) was in class 2 and Sangeen

Khan (7th

June 1959- 28th

June 2008) was in playgroup

Before her marriage Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family was already engaged in the

politics of the region Her father Amir Muhammad Khan was a staunch follower of

Abdul Ghaffar Khan who later became her father-in-law (ShahS nd96) Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos father served the Khudai Khitmatgar movement as its Provincial President and

therefore was very close to the family of Ghaffar Khan During 1930s the movement

reached to its zenith and retaliation of the British Imperial forces against the Khudai

Khidmatgar movement also rose to its peak Most of the people were being killed leaders

of the unarmed movement and their close associates were arrested by the British imperial

forces Among them were Nasim Wali Khanlsquos father who also faced the atrocities of

British Imperial Forces After the independence of Pakistan and India in August 1947 the

government of Pakistan in July 1948 declared the Khudai Khidmatgar organization as an

unlawful body Abdul Ghaffar Khan his sons Abdul Wali Khan and Abdul Ghani Khan

the former Chief Minister and brother of Ghaffar Khan Dr Khan Sahib and his son

Ubaidullah Qazi Attaullah Khan and the father of Nasim Wali Khan Amir Muhammad

Khan Hoti were put behind the bars along with thousands of workers (WaliN interview

2016 Tofan interview 2016) Abdul Ghaffar Khan his family and the Khudai

Khitmatgar movement were always the victim of power politics They faced the atrocities

of the British Imperial forces but have encountered the same fate after the independence

of the sub-continent Abdul Ghaffar Khan was popularly named as Frontier Gandhi

because of his close affiliation with leaders of the All India Congress and former USSR

This association of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his son Abdul Wali Khan made their

political life more suspicious to the government of Pakistan who considered India and

USSR as political rivals in time of cold war Throughout their life they faced political

victimization and imprisonment by civil and military establishment of the country (Amir

2006)

Abdul Wali Khan was arrested on 15th

June 1948 from his house and sent to

Haripur jail The police took away everything from his house and all the property

including his living house was confiscated (Amir 2006) But their struggle for the

Pukhtuns autonomy still continued For this purpose in 1957 several leftist and

progressive political parties combined together and a Bangali Socialist Cleric Maulana

Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Dhaka formed a political party named National Awami

Party Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai also joined the party for the

11

purpose to unite the Bangalis Balochis and Pukhtuns against the statelsquos discriminatory

policies They struggled hard for the equality and regional autonomy of the different

ethnic groups in Pakistan This was considered to be the only opposition party against the

General Ayublsquos Pro US regime (Siddique 2014 112)

In the Presidential elections of 1965 Maulana Bhashani supported Ayub Khan

against Fatima Jinnah which led to the division of the party in two parts in 1967 One

faction in East Pakistan was led by Maulana Bhashani and reins of other faction of the

party in the west wing was held by Abdul Wali Khan Then in the 1970lsquos general

elections National Awami Party became successful in the provinces of Baluchistan and

NWFP (now KP) NAP got largest seats in NWFP and won full majority in Baluchistan

(Rizwan 2014210)

But the support given by Abdul Wali Khan to Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman was not

acceptable to the West Pakistan which further deteriorated the situation The tough stance

of the West Pakistani authorities created mistrust and the biased attitudes against the

oppositions made the situation from bad to worse (Tasneem 2013197)

In 1975 Abdul Wali Khan including his father son and party colleagues were

imprisoned by Z A Bhutto on the charges of treason primarily because of his ardent

opposition to ZA Bhutto His political party NAP was also banned The political

victimization impelled Nasim Wali Khan to take the responsibilities of the defunct party

and start active politics from the platform of a new political party called National

Democratic Party (NDP) She became the vice president of the party (Verma 2006) She

united the public and started her struggle against the oppressive rule of Z A Bhutto

through the popular politics In 1977 elections when Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)

was formed by the nine opposition parties against the Z A Bhutto Nasim Wali Khan

rose to political prominence Nasim Wali Khan won the 1977 elections from NA -

8Mardan ndashIII and NA-4Peshawar-IV (Election Commission Report 1977) But she

never took an oath because the opposition parties boycotted elections to the provincial

assemblies and had arranged extensive street protests against the ZA Bhutto

government These protests further deteriorated situation of the country and General Zia

Ul Haq deposed Z A Bhutto by declaring Martial Law in July 1977 Zia Ul Haq after

taking over released all the NAP leaders Later Abdul Wali Khan laid the foundation of

a political party i-e Awami National Party as a successor of NAP in 1986 (Verma

200627)

Thus Nasim Wali Khan at the time of distress came to the forefront and occupied

12

the leadership position She challenged the status quo and the oppression of Bhutto

regime She resisted the injustices made by the Bhuttolsquos government against Abdul Wali

Khanlsquos family and political party She became actively involved in national politics and

later was able to win elections She held top positions in the party She held the position

of a provincial president of Awami National Party (ANP) for long in 1975 she became

the elected provincial president of newly formed political party NDP and remained in

office till 2004 which was respected and accepted by the followers She was also elected

thrice a member of NWFP provincial Assembly (Shehzad 2013) She is acknowledged as

being the only Pukhtun woman elected on general seat However she was alienated by

the current ANP leadership in 2005 (Hassan 2012) During her leadership ANP won 13

seats in 1988 23 in 1990 and 32 in 1997 Being courageous woman she never bowed

before oppressive regimes (Qalandar 2014) Nasim Wali Khanlsquos eloquence political

astuteness charisma and respect for local traditions (local attire) enabled her to get the

title of ldquoMor Bibirdquo (esteemed mother) from her followers

Nasim Wali Khan also carried forward the legacy of her esteemed father-in-law

Abdul Ghaffar Khan On various instances she fulfilled the desires of Ghaffar Khan and

followed his path For example Abdul Ghaffar Khan built Markaz-e- Alia at Sardaryab

to serve as a space where he and his followers can carry out their political activities

However this markaz was demolished by Abdul Qayyum Khan (the then chief minister

of NWFP from August 23rd

1947 - April 23rd

1953) Bacha khan had a desire to form

another Markaz a place for the unification of Khudai Khitmatgar supporters This desire

was fulfilled by Nasim Wali Khan The acquisition of land and construction of the

building of Bacha Khan Markaz was completed during her presidency of the party It cost

almost one crore rupees

In another instance a newspaper called Pukhtun Zalme‟ was started by Abdul

Ghaffar Khan which was later banned by the government Following the tradition of her

father-in-law Nasim Wali started Shehbazlsquo newspaper from Bacha Khan Markaz The

main focus of this newspaper was political situations of the country and the struggle of

ANP leaders She remained an editor-in-chief of ―Shehbaz for quite sometime

The struggle of Nasim Wali Khan is also recognized by various organizations She was

awarded ―Benazir Women Excellence Award in 2009 Likewise she was also awarded ―Hunar-e

Hawwa Award in the category of politics in 2016 This award is granted to the prominent and

capable women of the province for their accomplishments and struggle for the betterment of the

society and country (Report 2016)

13

Women political leaders have been demonstrating immense charisma and

attracting millions of followers throughout the world Such popular support adds to their

political clout From these power positions women political leaders influence their nations

in various ways However personal traits extraordinary skills and political acumen are

the striking features exhibited by these women political leaders which enable them to win

popular support and establish themselves as competent women political leaders

Therefore it would be unfair to limit their success in political sphere to mere exploitation

of a leadership opportunity offered by political emergency or family tragedy

Nasim Wali Khan being a case study is chosen to reflect on the above explained

argument Nasim Wali Khan a Pukhtun woman joined active politics and led her people

when her husband and other family members were imprisoned by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in

1970s Though family tragedy impelled her to join active politics and she occupied

political leadership position during the political crisis but her personal qualities such as

political acumen charisma eloquence and social astuteness made her renowned and

admired by her followers With the exception of limited newspaper articles no cogent

research study has so far been conducted on the leadership of Nasim Wali Khan

particularly her rise to power The struggle she made and the strategies which she adopted

while confronting the autocratic rule of Bhutto This research study will explore the

career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader and see how she has struggle

to acquire political leadership position and retain it through her personal attributes and

skills

1 To investigate the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader in

a traditional and Patriarchal Asian society

2 To investigate the importance of family background for women politicians to

acquire political leadership in a traditional Pukhtun society

3 To analyze the situations or circumstances in the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a

political leader

4 To bring on record the acquired political skills of Nasim Wali Khan which

enabled her to occupy leadership position in patriarchal society

14

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

This study aims at exploring the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman

political leader in a traditional male-dominated Asian society It also inquires into the

importance of family background political situation and acquired skills of Nasim Wali

Khan in attaining and retaining leadership position

RESEACRH QUESTIONS

In order to achieve my objectives the study primarily investigates how Nasim

Wali attained and retained leadership position But in more specific ways the study

answers questions such as

How Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader rose to a political leadership

position in the presence of socio- cultural and religious restrictions

To what extent political family background is important for women leaders to

acquire a political position

How situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position

How acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position

SIGNIFICANCE

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos rise to power in the political sphere is a fascinating case of

women struggle for empowerment and political leadership There are few such examples

and limited research studies inspecting such phenomenon Nasim Wali Khan without

violating her culture and traditional norms dealt with the demand of her time sacrifice her

family life and was competent to take the responsibilities to lead her people The

leadership of females is not easily perceived in traditional male-dominated societies and

therefore not generally acknowledged Not only did she continue to express her

determination to lead but to inspire as well

This research study will open new areas for further research studies and added its

share to promote cognizance among the females about the significance of politics in their

lives This research will open new avenues of research in the arena of women political

leadership specifically to their struggles in opposing challenges in traditional patriarchal

societies such as the Pukhtun This research study aims to contribute to the literature on

Pukhtun women by providing insights into the traditional as well as challenging features

of Pukhtun society towards women This will also help us improve our understanding of

15

women as active agents in political sphere and not mere the passive indivduals patronized

by male members of their societies

This study contributes to fill the gap in the previous literatures by analysing the

phenomenal skills exhibited by Asian women political leaders Besides familial ties

favourable situations and political skills are important variables for the acquisition and

retainment of top political leadership positions Main focus of the previous literature

(Fleschenberg 2009 Derich amp Thompson 2013 Jensen 2008)was on the dynastic

political inheritance Earlier literature assumed that politically targeted males provided

opportunities for women of these affected families to rise as political leaders Such

studies do not systematically examine the skills of women political leaders This research

evaluate the subject by relying on how turbulent situations and individual experiences

provides opportunities that empower women of the patriarchal societies to become public

leaders

This study tries to find different strategies adopted by Nasim Wali Khan to

manoeuvre the opportunities available to her for the attainment of leadership position In

this study I used secondary biographical sources of Asian women political leaders and

personal narratives of woman leader (Nasim Wali Khan) Assumptions of previous

theories on the rise of women political leaders will help to construct my own argument

for the research I argue that Asian women political leaders possessed and exhibit

phenomenal political skills and have skilfully manoeuvre the opportunities in their favour

to attain and sustain top political leadership positions In this research I explore how

political familial ties oppositional politics turbulent situations and exceptional skills

paved way for women to become and remain political leaders

METHODOLOGY

This research is about women struggle in traditional male-dominated Asian

societies to attain and retain political leadership positions with a case study of Nasim

Wali Khan Qualitative research methods were used in the collection of data for the

purpose to find the impact of socio-cultural norms and religious practices on womenlsquos

involvement in politics

Qualitative research is helpful in providing the detailed descriptions and analysis

of the quality of human experiences This method is used to ensure thorough

understanding of the subject matter especially when the study is used for the purpose of

in-depth explanation of the different situations Generally qualitative researchers pay

16

more attention to the significance of social and cultural context in all phases of research

from designing a research question collection of data to writing and reporting the

findings as well (Flick 2012)

Snowball or chain referral sampling technique is used for the purpose to provide

basis for the accuracy of findings Similarly selection of informants was shaped by

referrals made among knowledgeable people who are pertinent to this research Biernacki

amp Waldorf consider the method important specifically when the focus of study is a

sensitive issue and relatively private matter They argue that this sampling method is

crucial to contacts with majority of the able abettors who are helpful for finding

appropriate people for study (Biernackiamp Waldorf 1981)

The early researches have provided us with beneficial information regarding the

women political leadership which are focused while answering my research questions

The theoretical framework comprises the theory regarding situational leadership and a

focus on skills required for becoming and sustaining leadership in the traditional Asian

societies The research questions are designed on the basis of the theoretical framework I

have comprehensively stated the research questions and its proposed answers The

research design provides details of the methods for the collection of data access to the

field and also the general experiences of the researcher during the interviews This study

elaborates some of the prominent Asian women political leadership the way they reached

top political leadership positions in the traditional societies These women led the

prominent political parties and were either the Presidents Prime Ministers or strong

opposition leaders However the case study of the Pukhtun woman Nasim Wali Khan

further focuses on the situations around her while she was yet to become a leader and the

required skills she possessed This study further investigates the political opportunities

which were available to her the decisions she made and the opposition she faced in her

political career

Being an inhabitant of the same region and a Pukhtun mother I had an advantage

of making a direct move to reach out to Nasim Wali Khan who is fortunately alive but

very old My identities Pukhtunness and women enabled me to access her easily and

make her talk about her life experiences more openly For all this I personally contacted

Nasim Wali Khan through a phone call first She graciously answered my call and agreed

to see me After my initial interaction with her I asked her if she was willing to interact

again She accepted to see me again Therefore I visited her four times for the research

(April 4th

2014 March 10th

2016 October 23rd

2016May 19th

2017) The venue of

17

these meetings was her home in Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Province

Her home provided us a space where the two of us (women) could interact more

comfortably and forge a bond

The data collection method was semi-structured and unstructured interviews Data

was collected from the 24 interviews with Nasim Wali Khan her family members

friendsclose associates party members (both men and women) intellectuals and

journalists These interviews were conducted in three major districts of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar These three districts are part of

Peshawar valley which has traditionally the most ardent electoral support base of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos party (ANP) Moreover these areas are easily accessible for me being a

female scholar Mardan is my birth place and Peshawar as my current place of my

residence Hence convenience in accessibility was also one of the reasons for the

selection of Mardan and Peshawar besides Charsadda being the home district of Nasim

Wali Khan As such opinions of the party workers party members colleagues and family

members of Nasim Wali Khan were audio recorded I started my interviews in 2016 and

visited homes and offices of the concerned interviewees All the informants were from the

above mentioned areas In some cases the access to respondents was made possible with

the help of my elder sister who is a lawyer in Mardan session court my colleagues who

were conducting their research theses as well

Similarly participants for this research study were selected on the basis of their

position and role in the political party Informants were selected from different

professional fields however they were either directly related to ANP or had a first-hand

knowledge regarding the ANP and Nasim Wali Khan Nonetheless because of the

division of the ANP into two factions I got ambiguous answers sometimes Sometimes

my informants were not willing to even talk about Nasim Wali Khan To avoid such

situations while introducing myself and my research topic with the interviewees I

avoided using the name of Nasim Wali Khan and I used the general term of women

political leadership Similarly to get answers for my research questions I asked indirect

questions conveying the same meaning instead of the structured interview questions

Overall response of the informants was very positive Most of my interviews lasted for

almost 1 to 2 hours and sometimes it reached to 3 to 4 hours Some of the informants

started sharing their own experiences hurdles they faced their struggles in the political

field and also gave their personal opinions as well

Besides secondary data also comprise a much needed part of answering the

18

questions raised Secondary data was collected from the books journals newspaper

articles and Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personal interviews available online For this research

study I consulted various documents and reports referred to women political leadership

in traditional Pukhtun society

EXPERIENCES OF MY FIELD WORK

Snow ball chain sampling method was applied to provide a basis for validating the

findings Participants were selected from the people who were presumably

knowledgeable regarding the information which I required This was an important stage

in the research process especially when the focus of the study needed crucial information

related to sensitive section (women) of the society Through snow ball chain method we

came across such capable insiders which themselves were helpful in providing me with

important information besides being helpful in locating knowledgeable people for this

study further

Before starting the interviews I collected the contact numbers of the people with

whom I had to conduct interviews My elder sister and younger brother helped me in this

regard I selected the people related to Nasim Wali Khan and prepared a list of the

interviewees Then I made arrangements through my sister (lawyer in Mardan session

court) to search for the professionals who were part of the ANP She made contact with a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan who was also a lawyer in the same court Then I personally

visited Mardan session courts and conducted an interview with him Another informant

was also a senior lawyer and the close party associate of ANP who served ANP since his

young age Both the informants gave a detailed interview lasting for about 1-3 hours

They shared their own life experiences in the political field and their status in the party

They provided in-depth information regarding the situation and circumstances within

which Nasim Wali Khan demonstrated her skills and made a way forward to lead the

party The same relative of Nasim Wali Khan assisted me to call her I conducted four

interviews with Nasim Wali Khan Being a female I was invited to meet her in her room

She met me cordially and tried her best to answer my questions despite being suffering

from asthma There was slight interruptions in our first interaction since she had hearing

difficulty Nonetheless the last three interviews were far better in which she shared her

political experiences and the circumstances openly While conducting the fourth

interview I also conducted two other interviews in her room with her elder sister Zubaida

Bibi and Lawangeen Khan grandson of Nasim Wali Khan Similarly Nasim Wali Khan

in her second interview gave me the contact number of her close party associate Farid

19

Tofan He is currently living in Peshawar Then I made arrangements to interview him

personally He gave me a very informative interview starting from the struggle of Bacha

Khan and later Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political career her struggle skills and also her

achievements He appreciated her a lot The interview with Farid Tofan lasted for about

three to four hours

The next interview was with the senior journalist Rahimullah Yousafzai who gave

me a detailed interview regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political struggle and career I also

approached some academicians and politicians Sometimes it so happened that I managed

two interviews in a single day I also conducted an interview in the provincial legislature

of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa The accessibility to provincial assembly was made possible by

the assistance of one of my college friends whose younger sister was member of the KP

provincial assembly I visited the provincial assembly twice In the first visit I conducted

one interview and waited for another female MPA Yasmeen Pir Mohammad Khan a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan She is among one of the old members of the ANP

Latif Afridi a senior lawyer and politician in Peshawar was contacted with the

help of my sister The interview with him lasted for about 2-3 hours which was very

fruitful He gave me a detailed history of his time spent with the ANP Similarly I had a

couple of visits of Bacha Khan Markaz which is the center of political as well as social

activities of ANP In Bacha Khan Markaz I accessed newspapers from the period of 1980

- 1997 These newspapers provided me with very relevant information I met Wadaan

Khan Khaskar (an old and dedicated worker of ANP) in Bacha Khan Markaz He was

engaged in political activities since 1970lsquos He told us that he was among the workers

who took Bacha Khan on a wheel-chair to the public gatherings in his old age I

interviewed him in which he shared his political experiences happily

My third visit to Bacha Khan Markaz turned crucial when I visited the Markazlsquos

library I started searching the old magazines and newspapers This time I found two

English and majority of Urdu weekly journals from 1975-1977 They were filled with

reports about the efforts of opposition forces during Z A Bhutto regime Detailed reports

about their gatherings public addresses rallies and opinions of different politicians were

present These materials provided me with very relevant and important data

I also visited the offices of The Daily Mahriq newspaper and Dawn newspaper for

the acquisition of written material required for my thesis I searched old Mashriq

newspapers from 1975-1979 and found some articles relevant for my thesis Likewise I

visited Bacha Khan educational institute where I conducted an interview from Pukhtun

20

―intellectual Khadim Hussain who is engaged with ANP since his young age I also

conducted interviews with other prominent party associates journalists and academicians

The experience I gained through my interviews was that most of my respondents

appreciated my efforts to contact and meet them It was comfortable for me to conduct

interviews with the female respondents particularly Most of the informants were satisfied

with the fact that I also come from the same region and this made it easier to

communicate with them Nonetheless I got few refusals as some of the informants in the

prepared list did not give me a time for interview One of them gave me her email address

for the purpose to answer my research questions However I did not receive a reply from

her

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

This research study despite all its endeavours had certain limitations as well

Firstly being a female member of a traditional society it was easy for me to contact any

female political member However it was difficult to find the contacts and then meet with

the male members in their offices regarding research based interviews In order to

overcome this issue I had to take my brother to interview venue Therefore the support of

family is crucial for female researcher in Pukhtun region

Second the case study of Nasim Wali Khan was to some extent challenging as

well Because of the rift among the party members and division of the party in two

factions make it difficult to find the colleagues which were present at that time to provide

relevant and accurate information about her political career and struggle

Third as I have mentioned earlier that because of the rift in the party mostly the

informants were not even willing to talk about her They had even avoided to meet me

when they came to know that the interview was regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political

struggle Thus making it difficult for me to collect relevant data from the concerned

prominent political figures

Fourth Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar are the places with majority of ANP

supporters Nevertheless one thing that I noticed throughout my field work was that

though majority of the people were engaged with ANP since long time they did not

however remember the crucial dates and locations of certain events which I needed

information about Sorting out this information and details took my extra time

Fifth as the study is related to the political leadership of a Pukhtun woman so

contacting the political figures (both malesfemales) was difficult Some of them were not

21

available and because of their tough schedules the meeting with them was a difficult task

Similarly being a mother it was difficult for me as well to leave the children alone at

home and conduct the interviews according to the time given to me by the interviewees

The best suited time for me was morning (school timings) but most of the interviews

which I conducted were in the afternoon Which was difficult for me to manage

Sixth the security reasons were also one of the limitations in this study During

the time while conducting my interviews Charsadda University was targeted by the

terrorists So after that whenever I planned to conduct interview with Nasim Wali Khan

the terrorist attacks of Charsadda would persist in my mind

STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS

Chapter one is introduction In this chapter the research problem and the

comprehensive background of the case study is discussed This chapter provides details of

the methodology used in the research It gives a brief account of the literature which

highlights the women political leadership with respect to their struggles to acquire top

political leadership positions

Chapter two explains the theoretical framework of this study The focus of this

chaptes is the theoretical contestation on the issue in the available A comprehensive

explanation of various theoretical positions is given in this chapter Seven political

leadership theories have been thoroughly discussed I particularly discuss the two major

theoretical positions that are most relevant to my study ie situational theory and the one

emphasizing skills needed for political leadership These theories have been explained

appropriately and are related to the inquiry I am making in this study

Chapter three provides detailed accounts of different Asian women political

leaders These prominent women being the party leaders were either the Presidents Prime

Ministers or oppositional leaders in their respective countries Their biographies are

thoroughly discussed in order to know about their family backgrounds their lifestyle

brought up and the education These women are from the traditional Asian societies who

confronted almost the same situations that were faced by Nasim Wali Khan In light of

the situational and skill theory of leadership their efforts confrontation against the

opponents their stance against the oppressive forces and then their achievements are

highlighted in this chapter These women are credited for being prominent to get the top

leadership positions in their respective countries

Chapter four provides details about Pukhtun society and the status of women in it

22

It covers the diverse beliefs about the origin of Pukhtuns their geographical profile

religious beliefs and their cultural code (Pukhtunwali) This chapter also investigates the

socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun women It also provides a brief

background to the past events where the women were active participants in the struggle

for independence from British colonialism The current socio-economic and political

status of women is also part of the chapter This chapter also highlights the disparity in

the life style of the women of the urban and rural areas The primary focus is on the

attitudes and behaviour of the Pukhtun society towards the women empowerment in

different fields specifically political field

Chapter five is about the emergence of Nasim Wali as a woman political leader It

reflects on her pre leadership life and how it was changed by unfortunate developments

that compelled her to join politics Therefore the chapter highlights the crises situation

responsible for Nasim Wali Khanlsquos active involvement in politics and addressed a crucial

question of how she survived the odds The chapter claims that she courageously stood

against the odds and proved herself The chapter also elaborates on her strategies and

endeavours to sustain the leadership position

Chapter six provides details about crucial political skills possessed by Nasim Wali

Khan This chapter investigates various political skills possessed by Nasim Wali Khan

which facilitated her throughout her political career The skills she possessed are either

inherited or attained through her political experiences The strategies she adopted to win

popular support are also significant This was all done in a skilful manner by Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali also reformed her party and congregated the scattered followers and

party associates She united them all at one platform and endeavoured against an

oppressive regime of ZABhutto Finally the chapter answers the crucial question of how

Nasim Wali was able to retain leadership position through her skills

The final chapter concludes all the earlier analysis and more succinctly states the

contribution of the study by relating to the existing literature

23

CHAPTER ndash 1

THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

Political leadership is a kind of political procedure in which both the political

leader and the followers have a reciprocal conduct for the purpose to influence each other

to bring some change (Day 2014506) However political leadership is more specifically

believed to be in holding a public office or position in government through the support of

masses (Kellerman 1986 xiii) A political leader of a party could be seeking public

office through persuasion and influencing followers Political parties are often used by

influential leaders to make or break governments (Laver and Schofield 1990) Thus

leaders of the national political parties are the main political characters in todaylsquos

parliamentary democracies (Cross and Blais 20121)

One of the central academic inquiries conducted by numerous scholars working

on political leadership is of how leaders rise and sustain their leadership position Various

scholars have put forth different and often contesting theoretical explanations about the

nature rise and retaining of political leadership Following is a brief discussion on these

diverse explanations and how these diverse explanations help us understand the rise and

retaining of party leadership However these explanations are discussed with gender lens

11 LEADERS AS lsquoGREAT ndashMENrsquo

Scottish historian Thomas Carlyle (1841) argues that leaders are great menlsquo

having the qualities which are not adopted and developed but are inborn Such Great

leaders are farsighted and are aware of the people expectations having the ability to guide

and lead their people properly (Itoh 200310Eckmann nd04 Levine 2004163) and

the people born with marvellous qualities are distinguishable from their followers

(Northouse 201619) These scholars focus particularly on the origin family background

education nurturing (Martin et al 196944) personal features inspirations and the

psychological consideration of the individual leaders which enabled them to be great men

(Kawa 2013115)

In the early twentieth century scholars would inquire the great political military

and social leaders and the innate qualities they possess to lead the people (Northouse

201619) and state that the history is formed by the leadership and guidance of great men

(Bass M amp Bass R 200849) Moses a great leader would enable the Jews (his

24

followers) to remain in Egypt Through the leadership of Winston Churchill (a great

leader of Britain) the energies of the Great Britain in 1940 were boosted (Bass and

Stogdill 199037) Such innate qualities of great men make them committed towards their

cause The nations are formed and shaped by the great man with the possession of some

qualities and the greatness is influenced by individual social and historical circumstances

(Waite 20083)

Some scholars have found these explanations weak Grey et al (2004) argue that

scientists have never identified the gene of leadership So the very base of the theory has

no scientific proof to specify the relationship between hereditary factors and the

leadership qualities They further criticized the theory by arguing that only the individuals

of the elite class are genetically superior over the general population This theory is

ignoring the fact that every individual has good or bad characteristics which led to

―prejudice and even ―genocides (Grey et al 200459)

Similarly Lipman-Blumen identified a flaw in this explanation by saying that it

may be possible that not all the great leaders are efficient and capable to solve the

different social problems Further wisdom and honesty of the top leaderlsquos is needed for

the good governance But in this theory it might be possible that the leader became

addicted to power corruption and tyranny (Lipman- Blumen 2014) Interestingly this

theory shows little concern to the gender issue in political leadership but by its very name

the theory represents a gendered approach towards politics

12 CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP

Since late 1980s a dominant argument was forged by scholars who believed that

leaders are necessarily charismatic (Bass 1985 Conger amp Kanungo 1987 Tichy amp

Devanna 1986 Shamir et al 1993) and therefore we must focus on

The personal charisma of an individual to be followed by their people However

this requires the explanation of what actually charismalsquo means Max Weber presented a

more comprehensive definition of ―Charisma for the first time in social sciences For

Weber an individual with heroic and exceptional qualitieslsquo on the basis of which that

individual is different from the general public is charismatic leader Charisma can only be

―tested and ―awakened but cannot be ―taught or ―learned (Weber 1978241 amp 249)

For Weber charismatic leaders are individuals with extra ordinary qualities who acts like

superhumanlsquo or supernaturallsquo Such distinguished individuals with divinely bestowed

special features are obeyed as a leaderlsquo (Weber 1978 241) Similarly Lepsius argues

25

that charismalsquo means ―God gifted remarkable and enchanted personality to guide and

lead the people Such individuals are preferred by the God as their true representatives

(Lepsius 198653) The dominating character remarkable behaviour and the ability of a

charismatic leader make the people to unite for a common cause (Lepsius 198653)

Thus charismatic leaders are committed dedicated and have the magical personalities to

inspire the people towards a vision (Spahr 2016 01) Such leaders are emotional and are

capable to control their own self and influence the emotions of their subordinates easily

(Ashkanasy amp Tse 2000 223)

Culture is also an important variable for the emergence of charismatic leaders

Ahlstrom amp Bruton state that the charismatic leaders in the Western culture are

enthusiastic desirous and risk taking for the attainment of the goal while Eastern Asian

states have the ascetic humble and sensitive leaders (Ahlstrom amp Bruton 2010239)

Scholars working on South Asian leaders have also burrowed from the

Charismatic theory of leadership Hayat mentions the charismatic personality and

leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah who persuaded Muslims of the Sub- Continent to

unite under the banner of ―Islam and start their struggle for their own independent state

(Hayat 200818)

Similarly the charisma of Mohandas Gandhi enabled the people of Indo-Pak

subcontinent to peacefully start struggle for their rights against the British Imperial power

(Guha 201416) Brecher considers Nehru as a charismatic leader who ruled India

immediately after independence and his leadership was accepted by the people as well

(Brecher 2016)

Charismatic leaders operate in diverse political environment from democratic to

authoritarian Mazzoleni et al (2015) add a large number of political leaders to this

category They argue that president Charles De Gaulle and Franklin Roosevelt are the

charismatic leaders of the Western democracies Gandhi and Mandela in the

democratizing countries Stalin Mao and Hitler in totalitarian states Kamal Ataturk and

Fidel Castro in revolutionary authoritarian regimes All these leaders with the charismatic

personalities having the capabilities to inspire the followers and form a history of their

countries (Mazzoleni et al 2015639)

The interdependent relationship of this theory is considered detrimental by

Dunphy and Stace (1994) They argue that the inspiration and dependence of the

followers on the personality style and competence of a leader enable the leader to gain

their trust and create awareness among them But the unavailability of such leaders create

26

a leadership vacuum which make the followers unable to perform efficiently (1994 87)

Similarly instability and impermanency is another drawback of charismatic

leadership (Taylor 201211) The leader will lose the charisma if heshe is unable to

perform extraordinarily in some situation and would vanish from the political scene Thus

it means that charisma is not just an innate personal gift but an aberrantlsquo title to exercise

authority and the charismatic leaders will legally or traditionally transform their authority

in order to retain in the leadership position (Taylor 201212)

Devarachetty (2012) argue that Weber mentions charismatic leaders with divinely

features but afterwards contemporary scholars (see Lindholm 1990 6 Riggio 198746-

47 Toth 1981 xiv) include physical attributes in the charismatic leadership and make it

more masculine These studies have mentioned male leaders while elaborating

charismatic leadership She further adds that women are rarely accredited the title

charismalsquo even though if they possess the attributes of charismatic leadership In

literature of charismatic leadership gender biases still persist Devarachetty posit that

individuals (both men and women) with the possession of charismatic attributes can be

included in charismatic leadership But the prevalent heroiclsquo definition of leadership and

societal allotted gender roleslsquo reflect male domination in the charismatic leadership

(Devarachetty 201219)

13 LEADERSHIP AS A TRAIT

The argument that leaders are great menlsquo evolved (in the early 20th century) into

a proposition that leaders possess traits capabilities qualities motives or patterns of

behaviour (Kirkpatrick amp Locke 199148) and there is need to focus on intellectual

physical and interpersonal features of the leaders in order to study the rise of leaders

During 1920lsquos and 1930lsquos the research on leadership was primarily focused on leadership

traits (Maslanka 200407)

The good attitude of a leader hisher efficiency to take right decision in a right

time and hisher orientation towards the set goals (Martin et al 2006 44) The individual

personality psychology and the available social structure confirm his leadership abilities

The social structure provide him the capacity for leadership while the psychology enables

the individual to utilize the capacity into reality (Whittington 1993 184-185) Thus the

trait theory considered the permanent and consistent personal qualities of an individual to

lead the people in a diverse situations (Zaccaro 2007 07)

Scholars have different views regarding the possession of both physical and

27

psychological traits which make an individual a good leader Some prefer physical traits

such as height (Watt 2011317) physical energy appearance and gender (Aditya amp

House 1997410) other focus on psychological traits such as good oratory and reasoning

skills intelligence integrity and consistency (Roy 2014179) self-confidence and

honesty (Daft 200838 amp57) ambitions of power (Aditya amp House 1997410)

Bolden et al (2003) contends there are no specific and consistent traits identified

by various scholars in different studies Though some leaders possess such traits but those

who lack such traits doesnlsquot mean that they are not the leaders (Bolden et al 20036-7)

Additionally there is no technique to measure these traits and there is no universal

recognized list of traits (Bagad 200854)

Zaccaro criticised the trait theory for neglecting the situational variable which do

effect the traits of the leader A good leader is one whose decisions are compatible to the

existing situation (Zaccaro 200707) Similarly Stogdill (1948) contends that the above

mentioned traits are not effective in the emergence and effectiveness of a leadership and

argues that it is not necessary that a person with such trait become a leader He further

stated that there is no clarity that the same traits are applicable in different situations

(Stogdill 1948 64) Though social situations are the clear manifestation of leadership to

some extent but it may be possible that a leader may be efficient in certain situation

while perform poorly in another (Ghiselli amp Brown 1955 471)

The trait theory is also criticized for the reasons that it adopts gendered approach

towards leadership The trait usually associated with leadership in the above studies are

basically associated with masculinity (Alexander amp Anderson 1993536) Public sphere

is male dominated and are biased towards females (Eagly et al 1995) Women leaders

face more challenges and hurdles while in leadership positions (Eagly et al 1995)

Similarly evaluation of their traits and abilities are also analysed differently Male leaders

with the possession of such traits are praised and appreciated more than their female

counterparts (Alexander and Anderson 1993536)

14 TRANSACTIONAL LEADERSHIP

One very interesting theoretical approach towards leadership is that of

transactional leadership in which both the leaders and the supporters are taken into

consideration Scholars such as Bass (1999) posits that emphasis of the transactional

leadership is on the interconnectivity of both the leader and the followers In transactional

leadership there is a reciprocal ―give and take working affiliation between the leader and

28

the followers (Lai 201102) Such an exchange method has a positive outcome because

the followers perform actively to gain the reward and leader achieved the task by their

efficient efforts (Bass et al 2003209)

Bass proposes that transactional leaders have a clear information about their

followers needs and in return respond to them Transactional leaders give incentives to

the followerlsquos as a reward after the successful accomplishment of the task Bass

categorizes transactional leaders as active managers who give directions as well as

personally participate in their efforts if they are not able to perform well in order to

achieve the goal While passive management refers to the leaders who waits for the

emergence of the problem to take correct action (Bass 199910amp11)

In the transactional leadership bargain and exchange methods are used by the

leaders to establish relationship with the followers in order to accomplish the required

task (Howell and Bruce 1993 899) Scholars consider the features of transactional

leadership more autocratic and in congruity with masculine roles (Hackman et al 1992

Ross amp Offermann 1997)

Politicians are the true transactional leaders who at the time of elections promise

the people not to impose new taxes for the purpose to win the elections (Northouse

2010172) Similarly party leaders legislative and executive leaders and the bargainers

are the transactional leaders (Bass and Stogdill 1990 23)

Keel posits that US presidential elections are good example of transactional

leadership The presidential candidates provide the platform to their people and make

themselves aware of the people demands Then the candidates promise them to solve the

issue according to their wish and will if elected as a president and in turn the American

people cast their votes in favour of that candidate which they seem able to solve their

problems (Keel 200710) Similarly American and French politicians McCarthy and de

Gaulle are also the transactional leaders

In the developing countries majority of head of the states and government are the

transactional leaders (men or women) who came to power not because of their

farsightedness or integrity but because of the military coup or through their party ranks

who promised their people to give them relief in the time of distress Thus the

transactional leaders in most of the countries gain top leadership positions who are just

ordinary in their approach and abilities and their drawbacks make their people to suffer

and they are deprived of their stability prosperity and opportunities (Rotberg 2012161)

Jayasingam et al (2009) discuss the drawback of transactional leadership by

29

stating that the use of coercive power become ineffective and the contingent punishment

pose negative impact on the followers They are not able to perform better in the

disturbed environment always fearful about the loss of their jobs which makes them

passive and unproductive They instead of being working enthusiastically started

worrying about the result and the leader expectations (Jayasingam et al 2009 138)

Howell and Bruce (1993) argue that the transactional leaders motivate the

followers towards the task by promising them of the incentives after the successful

accomplishment of the task which if not fulfilled has an adverse impact on the

performance of the followers and they became dissatisfied (Howell and Bruce 1993

892)

Powell (1990) states that though there is a great difference in the leadership style

of both the men and women They act think and analyse the matters differently But

Powell argues that besides implicit features in both males and females behaviour and

leadership styles it is commonly observed that when acquire top leadership positions

both the genders exhibit same leadership style Both of them adopt similar transactional

(task-oriented) and transformational (relationship-oriented) leadership styles They

instead of behaving differently follow the gudelines of their respective positions (Powell

1990)

15 TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP

Scholars like J M Burns (1978) and Barnard M Bass argue that individual

having the courage and capabilities to influence and persuade the followers for the

accomplishment of the task to achieve remarkable results emerged as leaders (Burns

1978442)

Such individuals are aware of the needs objectives and the goals of their

organization and people and render their assistance for their development These are the

accepted transformational leaders (Bass and Reggio 20063) Transformational leader

persuades and encourages the followers by developing a persuasive vision bring the

vision into reality by concentrating to develop relationships with followers as a coach

mentor and teacher (Kolzow 201443) Similarly intellectuals revolutionary and

ideological heroes and the leaders of the reforms are also transformational leaders (Bass

and Stogdill 199024)

Transformational leaders emerge by the continuous learning and relationship

building Their engagement with the followers enable them to build trust and demonstrate

30

high level of personal integrity Such leaders transform the tasks vision and persuade the

followers to work as a group for the accomplishment of the task Transformational leaders

stimulate the followers to be dedicated and loyal so the achievement of the task become

easy (Kolzow 201444)

Scholars proposed four aspects of transformational leadership They are

intellectual stimulation idealized influence individualized consideration and

inspirational motivation (Bass amp Avolio 1997 Bass 1985) Judge et al (2004) posit that

transformational leaders through their idealized influencelsquo behave in such a proper way

that they are obeyed by the followers They are aware of the people emotions so can

easily convince them towards the common task Through inspirational motivationlsquo a

leader through an idealized vision inspire the people speak optimistically about the

future Then the leaders through intellectual stimulationlsquo take risk make themselves

aware of the people ideas Leaderlsquos communication with followers is the reflection of an

appealing vision which encourage them towards the creativity of their task The last

dimension is the individualized considerationlsquo In this category the leader is aware of the

people needs work for them as a guide and create a relation to be aware of their needs

and concerns (Judge et al 2004755)

Winston posit that positive response for the followers are expected in the

transformational leadership Transformational leaders show concern towards the

followerlsquos needs and treated their followers as co-workers The decisions taken by the

transformational leaders are in the best interest of the followers as well Transformational

leaders provide suitable work environment to the followers and strive for them to feel as a

valued members of the organization (200229-30)

Thus the leaders who are intellectually influential to encourage influence

consider and motivate the followers to such a level in which the actualization and

accomplishment of the task become possible The followers think beyond their self-

interest and work for the betterment of the team organization and for the society as a

whole Transformational leaders motivate the followers to confront the status quo by

adopting new ways for the successful completion of the task (Warrilow 200901)

Gilbert (1998) mentions the great historic events from the eradication of slavery to

the independence of nation state from the dictatorial rule are the examples of

transformational activities Mahatma Gandhi3 Martin Luther king and Nelson Mandela

3 See also Northouse (2010172) and Burns (1995101)

31

are the true transformational leaders who have committed themselves selflessly towards

their societies They have never used power but through their ethical and moral sense

awakened the force of conscience among their people and persuade them to struggle for

their cause peacefully (Gilbert 1998 201-202)

This approach to leadership also exhibits the covering of the gap between male

and female leadership styles The transformational theorists posit that women are more

consistent in their roles and are much closer to the transformational leadership as they are

more closer to the followers through their social contacts which would be helpful for

them to articulate consensus and in turn gain power (Campus 2013nd) Thus the

women leadership is more motivational and inspiring as mentioned in the attributes of

transformational leadership (Martin 2015331)

Scholars state that it is more challenging for the women to rise in the male

dominated organizations These organizations demand the masculine attributes including

assertiveness dominance and independence They further add that women have the

ability to adjust their gender identity with the traditional female attributes They adopt

masculine attributes without altering their own traits(polite and cooperative) Women

possess transformational leadership style because they can adapt themselves according to

the requirement of the situation (Moore amp Gobi 1995) Thus women have more

transformational attributes than their male colleagues (Eagly amp Karau 2002)

Iwanaga postulate that notable women leaders of the developing countries

Benazir Bhutto Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina Wajid Aung San Suui Kyi are the

transformational leaders in the early phase of their political career They have united and

mobilized their people through their unique features against the dictatorial rule in their

respective countries and all of them have gained high respect and unquestionable

obedience from their people which they are able to achieve the desired goals and brought

their countries on the track of democratic governance (Iwanaga 200833)

Thus transformational leaders are aware of the people feelings and imaginations

and can motivate the society towards the long term goals to create consciousness among

them to struggle for the common and purposeful goal (Rhodes et al 201491)

This theory has some limitations Yukl contends the theory by stating that

transformational leaders create a high level of emotional involvement which can exploit

the followers (Yukl 1999 287-288) Such transformational leaders move their followers

towards the illusionary world for the achievement of their task as a result they achieve

less than they lose (White amp Wooten 1986101) Keeley contend the theory by arguing

32

that there is a lack of check and balance There is no proposed way to neutralize the

interest authority and power of the leader to counter their dictatorship and despotism

(199568)

This theory is more concerned about the top leaders who persuade and influence

their followers towards the common task but it may be possible that with the passage of

time the involvement of the leaders makes them distressed and this create a sense of

deprivation in them (Stevens et al 1995125)

16 SITUATIONAL LEADERSHIP

In 1969 Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard introduced the concept of situational

leadership Initially it was introduced as life cycle theory of leadershiplsquo but later in 1972

it was renamed as situational leadership theorylsquo (Esther 201104)

Situational Leadership implies that ―leadership is a matter of situational demands

and the situational factors determine the emergence of a leader (Bass amp Stogdill 1990

38) Moreover specific features of the individual make them suitable leaders only in

specific situations Thus an individual with the ability to adopt such behaviour

appropriate to the current state of affair will take the lead The manifestation of certain

characteristics in specific situations raise an individual to the heights of leadership

position Similarly critical situations also act as a catalyst for the able leaders to ignite

their abilities and assume the leadership position Stogdill mentioned that attributes

features and skills necessary for leaders are determined by the situation in which they

function (Stogdill 194863) The dispositions of traits like determination ego strength

persistence and self-confidence will transcend those individuals to the leadership position

in some situations only (Bass amp Stogdill 197487)

The above theoretical approach focusses on leaders followers and the situations

It also emphasises on leadership based in specific time place and circumstances and

consider these crucial factors for the emergence of great leaders (Bass amp Stogdill

199038 Martin et al 200645) Followers are also a major component in the leadership

process They never act passively but are the active participants Their roles and activities

further determine the effectiveness of leadership Thus leader does not instil leadership by

themselves in situational leadership rather they act as a catalyst for the solution of

different problems In varied intricate situation inter-personal relationship facilitates a

leader to deal accordingly This theory supports the idea that circumstances produced the

leaders of the time (Bass and Stogdill 199038 Stogdill 1948 64ndash65) and the best

33

leaders are those who are well informed about the situation and can perform according to

the circumstances (Northouse 201399 Humphreys et al 2010119)

Northouse (2004) posits an individual leader becomes effective only when heshe

has the knowledge regarding the subordinates and the circumstances and then adopt

appropriate leadership style (p 106)

The situational leaders are able enough to change their style of leadership

according to the changing conditions and demands of the people they lead (Paludi

201325) Different leaders have distinct features useful in different circumstances

according to the need of the group being led by the leader As a leader with highly

motivational military and war related strategic skills are needed at the time of war while

the one who has the abilities to provide food enhanced growth production and the

economic skills are needed at the time of famine (Gill 200636)

Appropriate decisions are required in varied circumstance to deal effectively

which required appropriate leadership style Amanchukwu et al (2015) argue that if a

situation require most aware and skilled member in a group then an authoritarian

leadership style would be the most suitable one Similarly where a leader is dealing with

skilled and experts group members then the same would be expected from the leader

Thus in such situation democratic leadership style would be more effective

(Amanchukwu et al 2015)

Hermann et al (2001) state that critical situation provides good chance to analyse

the political leadership The turbulent situation will determine the emergence of

leadership Crises challenge the normal structures and routines functions of political

sphere They lead to some form of change as well Scholars argue that effective decision-

making and good communication processes are required to deal the crisis situation The

ineffectiveness in these two areas will increase chances of failure (Schafer and Crichlow

2010) Bassetal postulate that adaptive and flexible leadership style is required in

chaotic and crisis situation Similarly they posit autocratic assertive and directive leaders

can ably deal in the turbulent situation (Bass et al 2003215) Consortium of British

Humanitarian Agencies (CBHA) conducted a study in 2010 They have provided skills

critical to deal turbulent situation to provide effective response including effective

decision making critical judgement resilience and personal awarenesslsquo (CBHA20104-

6)

McGlown and Robinson posit that turbulent situation bring challenges from all

directions With the advent of unclear and diverse information further make the situation

34

more intricate Efficient response handling the situation appropriately needs skills of the

leader In such situation leaders have no time for consultation which make the leadership

more challenging Leaders with good decision making skills deal the situation

accordingly which could increase trust and confidence of the followers as well (201170-

75) Similarly good communication skills are also the requirement of the crisis situation

Good communication skills enable the leader to convey intentions regarding the effective

handling of the crisis situation and successful accomplishment of the goal as well (Black

2012143)

Ryan amp Haslam (2005) argue that women are the appropriate choice for

leadership during the crisis situation They called this phenomenon as glass clifflsquo which

means that women are on a brittle glass cliff as their roles in crisis situation have a greater

risk of failure Women are competent to accept the risky demanding task and always run

elections from hard to win constituencies Women donlsquot even hesitate from such risky

tasks Though there is chances of failure more than in favourable circumstances They

further added that mostly men take a lead in favourable conditions while women were

mostly appointed to the failing organizations Ryan et al (2011) postulate that an

interaction exists between performances of an organization with the gender of the leader

They added that in prosperous organizations a think-leader think-malelsquo bias emerges

while in failed organization a think-crisis think-femalelsquo bias occurs (Ryan et al 2011)

Bruckmuumlller and Branscombe (2010) also found that women are more likely to emerge to

organizational leadership in times of emergency than in favourable conditionsWomen

usually contest elections and become successful as well

Ryan amp Haslam (2007) give an explanation for the rise of women to the top

leadership position at the time of crisis They argue that women are considered to be the

symbolic antidote of the crisis situation (Ryan amp Haslam 2007) Similarly women have a

stable unifying and neutral nature which make them best choice during crisis situations

They are accepted as leaders of failed organizations as well as political parties for the

purpose of being the peace negotiation mediation innovations (Skard 2015475) and

reconciliation as well (OlsquoConnor 2010325)

Similarly party leaders are the central political figures in todaylsquos parliamentary

democracies (Cross and Blais 20121) OlsquoBrian argues that majority of the political

parties have male political leaders in leading roles while women in subordinate roles

However when a party fails to perform in the elections women are selected to the

leadership position in these parties OlsquoBrian argues that in crisis situation few able male

35

accept the challenge to lead the party in crisis Mostly political parties in the crisis

situation willingly accept women leadership for the acquisition of public support

(OlsquoBrian 2015)

OlsquoBrien (2015) argues that party needs those competent individuals to take the

lead whose potentiality raise their parties to its zenith Favourable situations and good

performances of the parties would benefitted their leaders in return In such favourable

circumstances males are the active participants to occupy beneficial positions Thus in

favourable circumstances all the organizations including political parties are not willing

to deviate from the status quo and they remain male dominated But Dolan argues that the

crisis situation are challenging and males usually avoid such situations which is more

demanding and threaten their political career Thus in such situations women always

accept the challenges and lead the fail organizations (Dolan 1998)

Indeed Bynander and tlsquo Hart (2008) posit that such poor performances of the

political parties offer greater opportunities for women to attain power Similarly Beckwith

(2013) states that turbulent situation of the party and the absence of competent male

leaders can lead to the emergence of women leadership Thus scholars argue that women

leaders occupy the leadership position in crisis situations when there is a risk of

leadership and organizational failure (Ryan and Haslam 2005 2007) Crisis situations

provide opportunities to the female leadership Women are considered to be less corrupt

and can deal the situation efficiently (Dolan 1998) Thus scholars associated the

emergence of female political leaders with renewal and change (Murray 2010) which is a

visible challenge to the male-dominated status quo Women political leaders are the

compelling force for the unification of the disintegrated political parties or organizations

in crisis situation (McKay 2004)

Tucker postulates that there is a great shift of theories from the Great man to the

situation The fact that successful leadership is no doubt because of their personal features

but the situation of a specific group accentuates the effectiveness of one or another trait

and their bearers at a particular time (Tucker 1977 384) But Masciuli et al (2016)

criticized the statement by stating that is there any specific characteristics favourable

under certain situations Nobody can imagine and even ask that the leader is appropriate

in the current situation and is not suitable in other or that it is the situation of that specific

leader and not of the others Thus there are characteristics which can never be favourable

in any situation (Masciuli et al 2016nd)

In the leadership research (Roy 2014) followers are also an important variable

36

who can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Leadership is of three

kinds laissez faire autocratic and democratic The control of the group behaviour

through an independent and unlimited authority are the autocratic leadership but when

the behaviours are controlled through some motivational forces led to the democratic

leadership and the autonomous characteristics of the group to the extent that the group do

not intervene is the Laissez faire leadership All these forms of leadership have their own

specific situations (Roy 2014183)

As mentioned in the theory that the emergence of a political leader is dependent

on the need and demand of the situation and it is the situation and not the family

connection which produced such appropriate leader Thus in the case of Martin Luther

King Jr Day it was the situation (inequality discrimination and segregation) faced by

the African-Americans are the inspirational elements for the King Jr concerns and

activities (Bass and Stogdill 1990 38) King junior emerged as a leader for the social

cause totally devoted himself for that cause to help his people at the time of distress

(Martin et al 1969 46)

Thus the situational leadership is concerned more about the political situations

rather than a leader as a person This approach elaborates that leaders get their

prominence only by having the skills features and ability to fulfil the needs and demands

of the organization group and people at specific circumstances (Gill 200636) These are

mere the instrument in the wake of social forces who select individuals for the leadership

posts to work for their interest (Vroom amp Jago 200719)

This is clear from the leadership of Woodrow Wilson as circumstances and time

play a great role in his successes and failure The demand of the situation was of the

strong and reformed leadership and Wilson adopted autocratic leadership style suitable to

the circumstances in which he operated and the same leadership skills worked in other

position he held which were suitable for his other positions but such authoritarian style

created certain problems for him as well (Rhodes and T Hart 2014142)

Scholars criticize this theory on the basis of human behaviour This theory is

based on the presumption that the nature of the group such as motivation skill level

leader-follower relations and organizational history is an objective reality which is

important for the leader to know it transparently through scientific analysis However

human behaviour is much more complex and unpredictable than these models suggests

(King amp Lawley 2013391) Similarly Bass amp Stogdill (198139) criticize this approach

for the reason that situation alone is not enough to explain the rise of leadership the

37

personal characteristics as well

Sjoberg (2009) contends this theory by having a confusion in the features suitable

in specific situations She elaborates that it is not possible by saying to the leader that

such situation is not suitable for you to hold the leadership position because it is not the

situation where such type of leadership is required She argues that there are certain

features which are not required by any situation She further argues that this theory has

totally neglected the female leaders though there are certain features which are connected

with the femininity as well (Sjoberg 2009 163)

Sjoberg (2009) argues that situational theory in different circumstances recognizes

the traits related to the masculinity like at the war time strength and in peacetime

rationality is important while some features as interdependence and emotions are related

to the feminism Thus the system is responsible for the selection of a suitable leader

according to the situation (Sjoberg 2009163)

Enloe posits that though the crisis situations provide opportunity to women to

attain top leadership positions but there is no assurance that women may persist such

positions for long and may not roll back as normality returns (Enloe 2004)

Thus the situational theory describes that it is the situation which make the

individual to emerge as a leader having the efficiency and ability to deal and handle the

situation properly Moreover women are more suitable in crisis situations when men

avoid taking risks

17 LEADERSHIP REQUIRE SKILLS

There are various scholars who emphasize on the skills required for leadership

These scholars argue that skills are not inborn but they are developed and employed by

leaders Robert Katz was the first to emphasize on the skills for the rise of leaders Katz

argues that it is important to focus on the attitude and behaviour of a leader and the

required skills that can be learned by leaders in order to be more efficient (Katz 2009

04-06)

Skills are capabilities of the individual which can be learned and developed

through experiences and guidance (Northouse 200740) Leaders can learn from their

experiences through their involvement in activities interaction with the people and

exposure to different events which will increase their skills abilities and knowledge

required for leadership There is a long list of skills deemed necessary by scholars for

efficient political leadership However the most prominent of them are listed below

38

Mintzberg (1983) considers political skill as the disposition of influence through

negotiation persuasion and manipulationlsquo Ferris et al (2005) argue that political skill is

conceptualized as multidimentional with four aspects apparent sincerity social

astuteness networking ability interpersonal influence (Ferris et al 2005) Individuals

with social astuteness spend time with the followers to observe them for the purpose to

understand their true intentions They are highly self-aware and deals with the public in

an inspiring manner (Ferris et al 2007) Social astuteness along with the competency to

handle different situational demands help effective leader Politically skilled leaders

create a conducive and a cooperative environment suitable in turbulent situation

(Ammeter et al 2002764-765)

Interpersonal influence facilitates politically skilled individuals to interact and

influence others easily This skill helps the political leader to change the behaviours of the

public according to the demand of the circumstance in order to accomplish desired goals

successfully Such individuals show flexibility to adapt themselves in changing

circumstances (Ferris et al 2005) Interpersonal relationship is considered as an

opportunity against the threats These relations act as facilitating factors in the formation

of connections and alliances to ensures social identity with the help of which they can

manoeuvre the situation in their favour (Perrewe et al 2000)

Similarly networking ability enable politically skilled individuals to find

companions form coalitions networks and strong useful alliances (Ferris et al 2005)

This ability place them at a vantage point from where they take advantageous position to

take complete benefits of the available opportunities Those individuals with the

networking abilities possess admirable negotiating skill and are capable to manage

conflict Networking ability grant them access to a great deal of information and public

support (Ferris et al 2005) Apparent sincerity is the last aspect of political skill

Individual with sincerity authenticity and integrity are seen as genuine Politically skilled

individual with the ability of apparent sincerity can successfully influence others (Ferris

et al 2007291)

Scholars posit that political skills are related to self-monitoring empathy

extraversion positive affectivity and conscientiousnesslsquo The possession of these skills

make an individual secure and self- confident before work experience and grant

superiority over their work environment and the people whom an individual interact

(Chandan 2012176)

Women political leaders show courage and are outspoken on leading policy issues

39

in their respective countries Though outspoken women often lack support in the religious

and traditional societies But through their courageous actions women leaders in Asia

resist such challenges (Cunningham 20177) and lead different oppositional movements

against the oppressive governments (Shafqat 1996655) Asian women political leaders

have resisted opposition at the cost of their personal lives therefore exhibiting immense

courage (OlsquoConner 2010)

Similarly effective communication skills (Qadri 201617) are the political skills

which exhibit the competence of a leader Conger (199131) argues that spoken words are

useful weapon for influencing and articulating support of the people History gives us a

glimpse of the successes achieved through spoken words In the words of Conger epoch

of regulating by dictates is ending and is supplanted by an era of regulating through

inspiration This era insists credibility of leaders to craft and enunciate a motivational

message to create great intrinsic support Women political leaders possess good

communication skills They have an effective interpersonal negotiating and conflict

resolution skills as well (Collins and Singh 200614) But assertiveness competition

control and independence are the qualities exhibited by male political leaders (Carli amp

Eagli 2011109)

Ruminski amp Hollba emphasize on the importance of good oratory skills for the

success of women leaders They argue that women should have good oratory skills along

with information of the world to be successful in their lives They insist that women

political leaders should move beyond the elementary speech skills of just standing behind

the rostrum to deliver a speech They suggest that women should be effective

communicators and shall be well aware of the day to day happenings around them (2012

190)

Scholars posit that women are more relationship oriented consultative polite and

have inspirational appeal towards the public (Merchant 201230 Eagly 1987 Miller

1976) Women use communication as an instrument to form good social relationship and

increase social connections (Leaper 1991 Mason 1994)

Yukl argue that decision-making is an important skill required from effective

leaders Efficient leaders involve subordinates in decision making and resultantly win the

trust and confidence of the followers (Yukl 2010) Lussier amp Achua argue that attribute

of good decision making enable leaders to attain success in a political career While

suitable decision making is dependent on the awareness regarding confronted situations

which empowers leader to take appropriate option for the solution of the problems

40

through availing opportunities Such leaders efficiently utilized time by thinking

analytically and arrange new directions in a manner that changes they desire are

acceptable in public (Lussier and Achua 201310-11)

Though there is no specific difference in the decision making of both male and

females Literature show that women while taking decisions examine the matter

thoroughly before putting the matter in practice and their approaches are effective while

on the other hand men actually hinder effectiveness (Ciulla 2004289) Thatlsquos why

women are considered to be more practical and realistic than men Women are thought to

be more empirical and reasonable than male counterparts (Jensen 2008 202) Because of

the gendered allotment of domestic roles and reproductive labour and have the deficiency

of resources thus backing of spouses and other family members is persuasive means in

the improvement of womenlsquos political career (Tadros 2014)

Participation of women in decision making process regarding public affairs enable

them to develop their political skills They exhibit their concerns and commitment in

public services (Miranda 20056) Thus Jabeen amp Mubasher appreciate the states where

women are involved in the mainstream politics through some legislative measures which

bring positive changes Involvement of women in the process of decision making

empowers them to confront the patriarchal demeanour prevalent in the traditional

societies They are able to perform their responsibilities well by creating a conducive

environment for other women of their societies (2017302)

It is stated that political skills are the interpersonal skills including persuasion

negotiation compromise intuition and eloquence These skills are acquired through

experience Similarly political families are also a source of political apprenticeshiplsquo

(Cornwall and Goetz 2005) Thus women whose family members are actively engaged

in politics gain politically acumen within family They acquired the skills to deal the

public and situation effectively They also become socialized which enhances their

reputation and connection with the public as well

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo argue that the active involvement of womenlsquos in nationalist

movements also train them politically for the future Women political leaderslsquo affiliation

with the experienced political partners further facilitate them to acquire political skills and

knowledge These political skills facilitate their decision -making power Politically

skilled women leaders form strong social network which further enhances their

confidence collective strength and political awareness (201622)

However for some women leaders family background and involvement in

41

nationalist movements may not bring a change in leadership style but the actual

assumption of power may bring a bigger change in leadership style The former India

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi is a good example of how otherwise shy and silent person

can become a tough leader Indira Gandhi was generally believed to be a very shy person

despite having a political family background and her involvement in Indian Independence

movement with her father This was the reason the old guards of the Congress party

decided to choose her as a prime minister of India The decision was also strategic

because her silent attitude was thought by her male party members to be favourable for

manipulating her They called her a ―Dumb Doll (Green 201303)

But when she became Prime Minister of India she had developed her political

skills significantly and took crucial political decisions formulated effective foreign policy

and worked hard for her people conducted nuclear test to establish Indian hegemony in

South Asian region She was an ambitious pragmatic and farsighted woman political

leader who because of her political skills earned the title of an ―Iron Lady of India Her

journey from a ―Dumb Doll to an ―Iron Lady was full of struggles and difficulties

which she handled skilfully and was remembered as a great political leader (Braga

201301)

The acquired knowledge skills and the adoption of proper style are the crucial

factors for an effective leadership In skills theory considerable focus is on the efforts

struggle and resources for leadership training and development (Amanchukwu 201510)

But in different institutions there is a competition among the actors for top leadership

position Then the individual with personal features as good oratory skills charisma and

the skill to handle the crises situation make them able to gain top leadership position

Once the individual achieve the highest position such individual should use his skills as

ambitious political acumen the ability to use the available opportunities properly to

achieve the different tasks (Bennister 2012 Xiii)

In view of the above discussion it is stated that leadership is a skill that can be

acquired However Day observes that for the utility and development of any

organization the development of the leaderlsquos political skills is important but

unfortunately there is little political skill training for the future leaders which also has a

negative effect on the leaderlsquos performance (Day 2014 519)

My assessment is that political acumen and social astuteness enable individuals to

create interpersonal relations and networking capabilities which facilitate them to emerge

as a leader Afterwards good decision making power confidence and good

42

communications skills further assist them to sustain leadership position

18 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The research question of this study focusses on inquiries such as to what extent

family background is important for women leaders to acquire a political position to what

extent situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position and more

importantly how acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position In order to find answers to these inquiries I develop a theoretical framework out

of the above theoretical positions

All the above theories are in one way or the other related and crucial for

explaining the acquisition and retaining of top political leadership positions by women

However the most relevant debates that explain the issue under investigation can be

found in situational and skills theories of leadership However I am looking specifically

into situation and skills that may facilitate or hinder women political leaders to acquire

and sustain leadership positions

Situational theory of leadership explain situations which are responsible for the

emergence of leaders Different situations require different leaders with the ability and

appropriate skills to tackle the circumstances accordingly Women are often allotted top

leadership position in crisis situation (Haslam 2004) This is because women are believed

to possess qualities suitable to handle crisis situations such as empathy collaboration and

efficient communication etc However there is a reason men would allow women to take

leadership positions Men think strategically to offer women leadership during crisis time

which always carry a risk of leadership failure If women leaders do not succeed they get

blamed for the failure (Ryan amp Haslam 2007 Mulcahy amp Linehan 2014) In crisis

situations women leaders have to prove themselves and they often do not have smooth

sailing

Though conflict pushed women to attain leadership roles But such situation

realized them their political skills (strength confidence) which enable them to broaden

their horizons and seek political office Moreover women political leaders gain support

of their male colleagues in their political struggle as well (Tripp 2015)

Scholars are of the view that in crisis situation females of the elite families take

the lead (OlsquoConnor 2010324 Skard 2015154) Women become the beneficiarieslsquo of

their strong political families Their brought up in the political environment prepare them

for leadership positions Such political apprenticeshiplsquo(Cornwall and Goetz 2005

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622) is used as a stepping stone by women leaders to enter

43

leadership position but later they require more extensive skills and grooming which are

achieved by women leaders through their experience in active politics

Situations are often paradoxical for women leaders They may help women

leaders to rise but they may also put women leaders to test Women find an opportunity of

leadership in crisis situations but once they avail that opportunity they find it quite

challenging It requires them to have more extensive skills to survive the challenge

Situations and leadership skills are tightly connected in leadership context Leaders with

specific skills are often chosen to lead in particular situations Leaders so chosen are then

required to change their style and strategy to adapt to the change in situations This then

require new skills that are more relevant to the changing situation Political acumen

eloquence good decision making social astuteness and the confidence are the acquired

skills which they further polish through their experiences These acquired skills facilitate

women leaders to sustain their leadership positions for long

Leaders must have the capability to encourage and persuade the people in a way

that they then facilitate their leaders for accomplishment of the set goals (Warrilow

200901) Such transformational leaders are aware of the peoplelsquos emotions needs and

give them an idealized vision by talking optimistically about the future (Judge et al

2004755) I argue that such acts are particularly necessary in crisis situation where there

is despondency and the leader has to motivate the followers

Women political leaders are deemed to be transformational because of their

supportive empathetic collaborative interpersonal and participatory attitude (Kellerman

and Rhodes 2007 16ndash17) Likewise women political leaders appreciate the involvement

of subordinates in the process of decision making (Hegelsen 1990) and they are indeed

more interactivelsquo with their followers (Rosener 1990120)

In my data analysis chapters I will discuss the manner in which the crisis situation

affected leadership choices for Pashtun Nationalists associated with National Awami

Party in 1970s I will explain how and why a woman political leader was chosen to lead

the party in crisis situation I will probe the extent to which some particular skills of

Nasim Wali Khan were considered along with other possible strategic reasons in choosing

the leader of the NAP This is particularly important because the literature identify skills

such as social astuteness (Ferris et al 2005) communicative action (Habermas 1984

86) confidence and determination (Bass 199911) interpersonal and decision-making

(Lussier and Achua 201310-11) good oratory and charisma (Bennister 2012 Xiii) are

relevant in crisis situation However after attaining leadership position the challenges are

44

met through more extensive leadership skills demonstrated by leaders

Skills such as ambitiousness political acumen ability to use the available

opportunities (Bennister 2012 xiii) interpersonal or communication (Katz et al 1974)

etc are considered crucial for retaining leadership position Moreover it is important to

look into how these skills are required by women political leaders They partly imparted

by family training (political apprenticeship) and partly by the gradual process of

accumulating political experience The data chapters would highlight how Nasim Wali

Khan acquired and groomed the appropriate skills and how she used them to retain

political leadership Additionally how she inspired her followers in testing times of 1970s

and secured their support to achieve the purpose

19 CONCLUSION

Various theoretical perspectives explained above assist us understanding the issue

of acquisition and continuation of political leadership role by women in traditional

societies These explanations are used to develop our own theoretical framework which

extensively borrows from the premises of situational and skills approaches to leadership

The framework emphasis that (crisis) situations are paradoxical because they provide

women an opportunity to lead but they also put them to test The framework also refers to

relationship between situations and skills It is important to understand that often skills

are dependent upon situations and women political leaders have to acquire groom and

employ particular skills appropriate to the situation This theoretical framework will help

us understanding the emergence of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader and her success

in retaining the political leadership for considerable time

45

CHAPTER ndash 2

THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

This chapter is an effort to explore career path for the Asian women political

leaders who rose to the top leadership positions Most of the scholars emphasise that

Asian women achieved these positions through their strong family background or

political exigency However this chapter argues that beside family background and

political situation these women leaders demonstrated phenomenal political skills in most

testing political situations and consequently acquired and retained their positions

Therefore it is imperative to study the extra-ordinary struggle of these women political

leaders The analysis presented in this chapter are based on selected case studies

representing Asian Women leaders The career path of these leaders is explored to

substantiate the claims made by this study

Women political leaders have undoubtedly left a discernible mark in world

politics They have done so by shaping political and economic reforms within their

respective countries and also by shaping international relations through distinctive foreign

policy decisions Currently there are 22 women in the world who have occupied the most

prestigious top political leadership positons in their respective countries Among them 18

are elected through popular elections and 4 are appointed Among 178 head of the states

15 are women 13 are presidents and 2 are queens Women have occupied the position of

president or prime minister in more than 70 countries of the world many of those have

been in Asia and Europe (Adamczyk 2016) Women political leadership is not an

aberration in South America South and in the Southeast Asia (Kent 2015)

Scholars would particularly refer to Asia when it comes to women political

leadership Asia has been much more generous in allowing women to reach to top

political positions Nitin would call Asia a heavenlsquo for the women leading their way to

success in politics Sri Lanka India Pakistan Bangladesh South Korea Philippines

Thailand and Mongolia are the countries with elected women heads of the states This

means that half (4 billion) of the Asian population are living in countries with women

heads which makes it number one continentlsquo in the world with women political leaders

(Nitin 201303) In 1960 Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first Sri Lankan woman prime

minister who achieved leadership position Afterwards Golda Meir(Israel) Indira

46

Gandhi(India) Chandrika Kumaranatunga(Sri Lanka) Corazon Aquino and Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo (Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Sheikh Hasina Wajid and

Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Pratibha Patil(India) Roza

Otunbayeva(Kyrgyzstan) and Yingluck Shinawatra(Thailand) also became prominent

women political leaders in their respective countries Interestingly most of these women

leaders hail from the Muslim dominant countries (Szczepanski 201501) There is

considerable academic interest in the contribution of women political leaders around the

world However there is comparatively less academic interest in how these women

acquired leadership positions

Asian women political leaders are all popularly elected having influential families

with popular family dynasties in politics (Fleschenberg 200924-15) and they are directly

involved in the social activities and power structure of their countries (Abidi 201319)

Scholars argue that the emergence of these women leaders does not seem to modify the

male-dominated nature of Asian societies Rather it verifies the power of a name and the

perseverance of political dynasties (Herath 2015 03 Akhtar et al 2014 07 Mydans

201004) social class and caste system (Roy 201560)

Most of the women political leaders in Asia who have occupied highest public

offices came from the politically illustrious families Therefore various scholars (see

above) would conclude that the success of acquiring political leadership is determined

primarily by family background Such an understanding often undermines the abilities

and struggles of women political leaders who acquire and retain top political positions In

this chapter an effort is made to reflect on how women political leaders acquire and

retain leadership positions not only through the backing of their already influential

families but also through their extra ordinary struggle In order to do so we have explored

the biographies of selected political leaders from Asia to investigate their career path We

undoubtedly claim that family background facilitated these women in acquiring top

leadership positions however their personal character and skills were more instrumental

in acquiring and retaining top positions Moreover the situation in which they took

leadership provided a context within which opportunities were availed and personal

character and skills were demonstrated These women leaders were able to prove that

besides taking care of their household they can also serve respective countries in face of

all odds They are hardworking ambitious and (politically) skilled to carry out sound

domestic and foreign policies

The way women political leaders exploited situations and skills to reach to the top

47

positions are the main focus of this chapter It intends to do so by exploring the selective

profiles and career path of these women leaders The family backgrounds their

biographies and struggle of some of the top women political leaders of Asia are discussed

to identify important factors that lead women to top positions and facilitate them to stay

on those top positions In this chapter a profile sketch of these women leaders are brought

under consideration and then analyse how their situation and skills facilitated them to

acquire and retain the power for an extended period of time

PROFILES OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS AN OVER VIEW

21 SIRIMAVO BANDARANAIKE (SRI LANKA)

Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first female Prime Minister of Sri Lanka She was

born in Ratnapura District on 17th

April 1916 Her father Barns Ratwatte Disave was a

reputed senator and from a prominent Sinhalese family These families have also served

in the British colonial rule and adopted English first names However they were the

staunch observers of Buddhism Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the eldest among her six

siblings and at eight years she was sent to Convent School for best education After her

education she started social welfare programmes for the purpose to help needy and poor

people of her country She provided them food medicines and arranged clinics for them

as well Such considerations towards her people enabled her to gain good reputation

among the Sinhalese peasantry (Rettie 2010)

She was married to Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (1899-1959) on

10th

October 1940 who was an Oxford educated lawyer and the minister of local

government and health (1947-51) in the ruling United National Party Srimavo

Bandranaike persuaded her husband for resigning from the ruling United National Party

and the government After two years in 1951 he founded his own political party Sri

Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with the policies of democratic socialism and Sinhalese

resurgence After eight years of Sri Lanka independence Mr Bandaranaike became

Prime Minister in April 1956(Perera 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike held the party leadership and became the president of

the SLFP after Mr Bandaranaike assassination by the Buddhist monk on 25th

September

1959 She gained public support and sympathies and proved herself as an undefeatable

politician who worked as an undisputed leaders of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and had

the reins of the party for forty years (Epasinghe 201501)

48

Mrs Bandaranaike became the modern World first woman Premier in 1960 from

the Asian continent and served her country three times (1960-65 1970-77 1994-2000) as

a prime minister (Iwanaga 2008 272 Jalazai 200492 Banerjee 2008140) and

remained the opposition leader during 1965-70 and 1989-94(Jeyaraj 201001)

Generally in the Asian region females have subordinate position to their males

and have little or no stand in the public life but Srimavo Bandranaike proved herself both

nationally and internationally as an eminent woman political leader who continued her

husband policies of socialism at home She had nationalized all the foreign oil companies

and all the government businesses were transferred to the State owned bank of Ceylon

(now Sri Lanka) She had also established new Peoplelsquos Bank During her regime Soviet

aid was utilized for the industrialization process of her country brought education

reforms for the Buddhist Sinhalese and neutralismnon-alignment movement was adopted

as well by her government (Raj 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike also faced different problems communal riots

administrative turmoil and financial problems during her premiership Her period of

office was one of the mounting financial difficulty Due to these reasons she was

defeated in 1965 elections but got prominence in the next elections of 1970lsquos (Jones

201553)

Mrs Bandaranaike faced severe criticism from her opponents because of her

personal and political life In 1962 her political opponents tried to overthrow her

government jobless youth raised against her government for their grievances in 1971 and

in 1980 her civic rights were withdrawn SLFP headquarters was closed and threats were

given by the political opponents but she faced all the troubles and conspiracies

courageously and Mrs Bandaranaike gained more and more popularity through her bold

and consistent approach She gave new constitution changed the name of the country

from Ceylon to Sri Lanka and declared it a Republic in 1972 foreign owned estates were

nationalized by her government and placed the land limits to fifty acres by the Land

Reform Commission Sirimavo Bandaranaike died on 10th

October 2000(Perera

201202)

She got sympathies of the public initially by making emotional speeches during

the election campaign through which she earned the title of weeping widowlsquo But later

her present mind dedications towards her political career enabled her to make sound

domestic and foreign policies and she adopted tough stance against the insurgents who

tried to destroy the peace and prosperity of the Sri Lankan nation

49

22 CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGA (SRI LANKA)

Former prime minister and then the first ever woman president of Sri Lanka

Chandrika Kumaratunga was born on 24th

June 1945 She recieved her primary education

from Convent school Colombo and then went to Paris for higher studies where she

studied political science and adopted Mao Zedong and North Korean socialist radicalism

(Omer ampSprings 2013191)

Chandrika had the privilege to be the daughter of former premiers of Sri Lanka

Her father Solomon Bandaranaike served the country as a Prime minster from 1956-1959

and her mother Srimavo Bandaranaike who succeeded after the assassination of her

husband became prime minister in 1959 got the recognition as the Worldlsquos first female

premier (Burns 199502) Srimavo wanted her son Anura to be her political successor he

was the first choice of her mother but he declined and was succeeded by the Chandrika

She left her socialistic policies and adopted capitalism and free market policies (Jackson

1999 223) Chandrika Kumaratunga got married with the Sri Lankan movie star and a

radical left wing politician Vijay Kumaratunga in 1978 who was also assassinated by the

Sinhalese fascists in 1988(Burns 199502) After her marriage Chandrika Kumaratunga

left her fatherlsquos party SLFP and joined husbandlsquos party Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya

(SLMP) in 1984 She became the Vice President of the newly formed political party

Nonetheless after the assassination of her husband she acquired leadership position in the

party Under her leadership she formed United Socialist Alliance with the Lanka Sama

Samaja Party Nava Sama Samaja Party and Communist Party of Sri Lanka At the time

she was consistently receiving death threats and was narrowly escaped from an

assassination attempt as well Therefore in 1988 she left Sri Lanka and took refuge in

United Kingdom The SLMP was divided into two groups during her absence and she

was expelled from her party leadership (Silva 2017)

She returned to Sri Lanka in 1991 and became actively involved in the political

field through the platform of SLFP In May 1993 Mrs Kumaratunga was elected as a

chief minister of the Western province and became the first women in Sri Lanka who

headed the local government (Jackson 1999223)

But when Tamil Tiger suicide bomber attacked and killed Sri Lankan President

Premadasa on 1st May 1993 he was replaced by Dingiri Banda Wijitunge President

Wijitunge called for early elections in August 1994 in which Chandrika led the nine party

parliamentary alliance and became the prime minister of Sri Lanka(August- November

1994) by defeating the seventeen years rule of United National Party (Mendis 2006162)

50

During that time the separatists Liberation movement by the Tamil Tigers were in

full swing in the years following the presidential elections contested by Chandrika and the

separatists had started a civil war against the government During her election campaigns

Chandrika promised for peace process and the settlement of all disputes with the

Separatists Tamil Tigers This mandate helped her to be an elected President in 1995-

2005(Dahlburg 199401) then in 1998 she was again elected as president to serve for the

second time (Sharma 200467) However in 1999 an attempt of her assassination was

made by the Tamil separatists in which she narrowly escaped but was greatly wounded

(Uyangoda 2001210)

During Chandrika presidency she appointed her mother Sirimavo Bandaranaike

as Prime Minister (Pandey 200546) and ruled the parliamentary democracy till the death

of Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 2000 (Watson et al 2003209)

Being a President of Sri Lanka Chandrika tried to solve the problems with the

separatist group and held different rounds of peace talks with the separatists (Lakhsman et

al 200092) For such purpose President Chandrika Kumaratunga called for the hundred

days cease fire between the Separatists group and the government But after expiration of

the term the separatist group started violent activities She offered full autonomy to the

Tamil minority of her country which was welcomed by the minority but was rejected by

the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as they did not agree with the condition of

surrendering before the government with having a strong grip on the region (Carter 2010

404)

In December 2001 once again the United National Party came into power and

Ranil Wickremasinghe (the political opponent of Chandrika Kumaratunga) became prime

minister while Chandrika Kumaratunga remained in office of a President till November

2003 which created difficult relationship In February 2004 President dissolved the

parliament and called for new elections in April 2004 while the presidential election was

held in November 2005 in which Mahinda Rajapaksa became successful and became the

President replacing Chandrika Kumaratunga (Omer amp Springs 2013192)

According to the Sri Lankan constitution a person holding the office of a president

for two terms are not allowed to contest elections for third time So Chandrika

Kumaratunga tried to pass the party leadership by giving the reins of the party SLFP to

her brother till her own children were not able to hold the reins of power (Herath

200294)

51

23 INDIRA GANDHI (INDIA)

Indian first female Premier Indira Gandhi was born in Allahabad on November

19 1917 in an aristocratic and politically prominent family of Nehrulsquos Her grandfather

Motilal Nehru was a Nationalist leader and her father Jawaharlal Nehru a prominent

Indian Independence leader and the first Prime Minister of India (Frank 200213)

Indira was brought up in a political environment where she met politically

prominent figures influenced by her father Her initial studies was from different Indian

and non- Indian schools and sometimes from the private tutors In 1934 she started her

studies in Visva Bharatic Academy where the headmaster was a well -known writer

Rabindranath Tagore who taught her Philosophy and arts She then got admission at

Bristol England in a progressive School She started her graduation at Somerville

College Oxford in 1937(Flatt 2012184) and finally completed her higher studies from

Oxford (England) and Switzerland (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi 2013125)

After her graduation from Oxford in 1941 she returned to India She married to a

Parsi politician Feroze Gandhi in 1942 who was studying in London School of

Economics at the time when Indira Gandhi was in Oxford Indira Gandhi was actively

engaged in the Indian independence movement against the British Imperial power

because of which she was imprisoned by the British troops immediately after her

marriage from September 11th

1942-May 13th

1943 at Naini Central Jail Allahabad

(Thelikorala 201102)

In 1953 she became a member of the Congress working committee which was the

Indialsquos ruling party and she had also worked for the women interest while serving in the

women department of the Congress Party She had visited different parts of the country to

educate women of India about their fundamental rights and duties In 1959 she was the

only female and fourth president of the Indian National Congress Party (Flatt 2012185)

Indira Gandhi also served in Jawarharlal Nehru government after independence during

1947-65 and gained much power within the government (Jayakar 201204)

Then she became an elected member of the Rajya Sabha and held the post of the

Minister of Information and Broadcasting in the cabinet of Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964

after the demise of her father In 1966-1977 she was appointed as a Prime Minister of

India after the Shastrilsquos sudden death with the support of the K Kamaraj who was

President of the Congress party at that time She had won the elections of 1971 and

introduced different economic policies for the increased productivity of agriculture and

52

side by side she was also involved in the global politics as well In the 1970lsquos secessionist

conflict of East Pakistan she helped and supported them in their struggle of independence

against Pakistan to become an independent state of Bangladesh (Chacko 2012) During

her Premiership India exploded her first nuclear bomb which empowered India to protect

herself against foreign aggression and to create Indialsquos hegemony in South Asian region

as well (Flatt 2012187)

But in June 1975 because of the election irregularities in the 1971 elections and

violation of the election laws Allahabad High court ruled against her to vacate the post of

premier and banned her for six years from taking part in politics In response of such

ruling President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad had declared state of emergency on the advice of

Indira Gandhi Her government ban the media imprisoned her opponents limited the

fundamental rights of people and used police force against the strikes and protests of her

adversaries While on the other side her son Sanjay Gandhi had started the sterilization

programme for the control of Indian rapidly growing population Public rose against her

dictatorial rule and she announced the date for the next general elections in 1977On

March 23 1977 emergency was uplifted but she badly lost in the 1977 general elections

(Green 201303)

In 1980 elections were held for the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament) Indira

Gandhi and her Party again won the elections and all the cases against her were

withdrawn She became Prime Minister of India once again from 1980-84 but she faced

severe challenges including separatistlsquos movement by Sikhs community in Northern

Punjab who revolted against her government But they were badly crushed by the

Indiralsquos government through military operation named as ―Operation Blue Star against

the separatists within premises of the Sikhs Golden Temple Thousands of civilian lost

their lives in this revolt and she herself was shot dead on 31st October 1984 by two of her

Sikh bodyguard in revenge of the Golden Temple episode (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi

2013126)

Indira Gandhi served the nation in two phases 1967-1974 which were favourable

years of her charismatic leadership and she gained much popular support for her good

policies while the next phase 1975-1984 was considered to be the power centralization by

her who violently treated her opponents which gave her the image of dictator and

authoritarian leader Braga praised Indira Gandhi by stating that during her premiership

Indian literacy rate was increased to 30 and the poverty rate was decreased to 45 from

65 Her efforts and sound agricultural policies for the revival of agricultural sector

53

raised the production of different food items to 25 which brought Green Revolution in

India (Braga 2013) Such agricultural policies were the efforts by her government to

handle the inflation Through her sound economic policies she nationalized the Indian

Banks Indira also created diplomatic relations with United States and USSR through her

socialist policies India became the nuclear power of the region during her premiership

Her policies enabled India to be self ndash sufficient to such extent as to no longer dependent

on foreign aids (Aswathy 2013nd) Through her power and abilities she is compared

with Durga (Indian nation goddess) who has the power to stand against all odds (Braga

2013)

24 BENAZIR BHUTTO (PAKISTAN)

Benazir Bhutto was the first Muslim woman Prime Minister of a Muslim country

Pakistan She was born in Karachi (Pakistan) on 21st June 1953 and passed away on 27

th

Dec 2007 She received her early education from Karachi Convent of Jesus and Mary

School run by Irish Catholic nuns and then went for graduation to Harvard University

where she completed her graduation in Law at Lady Margaret Hall College Benazir

Bhutto obtained her diploma in Foreign Affairs from Oxford University (Buruma 1989)

Then in 1976 she became the First Pakistani student elected as a president of the Oxford

Union Debating Society in UK (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013274)

Benazir Bhutto was the daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto He was from the

wealthiest landowning families of Pakistan an Oxford educated lawyer former Prime

Minister of Pakistan and the founder of the popular political party Pakistan Peoplelsquos Party

in 1967(Hussain 200801) Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto got support of the people under the

banner of Islamic Socialism and ruled the county for seven years from 1970-1977 He

tried to overcome the main problems of Pakistan which was poverty socio-economic

imbalance and the dominance of the elite class in the socio-political system of Pakistan

but later he himself was in need of the elites support Some of his intimidating policies for

the suppression of the political opponents corruption and fraud ended his regime through

military coup by Zia-ul Haq (Dolek 200804) Likewise mother of Benazir Bhutto

Nusrat Ispahani was the daughter of the Iranian businessman Benazir Bhutto was the

eldest among her three siblings On Feb 17 1987 she married with Asif Ali Zardari Asif

Ali Zardari is the son of a landownerbusinessman friend of ZA Bhutto Hakim Ali

Zardari The couple was blessed with three children Bilawal Bakhtawar and Asifa

(Hussain 200802)

54

Benazir Bhutto was nurtured in a political environment by her father Z A Bhutto

General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law on 5th

July 1977 which was the

third martial law in Pakistanlsquos history Army chief promised for the elections to be

commenced within ninety days but later he didnlsquot fulfil his promise and postponed the

elections on the ground of accountability of the corrupt politicians As a result of

accountability process Z A Bhutto was trialled on charges of conspiracy and the killing

of Ahmad Raza Kasuri and was later executed on 4th

April 1979 Z A Bhutto wife

Nusrat Bhutto and his daughter Benazir Bhutto were placed under house arrest (ShahH

201304)

Imprisonment and then the demise of Z A Bhutto and the murder of her two

brothers made Benazir more enthusiastic responsible and active in the political affairs of

Pakistan but her life was full of difficulties facing time of exile house arrest then reached

to peak and gained power which was followed by her dismissals She returned to Pakistan

in 1977 after completing her education from Harvard and Oxford She was warmly

welcomed by the people of Pakistan and gave her the title of the daughter of Pakistanlsquo

(Dolek 200804) She earned the popular support which led her triumph over the military

ruler and through her inborn abilities she was able to retain such popularity (Chitkara

199667)

She followed the footprints of her father in politics and continued struggling for

the restoration of democracy against the General Zia-ul-Haq military rule For the

purpose to restore the democracy in Pakistan she launched a movement named

Movement for the Restoration of Democracylsquo in 1981 with the support of nine other

political parties Her efforts were for the restoration of 1973 constitution parliamentary

elections for the purpose to transfer power to the democratically elected government and

to uplift the martial law As a result she was imprisoned till 1984 (ShahH 201304) The

period between1979-1984 Benazir faced house arrests imprisonment and self- exile to

UK in 1986Then in 1986 she returned to Pakistan and started her campaign for office

She was recalled as the political opponent of General Zia (Eoan 2007 02)

The excessive international pressure on Zia regime for the restoration of

democracy made Zia announcing the election date in November 16th

1988 on non- party

basis This elections were challenged by Benazir Bhutto in the Court of Justice but before

any judgement Zia ndashul Haq died in a plane crash on 17th

August 1988 Ghulam Ishaq

Khan became the President of Pakistan and he held the general elections on 16th

and 19th

November 1988 which was won by Benazir Bhutto party On 2nd

December 1988 she

55

became the first youngest (35 years old) Muslim woman Prime Minister of an Islamic

country Pakistan (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013275)

Benazir had occupied the post of Prime Minister from 1988-1990 and then from

1993-1996 She was the parliamentary opposition leader from 1990-1993 and from 1997-

1998 She spent almost seven years (1999-2007) in self ndash exile and was assassinated in

2007 (OlsquoConner 2010382) Benazir Bhutto held twice the position of Prime Minister

though she never managed to complete her terms but was a significant political figure in

Pakistani politics (Iwanaga 2008 37)

Bhutto in her biography intended that her struggle paved the way to change the

traditional aspects of our society the common perception regarding the Asian women

gender role is to perform the family responsibilities Benazir Bhutto stated that she faced

the same challenges in the traditional society of Pakistan as an ordinary women faced

when criticized by the clergy She worked for democracy liberty and social justice in

Pakistan Benazir Bhutto brought some reforms in the early year of her government and

made the press free gave the people their basic right of speech and thoughts and made

Pakistan free from all sorts of exploitation (Khan et al 2015203)

McCarthy contends that later Bhutto turned against her promises and worked for

the consolidation of her political power rather than struggle for the betterment of people

She relied on the support of elite class instead of public Similarly she tried to settle the

problems with India and Afghanistan through negotiations without taking the military in

confidence which created great resentment in armed forces Her close ties with the West

and US for the foreign aid gave her a political breakdown and her government was

dismissed in August 1990 on the charges of bargaining for personal gains and there was a

political competition and the humiliation of the opponents (McCartney 2011170)

But Benazir Bhutto was again re-elected in 1993President Farooq Laghari had

good relations with Benazir and promised her to freely work without the interference of a

president She faced severe problems like in 1994-95 Mohajir Quami Movement(MQM)

led the Mohajir Nationalism in Sindh and was involved in violent acts which the

government of Benazir responded aggressively (Shah 199778) Similarly financial

condition of Pakistan was bad that country was close to bankruptcy She led Social

Action Programme (SAP) to provide better life facilities to the people Her government

received foreign aid but most of it was utilized for the electricity generation Her

government choose to support US led Afghan Taliban both financially and military

(Tucker 2010209) This policy made the military legitimized institution to interfere in

56

the politics of Pakistan Her government was again terminated in 1997 on the basis of

corruption and maladministration (Naden 201169)

She went into exile for the second time in 2007 After political negotiations with

the President Musharraf she returned to Pakistan On her very return she survived from an

attack on her life She faced second attack on her life in a procession gathered in

Rawalpindi but she could not survive from this attack and died on 27th

December 2007

Benazir Bhutto was a courageous and brave woman and always took risk for her life and

fought against dictators (Brown 200810) Though her life was full of troubles struggles

successes and dismissals but throughout her life she faced the difficult situation

courageously and worked for the rights education and better life standards of people She

struggled hard against the dictatorial military rule of General Zia-ul Haq and led a

movement for the restoration of Democracy (MRD) and brought an end to the 11 years

rule of a military regime (Shah H 201301)

25 BEGUM KHALIDA ZIA (BANGLADESH)

Bangladesh Prime Minister Khalida Zia was born in a business family in

Jalpaiguri (North Eastern part of the Bangladesh) on August 15th

1945 She married Zia-

ur- Rehman (b1935-d1981) in 1960 at fifteen years of age Zia-ur- Rehman was serving

in the Pakistan army as a captain at the time of her marriage She had completed her

studies at the college level three years later after her marriage Then they were being

transferred to West Pakistan for the Zia- ur- Rehman commitment in the 1965 war of

Pakistan and India to command the East Pakistan Regiment in the war (Gerlach

2013120) and later in 1967 the family returned to East part of Pakistan (now

Bangladesh) When the liberation war was started by Eastern part of Pakistan the country

was divided into eleven different zones and Zia-ur- Rehman was the general in charge of

one zone He led the Mukhti Bahini Battalion and fought against Pakistan became

victorious and Bangladesh emerged as an independent state on the map of the world in

1971 After the Sheikh Mujeeblsquos assassination in 1975 he became the Chief of Army and

a dominant figure of Army (editors of American Heritage 2005865) General Zia-ur-

Rehman became the countylsquos first military dictator who occupied the post of countrylsquos

Presidency from 1977-1980 During Zia-ur-Rehman presidency Khalida Zia acted as a

typical house wife and remained away from politics (Gerlach 2013121)

But the situation after the assassination of her husband in 1981paved the way for

the politically inexperienced Khalida Zia towards political leadership (Hudson 199740)

57

There were three candidates for the BNP presidency and in 1984 she became the leader of

her husbandlsquos party Bangladesh National Party (BNP) which was a sign of popular

support for her (Hudson 199739)

The women in Bangladesh who fought against the military dictator were two

noteworthy Begums Begum Khalida Zia and Begum Hasina Wajid In 1990 their

struggles became fruitful and they brought an end to the military rule of Ershad for the

second time (Foley 2013222) Then under the supervision of the interim government

elections were held in 1991 which was considered to be the first ever democratic elections

after the Bangladesh independence The leader of Bangladesh National Party (BNP)

Begum Khalida Zia became an elected prime minister of Bangladesh and the rival party

Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina Wajid occupied the opposition benches Khalida

Zia brought certain changes in the constitution and replaced presidential form of

government into parliamentary form with prime minister having the vast executive

powers Human rights situation became improved in the country by eliminating the

restriction on the fundamental rights of the people (Askwik 199595)

Her government made laws regarding compulsory education for female and the

bill related to the death penalty for the crimes against the children and women was also

introduced in February 14th

1995 in the parliament (Ahmed 2004231) The military ruler

Ershad was imprisoned on the corruption charges Her official visits to Saudi Arabia and

China in 1991 were for the purpose of technical and economic cooperation Likewise her

visit to India in 1992 was for the purpose to resolved water sharing problem During a

visit Bangladesh signed nine hundred and ninety nine years lease agreement of Teen

Bigha Corridor with India She also made official visits to Pakistan Iran and Burma led

her country close to the neighbouring and other countries of the World (Ahmed 2004

232) Her foreign policy moves around good relations with China and Pakistan to counter

the threats from the outside World especially from India (Singh 2010284)

She held the post of Prime Minister of Bangladesh from 1991-1996 and then from

2001-2006 Again under the supervision of a caretaker government elections were held

on 1st October 2001 in which BNP led the four party alliance won two-third majority in

the Parliament and Khalida Zia became the prime minister on 10th

October

2001(International business publication 201135) Awami League throughout the BNP

government boycotted and then returned to the parliament regarding different issues and

criticized the sound economic and foreign policies of the BNP government Law and

order situation became worst during 2005 when extremist Islamist group attacked

58

different government buildings and killed number of people but were suppressed by the

government and peace was restored (International business publication 201136)

Though Khalida Zia was an inexperienced political leader but after achieving the

post of Premier she developed her skills and was able to cope with the new situation She

tried to solve different issues with the neighbouring countries Her close relations with the

different countries were the clear indication of her sound and friendly foreign policy

Such efforts make Bangladesh able to defend herself against any aggression

26 SHEIKH HASINA WAJID (BANGLADESH)

Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman father of the Bangladeshi nation became the first

Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1975 He was assassinated on August 10th

1975 along

with his family members (Mitra et al 200623) His daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajid

survived the assassination attempt because she was in Germany at the time of her fatherlsquos

assassination Sheikh Hasina Wajid (daughter of the founding father) remained in exile

for six years But she returned to Bangladesh and actively participated in countrylsquos

politics After the assassination of all her family members political succession of her

family was passed to Hasina Wajid In 1981 she was elected as the President of Awami

League (Stange et al 2011 669) In 1986 she became the opposition leader by winning

three constituencies in the Bangladeshi Parliament Then in 1991 she became an

oppositional leader with the government leader Khalida Zia During this tenure Khalida

Zia initiated twelfth amendment in the constitution for the prime ministerial form of

government in the country (Chakrabarti 2013483)

Sheikh Hasina Wajid struggled for the fair democratic government by demanding

the resignation of the corrupt politicians to conduct general elections in 1996 under the

supervision of the caretaker government These elections were won by Awami league a

political party led by Sheikh Hasina Wajid She was able to form a coalition government

and she took an oath of the tenth Prime minister of Bangladesh on May 10th

1996She

remained in office from 1996-2001(Whyte 200036) She had served the country twice as

a prime minister from1996- 2001 and from 2009mdashpresent (Stange et al 2011669) Her

electoral victory paved the way for democracy after twenty one yearlsquos long struggle

against the oppressive corrupt rule and after the continuous imposition of martial laws

(Chitkara 1998313)

In December 1996 Ganges water sharing treaty was signed with India by Sheikh

Hasina She was enthusiastic to work for the improvement and development of her

59

country (International Business Publication 201138) Then in 1997 a peace accord

named Chittagong Hill tract was signed by her government and then in 1998 opened

Bangabandhu Bridge across the Jamuna River which linked the eastern and western part

of the country Her policies are related to create friendly relations with other countries

(Shrestha 2002237)

Later in the 2001 elections her party was defeated and she became an opposition

leader The elections were to be held in 2007 but later the schedule was changed and the

elections become delayed Sheikh Hasina Wajid was arrested on the charges of bribery

and some other charges Then in 2008 elections Awami League formed a grand alliance

with fourteen other political parties and won an absolute majority Sheikh Hasina Wajid

again took the responsibility of the country as a prime minister in January 2009(Foley

2013222)

This time she is more enthusiastic The first initiative took by her government is

the formation of a committee for the restoration of the original constitution Her

government also announced the women development and education policies in 2010

Women development policies ensures the equal property rights for the women and

specified forty percent quota for women in different government jobs including

parliament and local bodies While in the education policy they make free primary

education compulsory and the emphasis would be more on the scientific and

technological education She also took initiatives to solve all her problems with the

opponent BNP for the betterment and progress of the country (Mastoor 200923)

Her government also signed an accord in 2011 on the four-decade old border

dispute with India According to the accord demarcation of the boundaries of both the

countries and the exchange of their occupied area of about seven thousand acres and fifty

thousand people are to be return During her rule government tribunal was formed to

investigate the members of the Bangladesh Islamist party Jammat-i- Islami was charged

with the war crimes because of their cooperation with Pakistan during the liberation war

of 1971(Chopra 2015211)

27 CORAZON AQUINO (PHILIPPINES)

The first female Filipino leader Corazon Aquino being ascended to the highest

post of Presidency was born in 1933 and died of Cancer in 2009 She was the daughter of

a Jose Cojuangco sugar baron and have owned a family bank Her father was also a

member of the National Assembly of Philippines Both of her grandfathers were also the

60

respected senators Her initial schooling was at Manila Later after the family moved to

USA in 1946 where she completed her education She had been graduated from Mount St

Vincent College in New York City in 1954 and had married with a young politician of

Philippines Benigno Aquino She had supported her husband in his political career but

lived her life as a simple housewife with five children (Magill 199986)

Marcos won the elections and became the elected president of Philippines in 1965

and in 1969 But he imposed Martial law (1972-1986) which deteriorated the socio-

economic and political situation of the country and raised many problems (Quimpo

2012nd) He also treated the opponents brutally Senator Beningo Jr was among his

political opponents who remained a senator from 1967-72(Powers et al 201123)

Beningo and his companions faced imprisonment (September 1972-May 1980) and had

faced forced exile for three years On his return in August 1983 he was assassinated at

Manila airport which further intensify the already turbulent situations (Magill 199986)

Popular uprising against the dictatorial rule of Marcos pressurized him to conduct

legislative elections held in 1984 where the opposition minority became successful This

success further boosted the energies of the opposition to continue their struggle against

the dictator Later worst economic conditions of the country and the foreign pressure

compelled Marcos to conduct Presidential elections in February 1986 These elections

were won by Corazon Aquino (the widow of Senator Beningo) She held the post of

Presidency from 1986-1992(Gin 2004168)

She was a courageous women who had started a revolution through Peoplelsquos

Power against the dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 who had murdered her husband

senator Benigno S Aquino in 1983(Julio 2012201) Though she gained power after the

assassination of her husband but she was inexperienced politicians and was targeted by

her political rivals time and again These criticisms further increased her image as a

morally good political leader who always work for the welfare of their people instead of

her personal interests (Thompson 2013156) It was possible only because of her courage

which brought twenty years dictatorship of Marcos to an end and raised the flag of

democracy in chaotic economically and politically unstable Philippines (Maynard

198703)

Though she was inexperienced politician simple house wife but was backed and

supported by the Catholic Church bishops the businessmen and civil society groups for

her morality and her fair struggle for democracy and justice This noble mission was

started by her husband but was followed by her They monitored the elections and

61

marched against the dictator which resulted the Marcos to escape to US Corazon Aquino

became the first female elected President of Philippines She formed a commission to

draft the constitution with a strong President and guaranteed full civil rights (Thompson

2015208-209)

Aquino worked for the stabilization of economy by bringing back wealth of the

country embezzled by Marcos Her policies regarding good governance security human

rights and security of the people of Philippines and regained the military support are the

work of a true leader Current President Benigno Noynoy S Aquino III is the son of

President Corazon Aquino She was from the elitist class staunch Catholic Time and

situation made her to enter into politics and united her people against the dictatorial rule

of Marcos who struggled hard for the restoration of democracy (Coronel 2009 04)

She retired from public office in June 1992 but continued her struggle for the

Filipinos She raised her voice against the President Joseph Estrada in 2001 on the basis

of fraudulent presidential elections President Arroyo demanded his resignation but never

actively participated in the politics again for the purpose to provide chances to the young

blood (McKee amp Wallerstein 200903)

28 THE RISE OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADER CRITICAL ANALYSIS

The above mentioned women reached to top leadership positions in countries

where women are far from achieving political equality and their rights (Lithgow

200001) However ironically women politicians of the Northeast Southeast and South

Asia also led many governments and the opposition movements In Pakistan Sri Lanka

Bangladesh India and Philippines women are predominant in politics and have occupied

top leadership posts as presidents and prime ministers several times in their respective

countries The most notable among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika

Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) Corazon C Aquino and Gloria Macapagal-

Arroyo(Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Indira Gandhi amp Sonia Gandhi(India)

Aung San Suu Kyi(Burma) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Wan Azizah Wan Ismail

(Malaysia) Begum Khalida Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wajid(Bangladesh)

Mostly the political victimization and crisis situations of family and country excel

these women in public domain and motivate them to endeavour for the rights and

prosperity of public Further Fleschenberg argues that they are the elected representatives

of their people but are the descendent from socially and politically influential families and

ruling dynasties (Fleschenberg 200924-25) It is often assumed that their political legacy

62

grant them top leadership positions of party leadership prime ministers presidents and

opposition leaders (Derich ampThompson 201330Jalalzai 2004) These women political

leaders have ably led the political parties of their husbands and fathers Basu argues that

they are either the daughters of the founding fathers or the influential figures of their

respective countries They arewere the privileged political ladies whose parents or

husbands served the country as prime ministers or former politicians (Basu 200506)

They skilfully led their political parties and united the dispirited public and had

articulated their hopes and ably gained their support as well

Though these women political leaders laid the foundation of dynastic model of

democracy they became the successors of the political positions of the slaying male

members of their families and set a pattern for the future females to occupy the political

positions in the same hereditary manner (Tuminez 201208 Altson 2014203 Jensen

2008 15 )

Being the successors of the political victimized male they benefitted by gaining

the sympathies and support of their people Derich and Thompson mentioned Srimavo

Bandaranaike prominence as weeping widowlsquo and mother of the orphan childrenlsquo

(Derich amp Thompson 201321) Srimavo Bandaranaike got sympathies of public through

a political narrative highlighting the achievements and sacrifices made by her husband

and her own ordeals in response to the death threats at the death of her husband (Jensen

200816)

But their skills and strategies to manipulate the situations in a manner to create a

suitable environment in the patriarchal and traditional societieslsquo further facilitated them in

political struggle Scholars posit that the education of these women leaders such as Indira

Gandhi Benazir Bhutto and Chandrika Kumaratunga from the reputed colleges and

universities the social strata and their privileged class as compared to the general

population also facilitated them in their rise to top leaderships (Jalazai amp Krook 201008

Deeba amp Wilson 201380) These privileges further increased their probabilities of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Though mostly women political leaders are inexperienced politicians performing

the typical traditional role as mothers and homemakers and they are considered to be

symbolic leaders who can be easily influenced and controlled by the male party members

as compared to the established male leaders (Bakshi 200101) But these suppositions are

nullified by the women political leaders as they prove themselves strong (Skard

2015155) They demonstrate political acumen and ability to improvise through fast

63

learning (Bakshi 200101) Scholars have also referred to their intelligence ethics

(Derichs amp Thompson 2013) efficiency (Alston 2014 235) trustworthiness and honesty

and risk taking in tumultuous political environment as compared to their male associates

(Skard 2015156) The effectiveness of a political leader lies in their sincerity honesty

and trustworthiness Women politicians demonstrate these characteristics (Davidson

200470)

Thus skills characteristics and qualities demonstrated by Asian women leaders

such as both Corazon Aquino and Srimavo Bandaraika were politically inexperienced but

their supporters considered them to be very ethical morally upright and reliable leaders

with illustrious political history of public welfare (Thompson 2013156)

Women political leaders from South Asia have taken the charge of the

disorganized political parties when the later were in bad shape Each of the six women

leaders (Indira Gandhi Srimavo amp Chandrika Bandaranaika Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina

Wajid and Benazir Bhutto) reorganized their parties in a much better way This shows

their ability as leaders in their own right (Gupta 2014191) Such politically skilled

leaders are aware of the feeling emotions and requirements of their people by creating

friendly environment and are able to influence their people with the help of their skills to

handle the difficult situation with ease (Braddy amp Campbell 201401) They recognized

themselves as true leaders of their people which make them able to remain in power

(Fernandes 201472)

Women politicians are able enough to impart a message of power strength and

decisiveness (Campus 201306) Women leaders are not just the compromising leaders

but they are strong enough to have adopted sound policies and took strong actions against

those who sabotage their respective governments

For a politically skilled leader social relationship is needed for the purpose to get

the support of their people to achieve the objectives (Ferris et al 2007293-295) Women

politicians through their former socialization and political skills formed their relationship

across different constituencies and influenced their public in general to create a

relationship with them in such a manner that they started including them in their struggle

to achieve the desired goals (Klenke 201156) This is also because women are believed

to have good communication skills (Mirza amp Jabeen 2011270 Lussier and Achua

201310-11) Scholars have praised Benazir Bhutto political wisdom courage eloquent

endurance (Hossain 201101) and commitment towards peoplelsquos welfare and

determination for the achievement of the set goals Benazir Bhutto is credited as being

64

an effective and democratic leader because of her political skills as perseverance and

determination (Shah B 2014)

Similarly writers appraised Srimavo Bandaranaike courage political skills

dedication capacity to learn and toughness (De Silva 200001) She was a modest

trusteed and powerful member of her cabinet (Richardson 2005308) While Indira

Gandhi earned the title of an Iron Lady of Indialsquo because of her tough actions against

the odds (Thelikorala 201101) With such exceptional skills attributes and

determination these women leaders became a role model and example for other women

folk (Mydens 201005)

Similarly apart for political skills socialization and circumstances are important

determinants for the emergence and amelioration of these political leaders Socialization

provided the force and skill to gain political power (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009 Halder

200433) The grooming of Benazir Bhutto was totally for the political leadershipBenazir

was brought up to be her father political heir As an elder child of her family she got

special attention Z A Bhutto took Benazir to attend his political meeting and

conferences (Skard 2015125) Similarly Indira Gandhi was also trained for politics the

fact that other ladies were able to hold their own in the tumultuous situation must be

regarded as a tribute to their resilience as politicians (Dixit 200845)

Political socialization for Srimavo Bandranaike Khalida Zia and Corazon Aquino

started after the assassination of their husbands They came to the forefront and achieved

the leadership of their political parties founded by their consorts and then occupied the

top leadership position of their countries as well (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009)

Apart from skills the circumstancesituation are also helpful in the emergence of

these women leaders to the top political leadership positions and got political successes

(Jalalzai ampKrook 201009 Halder 200433) Scholars postulates that the place time and

circumstances facilitates the rise of a great leader (Bass et al 198138 Martin et al

200645) and situational leadership demands the compatible leadership style to the

involvement and capacity of their followers (Northouse 2013 99) The above mentioned

women political leaders emerged in an uncertain chaotic situations They sought political

power in dramatic situation created by military coup murder or sudden death of a leader

or opposition by authoritarian forces Women leaders led peaceful movement against

autocratic and military rulers (OlsquoConner 2010384) and women are highly vulnerable in

conflict situations whether household related conflict or violence community or local

tensions armed conflict and civil war(Mwagiru nd01)

65

Political unrest the demand for change and the unpopular regimes are helpful in

providing opportunities to the women to take the leadership position (Skard 2015154)

Authoritarian military rule has curtailed democratic processes in some South Asian

countries which opened ways for the empowerment of discriminated groups including

women (Shaheed nd07) These women got prominent leadership position through

democratic revolution in Asia Uncertain situation in their countries provide chances to

the women politicians to hold the top political leadership positions as they are thought to

be more honest moral and selfless advocates of the cause of their assassinated martyred

father or husband (Shehabuddin 201472)

But all these women have their own experiences and have their own distinct style

for configuring the influences and events (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) The emergence of

Benazir Bhutto (Lithgow 200005) Khalida Zia Hasina Wajid (Foley 2013222) and

Corazon Aquino have revolted against the dictatorial rule in their own ways

They faced different situations such as house arrest exile threats and the

assassination attempts However they survived and proved themselves as the substantiate

leaders of the people because of their persistency in hard times (Shehabuddin 201472)

which paved the way for democracy and provide the fundamental rights of the people

Srimavo Bandranaike Chandrika Kumaratunga (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) and Indira

Gandhi faced different problems before and even after their commencement to top

leadership positions from the secessionistseparatists group Similarly Benazir Bhutto

also faced resistance from the conservativereligious parties like Jamat-i-Islami JUI

clerics supporting by the ulemas of Saudi Arabia issuing fatwas against the women rule

A series of violent acts and agitation started to destabilize the new elected government

but Benazir Bhutto called it the consequences of the election results by those who faced

defeat and are backed by military (Ispahani 201556) These women leaders have resisted

militarism desire to become equally represented in democracies (Pandey 200517) raised

their voices against military dictators

All the above mentioned women political leaders after gaining top leadership

position stood courageously against all odds and critical situations (Jensen 200819) and

despite the numerous hurdles and constraints these women made their way to advance to

top leadership positions They also achieved remarkable progresses by learning leadership

skills like their male counterparts (Foley 2013230)

Women leaders after gaining power in critical situations proved themselves as

survivors Indira Gandhi appeared as a champion of democracy and steadfast leader who

66

would not bow before any one For this reason she was given the title Durga4mother

(Hindus Goddess) However Indira Gandhi was also given the title of Kalilsquo5because of

her oppressive measures against her opponents (Panday 200552)

These women leaders are the pioneer of advancing the positive political change in

traditional societies such a change is important to create an atmosphere for the women to

be equally suitable to run the political office These women mobilised politicians and

traditional leaders to accept women in the parliaments and endure higher self-esteem and

confidence (Kumari 2014) Through their experience women political leaders improved

their decision-making skills They brought necessary changes within their countries in

spite of the unfriendly social and political environment Their political leadership have

transformed general perception regarding the status of women as weak inferior and

innocent to strong intelligent and capable leaders Their leadership enables women

voices to be more influential and prominent within governance processes (Kumari 2014)

29 CONCLUSION

Strong social and politically influential family ties facilitated the above mentioned

women politicians to acquire political leadership However their own political skills and

the ability to use the situation in which they rose to power are also an important

contributing factors They have the unbeatable courage patience intelligence moral and

ethical characters which enabled them to occupy the top leadership positions and also to

retain them They won the support and trust of their followers in general over a period of

time and this ensured their stay in power Such popular support is evident from the fact

that different titles were extended to them such as goddesslsquo (Indira Gandhi) motherlsquo

and daughterlsquo (Benazir Bhutto) Therefore we can conclude that women political leaders

in Asia acquired top political positions and retained them (such as Prime Minister

President) primarily through their consistent struggle and extraordinary talent They also

retained those positions for a period of time Such examples also served to inspire more

women to get into politics and acquire leadership positions in their respective countries

4 Durga The righteous Hindu Goddess who got success on slaughtering the demon riding on her lion

5 Kali Black one she is also the Hindulsquos Goddess considered as a symbol of destruction and fury who also

fought against demons and evils According to their sacred book when Durga loses control or when faces

dreadful enemy Kali is born from Durga anger and embody her furore Kali generally threatened order and

stability She is the goddess of Fierce Her worshippers considered her as a mother of sympathy

67

CHAPTER ndash 3

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

It is pertinent to analyse the socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun

women in order to understand the struggle of Nasim Wali Khan This will put her case in

a proper context as well The economic political and social status of women in Pukhtun

society assist us comprehend the structural conditions in which these women live and

struggle Their situations acquaint us about the hindrances which are still obstructing the

way of these women In this chapter history customs traditions behaviours and attitudes

of the Pukhtun men towards women are discussed for the purpose to identify the main

hindrances confronted by Pukhtun women in various fields of life including politics

Though there are some exceptions where Pukhtun women gained political prominence

however the overall conditions are discouraging towards women political participation

Majority of the Pukhtuns inhabit areas constituting parts of Pakistan and

Afghanistan The triangular shaped area of about 250 000 square miles between the

Central Asia South Asia and the Iranian Plateau of Sijistan starts from Dir in the North

moves along the Indus turns West wards towards Dera Ismail Khan in the South where it

is connected with Sharigh Degar Loralai Harnai Quetta Pishin Chaman and Qandahar

and extends towards Herat From this place it moves into the foothills of Hindukush in

the North-East and again annexed to Dir (Caroe 1958 XVIII) The larger part of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa (province of Pakistan) and 34th

South East region of Afghanistan consisted

of this area This mountainous area is divided between Pakistan and Afghanistan They

form the Worldlsquos largest group of tribesmen The demographic details of Pukhtuns are

obscure because of their residence in remote areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan

Particularly their number in Afghanistan is not known because no official census is done

in Afghanistan recently However various estimates show that Pukhtuns are over 30

million (Barry 2013 20)

Pukhtun population is not limited to Pak-Afghan borderland There is

considerable population of Pukhtuns in urban areas of Pakistan such as Karachi and

Islamabad as well Pukhtuns also live as diaspora in Europe and USA for quite some

time They have substantial presence in Middle East as labourers and businessmenA

small minority of Pukhtuns is also present in India and Bangladesh as well

Pukhtuns throughout the world have some common features most notably their

68

language locally known as Pukhtu or Pashto language unwritten code of conduct

(Pukhtunwali) and their strict adherence to Sunni Islam but with exceptions of Shias of

Kurram agency and some other areas (Danver 2013559) There are different

explanations regarding the origin of Pukhtuns Pukhtuns consider themselves the

descendants of a mythical figure called Qais Abdur Rashid who is believed to have

travelled from Hindu Kush to Arabia and accepted Islam directly at the hands of the Holy

Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and died in 662CE (Christensen 1988144 Dyndo

200707)

However some scholars argue that Pukhtuns are a race born out of the

intermarriages of Aryans with foreign invaders in Pak-Afghan borderland Pre-Islamic

Pukhtun culture dates back to 330 BCE (Khan 2015) Others claim that Pukhtuns are the

descendant of Afghana (grandson of King Saul of Israel) who ruled during 11 century

BCE the lost tribe of Israel (Danver 2013 559) A Pukhtun scholar Pareshan Khattak

opposes all the early theories related to the origin of Pukhtuns He argues that the absence

of proper historic precedents regarding the above mentioned theories make them

ambiguous He argues that Pukhtuns have their own specific identity through which they

are recognized with Since their known origin Pukhtuns have been distinctive and

therefore cannot be relating to other ethnicities or nations They are neither Aryans nor

Mongols Pukhtuns is an ancient nation with centuries old civilization (Khattak 2005)

Pareshan Khattak further argues that historically Pukhtuns lived in close proximity

with different nations they have adopted some characteristics still observed in form of

Pukhtunwali Khattak illustrates that if we analyse the Aryans nation we observed that

they respected their elders They didnlsquot follow the inherited monarchy Similarly their

social system is based on Tribalism Tribal system made the Aryans united as a nation

against the invaders They were hospitable They honoured their guests and offered them

good meal Khattak argues that all these features are present in Pukhtunwali as well

However still Pukhtuns are identified as a distinct nation who followed their own codes

of conduct in the form of Pukhtunwali since their inception (Khattak 2005194)

I argue that despite different theories regarding their origin Pukhtuns have a

strong sense of solidarity towards each other and they consider themselves as the

descendants of a single forefather who lived somewhere in Afghanistan Thus belief in

common ancestry makes them united through an organized social order This is often

typical of tribal societies which trace their lineage to a patriarchal head with blood ties

connecting the entire tribe Following is a detail of their social and political existence

69

SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF THE PUKHTUN SOCIETY

Segmentary lineage system forms the very basic structure of the society There is

hierarchy of social groupings in such societies Such grouping started from the local level

moving upward through several levels and forms the entire ethnic group The relationship

is based on shared values culture and kinship Pukhtuns are highly concerned with the

origin genealogies and descent (Caroe 1958) Barfield argues that prime loyalty of

Pukhtuns is towards their kin village tribe and ethnic group generally termed as qawm

(Barfield 201018)

Family forms the very base of the Pukhtunslsquo hierarchical structure Kul (family) is

usually used for enlarged family while Koranai and Tabar is used for smaller family Kul

is sometimes used for referring to a group of families closely related to each other They

have maintained their individuality and identity (Kilcullen200974) These extended

families united together in smaller groups forming lineage (Plarganey) which united

together in kinship groups are called clans (Khels) These multiple kin groups form a tribe

(qawm) They usually united against the common rivals who threatened their existence

(Munoz 201004)

Tribes (qawm) are usually comprised of number of groups and sub-groups

(Khels) There are numerous subdivisions who occupied specific areas close to each

other Tribe is basically a social organization which is based on lineage and locality They

share common ancestry language culture and history (Kakar 1979 Moghaddam et al

2012807)

Likewise Barth provides specifics of the traditional arrangements of Pukhtuns

organizations He posits that Pukhtuns present in the central belt of the barren hills are

engaged in mixed agriculture (Barth 1969118) Mostly tribesmen are descendants of the

common predecessors Pukhtuns are organized in patrilineal segmentary lineage system

(Barth 1969118) These levels of organization exist within the Pashtun tribal system

Tribal society maintained peculiar mannerism values norms and traditions (Kilcullen

200974) In other words Lindholm called such social structure an ―acephalous

patrilineal segmentary system This means that they lack institutionalized leadership and

hierarchy as well (1982 xxiv)

Barth argues that Pukhtuns living in the plains valleys of Pakistan are mostly

arduous agriculturist with having artificial irrigation system They are the land owners

while the villagers serve them in the lands as their tenants Pukhtun population living in

70

the towns are traders administrators craftsmen and labourers as well Likewise some

Pukhtuns are living a pastoral life politically organized as tribes Barth states that

politically Pukhtuns are segmentary organization of the Pukhtun descent group In some

areas they are living without an institutionalised leadership while in some areas having a

quasi-feudal system with subject to bureaucratic administration (Barth 1969118)

I argue that recently their socio-economic organization has changed considerably

Different classes according to the wealth property and authority have emerged among

them All these classes are engaged in different professionsworks which determine their

position in their society The proprietorship of wealth and land gave powerful status to

Pukhtuns in their society Alam (2012 315) posits that in Pukhtun tribal areas affluent

and powerful elites are the Maliks They are actually the chief of their tribes who enjoyed

highest status in their respective tribes while in settled areas they are called as Khanans

(Swat areas) Nawabans (Mardan) and similar names granted to them according to their

status in the society So the status and engagement of work in Pukhtun society is based

on the distribution and possession of wealth and land The landless or small landholders

are engaged in farm related activities while the one with possession of large lands are

landlords to farmers (Alam 2012 315)

Poor people of the tribe serve rich in their homes as their servants (Khitmatgaran)

and in fields as their tenants Holy groups of the Pukhtun tribesmen as Mian Sayyids and

also land owners are on top of the hierarchy Then other groups as Mullahs (who perform

the religious duties have a marginal involvement in political affairs of Pukhtun society)

shopkeepers goldsmith tailors carpenters shepherds barbers butchers musicians and

dancers are placed in lower categories People of all these categories are politically

socially and economically dependent on the landlord families (Ahmed 2006 19-20)

Similarly women of high social status are partly visible in public places whereas

more specifically women of elite class in the villages are confined to the four walls of

their houses and not permitted to move outside freely Female of poor families mostly

help their males in fields and also perform household chores at homes of the wealthy

Pukhtun families (Alam 2012 315) Nevertheless this is changing with the passage of

time Major changes occurred after 1970lsquos Considerable number of Pukhtuns went to

Gulf States for earning The remittances they sent home have brought changes in

economic and social structures of Pukhtuns The number of landholders have increased

considerably which led to the transformation of social stratification (Rafiq 201778)

Undoubtedly Pukhtuns living in any part of the world have a great respect

71

towards Pukhtunwali they follow the code variently Pukhtuns have always considered

the code (Pukhtunwali) an ideal conduct and have been trying to observe and follow it by

for centuries

PUKHTUNWALI AN UNWRITTEN CODE OF CONDUCT

Pukhtunwali is a flexible code of conduct which is not static but dynamic and

negotiable It covers political socio- economic and religious aspects of life These

attributes are closely associated by Pukhtuns with their Pukhtun identity These are not

attributes themselves but a complex form of concepts of justice and honour which is

derived from Pukhtuns specific value orientations These value orientations are

autonomy equality bravery individuality and aggressiveness collectively named as

Pukhtunwali (Krbek amp Pollitt 197715) Rehman states that Pukhtunwali is centurieslsquo old

unwritten code of conduct followed by Pukhtuns at the cost of their lives (Shams-ur-

Rehman 2015299) Thus different features of Pukhtunwali are still followed and

respected by Pukhtuns

One of the features of Pukhtunwali is Jirga which is considered to be the very

cause of its flexibility where issues and disputes are discussed and resolved (Taj 2011)

Another feature of Pukhtunwali is Melmastia (hospitality) for which Pukhtuns are

characterized with (Lindholm 1982211) Melma means guest They are honoured and

respected by Pukhtuns Once under the roof of Pukhtuns they are treated as guests and

served well with good food place and shelter (Ali 201302) Barth argues that these

informal institutions are the facilitating factors for Pukhtuns to maintain their common

values and specific identity within a segmentary population (Barth 1969123)

Similarly if an individual is an asylum seeker and wants protection of his life

from his foes such guests will be given every possible protection against his enemies

(Lindholm 1982211 Taj 201102) This is termed as Panah or protection (Saigol

201350) Likewise if the culprit seek mercy at the house of the victims Nanawati

(shelter) is granted to them (Harnden 201425)

Badal (revenge) is another code of conduct (Lindholm 1982211) which should

be taken at any cost Responsibility of revenge ran deep in the blood of Pukhtuns

(Easwaran 199917) Miakheil argues that Pukhtuns never forget to take a revenge

though sometimes it may defer for some purpose as according to the Pakhtu proverb

―Ka cheeri Pukhtun khapal badal sal kala pas ham wakhle no beya ham-e-bera

karay dardquo

72

Translation if a Pukhtun took his revenge after hundred years he still seems to be in a

hurry (Miakheil 20035)

So revenge is taken against the wrongdoers otherwise such family or individuals

lose prestige in the society To protect themselves from such stigma Pukhtuns involve

themselves in unending blood feuds (Miakheil 20035) Thus revenge is the liability on

the shoulders of an affected family or tribe which should be taken in any way by any

generation This code of conduct (Badal) even destroys the lives of more than one

generations

Mostly Pukhtuns prefer to live in joint family system which enhances their family

solidarity and welfare Such communal life is a source of their economic security and

social integrity But with the passage of time this joint family system is changed into an

individualistic pattern especially in an educated and well off section of the society

Similarly Pukhtun society is following the aggregate culture Altson states that Pukhtuns

have a composite and aggregate culture They avoid individualism They are interrelated

with one another (Altson 2014) So tribal culture and Pukhtunwali are reformulated in

terms of mutual responsibility and solidarity Nationally the notion of tribal independence

is termed as Pukhtun autonomy which makes them united against any aggression

(Verkaaik 201270) Thus Pukhtuns work for the welfare of group instead of individual

Likewise honour of the group and of the individuals is bound together Protection of

honour is responsibility of the whole Pukhtun community which is to be protected at any

cost more specifically against those who tried to infringe it (Altson 2014)

Similarly Sharam (shame) Peghore (taunt) are also important codes of Pukhtun

culture and any harm to life property and respect of women family culture ethnicity

community and nationality is attached to Nang (honour) and couldnlsquot ignore in any

situation (Khattak et al 200102) Ghairat (courage) Tor Nang Namus (honour of

women) and Pardah (segregation of gender) are also features of Pukhtunwali (Barth

1969122) in order to protect their females against anyone It is stated that feature of

ghairat is central to Pukhtun culture It gives them the spirit of pride zeal autonomy

courage and self- assertion related to being a Pukhtun and doing Pakhtu Ghairat is close

to their hearts and in case of insult or challenge they never hesitate to take even the lives

of others or sacrifice themselves Otherwise they earn the title of beghairat (without

honour) It is stigma to them and are considered as weak and impotent Thus ghairat

compels Pukhtun to defend the honour of his family and tribe at any cost According to

the Pukhtu proverb ―a Pukhtun will throw himself in the fire for the sake of his honourrdquo

73

(Culver 2008 74)

Similarly protection of Namus is mandatory act on part of Pukhtuns The

responsibility lies on each end every member of the Pukhtun community to protect

Namus of family village and society Protection of females land (also Motherland) and

property are termed as Namus Those individuals who either leave the place or to fight for

his honour and are better able to protect their Namus should earn Ezzat (honour) But if

anyone fails to do so would have no ezzat in the society It is stated that it is worthwhile

to die instead of living without honour As mentioned in the proverb

ldquoMal me da Sara Jar Sha aw Sar me da Namus na Jar shardquo means I will sacrifice

my wealth for my head and will sacrifice my life for my Namus (Miakhel

20033)

Protection of women land (also Motherland) and property are considered as the

foremost duty of Pukhtuns Likewise Pukhtun protect and defend their females against

any mishap which destroys the very image of family tribe and even Pukhtun community

Otherwise women have to pay price of the family honour in different forms as swara6

pardah (seclusion of women) honour killing and restriction on their free movement

(Altson 2014) Violation of any of these codes could not be tolerated Any violations

against them would lead to bloodshed Likewise Torah (bravery) and Imandari (truth)

are the codes present in blood of Pukhtuns (Ali 201304)

Mashartia (respect for elders) saritob which is manliness (Ahmed 200616)

Siyali (equality) Qawm (Tribal or Ethnicity) Qawmi Taroon (Tribal binding) Hamsaya

(neighbour or outsider living within a village or family) are also crucial codes of conduct

Jirga (assembly of male elders) has the responsibility to supervise and implement these

codes (Barth 195967) Jirga is a meeting of the reputable people of Pukhtun community

that has the authority to settle the dispute in a manner acceptable to both the sides

(Shams-ur-Rehman 2015298) Thus Pukhtunwali covers almost every aspect of life

whether economic religious social and political So being an ideal Pukhtun observance

of these codes along with true faith in Islam is crucial

6 For the settlement of disputes sometimes the aggrieved party receive compensation in the form of diyat(

payment or acceptance of blood money) Qisas(eye for an eye etc) or Swara Swara is a custom in which the

female of a culprit family is given to the aggrieved family It is a constant reminder for the end of the

conflict

74

ISLAM AND PUKHTUNWALI

Pukhtuns have greater affection towards Pukhtunwali and religion Islam They

consider both the same (Minhaj-ul-Hasan 2015215) Majority of Pukhtuns are Sunni

Muslims Great Pukhtun poet Rehman Baba strongly respond to those who consider

Islam and Pukhtunwali as different Rehman Baba replied

―You keep on considering Pashto and Islam as two different things whereas in my

opinion if God were to be a human being He surely would have been a

Pakhtoonrdquo (Singh et al 2014nd)

Religion is significantly visible in their acts and behaviour Barth argues that

Pukhtun society has the influence of both Islam and Pukhtun ethnic values Pukhtunwali

is followed along with Sharia law (Barth 1981) Pukhtuns consider themselves as

genuine Muslims as they have not gone through late conversion They claim that their

ancestor Qais Abdur Rashid became the first disciple of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) at

that time when most of Arabs were infidels (Christensen 1988 144) Undoubtedly

Pukhtuns are the believers of Islam Pukhtuns believe that they have accepted the religion

Islam collectively Islam is the dominating factor in the formation of their social structure

and ideology They also follow Islamic law (Shariah) Although there are slight

differences in the dialects customs and traditions of every Pukhtun tribe but shared

social norms Thus Pukhtuns are abiding by two types of codes Islamic law and

Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201263)

Glatzer (1998) states that it is ingrained in the mind of Pukhtuns that Islam and

Pukhtunwali are one and same things Their codes are engraved in their historical context

and traditions Such codes are practiced by Pukhtuns of both Afghanistan and Pakistan

Honour shame and fight for the right cause (Jihad) have resonance in Islam Similarly

fighting without a just cause is prohibited by both Islam and Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns call

the warriors as Mujahideen and pitiable displaced peoples as Muhajerin Pukhtuns used

these terminologies even today which reminds us the exodus of the Prophet (PBUH) to

Madina Similarly the ongoing war in Afghanistan against the foreign troops is

considered as jihad by Pukhtuns and martyr in the war is entitled as Shaheed (Glatzer

19989-10)

Pukhtuns meticulously observe religious rituals like fasting Prayers Zakat

(money or other daily items granted to poor) Hajj (Pilgrimage) and Jihad (holy war

75

against the infidels) Similarly Pukhtuns considered that their identity is with the

observance of Pukhtunwali It is a matter related to honour and their integrity is in the

practice of Pukhtunwali Thus they thought themselves both as Muslims following the

Islamic laws and Pukhtuns by practicing Pukhtunwali as similar things Pukhtuns prefer

religion for modelling an ideal life They considered religion ―a moral code and is the

Allah‟s will for the amelioration of humanityrdquo but followed Pukhtunwali while taking

decisions regarding the communal matters (Kaker 200303) So it is commonly observed

that in the implementation of their decisions they grant secondary status to the religion

Thus religion comes in contradiction with customs Islam not only govern their lives but

grant them an Islamic identity of being a Muslim Both customary laws and Islam are

truly observed in the same manner but a great difference is seen in its implementation

(Naz et al 201265)

I argue that Pukhtuns have amalgamated both Islam and Pukhtunwali in a manner

which benefitted males of the society Different features of Pukhtunwali grant subjugated

position to women and in turn restrict their lives Likewise the interpretation of the

Quranic verses by the religious scholars further grant dominating status to males in

various matters These are some of the factors which make females of the traditional

societies more vulnerable Pukhtun women confront different challenges in society which

obstruct their way to a relatively better standard of life as well as towards their success

No doubt Pukhtuns consider themselves as true Muslims abiding by the Islamic rules and

having similarities in their code of conduct as well as in Islam But there are some

observable differences in both Islam and Pukhtunwali which increase hurdles for women

in their way to successful life

Pukhtunwali governs various aspects (ideological social cultural and political) of

Pukhtun lives most notably while dealing with the rights of Pukhtun women Mostly

customary laws formed by patriarchal social organization are followed Islam occupies

more ideological place while the dominating position is that of their customary laws Both

(Customary laws and Islam) are truly observed in the same manner but a great difference

is seen in its implementation (Naz et al 201265) Pessala argues that though Islam is

intermingled in Pukhtunwali but is different in many ways (2012 01) Islam provides

protection liberty and rights to women being as a mother sister wife and a daughter

Islam granted them property and inheritance rights but totally neglected by the Pukhtun

society which make them subservient to the male members of the family Pukhtun society

is being monopolized by male members (Qadeer 20151268) In Pukhtunwali women are

76

deprived of the rights of property and inheritance (Naz et al 201269) The right of Zar

(gold) Zan (women) and Zameen (land) are male possessions in Pukhtun society (Naz et

al 2012 70) Likewise majority of females are deprived of education They are also not

allowed to engage in economic activities outside their houses Pukhtuns consider houses

as the true moral and religious place for their women (Naz et al 201204) Females of

the Pukhtun society are bound by their customs and even sacrifice their lives for safety of

their family honour and security of their family male members The above situation

makes lives of the Pukhtun women more deplorable They faced different religious

socio-cultural economic and political hindrances which impedes their way to progress

IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMEN PROGRESS

31 RELIGIOUS AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES

The religious practices and cultural norms are often justified through selective

reading of religious text which create hindrances in the way of women political

participation and empowerment Such interpretations favour the patriarchal notion and

subjugate women of the society Similarly use of religion by different sections of the

society to promote their interests creates more problems

Saleem states that religion and patriarchy go side by side in patriarchal societies

Lives of women are controlled by religious beliefs They even face discrimination in the

name of religion Restrictions are imposed on them in the name of religious and societal

norms like wearing the veil and minimum visibility in public places and many more

(Saleem 20067) So the diversity between the theological and living Islam increases

burden for women Fatima Mernissi (leading feminist writer) argues that early Muslim

scholars have interpreted the sacred text according to their own interest They have

misguided the people and manipulated Islam She further states that Hadiths were

elaborated in a manner that benefitted males and subjugated women (Mernissi

1995119) So wide discrepancies are visible regarding the status of women in religion

traditions and later the actual situation as well (Kaushik 1993 XII)

Likewise Critelli discusses situation in the tribal belt of Pakistan She posits that

Pashtun women living in these areas are suffering due to absence of state laws Seven

Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have a special status in legal and

administrative system of Pakistan Mostly affairs in these areas are run by local council

of elders with nominal interference from the state People of such areas run their affairs

through their old tribal customs of Pashtunwali Rather women in the settled areas have

77

the protection of police and judiciary which is not available to women in these areas

(Critelli 2010239) People of these areas follow both Sharia laws and customary laws for

their personal issues Their policies toward women are implausible and inconsistent

(Critelli 2010) It is stated that ldquoPukhtuna nim Quran mani nim Pukhtunwalirdquo (Pukhtuns

half use Quran and half Pukhtunwali) (Christensen 1988145)

Naz argues that Islam has a dominated role in the ideology and social structure of

Pukhtuns They abide by the Islamic law but also follow Pukhtunwali throughout the

course of their social and religious life (Naz 2011) Islam is closely related to the

Pukhtun identity which is used by local national and regional political domains

Therefore Banerjee states that religious leaders used Islam for the unification of

Pukhtuns in crises She credited the ideology based on both Islam and Pukhtunwali

behind the success of KK movement This proves that Islam and Pukhtun customs move

beyond the living Islam and is used in the political and social reform movements as well

(Banerjee 2000160) Christensen argues that Islamic teachings are blended with the

Pukhtun identity to attract masses of the region and gain their support (Christensen

1988) In todaylsquos world religion is the prime force to impel and mobilize the public

(Huntington 1993192) Thus leaders through religiously legitimated appeal made an

attempt to mobilize people for political actions But in case of conflict they further

persuade them for correctness of their conduct through religious connotation

(Christensen 1988145) Likewise theological and intellectual rhetoric creates sectarian

demarcation between different religious groups Different groups and sects have their

own interpretation of Islamic doctrines This is because of the absence of single centrally

acceptable religious authority who left a vacuum of interpretation which in turn provides

basis for various doctrines (Gaier 20102)

Christensen endorses the argument of Gaier (2010) and states that political

conflict occurs when different religious groups gave different interpretation of Islam

Some religious preachers combine state authority with the religious legitimation They

have their own yardsticks for the recognition of a good Muslim and identified those as the

good subject who accepted their authority Thus through the measures of repression and

rewards the state managed to gain support of the number of religious personalities who

together promoted the version of Islam (Christensen 1988145)

The difference between theological Islam and practical Islam is because of the

diversity among the religious elites as well Jan amp Aman argue that the presence of varied

religious political parties like Jamaat- e- Islami Jammiyyat- ulama- e- Islam militant

78

elements like Taliban and Tehrik- e- Nifaz- e ndashShariat- e- Muhammadi(TNSM) have

assimilated Islamic principles with the local customs to get legitimacy Pukhtun cultural

elements such as honourlsquo (Jan amp Aman 201522) and Pardahlsquo (Khan A 200720) have

been interpreted by giving them religious connotation

Such interpretation creates hurdles for women particularly in the KP (erstwhile

NWFP) and Baluchistan provinces and results in their absence from public life Even

though there are notable differences in the status of women of urban and rural areas

Majority of women population in rural areas are denied of their basic fundamental rights

while urban women get a slightly better deal Urban women have better access to

education and job opportunities because of their access to resources They are therefore

unwilling to accept a subjugated role under the traditional patriarchal system (Saleem

2006 5-6)

Similarly Saigol argues that religion is used by the upper class to achieve sustain

and increase their power By using these measures they can easily reach to hegemonic

ascendancy within the state and society (Saigol 200938) The diverse interpretations of

Islam by the state and religious elites regarding women and their participation in politics

create difficulties in their lives which make them dependent in every walk of their lives

(Critelli 2010)

Shaheed argues that different strata of the society in Pakistan are using religion to

protect their own interest (Shaheed 2009) As religious preachers and parties have a

significant influence especially in the rural areas People of such areas grant them great

reverence Therefore the upper class used them in their own favour as well Like in 1970

when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power through his manifesto of Islamic socialism

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto also used Islam against his opponents as an important ground to

political alternatives This was welcomed by the general public which was the

abolishment of large scale holding of private properties But it was a threat to the power

base of landlords throughout the country The economic transformation and market

reforms of the government through socialism led to the decline of traditional power of the

landlords across the country The dilemma of a decline of such power was faced by the

local khans of the KP province as well These landlords made an alliance with the

traditional mullahs (religious leaders) and local imams (prayer leaders) to issue fatwa

(religious decree) against the abolishment of private property and declared it as Un-

Islamic They further declared the socialist policies of the government as a threat to Islam

and to call for jihad against it Such measures were taken by the landowners to secure

79

their property from being nationalised Instead they supported Nizam-e-Mustafa (System

of Mohammad) campaign against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rule This led to the decline of

Bhutto rule while military leader Gen Zial-ul- Haq promised to enforce Shariah

(Orakzai 201138) So religion was used by the upper strata of the country to favour

their own interest

Qasir posits that Zialsquos Islamisation program was focused on the social role of

urban female The slogan of Zia ideology ldquoChaddar (veil) and ldquoChardivari(home)

(Qasir 1992 118) believed in the confinement of women within their houses So Islam is

used by the leaders to pave the way for politico-religious forces and to assert hegemonic

control over the political discourse (Shaheed 20096) During Zia- ul- Haq regime the

Islamic political ideology of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) was followed He mixed religion with

politics for the purpose to gain legitimacy and acquired political allies to prolong the rule

(Chengappa 2004 1-2)

Scholars argue that such religious parties always opposed the liberation of women

They are even against the womenlsquos political participation and their presence in public life

In one such instance when Jammat- e- Islami (JI) launched a campaign against the

womenlsquos involvement in the National Parliament (Awanamp Kokab 2016846) they called

it as against Islam if a woman would lead the Islamic country Therefore they had

opposed Benazir Bhutto to be an elected Prime Minister of Pakistan Ulema perceived her

leadership as pernicious to society and would damage the Islamic ideals regarding the

family (Haeri 1993200) As Islamic scholars argue that a ―nation that would hand over

its leadership to a woman would not enjoy welfare and prosperity Pakistan would suffer

if it was governed by a womanrdquo ldquoWomen should stay at home The religious scholars

argue that there are many men in her party Why don‟t they come forward(Sekine

201429)

Saleem argues that Islamization process had a deep impact on women of the

whole country but specifically of the North West Frontier Province (now KP) the already

patriarchal society Power and influence of these political parties began to increase and

women began to live in fear of discrimination and subjugation in the name of religion

(Saleem 20068) Similarly Mullahs (religious leaders) have a powerful impact in the

rural areas They have interpreted some of the verses of Holy Quran in a manner which

have a glimpse against the womenlsquos equality and political participation Unfortunately

common Pashtun men followed their dictates (Jamal 2015 24)

Khan argues that a major transition in societal mind-set became evident when

80

religious political parties formed government in KP and Baluchistan in 2002 The

religious partylsquos alliance Muttahida Majlis-e-lsquoAmal (MMA) became victorious in 2002

elections and formed a government (2002-2008) by using Islamic rhetoric during

electoral politics in Pukhtun regions (Khan J 2014 302) Religious parties had won

majority in the Provincial Assembly of KP due to the outburst of religious upheaval

They have also started campaign of Islamization in Pakistan which had its deep impacts

on the KP (Saleem 20068-9) Jahangir (human rights activist and an advocate of the

Supreme Court of Pakistan) states that religion is used for political purposes to sustain the

insecure governments or to conceal the crucial issues of economic and social justice from

the public (Jahangir 2000)

Khan states that religious affiliation acts as a determinant in restricting the women

from politics In our society majority of women face restriction and opposition in

political field on the plea that religion does not allow them to mingle with opposite sex

openly Likewise religion is used as an effective tool against women political activists in

the area It strictly prohibits women from political involvement either as political

candidate voters or even joining campaigns or other electoral activities (KhanA

20075)

Sherazi posits that women were not allowed to cast their votes in different districts

of KP Most notably in Buner district women were barred from casting their votes in the

constituency of provincial assembly PK-78 and in Sorey Union Council of Buner PK-78

Same situation was faced by women in the provincial assembly seat PK-94 of the Lower

Dir Likewise in the Amankot village of Swat district a Jirga was organized by the

village elders political workers and candidates for the purpose to ban women from

casting their votes in 2013 elections (Sherazi 2013)

Similar Boone (2015) endorses the argument and posits that political

empowerment of women were thwarted by religious groups and political parties in

Hangu lower and Upper Dir Likewise in 2013 elections women were again deprived of

their electoral rights in the name of local customs and traditions while the local

authorities grew into organized anti-women movement (Boone 2015)

Besides minimal presence of femaleslsquo in the political field women of the society

are economically dependent as well Amna Latif argues that under representation of

women in politics is because of male dominance over the economic and other power

resources (Latif 2009428) Islam guaranteed parity between males and females The

misinterpretation of Islamic rules by men make it biased against women Such

81

interpretations cause male-domination in a society and grant women of such societies

subjugated positions (Shahid 2007125) Similarly the amalgamation of cultural norms

with the religious interpretation make women more dependent Cultural norms of the

society encourage separation and isolation of women often justified through religion

connotation (Shaheed 2009)

I argue that the gender stereotyping through the cultural beliefs increased the

problems of women more specifically of the pukhtun society They are still facing

problems like unemployment illiteracy exclusion from property and decision- making

process which minimize their role in the societal matters as well One of the cause for

their minimal presence in the political field is their economic dependence as well

Naz et al (2012) argues that traditionally Pukhtuns have ambiguous norms for

female inheritance Property and other assets are distributed among family members

Property is pondered to be a symbol of authority and power and is related with males of

the society Thus there is an observable difference in religious practices and cultural

traditions of the area Sharia has allocated property and inheritance rights to both the

genders (Naz et al 201269)

Khan posits that the significance of Zar (gold) Zan (women) and Zamin (land) are

the main principles of Pukhtunwali and very base of the local ideology The concept of

family property and private ownership provide dominance to male members in terms of

inheritance which is a base of patriarchy Mostly males have been given the inheritance

and property rights while Pukhtun women are denied of such rights (Khan N 201212)

According to Pukhtunwali women are not entitled to own lands independently Their

shares in properties are seized by concerned males of the family This makes them

economically dependent on their males Such economic dependence further subjugates

them in the family as well as in the society

Thus deprivation of women in the economic field is also one of the causes of their

exclusion from politics Their economic status is not encouraging Alam argues that

women of rural areas are involved in home management embroidery sewing and

agriculture activities such as livestock amp poultry etc (Alam 2012313) While women in

the urban areas have access to some income generated professions like teaching

medicines and recently their engagement in beauty salons Absence or inadequacy of

financial resources has a negative impact on their decision- making powers (Aderinwale

1997) Mahbub ndashul- Haq posits that cultural values have isolated women from economic

activities (Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Center 2000) Their main responsibility

82

is to perform the household chores Their role is neither paid nor recognized Similarly

males are considered to be the bread earners and are responsible for the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) So males are provider and protectors of the family while

females are passive members Majority of the women are not allowed to do jobs as well

(Awan and Kokab 2016 05) Thus deprivation and violence against women is prevalent

in patriarchal societies (Agathangelou 2002)

Similarly Perveen7 states that the diversity of opinion between customs religion

and state laws is not limited to the Tribal belt only But KP and FATA region are the most

volatile areas for the human rights activists as well Women activists have been criticized

for their work by arguing that they are propagating the western agenda She discussed one

incident that in Kohistan district of KP province a religious cleric Maulvi Abdul Haleem

warned female NGO workers in his sermon on 4 May 2012 He threatened them not to

work in the district otherwise they would be forcibly married with the locals He further

asserted that these women workers are influencing their native women in the name of

education employment and empowerment He added that all these acts are un-Islamic

and against the local customs and practices as well (Perveen 201339)

The above stated discussion demonstrates that discrepencies in the political and

economic fields are deeply prevalent within the Pukhtun society which further subjugate

them Furthermore these problem have adverse consequences in rural areas where lives

are mostly traditionally driven Such traditions assign more power to males who got more

privileges in the field of politics and power The blatant exploitation of religion by

encouraging the socio-cultural restrictions such as discriminatory customs and traditions

patriarchal setup of society and economic dependence are the bases for the minimal role

of women in the field of politics

32 SOCIO-CULTURAL IMPEDIMENTS FACED BY THE PUKHTUN

WOMEN

Socio-cultural values and practices are found in every social organization The

abidance of such practices enable the individuals to live in peace and harmony These

practices cover every field of life including social economic religious and political as

well But in Pukhtun society these practices are mainly male dominated which increase

problems of women in Pukhtun society Scholars argue that different norms of the

Pukhtun society restrict women in their own way These practices make the life of women

7 Founder Director of creative anger by Rakhshi - A Social Enterprise

83

more dependent and miserable In Pukhtun patriarchal society separate spheres are

allocated for both males and females (Moghadam 1992) Women of the Pukhtun society

live according to the prevalent cultural values and social norms (Jamal 201519) The

observance of the prevailing norms and values make lives of these women more

deplorable

Mann (20053) argues that males adopt aggressive and violent behaviour whereas

females have passive and submissive attitude to protect honour of the family Choo

(2006588) posits that women are considered to take the burden of cultural representation

and are symbolic bearers of traditions honour and national identity

Though in Pukhtun society both genders are bound to Pakhtu the word Pakhto‟

is not only a language but is a symbol of beliefs attitudes integrity and cultural identity

of Pukhtuns Since childhood Pukhtuns are aware of their gender limitations There is a

clear demarcation of their responsibilities and duties as well Grima Benedicte posits that

hujra (men space) gun turban gherat (Honour) saritob (manliness) hospitality

granting an exile badal (revenge) are menlsquos Pakhtu while shame modesty tears gherat

purdah and endurance of hardship are considered to be women Pakhtu (Grima 1992 01)

But Namus (honour) Tarburwali (agnatic rivalry) is usually used in terms of enemy

(Christensen 1988147)

Different features of Pukhtunwali rely more on the protection of women Pardah

(an important feature of Pukhtunwali) should be observed by both Pukhtun men and

women (Fazal 201341) Different practices like Vulvar (bride money) swara Tor and

pardah in Pukhtun society make the lives of women vulnerable Vulvar (bride money) is

one such practice prevalent in Pukhtun society According to the custom males of the

bride took money from bridegroom or his family Family of bride considers it beneficial

for a girl But it has socio-psychological consequences which are faced by girlslsquo

throughout their lives Through this custom males of the society consider females as their

movable properties Vulvar further degrades women They remained submissive as they

are considered to be purchased like any other commodity The purchased brides have no

significance domestically as well (Khan N 20125)

Similarly swara is another prevalent custom of Pukhtun society Swara is an

alternative to eradicate the vendetta among tribes or even families According to the

custom girl from the culprit family or tribe is given as compensation to aggrieved party

Swara is an old custom deep rooted in Pukhtun society Local Pukhtuns followed the

custom on the plea that through this custom sacrifice of a girl can save life of the whole

84

family or tribe (Ali 2018) The sacrifice of a girl is for seeking apology and forgiveness

from the culprits Girls are the victims of such practices who have to pay price of crime

committed by males of the family or tribe As mentioned in one of the Pakhtu song

Khowenday chay keenee roonra staee roonra che keenee khowenday swaray kay

warkaweena

Translation ldquoWhen sisters get together they kudos their brotherslsquo but when brothers

meet they give their sisters away as Swara (Minallah 20061-2)

Another most prevalent custom is Tor Literal meaning of Tor is black but in

Pukhtun context it means adultery or illicit relations It is a crime the punishment of

which is execution Anyone who is suspicious of illicit relations have been killed by the

family of an involved female (KhanN 20127) But Khan argues that sometimes this

custom is used against the enemies as a reprisal Tor is used against female of the

opponent family by propagating her illicit relations Without investigating the charges

women became the victim of suspicions as well Women of these societies are

disempowered who can neither defend themselves nor can escape execution (KhanN

20127)

One ancient custom in Pukhtun society is Ghag (call someone) It is also a

prevalent custom of Pukhtun society in which man declares his intentions to marry a

particular woman Different methods are used for Ghag One simple method is that

messenger is sent to the house of a woman to convey proposal of a man Secondly a man

who wished to marry shoot a gun from the nearby mosque and announced the name of a

particular girl The worst consequence of Ghag is that girl and her family suffered

throughout life They lost their respect as name of a particular girl is announced

publically Sometimes it may happen that men have no intentions of marrying a girl

whose name is announced publically In such cases women being victim of such

practices (unless release from the claim) are denied to be married by anyone else just to

protect themselves from feuds While those who resist Ghag have faced dire

consequences (Kari 2016) According to unofficial report almost 20 girls have

committed suicide being bound by the custom Ghag In one such incident Asma Rani a

third year medical student was shot dead She was killed by rejecting the marriage

proposal from the married person and a father of two kids Though it is still unclear if

Ghag was invoked before the murder but the circumstances are strikingly similar (Khan

2018)

85

Recently a bill was presented by Sitara Ayaz (Provincial Minister for Social

Welfare and Women Development) in the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly Elimination

of Custom of Ghag Bill 2012 was passed unanimously by the Assembly for eradication of

a custom called ghag The violators have to face seven yearslsquo imprisonment or Rs500

000 fine or both (Ashfaq 2013) I argue that though it is a positive step taken by the

female MPA towards protection of Pukhtun females from the prevailing customs But its

fair implementation is also important for the security and progress of Pukhtun women

Similarly Pardah is also an important custom of Pukhtun society The embedded

value of Pardah is visible in construction of houses as well Residential areas with

multiple entrances and high walls are believed to represents pardah Houses are private

domain and unrelated men are prohibited to enter Similarly hujra is malelsquos area where

females avoid entering (Ahmed 200650) So women have a place inside home while

outer world is for men This dissociation of private and public spheres between both

genders in Pukhtun society is justified as honour of family tribe and whole society which

is possible only with the protection of their females So in patriarchal societies fate of

females is in the hands of male members of concerned families (Naz et al 201216)

Scholars argue that responsibility of family honour lies on womanlsquos shoulders

whose modesty dignity chastity and honour are above all other matters If any act of

female gains bad reputation her whole family is defamed Such defamation becomes the

basis of peighore (taunt) Bloodshed and feuds are initiated for the purpose to regain lost

honour of a family In some cases such vendettas continue for centuries A woman

responsible for damaging honour of a family through her wrong acts also loses her life

(Naz et al 201216) So Pardah is pondered to be the most admirable manner for the

safety and security of femalelsquos honour and reputation which is related to the honour of

family and tribe as well (Rzehak 201110)

Despite observance of pardah in strict sense there is a great difference in the lives

of women of tribal and settled areas In Orthodox tribal families women strictly observe

pardah and have to remain within four walls of their houses Their main responsibility is

to perform household chores Males are the protectors and providers of the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) Barth posits that male of the family is authoritative to give his

decision regarding the fate of the family They have the right to keep family united or to

expel members of the family (wife by divorcing her and children through disinheriting)

Male member also controls the social assimilation of their family members even restricts

wife to meet her close relatives and controls the property as well (Barth 1959 22)

86

Most of the families of Pukhtunslsquo live in joint family system which leads to

patriarchy because of the central role played by family and household (Lindholm 1982)

Thus gender segregation is the patriarchal gender role which mostly confined women

within houses (Barth 1959) Further in a patriarchal society females are recognized by

male members of their family however in most cases they can even hide their names

from the strangers because of the fear of earning bad repute to the family Women instead

of mentioning their names if required usually mention names of their male relatives

(Alam 2012316)

But Pukhtunwali is not static In urban areas most of the females do not adhere

strictly to the traditions and customs like in tribal areas Women are allowed to move

outside their houses but in veil or sadar and are ushered by a servant driver or other

closest male relative (Ahmed 200649) Similarly they are also allowed for education

and are permitted to do work of their own choices However the situation is opposite for

females of the tribal areas (Alam 2012316)

Similarly relaxation in Pardah is being observed by older women of both the

tribal and settled areas Older women have more mobility a greater access to resources

and have more decision-making powers within the household as compared to younger

women (Lindholm 1996) They are able to move outside spend a socialized life by

visiting houses of relatives and neighbours and inform themselves about happenings

around them (Grima 1992 48 amp 96)

Likewise motherlsquo being a female has given great prestige and honour in family

clan and even tribe Their orders are being respected because of great cultural value of the

concept of motherlsquo It is obligatory on the whole tribe to respect and honour elders So

any harm or insult of mother could lead to blood feuds and are not forgiven by Pukhtuns

at any cost (Shah 1998 69) Elder women of family tribe or clan is a source of creating a

good relationship among people They can bind family members with one another and

represent their families while conducting Gham-Khadi Elder women also attend marriage

as well as funeral of the Pukhtun people both in the land lord rich families and in poorest

families (Ahmed 2006 43 83 amp128) Thus Barth argues that age and gender are the two

crucial factors in the division and distribution of family resources power and labour

(Barth 1959)

Despite their regards towards mother women in general are forced to live

according to Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201264) Particularly under Pukhtunwali code the

involvement of women in political sphere is considered to be a threat to the prestige and

87

honour of a family and tribe Domain of politics is for men Umer et al (2016) argue that

politics is considered to be the male domain and have no space for women in this field

Women in the political field brought them in direct contact with strangers that contradict

Pukhtunwali Pukhtun women are considered to be Pukhtunslsquo honour and they opposed

their physical presence publically Thus socio-cultural values do not permit women of

Pukhtun society to join political sphere (Umer et al 2016149)

The perceived threats to honour restricts womanlsquos role in the politics This implies

that social and cultural values are intertwined with political role in Pukhtun society The

political social and economic empowerment of women is envisaged as a challenge to

menlsquos authority So it is difficult to accept women in the superior or managerial role

(Khan A 200705) Therefore women find it difficult to play an active role in public

sphere These challenges also favour male domination in different fields including

politics (Umer et al 2016149)

Naz et al (2012 65 amp 70) argue that Pukhtunwali and gender segregated socio-

cultural setup are perceived factors behind the division of private and public spheres in

Pukhtun society These factors further increased the problem of gender discrimination in

politics and political empowerment

Religious extremism (Elashi 2014 01) honour boundedness strict observance of

Pardah (Orbala 201202) societal attitudes and cultural norms are the main hurdles for

the Pukhtun female to be in politics (Naz et al 2012 65 amp 70)

33 POLITICAL IMPEDIMENTS

The above mentioned socio-cultural features of Pukhtun society indirectly affect

women participation in politics However apart from these hurdles there are some direct

influences which hinder womenlsquos role in politics For example lack of social and

economic power vis-agrave-vis men directly affect womenlsquos political role

Hanif considers that the economic dependence of women has a negative effect on

their decision-making powers in the family community and in the political parties

Unavailability of economic resources further degrades womenlsquos status and political

leadership position (Hanif 200926) Similarly Awan argues that possession of power

political affiliations and economic resources are very important to be visible in the

political arena But the economic dependence and limited mobility of women of

patriarchal societies face hardship to form mass political networking (Awan 201605)

Hanif endorses the argument of Awan and adds that politics is a political process which

88

needs public interaction This interaction is possible through public appearances and

mobility but cultural norms are against free mobility and mix gathering of Pukhtun

females with general public (Hanif 200926)

However I argue that there are evidences of visibility of some Pukhtun women in

the political sphere who are considered to break the cultural barriers and show their

presence in the male dominated political arena Nonetheless as a matter of fact these

women are from the politically active landowning families where women get more

opportunities and training to facilitate their way into politics Thus women of the

politically prominent families become advantageous and find their way into politics But

the case for general women population is quite different Women in the general

population are mostly powerless their lack of interest in the political affairs burden of

excessive workload (household) unfriendly political environment lack of confidence and

experience in the political field also discourage these women to enter the arena of politics

Iwanaga argues that in patriarchal societies mostly men contest elections while

number of female candidates are less She states that lack of opportunities interest and

minimal female participation during elections are the factors for their nominal presence in

political sphere Similarly she states that apart from contesting elections lack of

experience resources and self-esteem are the factors behind womanlsquos hesitation of

contesting elections She argues that the biased norms and beliefs of males are responsible

for creating such situation (Iwanaga 2008 125) Likewise Hanochi endorses Iwanaga

(2008) and posits that minimal political participation and political activism of patriarchal

societies make them politically ignorant of their issues She further adds that their lack of

interest in the public life is not because of their work load but they prefer domestic

territories for themselves which she claims to be the main cause of their political

backwardness Hanochi argues that such demeanour contributes to the formation of two

different spheres of activities private and public Women of the patriarchal societies

actively perform private and domestic responsibilities while public activities as

community leadership and politics are regarded as the domain of men (Hanochi 2001

114-115) Shvedova shared similar views as Iwanaga and Seiko She argues that such

attitudes favoured men and thus political arena is manipulated by them Men are behind

the formulation of different rules for the political sphere Presence of men made political

model further marginalized womanlsquos presence in the political sphere (Shvedova

200534)

Mahmood posits that political empowerment of women is not an end in itself but

89

means to provoke the society for social and political empowerment which would further

stimulate the overall development of society (Mahmood 2004151) Ali argues that

violence against women even in the political field is executed by males for the purpose to

maintain their power and bolster the hierarchical structures The very base of such

structure is the exploitation of marginalized groups High profile political assassinations

and biased attitudes of the political parties against women are to deprive them of the

decision making processes Similarly inaccessibility of the funds for their

constituencies and derogatory remarks also worsen troubles for women political figures

(Ali 2014)

Furthermore women political figures perform their political functions within the

boundaries directed by the political party leaders party associates voters and the media

as well (Rosenbluth et al 201534) Similarly political parties hesitate on part of women

political participation because of their weak political activism and passive vote bank So

political parties use women political participants for the representative functions at

political meetings mass gatherings and political campaigns as well Thus women

political wings in different political parties are for the purpose to perform these

representative functions and have no authority in the decision-making processes within

the political parties (Awan 20163)

Mehdi is critical of the agendas presented by different political parties He argues

that majority of the political parties have no agenda regarding the equality of women in

politics Their presence is taken for granted In the electoral process women on the

reserved seats increase their chances to success Reserved seats though induct women in

the political arena yet they are dependent on the male colleagues and are acceptable as

an extension of male political figures Such electoral system maintains the gender status-

quo instead of challenging it (Mehdi 2015)

Similarly unfriendly political environment for women also creates problems for

them As it is not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to play their role in the political

fields women in rural areas are forbidden to cast their votes and attend mass gathering

Abbas argues that it is almost impossible to take women out of their houses for the public

gatherings Public gatherings are also dominated by males of the society where presence

of women is negligible Men talk on behalf of the women political workers and leaders

Those women who show their presence on the occasion are even unable to talk about

their rights This shows manipulation of women by men in the political sphere as well

(Abbass 2016)

90

Furthermore lives of those women who are better able to achieve the political

positions are still bound by their gender related roles and status Different factors bound

women of these societies to their traditional functions and resist them to join the political

field which is considered to be maleslsquo domain Richard argues that the patriarchal ideals

are creating obstacles for women in the political field Males of these areas consider them

a threat to their dominance in view of the fact that previously women in these areas have

proved themselves in the male dominated political field and had led campaigns on

different occasions (Richard 2010236) Currently the militancy further make lives of

women vulnerable

34 EXTREMISM AS AN OBSTACLE TO WOMENrsquoS POLITICAL

PARTICIPATION

Social and political situation for Pukhtun women is already grim It got further

worsened with the increasing influence of Taliban in these areas Presence of Taliban or

their supporters in some areas is one of the largest threats to the empowerment of Pukhtun

women They have created the environment of terror by blasting the girlslsquo schools

kidnapping and torturing all those who try to defy their rules Their terrorist activities

have deep impact on the lives of general population Such devastating actions make the

lives of women more deplorable

Unfortunately the influence of Taliban especially in KP province poses a serious

threat to the advancement and prosperity of women Militants targeted different practices

and actions which they considered to be against Islamic beliefs Grigsby points out that

their main targets were music schools and even government offices Their target was not

only female but males as well Nevertheless their dogmatic beliefs made the lives of

women miserable as they opposed womenlsquos involvement in the activities outside their

homes whether education political or social (Grigsby 201496)

OlsquoMalley in his UNESCO publication mentions that Taliban oppose girlsacute

education They have used mosques and illegal radio stations for the closure of all girlsacute

schools They have threatened to blow up girlslsquo school in KP As in Afghanistan those

girls who are attending schools and ignored their threats were attacked with acid

(OacuteMalley 201079) Similarly in Swat valley (district of KP) a young school girl

Malala Yousafzai was shot by Taliban gunmen who fortunately survived Taliban claimed

that she was explicitly advocating the girlslsquo education and defying ban on female

education thatlsquos why she was targeted by them She got severe injuries on her head She is

91

still the staunch supporter of girlslsquo education who gained worldwide recognition She

became the young Noble Peace Prize laureate winner for her explicit stand for female

education in a dreadful situation imposed by Taliban (Hussain 2013)

Thus militants have not only destroyed thousands of girlslsquo schools but also

threatened women to leave their jobs and force them to wear hijabs Same threats were

received by the KP woman politician Bushra Gohar (MNA) nonetheless she is

determined regarding her political career and did not bow in front of threats from Taliban

She was adamant in continuing her political career and had no intentions of leaving

politics She defied the threats from Taliban by confidently meeting her constituents and

showed her physical presence publically (Najibullah amp Wazir 2011) Bushra Gohar is

explicitly advocating the rights of women in KP and FATA region She argues that bills

regarding the child marriage and domestic violence should have been passed by the KP

Assembly (Nisa amp Khan 2016)

In 2013 general elections women party workers came out for campaigning and

supporting their partylsquos candidates as well Malik reveals in her interview that Taliban

had threatened ANP male candidates in Mardan Swabi Charsadda and Peshawar Then

women political workers of ANP led the political campaigns of their male party

colleagues (Malik interview 2017)

Women candidates led election campaign for themselves as well They have

visited almost every part of their constituencies to gain support of public despite Taliban

threats Likewise women also came out for casting their votes in certain specific red zone

areas for elections like Mardan Similarly women of the tribal areas were openly

contesting elections in an uncertain situation Badam Zari from Bajour Agency (NA-44

Tribal area-IX) is the first woman who contested elections independently from FATA

She has confidently faced the uncertainty and militancy (Anwaramp Ahmed 2017174)

Scholars posit that initially emergence of Taliban in Swat valley was welcomed by

general public Women of these areas willingly donated their jewellery for the financial

assistance of Taliban Taliban leader Mullah Fazullah on FM radio spread the Islamic

teachings in a manner to gain support of the people His popularity among the public

particularly women was immense Women have convinced their husbands and sons to

work for Taliban They perceived it their contribution to spread Islamic Ideology But

later the situations were completely different Women were mainly targeted by them

They have killed all those women who showed their physical presence publically

Teachers dancers councillors and school girls were affected Though they were not able

92

to resist Talibanlsquos brutalities openly but found alternatives Majority have fled their

residential areas Yet there were other women who stayed in their hometowns and

continued their work despite threats from Taliban In one such incident a local woman

councillor Shaheen Iqbal was threatened by Taliban to leave her job otherwise would be

killed by them She sent her children to other safe areas and stayed alone in her house

She confidently continued her job She adopted different strategies to cope with threats

from Taliban She locked her house and spread dry bushes and leaves outside her house to

deter people from entering the house She carved a hole inside her house a doorway to

her neighbourhood which she used while moving outside Through such strategies she

was able to continue her job in such deteriorated situation (Brohi amp Khattak 201344)

Taliban brutal attitudes towards the public lose their popularity Zakreshi posits

that Taliban are against the women empowerment in all fields They thought women

empowerment symbolises the western influence which would threaten their own norms

and culture and they are going to resist the western influence in their region (Zakreski

2013) Khan argues that Taliban target those women who show their presence in the

public sphere She posits that Taliban called unveiling women as against Islam and

Pukhtun culture which is compatible with Western liberation (KhanK 2010) The wave

of religious extremism has a deep impact on both the rural and urban areas of KP

Everyone is affected by the current storm of terrorism

Scholars argue that Talibanlsquos idiosyncratic perception regarding the religion Islam

and their brutal punishments (beheadings floggings amputations and shootings) against

the ―culprits publicly is for the purpose to terrorize people and to increase their power

(Physicians for Human Rights Report 1998 32)

Sinno posits that Taliban politicise Islam and justify their cruel attitudes in the

name of religion Majority of Pukhtuns are against such repressive acts of Taliban who

considered it against the true image of Islam Taliban commit crimes in the name of Islam

and politics Islam is used by them for their legitimacy (Sinno 201032) Malik endorses

Sinno and postulates that though local Pukhtun culture is against the women

empowerment in all fields however it was hijacked by the militant rhetoric As

mentioned earlier Pukhtuns in the settled areas have educated their daughters and who

show their active presence in the political processes as well Malik is of the opinion that

Pukhtuns of such areas opposed Taliban for their brutal conduct not because of tribal or

clan rivalries but because of emergence of a new class including the landless peasants or

the have nots against the local influential class who have challenged their very status in

93

their society (Malik 201615) Yamane So argues that initially Taliban manipulated the

tribal belt of Pakistan because of the remoteness and inaccessibility of those areas Local

people are against their rule but Taliban have established the unauthorized hurdles for

them They even destabilized the old Pukhtun culture while disrupting and manipulating

the centuries old codes to intimidate and terrorize the locals (So 201124)

Similarly Zia argues that Taliban have also attacked the lady health workers and

issued fatwas against such women In different fatwas Taliban termed it the

responsibility of Muslim men to kidnap such ladies and forcibly marry them They even

declare them as ldquofit for murderrdquo Taliban called these Lady Health workers as working

for wages and also visit different houses which are against the Pukhtun culture Taliban

used radio for the propagation of their teachings Thus it was easy for Taliban to

persuade Pukhtuns easily because of their affinity to their cultural values They have even

killed murdered and kidnapped these women (Zia 2013) In these situations of

uncertainty women public figures find it difficult to work openly The situations for

women political involvement further worsened by the orthodox thinking of the Pukhtun

society Despite their deplorable status in the society yet women show their presence in

the political field There is observable presence of women in politics not only from those

having kinship ties with prominent political families but from the general population as

well

35 POLITICAL ROLE OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

Before we discuss political role of Pukhtun women in politics it is pertinent to

briefly highlight the role of Muslim women in general Despite numerous hurdles

Muslim women are active on the social and political front They struggle to achieve

highest positions in the state politics There were evidences regarding the political

involvement of the Muslim women in the past as well They became role models for the

new generations

Bala (cultural analyst) posits that Muslim women were actively involved in the

creation of Pakistan by supporting their males (Bala 2013131) Similarly during

Khilafat movement when Ali brothers including other prominent leaders were arrested

Abadi Begum (Bi Amma) mother of Ali brothers (Maulana Johar Ali and Maulana

Shaukat Ali) entered the political field and had a powerful appeal towards the Indian

public Bi Amma is one such model in the 1920lsquos Khilafat Movement She had visited

different parts of India for propagation of the movement and strongly opposed the

94

imperial government She addressed mass gatherings behind the curtains in order to

observe her pardah (segregation) which is a basic Islamic doctrine She had also

addressed the All India Muslim League annual meeting in the absence of her sons

Women were enthusiastic and struggled hard for the achievement of an Independent

Sovereign Islamic State Pakistan They were intellectual sincere and courageous They

possessed the leadership qualities (Yasmeen at al 201705)

Similarly Pukhtun women have played their role in politics despite strong

patriarchal norms During 1930-33 in the great Khudai Khitmatgar (Servants of God)

movement of Abdul Ghaffar Khan Pukhtun women were also in the forefront with male

members of the society This was a peaceful movement against the British Imperialism

(Bala 2013131) Due to pardah women participated and showed their presence behind

the walls and above the rooftops to be aware of the movement led by Pukhtun nationalist

Abdul Ghaffar Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan appreciated and encouraged Pukhtun females

by considering them an important part of the society without whom prosperity is

impossible (Banerjee 2000100)

Elder Pukhtun women such as Dur Marjan amp Noor- un- Nisa of Taru Jabba were

vanguards of the movement They led many processions of KK movement Educated

women of the time endeavoured for better education and better life standards of Pukhtun

women Leaders of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement were strong abettor of the

womenlsquos education and had worked for it Pukhtuns appreciate their struggle The

followers of Khudai Khidmatgar movement including Muslims non- Muslims and

women boycotted the British products and their institutions including courts tax offices

schools police and army (Shah 1998 76-77 Stephan 2009 113)

Similarly Frontier Muslim League also worked for the womenlsquos development and

took active steps for their education to enable them for their participation in politics First

womenlsquos branch in NWFP was formed in April 1939 Activities against the government

started in 1940 which led to their participation in 1945-46 elections In these elections

women delegation motivated Pukhtun women to cast their votes in favour of the Muslim

League candidates After the meeting numerous veiled Pakhtun women registered

themselves as a member of the Muslim League (Shah 199878)

Women Muslim League also launched a civil disobedience movement against the

ministry of Congress Women conducted different processions in which they had covered

themselves in veils and actively participated against the Congress Ministry Quaid-i-

Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had appreciated the efforts of Pukhtun women who

95

struggled hard and participated in the achievement of an Independent homeland for the

Muslims (Shah 199878) Women participated in historical political events nevertheless

under the strict observance of religious tenets and cultural codes

Hence women actively played their role in the political affairs of Pakistan Quaid-

i-Azam (Founding Father of Pakistan) formed a Womenlsquos Central Committee Fatima

Jinnah became its president for the purpose of introducing womenlsquos quota in the Muslim

League After the formation of Pakistan Ms Fatima Jinnah (the sister of the founding

father Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah) a woman of great astute became the first

woman of an independent Muslim state to contest the presidential elections against the

military ruler Gen Ayub Khan however she lost the elections because of rigging (Bano

200926)

Muslim women continued advances and had struggled for the political

empowerment of women even after independence through different legal reforms Their

struggle became successful in 1948 when Muslim Personal Law of Sharia was passed

This law recognized property rights of women and enabled them to inherit all forms of

property Then Begum Shaista Ikramullah and Begum Shah Nawaz were the first female

representatives in the first constituent assembly of Pakistan who represented women In

the legislature of 1956 constitution universal suffrage and reservation of special seats for

women were granted on the basis of direct female suffrage (Ali amp Akhtar 2012223)

Further in 1956 and 1962 constitutions 6 seats were reserved for women in the

National Assembly which was considered to be a great development (Bano 200926)

During 1970-77 period after the promulgation of 1973 constitution 10 seats were

reserved for women in the National Assembly for the next 10 years (Mehdi 2015) In

1982 these seats were increased to twenty After three general elections of 1977 1985

and 1988 reservations lapsed in 1988 A significant development in the electoral history

of Pakistan was witnessed in 1988 when Benazir Bhutto won elections and became the

first female Premier of an Islamic country Her government created a separate womenlsquos

ministry called ―Ministry of Women Development and also established many womenlsquos

universities Further womenlsquos protection bill was passed in the regime of General Pervaz

Musharraf According to the bill 10 quota were reserved for women in the Central

Superior Services while 5 quota were reserved for them in all other government

departments which was also approved by the Cabinet In local government women

quotas were increased to 30 however it was reduced to 175 in 2002 later under the

Legal Framework Order (Report 200504)

96

Women activists are struggling for their presence in the political sphere and to

provide them their political rights which is guaranteed by the quota system (seats reserved

for women) in the Assemblies Presently number of seats reserved for women are 60 in

the total of 342 National Assembly seats Thus the number of women contesting

elections for general seats increased by 130 since 2008 general elections Currently 18

women senators are occupying positions through reserved seats in the indirect election of

Senate Similarly in the four provincial assemblies of Pakistan the number of seats

reserved for women are 137 in which only 66 seats are reserved for women in the total

371 seats of Punjab 29 seats are reserved for women in the entire 168 seats of Sindh 11

reserved seats out of the total 51 seats in Baluchistan and 22 reserved seats for women in

the entire 124 seats of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly In the May 2013 election 150

women filed nomination papers for the National assembly and 313 for the provincial

Assemblylsquos seats which are almost double the total figure from the 2008 elections

(Ghosh 201303)

But apart from these developments women in the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP)

left the space and went into the background Few of the Pukhtun women later came to the

forefront and carved their place in the Politics Among them are Zari Sarfaraz (MNA

1962-64 1965-69) Kulsoom Saifullah (MNA March 1977-July 1977 1985-1988 1988-

1990) and Begum Nasim Wali Khan Zari Sarfaraz was an active member of the Musim

League and an astute Pukhtun businesswoman (Amir 2013) Kulsoom Saifullah was a

renowned political figure social activist and a businesswoman as well She was

Pakistanlsquos first female federal minister (Sherazi 2015)

Other prominent Pukhtun women are Bushra Gohar who served as Senior Vice-

president of ANP and now is the ANP central vice-president She became the Member of

Parliament on reserved seats for women in the 2008 general elections Similarly we saw

a great change in the 2013 general elections Dr Meher Taj Roghani Pakistan Tehreek-e-

Insaf (PTI) female candidate and a special assistant to chief minister was elected as a first

woman deputy speaker of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly with a great margin of 40

votes Under 2013 general elections the national assembly of Pakistan had 8 women from

the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP and FATA) while 22 occupied reserved seats in the KP

provincial assembly (Mahmood 2015)

My assessment is that whenever Pukhtun women get an opportunity they prove

their abilities All female members confronted the odds and occupied prestigious places

97

both in their parties and in the government They confidently work in the political sphere

like their male counterparts They work effectively in the promotion of good governance

Women played an active role in the political affairs of Pakistan and raised their voices

against the social economic cultural and political discrepancies Similarly women

political workers have been creating political awareness among females of their

respective areas in the KP province

Though various hurdles still obstructed women of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa from

exercising their electoral rights But it is need of the time to take such measures both at

the central as well as local level to provide them (women) their electoral and other

fundamental rights As we observed that in 2013 general elections the Chief Justice of

Peshawar High Court (PHC) ordered the Election Commission of Pakistan to halt the

results of NA-25 Lakki Marwat and NA-5 Nowshera and conduct re-polling in these two

constituencies where the turn out of the women voters were low (ShahN 2013)

Likewise in 2018 general elections the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) ordered

re-polling in the constituencies of NA-10 Shangla NA-48 North Waziristan of PK-23

Shangla -1 where majority of the women did not cast their votes (ShahA 2018) Women

are still struggling for political representation However they are kept away from the

political process through different measures like unavailability of identity cards or they

are not enrolled as voters

During Gen Musharraf regime Womenlsquos advocacy group became successful in

securing reserved seats for women in the national and provincial assemblies which

empowered women of those areas where women are barred from their political rights In

2013 general elections almost 1150 women contested elections for the general seats of

the National assembly most of whom were independent candidates Women from the

Pukhtun society are struggling hard against the odds They are fighting for their political

rights We saw Badam Zari from Bajaur (KP) who contested elections on a general seat

Though she lost the elections yet became a role model for other women (Saleem 2013)

I argue that such progress is clear indication that the Pukhtun women have the

capacity to prove themselves in every field whenever they get a chance They are now

more aware and educated and have the potential to work for the prosperity and

advancement of their Pukhtun society They struggle hard for the upgrading of women in

different fields especially in the political field more specifically for the women of the

rural Khyber Pukhtunkhwa

98

36 CONCLUSION

Pakistani women and more specifically Pukhtun women are facing hindrances in

different spheres of lives Such obstacles impede their way to success and prosperity

Socio-economic cultural religious barriers are like the invisible chains in their feet

Beside contradictory norms and values represented by Islam and Pukhtunwali they are

interpreted in a manner to justify patriarchal behaviour and structures in Pukhtun society

Pukhtuns are followers of the religion Islam but they also follow their centuries old codes

of conduct Pukhtunwali in which most of the features are against rights of the Pukhtun

women Being an Islamic society Pukhtuns are still probing for an appropriate role of

religion Islam in political and social life They are struggling to find boundaries between

Islam and traditions Such amalgamation of religion and culture further multiplies the

consensus of the followers especially regarding the rights of women Which in turn makes

life of the women vulnerable and exposed to exploitation Pukhtuns use their cultural

codes to benefit males and infringe the rights of women which grant the women

subservient position in the society Regardless of the fact that there are precedents of the

women who showed their resilience and carved out some political space by large women

are exploited in the name of Pukhtunwali and are subject to male dominance and control

However some Pukhtun women dare to challenge these odds and resist control and

subjugation The following chapters will explore one such example where a protagonist

Nasim Wali Khan struggled to achieve political prominence

99

CHAPTER ndash 4

POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

Situations produce leaders and leaders having capabilities to efficiently

manoeuvre a situation retain themselves in leadership position This chapter explores

such relationship between leadership rise and the testing situations More specifically it

explicates the situation which was responsible for the rise and retaining of political

leadership by Nasim Wali Khan Nasim Wali Khan occupied leadership position in the

turbulent situations and retained it with her skills of political manoeuvring However like

other Asian women leaders Nasim Wali faced tough odds from the patriarchal society

she was living in

Before taking the leadership role Nasim Wali Khan was a house wife and had

some rather limited influence over party through her husband The exacting situation

which the immediate family members of Nasim Wali Khan confronted in 1970s

compelled her to enter politics which she never imagined Once she took this arduous task

of leadership Nasim Wali Khan improvised and led her political party out of political

crisis The political crisis of her family and party was created by their arch rival and ruler

of the country i-e Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Nasim Wali as a political leader had to confront the

double jeopardy in those early times First her party was in crises due to the political

victimization of the government and second her personal challenge of confronting a

patriarchal society opposed woman leadership This chapter explores the crises situation

which forced her to join politics her leadership style the strategies she adopted to cope

with hurdles she faced as well as the facilitating factors in her political struggle both

before and after joining politics

SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

41 POLITICAL RESISTANCE TO AN AUTOCRATIC GOVERNMENT OF

ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO

Awami National Party (ANP) is an ethno-nationalist political party that faced

greater challenges throughout its existence Various regimes for different reasons

suppressed the party by persecuting its leaders as well as its workers Its top leaders such

100

as Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) and Khan Abdul Wali Khan faced imprisonment

ban torturelsquo etc Abdul Wali Khan also faced four assassination attempts during his

political career (Marwat 2015 123)

In the 1970 general elections the then National Awami Party (now ANP) won

substantial number of seats in the province assemblies of Baluchistan and erstwhile

NWFP (now Khyber Pukhtunkhwa) NAP secured the largest number of seats i-e 13 seats

in 40 constituencies of erstwhile NWFP and secured majority of 8 seats in 20

constituencies of Baluchistan National Awami Party secured 6 seats in the National

Assembly as well NAP didnlsquot get any support from Sindh and could not get candidate to

contest elections from Punjab nonetheless occupied one seat out of 300 constituencies in

the East Pakistan provincial assembly (Tasneem 2013197)

Abdul Wali Khan leader of National Awami Party from the west wing of

Pakistan secured seats of both the National and Provincial assembly from his home town

Charsadda That was a time when Sheikh Mujeeb-ur- Rehman was anticipated to be the

forthcoming Premier of Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto deemed him a peril to his political

career For this reason Bhutto in pre-elections manoeuvring went to Charsadda in 1971 to

see Abdul Wali Khan and tried to convince him to join in an anti- Mujeeb alliance But

the offer was not accepted by Abdul Wali Khan Due to which ZABhutto threatened

Khan for the severe consequences (Shah 2015)

After the general elections of 1970 Abdul Wali Khan on 23rd

March 1971

presented his full support to Sheikh Mujeeb in the formation of government However

General Yahya Khan didnlsquot allow the transfer of power to Sheikh Mujeeb despite of the

fact he had won majority in the 1970 elections Sheikh Mujeeb and his party was banned

by Yahya Khan which appeared to be a malicious act Such vindictive actions against the

leader of East Pakistan were condemned by NAP and compelled the government to

resolve problems through dialogue (Chandio et al 2011) The support offered by NAP to

Sheikh Mujeeb was not aceptable to the government of West Pakistan as a consequence

Yahya Khan also banned NAP on 26th

November 1971 But when ZA Bhutto formed

the government on 21st December 1971 he removed ban against the NAP and this fair

deed was admired by the NAP leaders by providing unconditional support to the PPP

government However the friendship between NAP and Bhutto did not persist for long

(Shah 2015)

After the secession of East Pakistan NAP formed a coalition government in two

provinces of Pakistan i-e with BNP (Baluchistan National Party) they formed a

101

government in Baluchistan and with the support of JUI (Jamait Ulma -e -Islam) they

formed a government in earstwhile NWFP in 1972 NAP also became the main

opposition party within the National Assembly of Pakistan (Mushtaq2011251) Abdul

Wali Khan became the opposition leader at the national level and became major opponent

of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto ZA Bhutto after gaining power became more authoritarian and

harsh towards all those who opposed him (Wolpert 1993) Therefore his relations

generally with NAP but specifically with Abdul Wali Khan remained strained

After NAP formed her government in Baluchistan Baluchistan became the hub of

NAP because of its ethno-nationalistic credentials PPP government steered by ZA

Bhutto provoked local confrontation in Baluchistan with the support of Balochi Sardars

against the NAP government As a consequence NAP stayed in power only for ten

months (Shah 2015)

PPP government time and again charged NAP for the disintegration of Pakistan

and involvement in violent activities They considered them a threat for the safety and

security of Pakistan The charges became intensified when an arm cache at Iraqi Embassy

was found in Islamabad on 10th

February 1973 Federal Government charged NAP

leaders and Baluch government for involvement in planning a violent secessionist

struggle through these arms They charged the opponents by stating that the confiscated

arms are expected to use by them for the same purpose Print media of Pakistan used this

incident as a proof of secessionism against the JUIP-NAP coalition government in

Baluchistan (Marwat 2015 167)

Abdul Wali Khan rejected Bhuttolsquos accusations against him his party and

colleagues He further clarified that if they ever wanted arms and ammunition for their

political cause they could easily get it from Afghanistan borders through Baluchistan and

NWFP being the border provinces and having their governments He added that it is an

insane act to keep arms and ammunitions at Iraqi embassy in Islamabad (Federal capital)

instead of their own provincial capitals In a joint session of the federal Parliament Abdul

Wali Khan condemned the popularization of fake propaganda which according to Abdul

Wali Khan would defame Pakistan globally (Marwat 2015 167)

The alarming situations further became worsened when on February 14th

1973

Bhutto dismissed the coalition government of BNP and NAP in Baluchistan and bypassed

NAP appointees Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo (Governor) and Attaullah Mengal (chief minister)

of Baluchistan Nawab Akbar Bughti replaced Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo and became

governor of Balochistan As a result NAP-JUI government in erstwhile NWFP also

102

resigned on 16th

February 1973 Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil (Governor of NWFP) also

resigned in protest on the recommendation of Abdul Wali Khan Later Arbab Sikandar

Khan Khalil was replaced by Mohammad Aslam Khatak by the federal government At

the time Mufti Mahmood was the chief minister of erstwhile NWFP Abdul Wali Khan

condemned ZA Bhuttolsquos action against Baluchistan government (Alvi 2016 134)

Z A Bhutto took more oppressive measures against Baluchistan government

General Tikka Khan (Chief of Army Staff) was ordered to start military operation against

the ―miscreants Government ordered to find the guerrilla camps in the Marri Tribal

areas Such brutal actions made the situation more convoluted and increased hatred and

fear among the Baluch against the federal government (Hassan 201654)

Abdul Wali Khan was against submissive and authoritarian rule of Z A Bhutto

Abdul Wali Khan blamed PPP government for provoking Mazdur Kisan Party to be

involved in subversive and violent activities in erstwhile NWFP in 1972 He also charged

federal government for starting conflict between peasants and landlords of NWFP

specifically in Peshawar which was traditionally the support base of NAP Abdul Wali

Khan warned the government that these subversive activities would take the country into

civil war (Marwat 2015 163)

Due to his unwavering opposition to Bhutto Abdul Wali Khan faced death threats

and assassination attempts during Z A Bhutto rule However he narrowly escaped these

attempts The first assassination attempt against Abdul Wali Khan was carried out during

1970 election campaign On 3rd

December 1970 when Abdul Wali Khan was leading a

procession at Lahori Gate (Peshawar) an un -identified person opened fire on Abdul Wali

Khan but he escaped These submissive tendencies further increased the gap between PPP

and NAP (Marwat 2015163)

In order to counter such oppressive acts of Bhuttolsquos government all opposition

parties united and formed an alliance named as United Democratic Front (UDF) on 28th

February 1973 against the Z A Bhuttolsquos oppressive rule The main political parties of

UDF included National Awami Party (NAP) United Pakistan Muslim League (PML)

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP)

Pakistan Democratic Party (PDP) Khaksar Tehrik and Independent Group On March

14th

1973 Pir Pagara of PML was appointed as a president of UDF Nawabzada

Nasrullah Khan and Mufti Mahmood as its vice presidents while Professor Ghafoor

Ahmad became UDF secretary (Ziring 1997393) The agenda of UDF was to ensure

maximum provincial autonomy struggle to bring democracy back and implementation of

103

Islamic teachings and resist the dictatorial policies of ZA Bhutto government All

opposition parties met in a convention held in Rawalpindi on 23rd

March 1973 followed

by a rally (Marwat 2015 173) The convention and rally was attended by Maulana Mufti

Mahmood Pir of Pagara Abdul Wali Khan Maulana Shah Asad Noorani Sardar Shaukat

Hayat Khan Asad Gilani Abdul Wali Khan was accompanied by a group of Pukhtuns

called Pukhtun Zalme led by Ajmal Khattak (Marwat 2015174)

Federal Security Force (FSF) obeyed the orders given by ZABhutto and attacked

this opposition gathering at Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi Consequently many people

(including majority of Pukhtuns) got injured and dozens of them being killed Some of

the NAP leading members including Ajmal Khattak escape to Kabul for security of their

lives PPP blamed Pukhtun Zalme for the massacre Later Hafiz Pirzada (Federal Law

Minister) blamed Pukhtuns that their purpose was to invade Islamabad and Rawalpindi

and wanted to humiliate Punjabis Government justified its operation on the rally by

stating that government had to protect its citizens against the wrongdoers But Abdul

Wali Khan called this charge a conspiracy against Pukhtuns and stated that Pukhtuns

present in the rally were unarmed and they showed their solidarity with Baluch brethren

Bhutto regime took harsh measures against the adversaries by putting the leaders in jails

and torturing them as well (Marwat 2015176)

ZA Bhutto government launched an official campaign to defame Wali Khan and

his party Initially government accused Abdul Wali Khan as an enemy of Islam and

called him a traitor Abdul Wali Khan was blamed to be engaged in activities detrimental

to the state Bomb explosions street violence law and order situation became a routine

matter (Lyon 2008) Bhutto and his government controlled media charged NAP leaders

for the chaos They further blamed that NAP tried to disintegrate Pakistan in collaboration

with the government of Afghanistan (Marwat 2015 123)

Abdul Wali Khan was again imprisoned by ZABhutto government on 8th

February 1975 when he was attending the funeral of Hayat Sherpao the slain leader of

PPP and close associate of Bhutto (Lyon 2008) Bhutto regime blamed NAP for the

assassination of Hayat Sherpao and consequently detained Abdul Wali Khan along with

52 other NAP leading members including Asfandyar Wali Khan Afzal Khan Arbab

Sikandar Khan Haji Bilour (NWFP) Ghous Bakhsh Bazenjo Khair Bakhsh Marri

Attaullah Mangal (Baluchistan) ZABhutto even apprehended the governors of

Baluchistan and NWFP (Noman 2009)

Likewise Z A Bhutto government adopted a strategy to get rid of Abdul Wali

104

Khan and his comrades For this purpose government amended 1962 Political Parties

Act This amendment enabled the government to declare any political party illegal if it

was found involved in unlawful activities This amendment also empowered the

government to first ban a political party and then send reference against the party to

Supreme Court of Pakistan (Marwat 2015 123) Under this amended law ZA Bhutto

took revengeful actions against NAP by banning it on February10th 1975 Such actions

of ruling class are common in Pakistan where opposition is coercively restrained instead

of engaging it politically (Noman 2009)

NAP offices were sealed by the government and the party records and assets were

also confiscated Later they wrecked the records as well (Wolpert 1993249) Abdul

Wali Khan was declared as enemy of Islam He was called a traitor and the agent of Iraq

India Russia and Afghanistan (Wolpert 1993242) There seems to be a systematic effort

on the part of the government to destroy the political career of NAP leaders My interview

respondent and secretary general of ANP(W)Mr Tofaan reveals that censorship was

imposed by ZABhutto on the publications of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Wali Khan

names and the press would publish their names as AW Khan and AG Khan to misguide

the people (Tofaan interview 2016)

Though 1970 general elections provided a unique opportunity to Pakistan ie

democratic transition based in popular politics However the subsequent government of

Z A Bhutto spoiled it through his autocratic style of governance Though Z A Bhutto

was a charismatic educated and prominent political leader from Sindh who governed

Pakistan from 1971 till 1977 (cf Wolpert 1993) But Z A Bhutto after acquiring the

helms of affairs used inexorable measures against those who defied his authority and

questioned his cruel measures Police harassment intimidation incarceration and toucher

were various measures used by Bhutto to deal with his adversaries Z A Bhuttolsquos

repressive actions were not only used against political opponents but included lawyers

journalists and all those who publically confront ZABhutto During his rule there was

widespread political violence political assassinations murders were commonlsquo and

official use of violence and terrorlsquo became widespreadlsquo Speaker of the Baluchistan

Assembly and the opposition members were killed Labour leaders were also main target

of the oppressive rule Assassination attempts were made on Abdul Wali Khan (NWFP

leader) and Asghar Khan (leader of Tehriq-i-Istiqlal) Officials and members of Jammat-i-

Islami were also targeted and killed Street crimes beating guns and goons were

prevalent in Pakistani society Bhutto inflicted fear and terror in the minds of public

105

(Ziring 1997 381-383)

In these crisis situation NAP along with Abdul Wali Khanlsquos family was the main

target of the governmental political oppression Abdul Wali Khan his eldest son among

other top party leaders were incarcerated by ZA Bhutto government on the charges of

treason Abdul Ghaffar Khan (father of Abdul Wali Khan) was also detained by the

government on 2nd

April 1975(Yousafzai 199860) Ghani Khan and Ali Khan were

brothers of Abdul Wali Khan Both of them were non-political one of them was

academician and the other was a poet They were least interested to lead The only male

child was Sangeen Khan the eldest son of Abdul Wali Khan But he was too young (less

than 18 years) to lead a party (Mazari 1999 383) Likewise Abdul Wali Khan cousinslsquo

(sons of Khan Sahib chief minister of west Pakistan) had no interest in politics as well

Leaders of NAP were imprisoned in different categories of jail Mir Ghous Bakhsh

Bizenjo Syed Hadi Naqvi Yusuf Mustikhan Fasihuddin Salar Dr MA Mehboob Lal

Bakhsh Rind Usman Baluch and Karamat Ali (Kaushik 198411) Abdul Wali Khan

Abdul Wahid Khurd Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil Gul Khan Naseer Pervaz Salim Col

Sultan Ahmad Mohammad Afzal Dr Inayatullah Nisar Khan were imprisoned in class

A category jail while Moosa Jan S Mohammad Salim Mohammad Aslam Khan Sardar

Ashrafullah Mohammad Abdullah Malik Amanullah Mohammad Gul Saifullah

Munawar Khan Abdul Qayum Ghulam Hussain Hamid Aziz Muhammad Bakhsh

Muhammad Fateh(Patay Khan) Shar Muhammad Abdul Aziz Jumma Rahim Abdul

Wahab Alif Khan Attaullah Jan Muhammad Aslam Kurd Muhammad Hashim Mengal

and Saadullah among majority NAP members were imprisoned in class B category jail

(Ahmad 197726)

The imprisonment and bar on NAP leaders left a leadership vacuum Despite the

arrest of the main leaders of NAP some members of the defunct NAP prominently

Kaswar Gardezi from Multan (former secretary general of NAP) Majid Mengal

Attaullah Mengal Ghulam Ahmad Bilour (President NAP NWFP) Jennifer Musa and

Hashim Gilzai Mahmood Ali Kasuri Mazhar Ali Khan Abdul Khaliq Khan Mahmooda

Salim Umrao Khan Amirzada Khan and Nasim Wali Khan among other members

endeavoured to find ways for their political survival (Mazari 1999383)

Members of the defunct NAP party decided to appoint a leader able enough to

revive the party aggregate the party followers and struggle for the emancipation of party

leaders However leading NAP in these conditions of political victimization and

oppression was very difficult Nasim Wali Khan being a woman family member came

106

forward and take a strenuous task during convoluted time Though Nasim Wali Khan had

never thought of joining active politics (WaliN interview 2017)

Nonetheless absence of male political successors of Abdul Wali Khan within the

family and unfavourable political situations for party compelled her to lead Therefore to

ensure her familylsquos political survival Nasim Wali Khan took the hard task to lead a

political party choked in crisis Thus her entrance in politics was accidental and necessity

of the time Nasim Wali Khan reveals that

―I came into politics not for the mission but for the need About 5500 people

were arrested after Sherpaolsquos murder It was pure political smack down I

observed that the political consciousness was lost I wanted to maintain that

spirit keep the democratic forces together (Wali N interview 197714)

Besides her own realisation Nasim Wali Khan was further provoked by Bhuttolsquos

statements and actions Nasim Wali Khan states that after taking oppressive action against

Abdul Wali Khan Bhutto claimed that ―he had killed Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his

family politically (Nasim Wali N interview 2017) Nasim Wali argues that this

statement provoked her to join active politics (WaliN interview 2017) After

consultation with Abdul Wali Khan in jail she accepted the leadership position (Afridi

interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan did not repent her decision she stated ―Now I am glad

I came I realize I did the right thing (Wali N interview 197714)

Nasim Wali argues that though she accepted leadership position of the party she

was worried regarding the response of her people Her support base among Pukhtuns of

Pakistan would mean to adopt a socially appropriate behaviour Women in Pukhtun

societies are generally restricted to homes and free mobility of female members of the

society are discouraged Nasim Wali Khan conveyed her apprehensions in these words

―I was afraid in the beginning that they wouldnlsquot accept me When I went for

my first public meeting I was confused because our people were divided

Some said I should come out others said I shouldnlsquot Our young supporters

those in colleges were in favour The older people thought that our opponents

would use it against me In our society a womenlsquos coming out in public is

considered bad It was difficult for the public to accept And that is why I was

afraid of peopleslsquo reactions Three to four times I felt like going back But I

did not lose courage (Wali N interview 1977 18)

Furthermore countrylsquos political circumstances were also unfavourable for the

107

party Thus for the purpose to counter the political crises the imprisoned leaders

suggested to consult a tenacious political figure able enough to revive a party in the

convoluted circumstances (cf Mazari 1999382) Therefore they offered leadership

to anti- Bhutto from Punjab i-e Ghulam Mustafa Khar and Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi

However these leaders refused the offer because they thought that their affiliation

with NAP which was generally mistrusted in Punjab would put their political

leadership at risk in Punjab The leaders of NAP then offered this position to a Baluch

independent candidate Sherbaz Khan Mazari Mazari accepted the leadership of NAP

(Mazari 1999384)

Nasim Wali Khan in consultation with Sherbaz Mazari and other defunct NAP

leaders suggested to form a new political party to confront the government (Marwat

2015201) Consequently on November 6th

1975 a new political party bearing the

name of National Democratic Party (NDP) was officially launched at Islamabad

Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari became its President and Nasim Wali Khan as its Vice-

President (Mazari 1999384) It was in 1975 that the government allowed Nasim

Wali Amir Zada Khan (Mardan based advocate) Haji Ghulam Bilour went to meet

Abdul Wali Khan in Hyderabad jail (WaliN interview 2016) Nasim Wali posits

that Abdul Wali khan never dictated her and the party colleagues from the jail Abdul

Wali Khan was mostly unaware of the countrylsquos political conditions therefore he

gave a free hand to Nasim Wali Khan and other party associates for revival of the

political party However he emphasized that the leaders should take decisions

through consensus (Wali N interview 2017)

The above accounts reveal that crisis situations put parties to test Parties

confronting suppressive regimes get into leadership crisis as well In such testing times

courageous persons are needed to take leadership role In hereditary parties such

leadership comes from within the family and in traditional societies male members take

up the task Politics become a family affair However in the absence of male family

members women of the family may also offer their services It is instructive to notice that

these women leaders take the risk and courageously confront the crises Nasim Wali Khan

had no contemplation towards active politics neither her husband nor the male members

of the family ever expressed their desire towards her involvement in active politics

However Nasim Wali Khan in order to sustain the family hold on the party accepted the

role Her decision was not based on an emotional whim but a rational calculation that her

party was facing an existential threat and she is required to lead it out of the crisis

108

The convoluted situation provided an opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan which she

availed by coming out of the traditional premises of her house Later she manoeuvred the

situation in her favour and courageously confronted all the odds

Like other South Asian woman political leaders the crisis situation provided an

opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan to lead But situation alone was not responsible for her

rise as a political leader Being a member of the politically prominent family Nasim Wali

was not at the mercy of the situation she was politically groomed in Wali Khanlsquos family

However the fact that Nasim Wali knowingly accepted the challenge of leading the party

in crisis and in a patriarchal social settings shows that she was a courageous woman She

could have refused the leadership and played a role of a grieving wife restricted to her

home but she refused to do so

Scholars posit that women of the eminent political families become the

beneficiarieslsquo of the political legacy (Jalazai amp Krook 201008 Iwanaga 2008 2 Mittra

amp Kumar 2004 218) Political training received within the family equip them regarding

political know how and decision- making This attribute further enhances their chances of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Thus females of the elite classes have distinct life experiences and grooming as

compared to females of the general population Their families act as a political training

platform Politically prominent families endow them with crucial knowledge required for

effective political functioning Involvement of parents and spouses in the societal or

national affairs provide basic opportunities to these females for nurturing political skills

reputation and even support base which is known to be their ―Political Apprenticeship

(Cornwall amp Goetz 2005) Such political apprenticeshiplsquo (OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622)

is utilized by women leaders to attain leadership position and later improvise in active

politics As wives and daughters of politicians these women occupy political positions on

behalf of their husbands and fathers (Jensen 2008)

It is pertinent here to reflect again on the political background of Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali was the daughter of Amir Mohammad Khan Hoti who was an active

member of Khudai Khidmatgar movement in British India He even remained the

provincial president of Khudai Khidmatgar movement Later she married with Abdul

Wali Khan a veteran political figure and the son and successor of Ghaffar Khan Ghaffar

Khan was the founder of Khudai Khidmatgar movement and his family was a hub of

political activities before and after partition of British India He led nonviolent resistance

against British imperialism and later spearheaded nationalist politics within Pakistan

109

Being member of such illustrious family Nasim Wali was politically groomed right from

the very beginning She had a great affection for her father and his struggle for the rights

of Pukhtun people from the platform of Khudai Khidmatgar Abdul Wali Khan used to

discuss political matters with Nasim Wali Khan which increased her political awareness

(Khan H interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan mostly accompanied him in his political

visits Such accounts of Nasim Walilsquos training in politics endorses the idea of political

apprenticeship which female of prominent political families go through

Likewise my primary data also endorsed the idea that Nasim Wali received her

earlier training in politics within her family Afridi in his interview argues that strong

political family background facilitated Nasim Wali throughout her political life Name

recognition as being wife of Abdul Wali khan and daughter in law of Bacha khan was

indeed a great support for her However Afridi also appreciates her courage wisdom that

being a Pukhtun woman she was courageous enough to face people confidently (Afridi

interview 2017) Lawangeen Khan (grandson of Nasim Wali) reveals that without a

strong family backing it was impossible for her to take a lead and attain the top

leadership position (KhanL interview 2017) Her family struggle was properly

acknowledged by Nasim Wali Khan throughout her political career In her visit with

Sherbaz Khan Mazari to Lahore on 3rd

December 1975 and addressed District bar

association In her speech she introduced herself in the following words ―you recognize

me as Mrs Abdul Wali Khan but today I am going to introduce myself properly

―I am proud of myself that I am daughter of a martyr I am proud of myself that I

am mother of a mujahid and wife of a mujahid as well Besides I feel honoured

that I am daughter -in -law of that mujahid who has spent all his life behind the

bars for the rights of his people and for his true principles A mujahid who was

never been purchased by anyone nor did he ever bowed before any dictator

(WaliN speech 197511)

In this speech she clearly expressed her relations with her male family members

who were acknowledged by the public She used impressive language to dignify the

males of her family Their struggles and sacrifices were being highlighted before the

audience Likewise Sherbaz Khan Mazari in his address on 3rd

December 1975 in

Lahore acknowledged the sacrifices and political efforts of Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family in

these words

―I can proudly say that Nasim Wali is a person whose father has spent his whole

110

life struggling for the acquisition of independence and justice from the British

imperialist forces and embraced martyrdom She represents the third generation of

her family that is struggling for the similar cause Her father-in-law husband and

son is in jail I acknowledge her courage and determination that despite the

turbulent situation she is still standing before you (Mazari speech 197516)

By adopting such strategy to recall and acknowledge the sacrifices and

endeavours of male members of her family Nasim Wali intended to win over the support

base created by her family Consequently she was able to win public support through

these acknowledgements Therefore unlike new women leaders Nasim Wali was able to

exploit her family support base and retain leadership position

Women political leaders of politically prominent families acquire leadership

position attract sympathy and support of the general masses and proceed their political

parties efficiently (Iwanaga 2008283 OlsquoConnor 2010388) Wijekoon argues that

public have great respect towards eminent political families General masses pay regards

to the struggle and sacrifices given by male members of these families (200560)

My interview respondents also endorsed the importance of family position for

women leaders One such eminent woman politician and current MPA of KP assembly

argues that the standing of family in politics expedite the women members of the family

Public following of the family further helps women attain leadership positions Other

women of the general population strive harder to make a place for themselves in the

political sphere (Ihsan interview 2017)

Arguing in the same line Hussain revealed that in South Asia and Central Asia

entitlementlsquo matters a lot It is used as an additional factor in the success of political

leaders But entitlement of Pukhtun society relates to the sacrifices and struggles of elders

and not to wealth or caste In case of Nasim Wali Khan presence of particular family

entitlement is just because of her ancestorlsquos struggles and sacrifices who went through

ordeals in their political career (Hussain interview 2017)

Belonging to a politically prominent family Nasim Wali Khan had developed her

basic understanding of politics within her family Frequent visits of the political figures

and routine discussion on political matters in her home enabled her to learn politics The

role of her husband in this regard is prominent He would discuss various political affairs

with Nasim Wali and engage her in crucial discussions with his political associates

Through her husband Nasim Wali kept herself informed about different political

111

activities happening around her Such training provided her basis to enter active politics

However after taking leadership role she further polished her political skills

The political affiliation of her family her political apprenticeship within family

and the public regard not only facilitated Nasim Wali to play political role but also

encouraged Nasim Wali Khan in her endeavor against political adversaries Therefore

from the case of Nasim Wali Khan we can conclude that familial political connections

assist women in their career development

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personality and political grooming enabled her to

courageously confront all opposition and escape manipulation at the hands of male

stalwarts of her party She exhibited strong will-power and determination which was

unchallengeable Literature (Bakshi 200101 Roy 201564) states that mostly female

leaders are susceptible to manipulation of their male colleagues of the party Therefore

women are often considered to be less challenging in politics At times this encourages

men colleagues of political parties to choose women as political leaders Campus argues

that ―women leaders are like puppets in the hands of male party members (Campus

2013 46) They can be easily manoeuvred Therefore the nomination of women as

leaders of defunct parties serve two purposes ie women leaders gain public support

during crisis time and they are also available for manipulation at the hands of male

members of the party

Nasim Wali argues that she was also initially rejected by some old party comrades

for her presence in politics However she neglected such dissenting voices within the

party and later proved herself the best candidate for leadership of the time (WaliN

interview 2017) Similarly Afridi reveals that Nasim Wali was not a compromising

leader who can be easily manipulated in the decision -making and in the formulation of

policy by the male party members She worked with determination and continued her

active political role even after the release of Abdul Wali Khan She was not powerless

and couldnlsquot be side- lined even in the presence of male family members She actively

participated in politics and had a strong hold in the party affairs (Afridi interview 2018)

After analysing the leadership of Nasim Wali we observe that initially some old

guards of Khudai Khitmatgar including Ghafoor Khan and Mirdal Khan opposed her

physical presence in politics But Nasim Wali Khan even against their opposition not

only joined the party but led it as well Within the party some members were thinking that

she couldnlsquot be able to lead the party for long in the presence of government oppression

and would accept her failure (WaliN interview 2017) She could easily leave active

112

politics without being charged for it However Nasim Wali argues that she was

determined and had performed her leadership role in a way that her leadership became

acceptable to all (WaliN interview 2017)

My assessment from Nasim Walilsquos case is that although crisis situation provide

an opportunity to females of the prominent political families to lead but such turbulent

situations also proves challenging as well The cooperative empathetic and collaborative

nature of female are deemed to be appropriate in crisis time They have the ability to

struggle for the congregation improvement and advancement of their political parties and

families Saint- Germain posits that women are the true unifier of family and are more

appropriate to grab the political authority after any mishaps with their males and they

have the potential to serve in acrimonious circumstances (Saint-Germain 1993) As

Jalalzai argues that in the severe political uncertainty and defective political institutions

womenlsquos political participation provide harmony which acts as the contributing factor and

support them to acquire leadership position (Jalalzai 2008)

While assessing Nasim Walilsquos political entrance and her political struggle I argue

that primarily after the ban of NAP and imprisonment of party leaders she visited the

houses of party workers to express her solidarity in turbulent times Through these visits

she tried to acquaint them with the crisis situations and encouraged them to endure it with

patience Through such strategy she had successfully congregated old party associates

and supporters and revived former NAP with the new name National Democratic Party

(NDP) The platform of this party enabled Nasim Wali Khan to endeavor for the safe

acquittal of Abdul Wali Khan his associates and supporters who were confined in

Hyderabad jail and she also demanded fresh elections She consolidated the defunct

political party and workers The appointment of Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari as president

of new party (NDP) to confront the political and societal challenges was a good decision

of that time Ahmad argues that Sherbaz Khan Mazari was the close associate of Z A

Bhutto but because of his policies he dissociated from Bhutto and joined hands with the

opposition Nasim Wali in a turbulent situation Mazari was a likeminded person who was

against the military action in East Pakistan and was also against the PPP action in

Baluchistan (Ahmad 2000)

Similarly Nasim Wali Khan served as a link between her husband and party

workers She intelligently availed the opportunities and hardly compromised in her

political career She bravely confronted the oppressive measures taken by government of

the time She was confident and discussed issues impressively with the general masses in

113

her public meetings My interview data reveals that Nasim Wali Khanlsquos struggle

continued for three years and she led different successful rallies and campaigns

throughout the country in which she was able to collect large gatherings of people from

all over Pakistan She opposed all those acts of the government which violated rights of

the public as a consequence she gained support and sympathies of public (KhanH

interview 2017 Yousafzai interview 2017)

Furthermore followers play a very important role for effectiveness of leaders who

can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Turbulent situation was a

challenge to the successful leadership of Nasim Wali Khan Thus acquisition of support

of masses were crucial to confront the testing time Nasim Wali Khan adopt such

appropriate leadership style which enabled her to win support and acceptability of the

general masses Apart from criticism of some old party comrades later she proved herself

the best nominee for the political leadership of the time

Wijekoon argues that the cultural aspect of such societies accumulate ―the

sympathy vote for the women of elite class who are challenging demanding

circumstances in politics (200564) In her visit on 31st October 1976 to the office of NDP

Lahore Nasim Wali Khan was fervently welcomed by the NDP workers After the

recitation of Holy Quran Ahsan Daein (president NDP Lahore) inaugurated the mass

gathering He started a brief emotional address by stating that

―The whole family of Nasim Wali Khan is in jail All male family members

are imprisoned Our honourable sister has embraced the difficulties by

joining politics in these difficult situations Youth of Lahore assure their

support to the respectable sister in her struggle for democracyhellipeveryone

who are opposing the oppressive policies of the government are brutally

targeted but he encouraged them by saying that despite such dreadful

conditions we would obtain our rights (Daein speech 197621)

Nasim Wali Khan was successful in gathering mass support not only in

erstwhile NWFP (now KP) but also in Sindh and Punjab provinces of Pakistan

Public was sympathetic towards her Such support was crucial for her political

struggle and ultimately paved way for her success in politics

Thus in the elections of 1977 due to her efforts NDP made an alliance with the

nine opposition parties in the name of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and jointly

contested elections against Bhutto government Support of masses towards Nasim Wali

114

was evident in these election in which she was succeeded from Swabi and Charsadda and

became the first female parliamentarian of Pakistan to be elected on general seats instead

of reserved (Roy 2014 179)

But in the elections of March 7th

1977 Bhutto succeeded with absolute majority

The opposition accused government for rigging in elections and boycotted the provincial

assemblieslsquo elections PNA started agitations and anti-government rallies against

ZABhutto regime Government took harsh steps against the opposition which further

deteriorated the countrylsquos circumstances (Nasr 1994)

Nasim Wali Khan started her campaign by visiting the whole country She held

public gatherings and processions throughout the country (Yousafzai interview 2017)

During this political contestation on July 5th

1977 General Zia- ul- Haq (the Chief of

Army Staff) imposed Martial Law The Martial Law was welcomed by majority of the

opposition leaders (Amin 2007) because they considered it an ―unwanted but

unavoidable act (Khuhro et al 2013)

After the imposition of Martial Law in July 1977 Gen Zia- ul- Haq in act of

appeasement went to Hyderabad jail to meet Abdul Wali Khan He intended to revoke

Hyderabad Conspiracy Case and release the previous NAP leaders and supporters from

prison Consequently in December 1977 Abdul Wali Khan was released from the jail

and his confiscated properties were returned General Zia declared Abdul Ghaffar Khan

and Abdul Wali Khan as great patriots (Amin 2007)

Nasim Wali thus led a non-violent planned and systematic civilian movement to

overthrow the oppressive regime of ZABhutto (Yousafzai interview 2017) Moreover

political victimization motivated Nasim Wali to struggle against her adversaries Besides

political oppression at that time she was confronted with her identity crises as well

Being a woman and Pukhtun Nasim Wali had to struggle against the patriarchal norms

and values of Pukhtun society

42 IDENTITY CRISES NASIM WALI KHAN BEING A PUKHTUN

WOMAN

It was not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to perform and engage in

public affairs The entire Pukhtun community is supposed to socially organize and act

through the codes of Pukhtunwali Thus social organization and codes of conduct of

Pukhtuns are subject to customary laws These codes are highly biased towards women

Under these codes women are subjected to norms that make them dependent on men and

115

are practically restricted to the four walls of home (Niaz 2011)

Nasim Wali being member of the same Pukhtun community abide by traditions

like any other woman It is pertinent to look into some crucial questions such as what

restrictions Nasim Wali faced from her society during her political career And how she

overcome those hurdles

The centuries old codes of conduct (Pukhtunwali) are the very essence of Pukhtun

society These codes establish a patriarchal social order with women in subservient status

Under this code the lives of women are influenced by the concerned men at an early

stage Saeed argues that women abide by the decision of a father brother and husband

Father exercise authority from education of females to selection of their husbands After

marriage husband and in-laws dominate their lives They could decide every matter

whether related to number of children her role in community and limitation regarding

education or employment Pukhtuns consider such authority crucial for safety and

security of honour and chastity of women Infringement of which brings dreadful

consequences to a society (Saeed 2012101)

Though female leader Nasim Wali Khan challenged the cultural tabooslsquo footed in

patriarchy by joining politics and making gender irrelevant to her struggle She

challenged some of the very primary requirements of the code such as seclusion of men

and women (pardah) She stood against the tides of tough times and was successful

enough to gain public support (Khan L interview 2017) This raises an important

question ie How was it possible to challenge the cultural codes that were considered dear

by the society and still being able to gather public support I argue that Nasim Wali was

not actually challenging cultural norms but tried her level best to bring them in

conformity with the changing times Likewise it is significant to understand that the

characteristics of Pukhtunwali are not firm and static Banerjee posits that concept and

beliefs of Pukhtuns are flexible having the capacity of conciliation and alteration

(Banerjee 2000) Similarly Bartlotti argues that Pukhtunwali as a metaphoric system is

adaptable and can be formed fabricated manipulated and even dismantled (Bartlotti

200014-15) Nasim Walilsquos effort to manipulate some of these norms was in line with the

practices of her father-in-law (Ghafar Khan) who also manipulated some cultural norms

(cf Banerjee 2000)

Though Nasim Wali faced some opposition from her own family members in the

beginning Shahida Waheed a cousin of Nasim Wali and daughter of the Mirdal Khan

(old Khudai Khidmatgar and Abdul Ghaffar Khanlsquos close companion) reveals that

116

challenging the very code of Pukhtunwali ie to come out in the open among male

supporters and workers was not liked by Nasim Walilsquos uncle Nasim Walilsquos uncle was of

the opinion that though women were part of the nationalist struggle of the Pukhtuns their

presence were limited They were only helping during elections and had no part in the

process of making decisions as well as in the party organization Waheed states that

Mirdal Khan considered it against the very code of Pukhtunwali that Nasim Wali being

his family member attended and addressed public gatherings (especially in Mardan) in

his presence But the unflinching support of Abdul Wali Khan helped Nasim Wali to face

such opposition without any fear and exit (Waheed interview 2017)

The above analysis reveals that Nasim Wali was aware of Pukhtun traditions and

would like to deal with unfavourable ones To adopt public life at time when the presence

of Pukhtun women in politics were meagre and not appreciated Nasim Wali was able to

win confidence and support of Pukhtuns Confidence of colleagues empowered her to

take tough decisions courageously which in turn granted her the undisputed leadership of

the party for almost two decades Scheckelhoff argues that support and encouragement of

family are significant for success of these women in their career (Scheckelhoff 2007)

Similarly support from friends and followers further enhance integrity and successes of

women leaders (Bell et al 2005) Tadros postulates that females are lacking important

resources and available time because of gendered specified domestic and reproductive

work He argues that though lives of women seem to be constricted to the private sphere

of houses but it also acquaint women about the power which they use publically in their

adulthood Likewise encouragement and support of family and spouses are

instrumental in upgrading of their political career (Tadros 2014) I argue that though

Pukhtunwali was barrier in Nasim Walilsquos political career but was adjusted with the

requirement of the circumstances This could only be possible with the support of the

family members and the ability to manoeuvre the same to gain desired consequences

Following are some details about how she was able to do so

Status and honour of family is closely related to character and actions of women

in Pukhtun society Bad reputation of a woman will disgrace the whole family which is

intolerable and can lead to terrible consequences (Jamal 2015)

Thatlsquos why femaleslsquo are more sensitive regarding their functions in the society It

is societal obligation to observe Pardah Pardah means to remain in seclusion from the

stranger males Pardah represents three main principles in the life of Muslim women

Obedience to the religious commandments cultural identity related to status kinship and

117

political consciousness Though customs are patriarchal and oppressive in nature but for

women to observe pardah is a way to show their regard towards religious beliefs and its

acceptability Pardah has many facets and choice is that of women according to her status

in society (Papanek 1971521)

The violation of Pardah is not tolerated by Pukhtun society Paktun women are

prohibited to move out in the general public more specifically in the presence of

strangers It is against Pukhtun cultural norms and customs This bring us to the question

of how Nasim Wali joined active political life and showed her presence in rallies

meetings and demonstrations all along when it was prohibited by Pukhtunwali

Ahmed argues that women of the patriarchal societies are more thoughtful about

the functions they perform However we do observe some differences in the lives of

Pukhtun women of tribal and settled areas Women of the orthodox tribal families are not

permitted to move in public places and are restricted within four walls of their houses

But elder females have some relaxation in Pardah While moderate and progressive

Pukhtun families observe their traditions and customs but not in a strict sense as triballsquos

do They are to some extent allowed to move outside four walls of their houses but in Veil

or Sadar and accompanied by servant driver or closest male relatives (Ahmed 2006)

Hussain affirms in his interview that Bacha Khan (the great nationalist leader) did

mobilize Pukhtun women since the commencement of Khudai Khidmatgar movement He

encouraged them to learn and write which motivated them and gave them confidence

Bacha khan worked hard to create awareness among Pukhtun women (Hussain interview

2017) In KK movement majority of Pukhtun women participated on the appeal of Bacha

khan which was a breakthrough for Pukhtun women KK movement brought women an

unprecedented access to public life and relaxation in Pardah Women even attended

meetings and they were present on the streets in groups to meet Bacha Khan (Banerjee

200098) I argue that being member of a progressive family Nasim Wali acted

accordingly She joined politics in an era where there was minimal women participation

in active politics particularly in a traditional and conservative Pukhtun society Women

usually suffered by these patriarchal tendencies But she was aware of her traditions

which was evident from her physical appearance She always covered herself in a long

black or white sadar to show her reverence towards her norms and traditions along with

the fulfilment of her tasks Almost each and every colleague and reporter of the

prominent newspapers of that time appreciated her traditional attire (see also Bondrey

1977 Malik 1976 Mazari 1999)

118

Nasim Wali reveals that she was always conscious about honour and dignity of

her family In her speeches she always mentioned the reasons behind her active

involvement in politics In one of her speech on 3rd

December 1975 in the Lahore Bar

Association she stated that

―Women presence in the large public gatherings outside their home is not

considered a stigma in Punjab neither they considered it bad but in Pukhtun

society we have a different culture The mobility of a woman outside her

house is similar to invite a doomsday (qayamat ko dawaat kay mutaradif

hay) We are backward and uneducated Despite this whenever country

needs sacrifices or whenever dictator arises we are proud that we had

always confronted crises situations large arrays move out of our houses

(WaliN speech 197511-12)

Similarly Sherbaz Khan Mazari argues that ―Nasim Wali Khan was covered with

sadar and she took more trouble to explain that being a Pathan lady she was only

appearing in public because of the compulsion of circumstances Mazari further states

that ―I recall that she even stated that as soon as her husband is released from jail she will

at once withdraw to the sanctity of zannanah(Mazari 1999389-390) Furthermore in

another mass gathering on 31st October 1976 in Lahore while addressing NDP workers in

Lahore office She was warmly welcomed by the workers Malik (1976) states that she

was covered in white sadar Throughout her life she wore traditional Pukhtun dresses

with Black and later white sadar It shows her determination for the achievement of the

task within the cultural and traditional domains (Malik 197621)

In her speeches Nasim Wali asserted time and again that her involvement in

active politics was because of the compulsion of the situation However she would not

challenge the cultural codes but would try her best to act accordingly Whenever she

acted differently she would explain the compulsions publicly Nasim Wali would cover

herself in traditional sadar and wore simple and dull colours She particularly cited an

instance when her husband Wali Khan asked the reason about her simple dress code

Nasim Wali Khan answered that for women who work in the presence of thousands of

men her dress should be simple in order to avoid public gaze and to concentrate on the

worklsquo Thatlsquos why she decided simple attire with traditional white Sadar in public

gatherings (WaliN interview 2017)

My interview respondents posit that in traditional societies women political

119

leaders being part of societies follow the local traditions to gain acceptability among

general public They argue that political triumph is impossible in violation of these very

codes (Ihsan interview 2017 KhanA interview 2017) So Nasim Wali in a traditional

attire observed Pardah the very code of Pukhtunwali (Khan F interview 2017)

Besides her dress Nasim Wali confidently attended meetings with party

supporters in Hujra8 She showed her appearances in public gatherings and rallies which

apparently was to challenge the norms of Pukhtunwali Yousafzai argues that the people

were ―shocked to hear that a woman from Bacha Khan family came in the open and

joined politics Not only that she used to travel with male members of the party and held

rallies against government of the time However the general public were still sympathetic

towards Nasim Wali (Yousafzai interview 2016) It was her ability that she successfully

adopted strategies which enabled her to accumulate the peoplelsquos support and acceptance

while challenging the norms of Pukhtun society

She skilfully used the cultural codes in her favour at the very beginning of her

political struggle Tofan recalls the memories of a rally at Chowk Yadgar Peshawar and

posits that Nasim Wali Khan was very confident that in her initial political speech she

looked into the eyes of her opponents in the party and inspired her followers She

impressively presented her skills of political leadership She took over the public

emotions and would clearly recall that the supporters in the rally including the security

personal couldnlsquot hold back their tears The very words of the speech were

―I am going through a circumstances where there is absence of male family

members to take care My father is dead my husband my brother my son

and all other male family members are in jails There is absence of able

leaders who are willing to take the political responsibilities in these hard

times and to proceed the movement These circumstances impelled me to

come out and show solidarity with my people by taking their responsiblities

in these testing times We will fight together against the oppressive rule of

Bhutto (Tofan interview 2017)

She won public sympathies through her emotional speeches Mayar posits that in

her speeches in Toru and Hoti Nasim Wali tried to realize her people that she being their

sister was passing through times of distress and in such situations it is required from them

to support her (Mayar interview 2017)

8 Hujra Male sitting area where females are prohibited to enter

120

She skilfully elucidated atrocities of Bhutto government towards her family and

party as their only fault is the struggle for rights of our people She asserted that

government is playing a dictatorial role and there is no sign of democracy in our Islamic

and democratic Pakistanlsquo Bhutto government has imprisoned leaders without any reason

A rule of unjust and oppression is prevalent in Pakistan She insisted that they should

stand beside their sister and raise voice against the unjust and exploitative rule of Bhutto

She would ask her supporters to put the chadder on your sisterlsquos headlsquo (Mayar

interview 2017)

These were very well thought strategies of Nasim Wali since Nang and Namus

(honour) are also the main pillars of Pukhtunwali They require protection of female in

Pukhtun society and the first and foremost responsibility of all Pukhtuns Any harm to the

female honour lead to unending feuds Pukhtuns make no compromise on matters related

to female honour and they prefer death over the shameful life Mentioned in one of the

Pakhtu folklore that ―Sweeter to me is death than life which is passed day to day without

honour (Singh et al 2014)

Enevoldsen argues that in Pukhtun folk songs women are portrayed as feeble and

to be protected from any harm by the brothers Brothers act as a source of courage for the

sisters So in the poetic way woman remind it to the people that she has brothers as her

defenders and saviours As mentioned by Enevoldsen that in one of the tapa (Traditional

folk songs) Pukhtun woman convey her massage to her husband in these words ―Brother

less I am certainly not If you wonlsquot defend my honour then my brother will

(Enevoldsen 2004 40)

My interview respondent reveals that in Utmanzai one of the small towns of

Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa shopkeepers brought Parhooni or Sader

(long cloth to cover the whole body) for Nasim Wali as a sign of respect and support

Being woman in distress public were empathetic and supportive to her (Ihsan interview

2017) I argue that she skilfully accumulated support and encouragement of public

towards her political struggle by appealing to their cultural sensitivities Nasim Wali was

aware of the fact that Pashtuns give high value to the tradition of protection to women

particularly sisters Brothers are the symbol of strength for sisters in Pukhtun society and

in any difficult situations brothers are in the forefront to take sisters out of difficulties

Williams amp Best argue that women are considered to be ―submissive physically weak

and by nature they are ―kind emotional soft spoken and have devoted nature (Williams

amp Best 1982) while ―competitiveness aggressiveness and independence are the male

121

attributes (Ridgeway amp Balkwell 1997) Thus Nasim Walilsquos acceptance of her

vulnerability as woman in public and her emotional expressions appealed to the

brotherhood and honour of Pukhtun men won her support

Afridi argues that Pukhtun people thought it their responsibility to stand by the

female of such a family which always struggled for their rights (Afridi interview 2017)

Wijekoon argues that members of patriarchal societies grant their sympathies to women

political figures at time of tribulation because they consider women as ―weak and fragile

(Wijekoon 200564)

Nasim Wali exhibited political victimization of the government before the masses

Nasim Wali explicitly construed her situation to the public and appealed to their

sympathy The public became sympathetic and accepted Nasim Walilsquos leadership for the

obvious reasons presented by her before them The masses also felt the need to get united

and support her at the time of distress (Afridi interview 2017) This is also because

Pukhtuns often get united against a common opponent and more specifically in situations

where the matter is related to the womenfolk

Public reprimand in Pukhtun society for those who choose otherwise and do not

come forward to support women in crisis is very common One of my interview

respondent (Pirzada interview 2017) and the supporter of Nasim Wali Khan states that

public were sympathetic towards Nasim Wali but those (especially males) who showed

silence in such hard situation we gave them bangleslsquo9 This was a matter of Pakhtu

10

(Pirzada interview 2017) Bangles show the weakness and submissiveness of women

folk Sanauddin posits that in South Asia offering bangles to male is synonyms to

challenging their masculinity which is unacceptable to males of the society (2015145)

Arms and weapons are considered to be the jewellery of Pukhtun men which determine

their bravery and courage while bangles finger rings and other ornaments are used to

enhance the beauty of Pukhtun women (Khalil nd89) To defend honour and to protect

themselves from the stigma of being called as coward or dishonoured people came

forward and offered their support to Nasim Wali

However the above account by no means show that Nasim Wali was weak and

vulnerable The very fact that she came out when it was not expected from her and stood

against an autocratic government shows her strength She was only trying to convince her

9 Bangles are the female hand jewellery

10 Pakhtu is not only a language for Pukhtuns but a complete code of conduct The word Pakhtu is often

used for the entire code of Pukhtunwali

2

WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN

TRADITIONAL ASIAN SOCIETIES A CASE STUDY

OF BEGUM NASIM WALI KHAN

Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science University of

Peshawar in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the

Award of the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR SEPTEMBER 2019

i

ABSTRACT

In traditional Asian societies women still face impediments in different fields of

their lives including politics Such hurdles obstruct them to attain top political leadership

positions Despite these obstacles Asian societies have experienced some notable women

political leaders who not only acquired political leadership positions but sustained these

positions successfully for extended period of time Likewise the rise of a woman political

leader Nasim Wali Khan in a traditional Pukhtun society is an intriguing matter to

explore Various theoretical studies contest how political leaders emerge and sustain their

positions These theoretical explanations shift their focus from factors such as personal

traits situations charisma and skills However this study extensively borrows from

theories based on premises that situation and skills matter most when it comes to

attainment or retainment of political leadership This research is based on primary data

gathered from a variety of respondents through semi-structured interviews along with

analysis of selected speeches this research explores the course to political leadership

followed by Nasim Wali Khan The existing literature proposes that Asian women

political leaders acquire leadership position because of the support of their illustrious

families and political exigency This study goes beyond such an argument and argues that

women political leaders do not attain and retain leadership positions just because of the

political background of their families but also because these women adroitly use various

skills which they acquire through political apprenticeship and their involvement in active

politics Likewise Nasim Wali Khan exhibited specific leadership skills which

empowered her to establish a space for herself in the political sphere Though crisis

situations mobilized her to proceed in politics Nasim Wali Khan skilfully adopted

appropriate course of actions to neutralize and overcome various hurdles Consequently

she won considerable popular support and admiration from her political peers

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SNo Topic Page No

Abstract i

Acknowledgements iv

INTRODUCTION 1

Research Objectives

Research Questions

14

Significance 14

Methodology 15

Experience of my field Work 18

Limitations of the Study 20

Structure of the thesis 21

Chapter ndash 1

1 THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 23

11 Leaders as Great-Menlsquo 23

12 Charismatic Leadership 24

13 Leadership as a Trait 26

14 Transactional Leadership 27

15 Transformational Leadership 29

16 Situational Leadership 32

17 Leadership Require Skills 37

18 Theoretical Framework 42

19 Conclusion 44

Chapter ndash 2

2 THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

45

Profiles of Women Political Leaders An Over View 47

21 Sirimavo Bandaranaike (Sri Lanka) 47

22 Chandrika Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) 49

23 Indira Gandhi (India) 51

24 Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan) 53

25 Begum Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) 56

26 Sheikh Hasina Wajid (Bangladesh) 58

27 Corazon Aquino (Philippines) 59

28 The Rise of Women Political Leader Critical Analysis 61

29 Conclusion 66

iii

Chapter ndash 3

3 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN 67

Social Stratification of the Pukhtun society 69

Pukhtunwali An Unwritten Code of Conduct 71

Islam and Pukhtunwali 74

Impediments to Women Progress 76

31 Religious and Economic Structures 76

32 Socio- cultural impediments faced by the Pukhtun women 82

33 Political Impediments 87

34 Extremism as an obstacle to Womenlsquos Political Participation 90

35 Political Role of Pakhtun Women 93

36 Conclusion 97

Chapter ndash 4

4 POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE RISE OF

NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

99

Situational Analysis Circumstances surrounding the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as

a Political Leader

99

41 Political Resistance to an Autocratic Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto 99

42 Identity Crises Nasim Wali Khan being a Pakhtun Woman 114

43 Conclusion 123

Chapter ndash 5 124

5 POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP AND WOMEN LEADERSHIP IN A

PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY NASIM WALI KHANrsquoS POLITICAL

STRUGGLE THROUGH ACQUIRED SKILLS

124

51 Political Acumen of Nasim Wali Khan 126

52 Persuasive Oratory Skills of Nasim Wali Khan 134

53 Efficient Decision Making 142

54 Social astuteness of Nasim Wali Khan 149

55 Exceptional Confidence of Nasim Wali Khan 156

56

6

Conclusion

CONCLUSION

162

164

7 Bibliography 169

8 Appendix 207

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All praises to Almighty Allah who enabled me to complete this research work

The odyssey of this research work was not easy to be completed without the guidance

support and contribution of many people First of all my deep gratitude goes to my

research supervisor Dr Muhammad Ayub Jan(Assistant Professor Department of

Political Science University of Peshawar) His intellectual supervision support and help

would have made this work possible I would like to thank Dr Sami Raza and my

colleague Mohammad Sajjad who assisted me at different stages of this research work I

am also grateful to my interview respondents who gave me their precious time from their

busy schedule and shared their personal experiences with me All my interview

respondents have appreciated my work I would like to mention the names of Sir Sami-ur-

Rehman (lawyer) and my elder sister Saima Bashir (lawyer) and Fayaz Khan (lawyer)

who provided me the contact numbers of majority of my interview respondents including

Begum Nasim Wali Khan Sir Latif Afridi Amir Haider Khan Hoti and Farid Tofan

They arranged my interviews with them as well I am also grateful to Sir Hayat Roghani

who made possible my access to the Bacha Khan Markaz library The main part of my

data collection became possible only after I found the old magazines and newspapers in

the Markaz Library

Needless to say this research work could not have been possible without the

support and encouragement of my family members I am happy to express my special

gratitude to my father Bashir Ahmad my elder sister Saima Bashir and my younger

brother Aamir Bashir who stood by me Their priceless help and support encouraged me

to complete my research work They also took care of my children during my research

work My brother accompanied me during interviews and also helped me in the collection

of relevant material I would like to mention the name of my (late) mother Ilfam Bibi

though she is no more with me but still I feel that her prayers are with me in every step of

my life

My greatest debt is to my husband Muhammad Abid who has shown remarkable

support to me I would like to mention the names of my three children Fatima Abid

Owais Karni and Ayesha Abid who never distracted me from my research work rather

they helped each other in their school work for the purpose to minimize my work burden

Without their cooperation and support I could never have spent the years doing the work

I did Their cooperative attitudes are behind every word of this work

1

INTRODUCTION

Societies where patriarchal structures are still intact women are not considered

capable to make decisions and to lead In such societies they continue to experience

significant discrimination related to their participation in public affairs It is partly

because women are thought of as more attentive to the personal relations of family

Therefore they are considered to be best suited at homes In traditional male dominated

societies gender based roles are speficied and men and women are required to obey them

otherwise they will face social censure Mostly in traditional societies women are

considered unfit to give testimony and are forbidden to take any sort of social and

economic responsibility Likewise public spheres are considered to be the maleslsquo

domain Presence of women in the public domain is undesirable Their participation is

considered to be stigma for the honour of family and community The norms and values

of these societies bar women from the matters related to autonomy public responsibility

judgement and leadership Thus women are deprived from various authoritative roles in

the society

Though in traditional societies the status of women is alarming nonetheless

South Asian region saw prominent women political leaders They opted for leadership

positions in crises situations They faced hurdles in their political struggle but confronted

the turbulent situation in a manner which further paved their way to proceed Likewise

Nasim Wali Khan is one among these notable women political leaders from a traditional

society of Pakistan The political family background is considered to be a facilitating

factor for the attaining and retaining of prominent political leadership positions But the

question is how a woman of the traditional society attained and sustained political

leadership position in the presence of such hurdles How she overcame such hurdles

This research addresses such questions It argues that the political background of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos family is not the exclusive contributing factor for achieving the leadership

position One needs to see wheather other factos ie political exigency and leadership

skills have played any role in rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader Moreover the

discussion on the world wide trends in gender inequality is crucial for the purpose to

understand the impediments which obstruct their (women) way to proceed in public

sphere

2

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP GLOBAL TRENDS IN

GENDER INEQUALITY

Leaders are pioneer who inspire and rule the public and as a result of the public

recognitions leaders are granted formal and informal authorities (Heiftz 195113)

Furthermore charisma sincerity courage (moral physical and political) spirit to serve

the public wholeheartedly and make suitable decisions are the inevitable features

possessed by them (Phneah 2013)

There are different views regarding the evasion of women from the political

sphere Some considered social factors like family caring and household chores confined

them to participate actively in the political sphere (Raksasataya 196886 Jensen

200813)

Other considers improper political grooming and training because of the women

traditional role in the society Similarly lack of education and economic resources are the

barriers in the way of women to play and participate in the political field (Welch

198357) Likewise lack of interest and opportunities for them in the political field also

hinder their existence in political domain (Iwanaga 2008 125) There are ethnic and

cultural variances societal norms and economic disparities as well (Flaschenberg

2009211) Apart from socio-cultural hindrances women of the traditional societies face

several religious challenges which obstruct their way to political participation (Islam et

al 201271) Likewise these hindrances are consolidated through structural barriers

inform of discriminatory law

The capacity gaps like lack of communication resources and education are the

impediments for women to become efficient public leaders (True et al 20146-7) UN

General Assembly Resolution on the Women Political Involvement mentions that in

various parts of the world women are generally side-lined from the political sphere

mainly because of the biased social practices attitudes lack of access to health facilities

and gender stereotypes(Perret nd02) All these aspects of womenlsquos life are

interdependent which have a deteriorating effect on the overall political status of the

women (Quinn 1977183)

Gender parity and womenlsquos empowerment is the core debate throughout the world

but the way is still long and arduous Some efforts have been made for the reduction of

gender inequality gaps advancement of the women empowerment and protection of their

rights but still needs more Thus politics is also considered to be one of the most

challenging public spheres for the entrance and participation of women (Community of

3

Democracies report 201602)

According to 2017 IPU- UN Maplsquos edition the number of the countries having

the women head of the state or government show trivial decrease since 2015 from 19 to

17 which shows their solitary position in politics (Rosenbluth et al 201510) Different

researches give the importance of presence of large number of women in parliaments

Such researches focussed their attention towards the womenlsquos problems Women political

engagement is crucial for the gender equality and palpable democracy This would be

feasible for women to be involved in the public decision-making process (UN Women

Report nd) Women contribution in the decision making process would largely benefit

them They are able to perform their function being as active citizens having the value of

their voting behaviour and accepted as effective leaders as well This would have a

positive effect in the advancement of the entire community (Report 2016 01)

Despite the barriers and difficulties women are struggling to improve their

positions and status in political sphere throughout the world According to The Asian

Foundation Report the parliamentary seats held by the women across the globe become

almost double since the last twenty years This was 11 in 1995 but now it has reached

almost 22 in 2015The average of only 16 percent parliamentary seats are occupied by

the women in Asian-Pacific region (Report 201601) Thus data given by Inter-

Parliamentary Union reveals that though the number of women in the national

parliaments throughout the world is sluggish and is increased slightly from 226 (2015)

to 233 (2016) But women as speakers of parliament have boosted notably which is

191 (out of 273 posts 53 are occupied by the women speakers of the parliament) which

is a positive trend but still women status lag behind the gender balance So in all power

structures and in decision making process the gender equality remains slow and power

dominance in different areas lies in the males hands (UN News 2017)

Globally since 2015 there is minimal improvement in the number of women

occupied the executive or parliamentary posts 11 ministerial posts are held by Asian

women which was 106 in 2015 while 257 women government representatives in

Indonesia is on the top and Vietnam experienced decline below 5 (Press release 2017)

Furthermore a number of business and political women leaders arose to challenge

the stereotypes The Asian women political leaders raised and achieved the heights of

success South Korean women President Park Geun-hye is 12th

first female President of

Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen ranked 17th

Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar is on the 26th

position

and chief executive of the government of Singapore owned her investment company and

4

is ranked 30th

Recently we observed that in Japanese political sphere the rise of women

political leader Yuriko Koike became the first elected governor of Tokyo and Renho

Murata occupied the seats as the elected head of the opposition Democratic Party and

afterwards she held the post of a defence minister as well This ranking shows the

standing of Asian Women political leaders in the international political arena Women of

a region are still endeavoring to overcome hurdles to gender equality They are struggling

to break the glass ceiling and taking the political leadership roles but Asialsquos gender gap is

still intimidating (Fensom 2016) The new political leaders offer hope that the so-called

―rice paper ceiling can be successfully challenged without waiting anymore Though

Asialsquos gender gap is still alarming but more and more women are getting political

leadership roles (Fensom 2016)

Though the overall presence of women in the political sphere is not satisfactory

especially in the traditional Asian societies But there were prominent Asian women

political leaders who reached to zenith in their political careers and attained international

recognition for their role in the national and international politics The most notable

among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike Sri lankalsquos first female prime minister in 1960

who served for decades 1960-65 1970-77 and 1994-2000 Then Indira Gandhi the first

Indian women leader and a woman prime minister who also served her country from 1966

to 1977 and again from 1980 till her assassination in 1984 Golda Meir the first female

politician of Israel to occupy the highest office without following a father or husband in

the post and served the country as a fourth prime minister from 1969-74 Likewise

Corazon Aquino the first woman President of Philippines who served from 1986-92

Young female prime minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto who held the post for two terms

from 1988-90 and again from 1993-96 (Jalalzai amp Krook 20105) Chandrika

Kumaranatunga was the first woman President of Sri lanka who remained in power from

1994-2005 The first female prime minister of Bangladesh was Khalida Zia who held the

post from 1991-96 and again from 2001-06 and another female of the same country is

Sheikh Hasina Wajid served the country for two terms from 1996-2001 and from 2009-

present (Chowdhury 20088) Myanmar woman leader Aung San Suu Kui and Philippine

President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo are the admirable addition to the list of eminent

women political leaders

All the above mentioned women have struggled hard for the betterment of their

societies and nations They abide by their culture and traditions and were acknowledged

by their respective societies as well Because of their motivated attitudes and sound

5

policies they have earned the different titles Indra Gandhi earned the title of Durga

Amma and Kali The name of the prominent Hindu goddesses Her sound economic

policies and her efforts to enhance the Indialsquos status in the world granted her the title of

the ldquoEmpress of Indiardquo She was also called as the ldquomother of the nationrdquo as she treated

the nation as her family and nation (Fleschenberg 2009123) Golda Mair gains the title

of ldquoIron ladyrdquo and she was often depicted as the ―straight- talking and strong willed

grandmother of Jewish people (Whipps 2008) Aung San Suu Kui was called as the

―glaring example of the power of the powerless because of her efforts towards the

democracy and struggle for the nation (Liton 2016)

But scholars argue that these women political leaders are the members of the elite

political families and achieved the top political positions because of some mishaps like

imprisonment or assassination of the male members of the family in politics These

mishaps provided those opportunities to enter in the political arena and gain the

sympathies of the public in the respective constituencies (Fleschenberg 2009103)

Though majority of them have had the privileged family background their political

careers were far from being trouble less However their political grooming within their

families enabled them to handle the different obstacles

Moreover the striking feature of the above mentioned notable women leaders are

the skills which enabled them to attain and then retain the political power and support

Thus family political attachment is not the exclusive factor for the emergence and

attainment of political power

Apart from these prominent women political leaders of the region still there are

women in majority areas of the region who are still struggling to achieve remarkable

places in the public sphere In South Asia the status of women in Pakistan is alarming

Pakistan is the 2nd worst country in the world on the basis of gender inequality Ahmed

argues that according to report of the World Economic Forum (2016) published by the

Global Gender Gap Pakistan is on 141 positions in the women economic opportunities

out of 144 countries Pakistan was on the 87th position in the previous years on the basis

of women political empowerment which further degraded to 97th position The ranking of

Pakistan is crumbling every year (Ahmed 2018)

Nonetheless Fleschenberg mentions some Pakistani women parliamentarians who

stood against the odds and gained the prestigious positions both in their parties and in the

national political arena They struggled for the rights and representation of women in

Pakistan (Fleschenberg 2009211 amp166)

6

After 2018 general election in Pakistan during Imran Khan Government four

women ministers are included in the Cabinet with its total strength of 31 Shireen Mizari

(federal minister of Human Rights) Fehmida Mirza (federal minister for Inter-provincial

Coordination) and Zubaida Jalal (minister of Defence Production) and Zartaj Gul

(Minister of State for Climate change) Similarly there is absence of women ministers in

the provincial cabinets of KP and Baluchistan assemblies while one in Punjab (Yasmin

Rashid the provincial minister of primary and secondary healthcare) and two women

ministers (Azra health and population minister and Syeda Shehla Raza a minister of

women development) are serving in the Provincial Assembly of Sindh

Women political participation in the North West region of Pakistan is limited as

compared to other parts of the country As in the 2013 general elections women in most

parts of the KP province were not permitted to cast their votes (Sherazi 2013) But the

election Act of 2017 make it indispensable for the political parties to allot 5 of tickets to

women candidates This Act enables women of the region to be involved in the male

dominated political sphere Likewise more than 2000 women candidate have submitted

their nomination papers Thus considerable number of women have contested elections

for the first time in the political history of Pakistan (Shah 2018)

Similarly in 2018 General Elections party tickets were awarded to almost 105

women candidates across the country while 66 women candidates contested elections

independently This was a slight better situation for women candidates from 2013 where

party tickets were allotted to 74 women candidates while 61 women candidates contested

elections independently (Ali 2018)

Thus in KP 16 women candidates had contested election on general seats of the

National Assembly whereas 34 women had contested for provincial assembly seats Ms

Ali Begum a candidate in NA- 46 (Kurram Agency) is the only women candidate on a

general seat of National Assembly in FATA (Shah W 2018) Though the presence of

women in the political field is a positive step towards their advancement in the society but

still there are barriers which obstruct them from performing their active function

The emergence of meagre number of women political leaders in this region is

because of the diverse religious interpretations and socio- cultural practices The

prevalent ethnic group of the region are Pukhtuns They spend their lives according to the

centuries old code of conduct called Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns also closely identify with

religion Islam (Barth 1969 Ahmad 1980) Islam and Paktunwali are interrelated to each

other but there are some similarities and discrepancies between the two as well

7

(Bertalotte 2000) Socio-cultural practices prevalent in Pukhtun society restrict Pukhtun

women to show their abilities in various spheres of life including politics (Shaheen

nd4)

Apart from the hurdles Pukhtun society has certain historic precedents of women

taking part in political movements and resistance The most notable one is that of Malalai

of Maiwand who stood by her fellow men against the Imperial forces in the second

Anglo-Afghan war She along with other females treated the wounded of war provided

them water and weapons as well Her courage and determination enrolled her in the list of

national heroes (Ewing 2005) Similarly leader of the great Pukhtun nationalist

movement called Khudai Khitmatgars (KK) Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan also motivated

Pukhtun women to leave the four walls of their houses and join the movement His call

was wholeheartedly welcomed by his followers who allowed female members of the

family to participate in KKlsquos struggle (Banerjee 2000101) Ghaffar Khan was a firm

supporter of the women political participation and deemed that the success of the

movement was possible because of the involvement of both the genders of the society

(Wight 2012)

There are some notable Pukhtun women political figures of the North West region

of Pakistan These include Begum Zari Sarfaraz Begum Shireen Wahab Sultan Begum

Shad Begum and Begum Kalsoom Saifullah All these women political leaders performed

their political role in the modest way abide by their traditions (Sabir nd 873)

Besides these politically prominent women the women parliamentarians from

Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have also performed well They have raised their voices from time

to time against all the discriminations against women Though there is a common

perception that these women have not contributed significantly but this perception thrives

because there is lack of cogent academic effort to investigate the activities performance

and achievements of these women leaders

In the recent years women of the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have taken strides

towards change and transformation in the field of politics Some women have established

their political credentials at national level such as Bushra Gohar Rahila Qazi Nighat

Orakzai Dr Mehr Taj Roghani Yasmeen Pir Mohammed Khan and others However all

these Pukhtun women leaders have be preceded by a much well known political figure ie

Begum Nasim Wali Khan She not only preceeded these Pukhtun women leaders but also

inspired them to step in political arena Nasim Wali Khan being an old guard stood

against all odds and carved a space for herself in politics which was long considered a

8

domain of men in this male dominated society In such a way Nasim Wali like other

Pukhtun women leaders resisted conservative values and confronted arduous challenges

and consequently turned out to be role models for others Her success in the elections is

considered to be symbolizing something more than a popular vote for her party it

represents the endorsement of woman as a political leader in the traditional conservative

and patriarchal society She proved herself to be a progressive woman politician and

epitomized a Pakistani Pukhtun Women leader Political endeavor of Nasim Wali Khan

for the rights of the people and democracy are significant The focus of this research

study is the leadership skills and personal struggle of Nasim Wali Khan in attaining and

retaining leadership position among her followers

This study investigates turbulent situations which incited her to join active politics

and her extra ordinary will courage and skills to retain her leadership position for quite

some time It is therefore pertinent to briefly highlight the family background and

political career of Nasim Wali Khan

NASIM WALI KHAN AS WOMAN POLITICAL LEADER A PERSONAL AND

PROFESSIONAL PROFILE

Nasim Wali Khan was born in 1936 at Hoti village in District Mardan of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa province of Pakistan Her father Amir Mohammad Khan was a renowned

activist of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement and close companion of Ghaffar Khan Her

mother Meher Sultana was a housewife from a reputable landlord family Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos parents were from the same family and belonged to Lakhkar Khail sub-tribe

(Hoti) MardanShe ranked third among her six siblings Amina Bibi and Zubaida Bibi are

elder sisters of Nasim Wali Khan whereas two other sisters Parveen Bibi Surayya Bibi

and a brother late Azam Khan Hoti were younger than Nasim Wali Khan The nickname

of Nasim Wali Khan is ―Chamo Zubaida bibi (interview 2017) an elder sister of Nasim

Wali Khan recalls that Nasim Wali Khan was very social from earlier childhood She

helped her mother in her household chores Nasim Wali khan had a great affection

towards her father So whenever her father prepared himself for the processions and

demonstrations Nasim Wali helped him in packing his luggage for different visits of the

Khudai Khitmatgar movement She was very keen of learning It was her determination

and parental support that enabled her to complete her education till matriculation despite

strong opposition from her maternal uncle She completed her tenth grade from the

―Bigarh Ganj Boys schools Mardanrdquo in 1952 Zubaida bibi posits that after the birth of

9

their younger brother Azam Khan1 a person came to congratulate Amir Mohammad

Khan for having a male child after his five daughters and asked for zeeray2 The birth of a

male child in the Pukhtun society is welcomed by money alms giving and aerial firing

However her father replied that at the birth of his five female children he had never asked

for such money then why should he give it to him now Zubaida Bibi states that their

father liked his daughters more than his male child However her mother had a great

affection towards her son They lived in a joint family Amir Mohammad Khan had no

siblings but his cousin shared home with them

Nasim Wali Khan was very cooperative and a good student at school She had the

ability to make good friends at school At her young age educational opportunities in her

area were very limited Education opportunities for females were even more limited

Nevertheless the support of her family enabled Nasim Wali Khan to pursue her study

Later she got admission in a College but due to her marriage to Abdul Wali Khan in

1954 she could not continue her studies (Bibi interview 2017)

Her husband Abdul Wali Khan was a renowned political figure and the son of

influential Nationalist leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan At the time of their marriage Abdul

Wali Khan was a widower with three kids Abdul Wali Khanlsquos first wife Tajo Bibi died

on February 14 1949 when he was in prison She left two daughters Nasreen and Parveen

and a son Asfandyar Wali Khan He was released form prison in 1953 Abdul Wali Khan

married Nasim Wali Khan on November 22nd

1954 and the nikah ceremony was held in

Attock district of Punjab It was because of a ban imposed on her father- in-law Abdul

Ghaffar Khan in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan (WaliN interview 2014)

At the time of marriage she was only 18 years old There was an age difference between

Abdul Wali Khan and Nasim Wali Khan but because of the close ties of her father with

Ghaffar Khan her father was not able to reject the proposal She took responsibility of the

three children of Abdul Wali khan in her very young age and tried to fulfil it

wholeheartedly (Amir 2006) She later became the mother of two kids a daughter called

Gulalai and a son called Sangeen Khan

Abdul Wali Khan was very supportive to her Even after her marriage she was

fond of education which led her to complete her intermediate (FSc) from College of

Home Economics University of Peshawar in 1961 seven years after her marriage It was

1 Azam Khan was also a politician and has served as Federal minister of Communication

2 Money given to someone for sharing good news Zeeray‟ on the birth of a son is common in Pukhtun

Society

10

a time when her own children Gulalai (born 15th

July 1956) was in class 2 and Sangeen

Khan (7th

June 1959- 28th

June 2008) was in playgroup

Before her marriage Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family was already engaged in the

politics of the region Her father Amir Muhammad Khan was a staunch follower of

Abdul Ghaffar Khan who later became her father-in-law (ShahS nd96) Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos father served the Khudai Khitmatgar movement as its Provincial President and

therefore was very close to the family of Ghaffar Khan During 1930s the movement

reached to its zenith and retaliation of the British Imperial forces against the Khudai

Khidmatgar movement also rose to its peak Most of the people were being killed leaders

of the unarmed movement and their close associates were arrested by the British imperial

forces Among them were Nasim Wali Khanlsquos father who also faced the atrocities of

British Imperial Forces After the independence of Pakistan and India in August 1947 the

government of Pakistan in July 1948 declared the Khudai Khidmatgar organization as an

unlawful body Abdul Ghaffar Khan his sons Abdul Wali Khan and Abdul Ghani Khan

the former Chief Minister and brother of Ghaffar Khan Dr Khan Sahib and his son

Ubaidullah Qazi Attaullah Khan and the father of Nasim Wali Khan Amir Muhammad

Khan Hoti were put behind the bars along with thousands of workers (WaliN interview

2016 Tofan interview 2016) Abdul Ghaffar Khan his family and the Khudai

Khitmatgar movement were always the victim of power politics They faced the atrocities

of the British Imperial forces but have encountered the same fate after the independence

of the sub-continent Abdul Ghaffar Khan was popularly named as Frontier Gandhi

because of his close affiliation with leaders of the All India Congress and former USSR

This association of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his son Abdul Wali Khan made their

political life more suspicious to the government of Pakistan who considered India and

USSR as political rivals in time of cold war Throughout their life they faced political

victimization and imprisonment by civil and military establishment of the country (Amir

2006)

Abdul Wali Khan was arrested on 15th

June 1948 from his house and sent to

Haripur jail The police took away everything from his house and all the property

including his living house was confiscated (Amir 2006) But their struggle for the

Pukhtuns autonomy still continued For this purpose in 1957 several leftist and

progressive political parties combined together and a Bangali Socialist Cleric Maulana

Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Dhaka formed a political party named National Awami

Party Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai also joined the party for the

11

purpose to unite the Bangalis Balochis and Pukhtuns against the statelsquos discriminatory

policies They struggled hard for the equality and regional autonomy of the different

ethnic groups in Pakistan This was considered to be the only opposition party against the

General Ayublsquos Pro US regime (Siddique 2014 112)

In the Presidential elections of 1965 Maulana Bhashani supported Ayub Khan

against Fatima Jinnah which led to the division of the party in two parts in 1967 One

faction in East Pakistan was led by Maulana Bhashani and reins of other faction of the

party in the west wing was held by Abdul Wali Khan Then in the 1970lsquos general

elections National Awami Party became successful in the provinces of Baluchistan and

NWFP (now KP) NAP got largest seats in NWFP and won full majority in Baluchistan

(Rizwan 2014210)

But the support given by Abdul Wali Khan to Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman was not

acceptable to the West Pakistan which further deteriorated the situation The tough stance

of the West Pakistani authorities created mistrust and the biased attitudes against the

oppositions made the situation from bad to worse (Tasneem 2013197)

In 1975 Abdul Wali Khan including his father son and party colleagues were

imprisoned by Z A Bhutto on the charges of treason primarily because of his ardent

opposition to ZA Bhutto His political party NAP was also banned The political

victimization impelled Nasim Wali Khan to take the responsibilities of the defunct party

and start active politics from the platform of a new political party called National

Democratic Party (NDP) She became the vice president of the party (Verma 2006) She

united the public and started her struggle against the oppressive rule of Z A Bhutto

through the popular politics In 1977 elections when Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)

was formed by the nine opposition parties against the Z A Bhutto Nasim Wali Khan

rose to political prominence Nasim Wali Khan won the 1977 elections from NA -

8Mardan ndashIII and NA-4Peshawar-IV (Election Commission Report 1977) But she

never took an oath because the opposition parties boycotted elections to the provincial

assemblies and had arranged extensive street protests against the ZA Bhutto

government These protests further deteriorated situation of the country and General Zia

Ul Haq deposed Z A Bhutto by declaring Martial Law in July 1977 Zia Ul Haq after

taking over released all the NAP leaders Later Abdul Wali Khan laid the foundation of

a political party i-e Awami National Party as a successor of NAP in 1986 (Verma

200627)

Thus Nasim Wali Khan at the time of distress came to the forefront and occupied

12

the leadership position She challenged the status quo and the oppression of Bhutto

regime She resisted the injustices made by the Bhuttolsquos government against Abdul Wali

Khanlsquos family and political party She became actively involved in national politics and

later was able to win elections She held top positions in the party She held the position

of a provincial president of Awami National Party (ANP) for long in 1975 she became

the elected provincial president of newly formed political party NDP and remained in

office till 2004 which was respected and accepted by the followers She was also elected

thrice a member of NWFP provincial Assembly (Shehzad 2013) She is acknowledged as

being the only Pukhtun woman elected on general seat However she was alienated by

the current ANP leadership in 2005 (Hassan 2012) During her leadership ANP won 13

seats in 1988 23 in 1990 and 32 in 1997 Being courageous woman she never bowed

before oppressive regimes (Qalandar 2014) Nasim Wali Khanlsquos eloquence political

astuteness charisma and respect for local traditions (local attire) enabled her to get the

title of ldquoMor Bibirdquo (esteemed mother) from her followers

Nasim Wali Khan also carried forward the legacy of her esteemed father-in-law

Abdul Ghaffar Khan On various instances she fulfilled the desires of Ghaffar Khan and

followed his path For example Abdul Ghaffar Khan built Markaz-e- Alia at Sardaryab

to serve as a space where he and his followers can carry out their political activities

However this markaz was demolished by Abdul Qayyum Khan (the then chief minister

of NWFP from August 23rd

1947 - April 23rd

1953) Bacha khan had a desire to form

another Markaz a place for the unification of Khudai Khitmatgar supporters This desire

was fulfilled by Nasim Wali Khan The acquisition of land and construction of the

building of Bacha Khan Markaz was completed during her presidency of the party It cost

almost one crore rupees

In another instance a newspaper called Pukhtun Zalme‟ was started by Abdul

Ghaffar Khan which was later banned by the government Following the tradition of her

father-in-law Nasim Wali started Shehbazlsquo newspaper from Bacha Khan Markaz The

main focus of this newspaper was political situations of the country and the struggle of

ANP leaders She remained an editor-in-chief of ―Shehbaz for quite sometime

The struggle of Nasim Wali Khan is also recognized by various organizations She was

awarded ―Benazir Women Excellence Award in 2009 Likewise she was also awarded ―Hunar-e

Hawwa Award in the category of politics in 2016 This award is granted to the prominent and

capable women of the province for their accomplishments and struggle for the betterment of the

society and country (Report 2016)

13

Women political leaders have been demonstrating immense charisma and

attracting millions of followers throughout the world Such popular support adds to their

political clout From these power positions women political leaders influence their nations

in various ways However personal traits extraordinary skills and political acumen are

the striking features exhibited by these women political leaders which enable them to win

popular support and establish themselves as competent women political leaders

Therefore it would be unfair to limit their success in political sphere to mere exploitation

of a leadership opportunity offered by political emergency or family tragedy

Nasim Wali Khan being a case study is chosen to reflect on the above explained

argument Nasim Wali Khan a Pukhtun woman joined active politics and led her people

when her husband and other family members were imprisoned by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in

1970s Though family tragedy impelled her to join active politics and she occupied

political leadership position during the political crisis but her personal qualities such as

political acumen charisma eloquence and social astuteness made her renowned and

admired by her followers With the exception of limited newspaper articles no cogent

research study has so far been conducted on the leadership of Nasim Wali Khan

particularly her rise to power The struggle she made and the strategies which she adopted

while confronting the autocratic rule of Bhutto This research study will explore the

career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader and see how she has struggle

to acquire political leadership position and retain it through her personal attributes and

skills

1 To investigate the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader in

a traditional and Patriarchal Asian society

2 To investigate the importance of family background for women politicians to

acquire political leadership in a traditional Pukhtun society

3 To analyze the situations or circumstances in the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a

political leader

4 To bring on record the acquired political skills of Nasim Wali Khan which

enabled her to occupy leadership position in patriarchal society

14

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

This study aims at exploring the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman

political leader in a traditional male-dominated Asian society It also inquires into the

importance of family background political situation and acquired skills of Nasim Wali

Khan in attaining and retaining leadership position

RESEACRH QUESTIONS

In order to achieve my objectives the study primarily investigates how Nasim

Wali attained and retained leadership position But in more specific ways the study

answers questions such as

How Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader rose to a political leadership

position in the presence of socio- cultural and religious restrictions

To what extent political family background is important for women leaders to

acquire a political position

How situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position

How acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position

SIGNIFICANCE

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos rise to power in the political sphere is a fascinating case of

women struggle for empowerment and political leadership There are few such examples

and limited research studies inspecting such phenomenon Nasim Wali Khan without

violating her culture and traditional norms dealt with the demand of her time sacrifice her

family life and was competent to take the responsibilities to lead her people The

leadership of females is not easily perceived in traditional male-dominated societies and

therefore not generally acknowledged Not only did she continue to express her

determination to lead but to inspire as well

This research study will open new areas for further research studies and added its

share to promote cognizance among the females about the significance of politics in their

lives This research will open new avenues of research in the arena of women political

leadership specifically to their struggles in opposing challenges in traditional patriarchal

societies such as the Pukhtun This research study aims to contribute to the literature on

Pukhtun women by providing insights into the traditional as well as challenging features

of Pukhtun society towards women This will also help us improve our understanding of

15

women as active agents in political sphere and not mere the passive indivduals patronized

by male members of their societies

This study contributes to fill the gap in the previous literatures by analysing the

phenomenal skills exhibited by Asian women political leaders Besides familial ties

favourable situations and political skills are important variables for the acquisition and

retainment of top political leadership positions Main focus of the previous literature

(Fleschenberg 2009 Derich amp Thompson 2013 Jensen 2008)was on the dynastic

political inheritance Earlier literature assumed that politically targeted males provided

opportunities for women of these affected families to rise as political leaders Such

studies do not systematically examine the skills of women political leaders This research

evaluate the subject by relying on how turbulent situations and individual experiences

provides opportunities that empower women of the patriarchal societies to become public

leaders

This study tries to find different strategies adopted by Nasim Wali Khan to

manoeuvre the opportunities available to her for the attainment of leadership position In

this study I used secondary biographical sources of Asian women political leaders and

personal narratives of woman leader (Nasim Wali Khan) Assumptions of previous

theories on the rise of women political leaders will help to construct my own argument

for the research I argue that Asian women political leaders possessed and exhibit

phenomenal political skills and have skilfully manoeuvre the opportunities in their favour

to attain and sustain top political leadership positions In this research I explore how

political familial ties oppositional politics turbulent situations and exceptional skills

paved way for women to become and remain political leaders

METHODOLOGY

This research is about women struggle in traditional male-dominated Asian

societies to attain and retain political leadership positions with a case study of Nasim

Wali Khan Qualitative research methods were used in the collection of data for the

purpose to find the impact of socio-cultural norms and religious practices on womenlsquos

involvement in politics

Qualitative research is helpful in providing the detailed descriptions and analysis

of the quality of human experiences This method is used to ensure thorough

understanding of the subject matter especially when the study is used for the purpose of

in-depth explanation of the different situations Generally qualitative researchers pay

16

more attention to the significance of social and cultural context in all phases of research

from designing a research question collection of data to writing and reporting the

findings as well (Flick 2012)

Snowball or chain referral sampling technique is used for the purpose to provide

basis for the accuracy of findings Similarly selection of informants was shaped by

referrals made among knowledgeable people who are pertinent to this research Biernacki

amp Waldorf consider the method important specifically when the focus of study is a

sensitive issue and relatively private matter They argue that this sampling method is

crucial to contacts with majority of the able abettors who are helpful for finding

appropriate people for study (Biernackiamp Waldorf 1981)

The early researches have provided us with beneficial information regarding the

women political leadership which are focused while answering my research questions

The theoretical framework comprises the theory regarding situational leadership and a

focus on skills required for becoming and sustaining leadership in the traditional Asian

societies The research questions are designed on the basis of the theoretical framework I

have comprehensively stated the research questions and its proposed answers The

research design provides details of the methods for the collection of data access to the

field and also the general experiences of the researcher during the interviews This study

elaborates some of the prominent Asian women political leadership the way they reached

top political leadership positions in the traditional societies These women led the

prominent political parties and were either the Presidents Prime Ministers or strong

opposition leaders However the case study of the Pukhtun woman Nasim Wali Khan

further focuses on the situations around her while she was yet to become a leader and the

required skills she possessed This study further investigates the political opportunities

which were available to her the decisions she made and the opposition she faced in her

political career

Being an inhabitant of the same region and a Pukhtun mother I had an advantage

of making a direct move to reach out to Nasim Wali Khan who is fortunately alive but

very old My identities Pukhtunness and women enabled me to access her easily and

make her talk about her life experiences more openly For all this I personally contacted

Nasim Wali Khan through a phone call first She graciously answered my call and agreed

to see me After my initial interaction with her I asked her if she was willing to interact

again She accepted to see me again Therefore I visited her four times for the research

(April 4th

2014 March 10th

2016 October 23rd

2016May 19th

2017) The venue of

17

these meetings was her home in Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Province

Her home provided us a space where the two of us (women) could interact more

comfortably and forge a bond

The data collection method was semi-structured and unstructured interviews Data

was collected from the 24 interviews with Nasim Wali Khan her family members

friendsclose associates party members (both men and women) intellectuals and

journalists These interviews were conducted in three major districts of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar These three districts are part of

Peshawar valley which has traditionally the most ardent electoral support base of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos party (ANP) Moreover these areas are easily accessible for me being a

female scholar Mardan is my birth place and Peshawar as my current place of my

residence Hence convenience in accessibility was also one of the reasons for the

selection of Mardan and Peshawar besides Charsadda being the home district of Nasim

Wali Khan As such opinions of the party workers party members colleagues and family

members of Nasim Wali Khan were audio recorded I started my interviews in 2016 and

visited homes and offices of the concerned interviewees All the informants were from the

above mentioned areas In some cases the access to respondents was made possible with

the help of my elder sister who is a lawyer in Mardan session court my colleagues who

were conducting their research theses as well

Similarly participants for this research study were selected on the basis of their

position and role in the political party Informants were selected from different

professional fields however they were either directly related to ANP or had a first-hand

knowledge regarding the ANP and Nasim Wali Khan Nonetheless because of the

division of the ANP into two factions I got ambiguous answers sometimes Sometimes

my informants were not willing to even talk about Nasim Wali Khan To avoid such

situations while introducing myself and my research topic with the interviewees I

avoided using the name of Nasim Wali Khan and I used the general term of women

political leadership Similarly to get answers for my research questions I asked indirect

questions conveying the same meaning instead of the structured interview questions

Overall response of the informants was very positive Most of my interviews lasted for

almost 1 to 2 hours and sometimes it reached to 3 to 4 hours Some of the informants

started sharing their own experiences hurdles they faced their struggles in the political

field and also gave their personal opinions as well

Besides secondary data also comprise a much needed part of answering the

18

questions raised Secondary data was collected from the books journals newspaper

articles and Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personal interviews available online For this research

study I consulted various documents and reports referred to women political leadership

in traditional Pukhtun society

EXPERIENCES OF MY FIELD WORK

Snow ball chain sampling method was applied to provide a basis for validating the

findings Participants were selected from the people who were presumably

knowledgeable regarding the information which I required This was an important stage

in the research process especially when the focus of the study needed crucial information

related to sensitive section (women) of the society Through snow ball chain method we

came across such capable insiders which themselves were helpful in providing me with

important information besides being helpful in locating knowledgeable people for this

study further

Before starting the interviews I collected the contact numbers of the people with

whom I had to conduct interviews My elder sister and younger brother helped me in this

regard I selected the people related to Nasim Wali Khan and prepared a list of the

interviewees Then I made arrangements through my sister (lawyer in Mardan session

court) to search for the professionals who were part of the ANP She made contact with a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan who was also a lawyer in the same court Then I personally

visited Mardan session courts and conducted an interview with him Another informant

was also a senior lawyer and the close party associate of ANP who served ANP since his

young age Both the informants gave a detailed interview lasting for about 1-3 hours

They shared their own life experiences in the political field and their status in the party

They provided in-depth information regarding the situation and circumstances within

which Nasim Wali Khan demonstrated her skills and made a way forward to lead the

party The same relative of Nasim Wali Khan assisted me to call her I conducted four

interviews with Nasim Wali Khan Being a female I was invited to meet her in her room

She met me cordially and tried her best to answer my questions despite being suffering

from asthma There was slight interruptions in our first interaction since she had hearing

difficulty Nonetheless the last three interviews were far better in which she shared her

political experiences and the circumstances openly While conducting the fourth

interview I also conducted two other interviews in her room with her elder sister Zubaida

Bibi and Lawangeen Khan grandson of Nasim Wali Khan Similarly Nasim Wali Khan

in her second interview gave me the contact number of her close party associate Farid

19

Tofan He is currently living in Peshawar Then I made arrangements to interview him

personally He gave me a very informative interview starting from the struggle of Bacha

Khan and later Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political career her struggle skills and also her

achievements He appreciated her a lot The interview with Farid Tofan lasted for about

three to four hours

The next interview was with the senior journalist Rahimullah Yousafzai who gave

me a detailed interview regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political struggle and career I also

approached some academicians and politicians Sometimes it so happened that I managed

two interviews in a single day I also conducted an interview in the provincial legislature

of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa The accessibility to provincial assembly was made possible by

the assistance of one of my college friends whose younger sister was member of the KP

provincial assembly I visited the provincial assembly twice In the first visit I conducted

one interview and waited for another female MPA Yasmeen Pir Mohammad Khan a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan She is among one of the old members of the ANP

Latif Afridi a senior lawyer and politician in Peshawar was contacted with the

help of my sister The interview with him lasted for about 2-3 hours which was very

fruitful He gave me a detailed history of his time spent with the ANP Similarly I had a

couple of visits of Bacha Khan Markaz which is the center of political as well as social

activities of ANP In Bacha Khan Markaz I accessed newspapers from the period of 1980

- 1997 These newspapers provided me with very relevant information I met Wadaan

Khan Khaskar (an old and dedicated worker of ANP) in Bacha Khan Markaz He was

engaged in political activities since 1970lsquos He told us that he was among the workers

who took Bacha Khan on a wheel-chair to the public gatherings in his old age I

interviewed him in which he shared his political experiences happily

My third visit to Bacha Khan Markaz turned crucial when I visited the Markazlsquos

library I started searching the old magazines and newspapers This time I found two

English and majority of Urdu weekly journals from 1975-1977 They were filled with

reports about the efforts of opposition forces during Z A Bhutto regime Detailed reports

about their gatherings public addresses rallies and opinions of different politicians were

present These materials provided me with very relevant and important data

I also visited the offices of The Daily Mahriq newspaper and Dawn newspaper for

the acquisition of written material required for my thesis I searched old Mashriq

newspapers from 1975-1979 and found some articles relevant for my thesis Likewise I

visited Bacha Khan educational institute where I conducted an interview from Pukhtun

20

―intellectual Khadim Hussain who is engaged with ANP since his young age I also

conducted interviews with other prominent party associates journalists and academicians

The experience I gained through my interviews was that most of my respondents

appreciated my efforts to contact and meet them It was comfortable for me to conduct

interviews with the female respondents particularly Most of the informants were satisfied

with the fact that I also come from the same region and this made it easier to

communicate with them Nonetheless I got few refusals as some of the informants in the

prepared list did not give me a time for interview One of them gave me her email address

for the purpose to answer my research questions However I did not receive a reply from

her

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

This research study despite all its endeavours had certain limitations as well

Firstly being a female member of a traditional society it was easy for me to contact any

female political member However it was difficult to find the contacts and then meet with

the male members in their offices regarding research based interviews In order to

overcome this issue I had to take my brother to interview venue Therefore the support of

family is crucial for female researcher in Pukhtun region

Second the case study of Nasim Wali Khan was to some extent challenging as

well Because of the rift among the party members and division of the party in two

factions make it difficult to find the colleagues which were present at that time to provide

relevant and accurate information about her political career and struggle

Third as I have mentioned earlier that because of the rift in the party mostly the

informants were not even willing to talk about her They had even avoided to meet me

when they came to know that the interview was regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political

struggle Thus making it difficult for me to collect relevant data from the concerned

prominent political figures

Fourth Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar are the places with majority of ANP

supporters Nevertheless one thing that I noticed throughout my field work was that

though majority of the people were engaged with ANP since long time they did not

however remember the crucial dates and locations of certain events which I needed

information about Sorting out this information and details took my extra time

Fifth as the study is related to the political leadership of a Pukhtun woman so

contacting the political figures (both malesfemales) was difficult Some of them were not

21

available and because of their tough schedules the meeting with them was a difficult task

Similarly being a mother it was difficult for me as well to leave the children alone at

home and conduct the interviews according to the time given to me by the interviewees

The best suited time for me was morning (school timings) but most of the interviews

which I conducted were in the afternoon Which was difficult for me to manage

Sixth the security reasons were also one of the limitations in this study During

the time while conducting my interviews Charsadda University was targeted by the

terrorists So after that whenever I planned to conduct interview with Nasim Wali Khan

the terrorist attacks of Charsadda would persist in my mind

STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS

Chapter one is introduction In this chapter the research problem and the

comprehensive background of the case study is discussed This chapter provides details of

the methodology used in the research It gives a brief account of the literature which

highlights the women political leadership with respect to their struggles to acquire top

political leadership positions

Chapter two explains the theoretical framework of this study The focus of this

chaptes is the theoretical contestation on the issue in the available A comprehensive

explanation of various theoretical positions is given in this chapter Seven political

leadership theories have been thoroughly discussed I particularly discuss the two major

theoretical positions that are most relevant to my study ie situational theory and the one

emphasizing skills needed for political leadership These theories have been explained

appropriately and are related to the inquiry I am making in this study

Chapter three provides detailed accounts of different Asian women political

leaders These prominent women being the party leaders were either the Presidents Prime

Ministers or oppositional leaders in their respective countries Their biographies are

thoroughly discussed in order to know about their family backgrounds their lifestyle

brought up and the education These women are from the traditional Asian societies who

confronted almost the same situations that were faced by Nasim Wali Khan In light of

the situational and skill theory of leadership their efforts confrontation against the

opponents their stance against the oppressive forces and then their achievements are

highlighted in this chapter These women are credited for being prominent to get the top

leadership positions in their respective countries

Chapter four provides details about Pukhtun society and the status of women in it

22

It covers the diverse beliefs about the origin of Pukhtuns their geographical profile

religious beliefs and their cultural code (Pukhtunwali) This chapter also investigates the

socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun women It also provides a brief

background to the past events where the women were active participants in the struggle

for independence from British colonialism The current socio-economic and political

status of women is also part of the chapter This chapter also highlights the disparity in

the life style of the women of the urban and rural areas The primary focus is on the

attitudes and behaviour of the Pukhtun society towards the women empowerment in

different fields specifically political field

Chapter five is about the emergence of Nasim Wali as a woman political leader It

reflects on her pre leadership life and how it was changed by unfortunate developments

that compelled her to join politics Therefore the chapter highlights the crises situation

responsible for Nasim Wali Khanlsquos active involvement in politics and addressed a crucial

question of how she survived the odds The chapter claims that she courageously stood

against the odds and proved herself The chapter also elaborates on her strategies and

endeavours to sustain the leadership position

Chapter six provides details about crucial political skills possessed by Nasim Wali

Khan This chapter investigates various political skills possessed by Nasim Wali Khan

which facilitated her throughout her political career The skills she possessed are either

inherited or attained through her political experiences The strategies she adopted to win

popular support are also significant This was all done in a skilful manner by Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali also reformed her party and congregated the scattered followers and

party associates She united them all at one platform and endeavoured against an

oppressive regime of ZABhutto Finally the chapter answers the crucial question of how

Nasim Wali was able to retain leadership position through her skills

The final chapter concludes all the earlier analysis and more succinctly states the

contribution of the study by relating to the existing literature

23

CHAPTER ndash 1

THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

Political leadership is a kind of political procedure in which both the political

leader and the followers have a reciprocal conduct for the purpose to influence each other

to bring some change (Day 2014506) However political leadership is more specifically

believed to be in holding a public office or position in government through the support of

masses (Kellerman 1986 xiii) A political leader of a party could be seeking public

office through persuasion and influencing followers Political parties are often used by

influential leaders to make or break governments (Laver and Schofield 1990) Thus

leaders of the national political parties are the main political characters in todaylsquos

parliamentary democracies (Cross and Blais 20121)

One of the central academic inquiries conducted by numerous scholars working

on political leadership is of how leaders rise and sustain their leadership position Various

scholars have put forth different and often contesting theoretical explanations about the

nature rise and retaining of political leadership Following is a brief discussion on these

diverse explanations and how these diverse explanations help us understand the rise and

retaining of party leadership However these explanations are discussed with gender lens

11 LEADERS AS lsquoGREAT ndashMENrsquo

Scottish historian Thomas Carlyle (1841) argues that leaders are great menlsquo

having the qualities which are not adopted and developed but are inborn Such Great

leaders are farsighted and are aware of the people expectations having the ability to guide

and lead their people properly (Itoh 200310Eckmann nd04 Levine 2004163) and

the people born with marvellous qualities are distinguishable from their followers

(Northouse 201619) These scholars focus particularly on the origin family background

education nurturing (Martin et al 196944) personal features inspirations and the

psychological consideration of the individual leaders which enabled them to be great men

(Kawa 2013115)

In the early twentieth century scholars would inquire the great political military

and social leaders and the innate qualities they possess to lead the people (Northouse

201619) and state that the history is formed by the leadership and guidance of great men

(Bass M amp Bass R 200849) Moses a great leader would enable the Jews (his

24

followers) to remain in Egypt Through the leadership of Winston Churchill (a great

leader of Britain) the energies of the Great Britain in 1940 were boosted (Bass and

Stogdill 199037) Such innate qualities of great men make them committed towards their

cause The nations are formed and shaped by the great man with the possession of some

qualities and the greatness is influenced by individual social and historical circumstances

(Waite 20083)

Some scholars have found these explanations weak Grey et al (2004) argue that

scientists have never identified the gene of leadership So the very base of the theory has

no scientific proof to specify the relationship between hereditary factors and the

leadership qualities They further criticized the theory by arguing that only the individuals

of the elite class are genetically superior over the general population This theory is

ignoring the fact that every individual has good or bad characteristics which led to

―prejudice and even ―genocides (Grey et al 200459)

Similarly Lipman-Blumen identified a flaw in this explanation by saying that it

may be possible that not all the great leaders are efficient and capable to solve the

different social problems Further wisdom and honesty of the top leaderlsquos is needed for

the good governance But in this theory it might be possible that the leader became

addicted to power corruption and tyranny (Lipman- Blumen 2014) Interestingly this

theory shows little concern to the gender issue in political leadership but by its very name

the theory represents a gendered approach towards politics

12 CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP

Since late 1980s a dominant argument was forged by scholars who believed that

leaders are necessarily charismatic (Bass 1985 Conger amp Kanungo 1987 Tichy amp

Devanna 1986 Shamir et al 1993) and therefore we must focus on

The personal charisma of an individual to be followed by their people However

this requires the explanation of what actually charismalsquo means Max Weber presented a

more comprehensive definition of ―Charisma for the first time in social sciences For

Weber an individual with heroic and exceptional qualitieslsquo on the basis of which that

individual is different from the general public is charismatic leader Charisma can only be

―tested and ―awakened but cannot be ―taught or ―learned (Weber 1978241 amp 249)

For Weber charismatic leaders are individuals with extra ordinary qualities who acts like

superhumanlsquo or supernaturallsquo Such distinguished individuals with divinely bestowed

special features are obeyed as a leaderlsquo (Weber 1978 241) Similarly Lepsius argues

25

that charismalsquo means ―God gifted remarkable and enchanted personality to guide and

lead the people Such individuals are preferred by the God as their true representatives

(Lepsius 198653) The dominating character remarkable behaviour and the ability of a

charismatic leader make the people to unite for a common cause (Lepsius 198653)

Thus charismatic leaders are committed dedicated and have the magical personalities to

inspire the people towards a vision (Spahr 2016 01) Such leaders are emotional and are

capable to control their own self and influence the emotions of their subordinates easily

(Ashkanasy amp Tse 2000 223)

Culture is also an important variable for the emergence of charismatic leaders

Ahlstrom amp Bruton state that the charismatic leaders in the Western culture are

enthusiastic desirous and risk taking for the attainment of the goal while Eastern Asian

states have the ascetic humble and sensitive leaders (Ahlstrom amp Bruton 2010239)

Scholars working on South Asian leaders have also burrowed from the

Charismatic theory of leadership Hayat mentions the charismatic personality and

leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah who persuaded Muslims of the Sub- Continent to

unite under the banner of ―Islam and start their struggle for their own independent state

(Hayat 200818)

Similarly the charisma of Mohandas Gandhi enabled the people of Indo-Pak

subcontinent to peacefully start struggle for their rights against the British Imperial power

(Guha 201416) Brecher considers Nehru as a charismatic leader who ruled India

immediately after independence and his leadership was accepted by the people as well

(Brecher 2016)

Charismatic leaders operate in diverse political environment from democratic to

authoritarian Mazzoleni et al (2015) add a large number of political leaders to this

category They argue that president Charles De Gaulle and Franklin Roosevelt are the

charismatic leaders of the Western democracies Gandhi and Mandela in the

democratizing countries Stalin Mao and Hitler in totalitarian states Kamal Ataturk and

Fidel Castro in revolutionary authoritarian regimes All these leaders with the charismatic

personalities having the capabilities to inspire the followers and form a history of their

countries (Mazzoleni et al 2015639)

The interdependent relationship of this theory is considered detrimental by

Dunphy and Stace (1994) They argue that the inspiration and dependence of the

followers on the personality style and competence of a leader enable the leader to gain

their trust and create awareness among them But the unavailability of such leaders create

26

a leadership vacuum which make the followers unable to perform efficiently (1994 87)

Similarly instability and impermanency is another drawback of charismatic

leadership (Taylor 201211) The leader will lose the charisma if heshe is unable to

perform extraordinarily in some situation and would vanish from the political scene Thus

it means that charisma is not just an innate personal gift but an aberrantlsquo title to exercise

authority and the charismatic leaders will legally or traditionally transform their authority

in order to retain in the leadership position (Taylor 201212)

Devarachetty (2012) argue that Weber mentions charismatic leaders with divinely

features but afterwards contemporary scholars (see Lindholm 1990 6 Riggio 198746-

47 Toth 1981 xiv) include physical attributes in the charismatic leadership and make it

more masculine These studies have mentioned male leaders while elaborating

charismatic leadership She further adds that women are rarely accredited the title

charismalsquo even though if they possess the attributes of charismatic leadership In

literature of charismatic leadership gender biases still persist Devarachetty posit that

individuals (both men and women) with the possession of charismatic attributes can be

included in charismatic leadership But the prevalent heroiclsquo definition of leadership and

societal allotted gender roleslsquo reflect male domination in the charismatic leadership

(Devarachetty 201219)

13 LEADERSHIP AS A TRAIT

The argument that leaders are great menlsquo evolved (in the early 20th century) into

a proposition that leaders possess traits capabilities qualities motives or patterns of

behaviour (Kirkpatrick amp Locke 199148) and there is need to focus on intellectual

physical and interpersonal features of the leaders in order to study the rise of leaders

During 1920lsquos and 1930lsquos the research on leadership was primarily focused on leadership

traits (Maslanka 200407)

The good attitude of a leader hisher efficiency to take right decision in a right

time and hisher orientation towards the set goals (Martin et al 2006 44) The individual

personality psychology and the available social structure confirm his leadership abilities

The social structure provide him the capacity for leadership while the psychology enables

the individual to utilize the capacity into reality (Whittington 1993 184-185) Thus the

trait theory considered the permanent and consistent personal qualities of an individual to

lead the people in a diverse situations (Zaccaro 2007 07)

Scholars have different views regarding the possession of both physical and

27

psychological traits which make an individual a good leader Some prefer physical traits

such as height (Watt 2011317) physical energy appearance and gender (Aditya amp

House 1997410) other focus on psychological traits such as good oratory and reasoning

skills intelligence integrity and consistency (Roy 2014179) self-confidence and

honesty (Daft 200838 amp57) ambitions of power (Aditya amp House 1997410)

Bolden et al (2003) contends there are no specific and consistent traits identified

by various scholars in different studies Though some leaders possess such traits but those

who lack such traits doesnlsquot mean that they are not the leaders (Bolden et al 20036-7)

Additionally there is no technique to measure these traits and there is no universal

recognized list of traits (Bagad 200854)

Zaccaro criticised the trait theory for neglecting the situational variable which do

effect the traits of the leader A good leader is one whose decisions are compatible to the

existing situation (Zaccaro 200707) Similarly Stogdill (1948) contends that the above

mentioned traits are not effective in the emergence and effectiveness of a leadership and

argues that it is not necessary that a person with such trait become a leader He further

stated that there is no clarity that the same traits are applicable in different situations

(Stogdill 1948 64) Though social situations are the clear manifestation of leadership to

some extent but it may be possible that a leader may be efficient in certain situation

while perform poorly in another (Ghiselli amp Brown 1955 471)

The trait theory is also criticized for the reasons that it adopts gendered approach

towards leadership The trait usually associated with leadership in the above studies are

basically associated with masculinity (Alexander amp Anderson 1993536) Public sphere

is male dominated and are biased towards females (Eagly et al 1995) Women leaders

face more challenges and hurdles while in leadership positions (Eagly et al 1995)

Similarly evaluation of their traits and abilities are also analysed differently Male leaders

with the possession of such traits are praised and appreciated more than their female

counterparts (Alexander and Anderson 1993536)

14 TRANSACTIONAL LEADERSHIP

One very interesting theoretical approach towards leadership is that of

transactional leadership in which both the leaders and the supporters are taken into

consideration Scholars such as Bass (1999) posits that emphasis of the transactional

leadership is on the interconnectivity of both the leader and the followers In transactional

leadership there is a reciprocal ―give and take working affiliation between the leader and

28

the followers (Lai 201102) Such an exchange method has a positive outcome because

the followers perform actively to gain the reward and leader achieved the task by their

efficient efforts (Bass et al 2003209)

Bass proposes that transactional leaders have a clear information about their

followers needs and in return respond to them Transactional leaders give incentives to

the followerlsquos as a reward after the successful accomplishment of the task Bass

categorizes transactional leaders as active managers who give directions as well as

personally participate in their efforts if they are not able to perform well in order to

achieve the goal While passive management refers to the leaders who waits for the

emergence of the problem to take correct action (Bass 199910amp11)

In the transactional leadership bargain and exchange methods are used by the

leaders to establish relationship with the followers in order to accomplish the required

task (Howell and Bruce 1993 899) Scholars consider the features of transactional

leadership more autocratic and in congruity with masculine roles (Hackman et al 1992

Ross amp Offermann 1997)

Politicians are the true transactional leaders who at the time of elections promise

the people not to impose new taxes for the purpose to win the elections (Northouse

2010172) Similarly party leaders legislative and executive leaders and the bargainers

are the transactional leaders (Bass and Stogdill 1990 23)

Keel posits that US presidential elections are good example of transactional

leadership The presidential candidates provide the platform to their people and make

themselves aware of the people demands Then the candidates promise them to solve the

issue according to their wish and will if elected as a president and in turn the American

people cast their votes in favour of that candidate which they seem able to solve their

problems (Keel 200710) Similarly American and French politicians McCarthy and de

Gaulle are also the transactional leaders

In the developing countries majority of head of the states and government are the

transactional leaders (men or women) who came to power not because of their

farsightedness or integrity but because of the military coup or through their party ranks

who promised their people to give them relief in the time of distress Thus the

transactional leaders in most of the countries gain top leadership positions who are just

ordinary in their approach and abilities and their drawbacks make their people to suffer

and they are deprived of their stability prosperity and opportunities (Rotberg 2012161)

Jayasingam et al (2009) discuss the drawback of transactional leadership by

29

stating that the use of coercive power become ineffective and the contingent punishment

pose negative impact on the followers They are not able to perform better in the

disturbed environment always fearful about the loss of their jobs which makes them

passive and unproductive They instead of being working enthusiastically started

worrying about the result and the leader expectations (Jayasingam et al 2009 138)

Howell and Bruce (1993) argue that the transactional leaders motivate the

followers towards the task by promising them of the incentives after the successful

accomplishment of the task which if not fulfilled has an adverse impact on the

performance of the followers and they became dissatisfied (Howell and Bruce 1993

892)

Powell (1990) states that though there is a great difference in the leadership style

of both the men and women They act think and analyse the matters differently But

Powell argues that besides implicit features in both males and females behaviour and

leadership styles it is commonly observed that when acquire top leadership positions

both the genders exhibit same leadership style Both of them adopt similar transactional

(task-oriented) and transformational (relationship-oriented) leadership styles They

instead of behaving differently follow the gudelines of their respective positions (Powell

1990)

15 TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP

Scholars like J M Burns (1978) and Barnard M Bass argue that individual

having the courage and capabilities to influence and persuade the followers for the

accomplishment of the task to achieve remarkable results emerged as leaders (Burns

1978442)

Such individuals are aware of the needs objectives and the goals of their

organization and people and render their assistance for their development These are the

accepted transformational leaders (Bass and Reggio 20063) Transformational leader

persuades and encourages the followers by developing a persuasive vision bring the

vision into reality by concentrating to develop relationships with followers as a coach

mentor and teacher (Kolzow 201443) Similarly intellectuals revolutionary and

ideological heroes and the leaders of the reforms are also transformational leaders (Bass

and Stogdill 199024)

Transformational leaders emerge by the continuous learning and relationship

building Their engagement with the followers enable them to build trust and demonstrate

30

high level of personal integrity Such leaders transform the tasks vision and persuade the

followers to work as a group for the accomplishment of the task Transformational leaders

stimulate the followers to be dedicated and loyal so the achievement of the task become

easy (Kolzow 201444)

Scholars proposed four aspects of transformational leadership They are

intellectual stimulation idealized influence individualized consideration and

inspirational motivation (Bass amp Avolio 1997 Bass 1985) Judge et al (2004) posit that

transformational leaders through their idealized influencelsquo behave in such a proper way

that they are obeyed by the followers They are aware of the people emotions so can

easily convince them towards the common task Through inspirational motivationlsquo a

leader through an idealized vision inspire the people speak optimistically about the

future Then the leaders through intellectual stimulationlsquo take risk make themselves

aware of the people ideas Leaderlsquos communication with followers is the reflection of an

appealing vision which encourage them towards the creativity of their task The last

dimension is the individualized considerationlsquo In this category the leader is aware of the

people needs work for them as a guide and create a relation to be aware of their needs

and concerns (Judge et al 2004755)

Winston posit that positive response for the followers are expected in the

transformational leadership Transformational leaders show concern towards the

followerlsquos needs and treated their followers as co-workers The decisions taken by the

transformational leaders are in the best interest of the followers as well Transformational

leaders provide suitable work environment to the followers and strive for them to feel as a

valued members of the organization (200229-30)

Thus the leaders who are intellectually influential to encourage influence

consider and motivate the followers to such a level in which the actualization and

accomplishment of the task become possible The followers think beyond their self-

interest and work for the betterment of the team organization and for the society as a

whole Transformational leaders motivate the followers to confront the status quo by

adopting new ways for the successful completion of the task (Warrilow 200901)

Gilbert (1998) mentions the great historic events from the eradication of slavery to

the independence of nation state from the dictatorial rule are the examples of

transformational activities Mahatma Gandhi3 Martin Luther king and Nelson Mandela

3 See also Northouse (2010172) and Burns (1995101)

31

are the true transformational leaders who have committed themselves selflessly towards

their societies They have never used power but through their ethical and moral sense

awakened the force of conscience among their people and persuade them to struggle for

their cause peacefully (Gilbert 1998 201-202)

This approach to leadership also exhibits the covering of the gap between male

and female leadership styles The transformational theorists posit that women are more

consistent in their roles and are much closer to the transformational leadership as they are

more closer to the followers through their social contacts which would be helpful for

them to articulate consensus and in turn gain power (Campus 2013nd) Thus the

women leadership is more motivational and inspiring as mentioned in the attributes of

transformational leadership (Martin 2015331)

Scholars state that it is more challenging for the women to rise in the male

dominated organizations These organizations demand the masculine attributes including

assertiveness dominance and independence They further add that women have the

ability to adjust their gender identity with the traditional female attributes They adopt

masculine attributes without altering their own traits(polite and cooperative) Women

possess transformational leadership style because they can adapt themselves according to

the requirement of the situation (Moore amp Gobi 1995) Thus women have more

transformational attributes than their male colleagues (Eagly amp Karau 2002)

Iwanaga postulate that notable women leaders of the developing countries

Benazir Bhutto Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina Wajid Aung San Suui Kyi are the

transformational leaders in the early phase of their political career They have united and

mobilized their people through their unique features against the dictatorial rule in their

respective countries and all of them have gained high respect and unquestionable

obedience from their people which they are able to achieve the desired goals and brought

their countries on the track of democratic governance (Iwanaga 200833)

Thus transformational leaders are aware of the people feelings and imaginations

and can motivate the society towards the long term goals to create consciousness among

them to struggle for the common and purposeful goal (Rhodes et al 201491)

This theory has some limitations Yukl contends the theory by stating that

transformational leaders create a high level of emotional involvement which can exploit

the followers (Yukl 1999 287-288) Such transformational leaders move their followers

towards the illusionary world for the achievement of their task as a result they achieve

less than they lose (White amp Wooten 1986101) Keeley contend the theory by arguing

32

that there is a lack of check and balance There is no proposed way to neutralize the

interest authority and power of the leader to counter their dictatorship and despotism

(199568)

This theory is more concerned about the top leaders who persuade and influence

their followers towards the common task but it may be possible that with the passage of

time the involvement of the leaders makes them distressed and this create a sense of

deprivation in them (Stevens et al 1995125)

16 SITUATIONAL LEADERSHIP

In 1969 Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard introduced the concept of situational

leadership Initially it was introduced as life cycle theory of leadershiplsquo but later in 1972

it was renamed as situational leadership theorylsquo (Esther 201104)

Situational Leadership implies that ―leadership is a matter of situational demands

and the situational factors determine the emergence of a leader (Bass amp Stogdill 1990

38) Moreover specific features of the individual make them suitable leaders only in

specific situations Thus an individual with the ability to adopt such behaviour

appropriate to the current state of affair will take the lead The manifestation of certain

characteristics in specific situations raise an individual to the heights of leadership

position Similarly critical situations also act as a catalyst for the able leaders to ignite

their abilities and assume the leadership position Stogdill mentioned that attributes

features and skills necessary for leaders are determined by the situation in which they

function (Stogdill 194863) The dispositions of traits like determination ego strength

persistence and self-confidence will transcend those individuals to the leadership position

in some situations only (Bass amp Stogdill 197487)

The above theoretical approach focusses on leaders followers and the situations

It also emphasises on leadership based in specific time place and circumstances and

consider these crucial factors for the emergence of great leaders (Bass amp Stogdill

199038 Martin et al 200645) Followers are also a major component in the leadership

process They never act passively but are the active participants Their roles and activities

further determine the effectiveness of leadership Thus leader does not instil leadership by

themselves in situational leadership rather they act as a catalyst for the solution of

different problems In varied intricate situation inter-personal relationship facilitates a

leader to deal accordingly This theory supports the idea that circumstances produced the

leaders of the time (Bass and Stogdill 199038 Stogdill 1948 64ndash65) and the best

33

leaders are those who are well informed about the situation and can perform according to

the circumstances (Northouse 201399 Humphreys et al 2010119)

Northouse (2004) posits an individual leader becomes effective only when heshe

has the knowledge regarding the subordinates and the circumstances and then adopt

appropriate leadership style (p 106)

The situational leaders are able enough to change their style of leadership

according to the changing conditions and demands of the people they lead (Paludi

201325) Different leaders have distinct features useful in different circumstances

according to the need of the group being led by the leader As a leader with highly

motivational military and war related strategic skills are needed at the time of war while

the one who has the abilities to provide food enhanced growth production and the

economic skills are needed at the time of famine (Gill 200636)

Appropriate decisions are required in varied circumstance to deal effectively

which required appropriate leadership style Amanchukwu et al (2015) argue that if a

situation require most aware and skilled member in a group then an authoritarian

leadership style would be the most suitable one Similarly where a leader is dealing with

skilled and experts group members then the same would be expected from the leader

Thus in such situation democratic leadership style would be more effective

(Amanchukwu et al 2015)

Hermann et al (2001) state that critical situation provides good chance to analyse

the political leadership The turbulent situation will determine the emergence of

leadership Crises challenge the normal structures and routines functions of political

sphere They lead to some form of change as well Scholars argue that effective decision-

making and good communication processes are required to deal the crisis situation The

ineffectiveness in these two areas will increase chances of failure (Schafer and Crichlow

2010) Bassetal postulate that adaptive and flexible leadership style is required in

chaotic and crisis situation Similarly they posit autocratic assertive and directive leaders

can ably deal in the turbulent situation (Bass et al 2003215) Consortium of British

Humanitarian Agencies (CBHA) conducted a study in 2010 They have provided skills

critical to deal turbulent situation to provide effective response including effective

decision making critical judgement resilience and personal awarenesslsquo (CBHA20104-

6)

McGlown and Robinson posit that turbulent situation bring challenges from all

directions With the advent of unclear and diverse information further make the situation

34

more intricate Efficient response handling the situation appropriately needs skills of the

leader In such situation leaders have no time for consultation which make the leadership

more challenging Leaders with good decision making skills deal the situation

accordingly which could increase trust and confidence of the followers as well (201170-

75) Similarly good communication skills are also the requirement of the crisis situation

Good communication skills enable the leader to convey intentions regarding the effective

handling of the crisis situation and successful accomplishment of the goal as well (Black

2012143)

Ryan amp Haslam (2005) argue that women are the appropriate choice for

leadership during the crisis situation They called this phenomenon as glass clifflsquo which

means that women are on a brittle glass cliff as their roles in crisis situation have a greater

risk of failure Women are competent to accept the risky demanding task and always run

elections from hard to win constituencies Women donlsquot even hesitate from such risky

tasks Though there is chances of failure more than in favourable circumstances They

further added that mostly men take a lead in favourable conditions while women were

mostly appointed to the failing organizations Ryan et al (2011) postulate that an

interaction exists between performances of an organization with the gender of the leader

They added that in prosperous organizations a think-leader think-malelsquo bias emerges

while in failed organization a think-crisis think-femalelsquo bias occurs (Ryan et al 2011)

Bruckmuumlller and Branscombe (2010) also found that women are more likely to emerge to

organizational leadership in times of emergency than in favourable conditionsWomen

usually contest elections and become successful as well

Ryan amp Haslam (2007) give an explanation for the rise of women to the top

leadership position at the time of crisis They argue that women are considered to be the

symbolic antidote of the crisis situation (Ryan amp Haslam 2007) Similarly women have a

stable unifying and neutral nature which make them best choice during crisis situations

They are accepted as leaders of failed organizations as well as political parties for the

purpose of being the peace negotiation mediation innovations (Skard 2015475) and

reconciliation as well (OlsquoConnor 2010325)

Similarly party leaders are the central political figures in todaylsquos parliamentary

democracies (Cross and Blais 20121) OlsquoBrian argues that majority of the political

parties have male political leaders in leading roles while women in subordinate roles

However when a party fails to perform in the elections women are selected to the

leadership position in these parties OlsquoBrian argues that in crisis situation few able male

35

accept the challenge to lead the party in crisis Mostly political parties in the crisis

situation willingly accept women leadership for the acquisition of public support

(OlsquoBrian 2015)

OlsquoBrien (2015) argues that party needs those competent individuals to take the

lead whose potentiality raise their parties to its zenith Favourable situations and good

performances of the parties would benefitted their leaders in return In such favourable

circumstances males are the active participants to occupy beneficial positions Thus in

favourable circumstances all the organizations including political parties are not willing

to deviate from the status quo and they remain male dominated But Dolan argues that the

crisis situation are challenging and males usually avoid such situations which is more

demanding and threaten their political career Thus in such situations women always

accept the challenges and lead the fail organizations (Dolan 1998)

Indeed Bynander and tlsquo Hart (2008) posit that such poor performances of the

political parties offer greater opportunities for women to attain power Similarly Beckwith

(2013) states that turbulent situation of the party and the absence of competent male

leaders can lead to the emergence of women leadership Thus scholars argue that women

leaders occupy the leadership position in crisis situations when there is a risk of

leadership and organizational failure (Ryan and Haslam 2005 2007) Crisis situations

provide opportunities to the female leadership Women are considered to be less corrupt

and can deal the situation efficiently (Dolan 1998) Thus scholars associated the

emergence of female political leaders with renewal and change (Murray 2010) which is a

visible challenge to the male-dominated status quo Women political leaders are the

compelling force for the unification of the disintegrated political parties or organizations

in crisis situation (McKay 2004)

Tucker postulates that there is a great shift of theories from the Great man to the

situation The fact that successful leadership is no doubt because of their personal features

but the situation of a specific group accentuates the effectiveness of one or another trait

and their bearers at a particular time (Tucker 1977 384) But Masciuli et al (2016)

criticized the statement by stating that is there any specific characteristics favourable

under certain situations Nobody can imagine and even ask that the leader is appropriate

in the current situation and is not suitable in other or that it is the situation of that specific

leader and not of the others Thus there are characteristics which can never be favourable

in any situation (Masciuli et al 2016nd)

In the leadership research (Roy 2014) followers are also an important variable

36

who can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Leadership is of three

kinds laissez faire autocratic and democratic The control of the group behaviour

through an independent and unlimited authority are the autocratic leadership but when

the behaviours are controlled through some motivational forces led to the democratic

leadership and the autonomous characteristics of the group to the extent that the group do

not intervene is the Laissez faire leadership All these forms of leadership have their own

specific situations (Roy 2014183)

As mentioned in the theory that the emergence of a political leader is dependent

on the need and demand of the situation and it is the situation and not the family

connection which produced such appropriate leader Thus in the case of Martin Luther

King Jr Day it was the situation (inequality discrimination and segregation) faced by

the African-Americans are the inspirational elements for the King Jr concerns and

activities (Bass and Stogdill 1990 38) King junior emerged as a leader for the social

cause totally devoted himself for that cause to help his people at the time of distress

(Martin et al 1969 46)

Thus the situational leadership is concerned more about the political situations

rather than a leader as a person This approach elaborates that leaders get their

prominence only by having the skills features and ability to fulfil the needs and demands

of the organization group and people at specific circumstances (Gill 200636) These are

mere the instrument in the wake of social forces who select individuals for the leadership

posts to work for their interest (Vroom amp Jago 200719)

This is clear from the leadership of Woodrow Wilson as circumstances and time

play a great role in his successes and failure The demand of the situation was of the

strong and reformed leadership and Wilson adopted autocratic leadership style suitable to

the circumstances in which he operated and the same leadership skills worked in other

position he held which were suitable for his other positions but such authoritarian style

created certain problems for him as well (Rhodes and T Hart 2014142)

Scholars criticize this theory on the basis of human behaviour This theory is

based on the presumption that the nature of the group such as motivation skill level

leader-follower relations and organizational history is an objective reality which is

important for the leader to know it transparently through scientific analysis However

human behaviour is much more complex and unpredictable than these models suggests

(King amp Lawley 2013391) Similarly Bass amp Stogdill (198139) criticize this approach

for the reason that situation alone is not enough to explain the rise of leadership the

37

personal characteristics as well

Sjoberg (2009) contends this theory by having a confusion in the features suitable

in specific situations She elaborates that it is not possible by saying to the leader that

such situation is not suitable for you to hold the leadership position because it is not the

situation where such type of leadership is required She argues that there are certain

features which are not required by any situation She further argues that this theory has

totally neglected the female leaders though there are certain features which are connected

with the femininity as well (Sjoberg 2009 163)

Sjoberg (2009) argues that situational theory in different circumstances recognizes

the traits related to the masculinity like at the war time strength and in peacetime

rationality is important while some features as interdependence and emotions are related

to the feminism Thus the system is responsible for the selection of a suitable leader

according to the situation (Sjoberg 2009163)

Enloe posits that though the crisis situations provide opportunity to women to

attain top leadership positions but there is no assurance that women may persist such

positions for long and may not roll back as normality returns (Enloe 2004)

Thus the situational theory describes that it is the situation which make the

individual to emerge as a leader having the efficiency and ability to deal and handle the

situation properly Moreover women are more suitable in crisis situations when men

avoid taking risks

17 LEADERSHIP REQUIRE SKILLS

There are various scholars who emphasize on the skills required for leadership

These scholars argue that skills are not inborn but they are developed and employed by

leaders Robert Katz was the first to emphasize on the skills for the rise of leaders Katz

argues that it is important to focus on the attitude and behaviour of a leader and the

required skills that can be learned by leaders in order to be more efficient (Katz 2009

04-06)

Skills are capabilities of the individual which can be learned and developed

through experiences and guidance (Northouse 200740) Leaders can learn from their

experiences through their involvement in activities interaction with the people and

exposure to different events which will increase their skills abilities and knowledge

required for leadership There is a long list of skills deemed necessary by scholars for

efficient political leadership However the most prominent of them are listed below

38

Mintzberg (1983) considers political skill as the disposition of influence through

negotiation persuasion and manipulationlsquo Ferris et al (2005) argue that political skill is

conceptualized as multidimentional with four aspects apparent sincerity social

astuteness networking ability interpersonal influence (Ferris et al 2005) Individuals

with social astuteness spend time with the followers to observe them for the purpose to

understand their true intentions They are highly self-aware and deals with the public in

an inspiring manner (Ferris et al 2007) Social astuteness along with the competency to

handle different situational demands help effective leader Politically skilled leaders

create a conducive and a cooperative environment suitable in turbulent situation

(Ammeter et al 2002764-765)

Interpersonal influence facilitates politically skilled individuals to interact and

influence others easily This skill helps the political leader to change the behaviours of the

public according to the demand of the circumstance in order to accomplish desired goals

successfully Such individuals show flexibility to adapt themselves in changing

circumstances (Ferris et al 2005) Interpersonal relationship is considered as an

opportunity against the threats These relations act as facilitating factors in the formation

of connections and alliances to ensures social identity with the help of which they can

manoeuvre the situation in their favour (Perrewe et al 2000)

Similarly networking ability enable politically skilled individuals to find

companions form coalitions networks and strong useful alliances (Ferris et al 2005)

This ability place them at a vantage point from where they take advantageous position to

take complete benefits of the available opportunities Those individuals with the

networking abilities possess admirable negotiating skill and are capable to manage

conflict Networking ability grant them access to a great deal of information and public

support (Ferris et al 2005) Apparent sincerity is the last aspect of political skill

Individual with sincerity authenticity and integrity are seen as genuine Politically skilled

individual with the ability of apparent sincerity can successfully influence others (Ferris

et al 2007291)

Scholars posit that political skills are related to self-monitoring empathy

extraversion positive affectivity and conscientiousnesslsquo The possession of these skills

make an individual secure and self- confident before work experience and grant

superiority over their work environment and the people whom an individual interact

(Chandan 2012176)

Women political leaders show courage and are outspoken on leading policy issues

39

in their respective countries Though outspoken women often lack support in the religious

and traditional societies But through their courageous actions women leaders in Asia

resist such challenges (Cunningham 20177) and lead different oppositional movements

against the oppressive governments (Shafqat 1996655) Asian women political leaders

have resisted opposition at the cost of their personal lives therefore exhibiting immense

courage (OlsquoConner 2010)

Similarly effective communication skills (Qadri 201617) are the political skills

which exhibit the competence of a leader Conger (199131) argues that spoken words are

useful weapon for influencing and articulating support of the people History gives us a

glimpse of the successes achieved through spoken words In the words of Conger epoch

of regulating by dictates is ending and is supplanted by an era of regulating through

inspiration This era insists credibility of leaders to craft and enunciate a motivational

message to create great intrinsic support Women political leaders possess good

communication skills They have an effective interpersonal negotiating and conflict

resolution skills as well (Collins and Singh 200614) But assertiveness competition

control and independence are the qualities exhibited by male political leaders (Carli amp

Eagli 2011109)

Ruminski amp Hollba emphasize on the importance of good oratory skills for the

success of women leaders They argue that women should have good oratory skills along

with information of the world to be successful in their lives They insist that women

political leaders should move beyond the elementary speech skills of just standing behind

the rostrum to deliver a speech They suggest that women should be effective

communicators and shall be well aware of the day to day happenings around them (2012

190)

Scholars posit that women are more relationship oriented consultative polite and

have inspirational appeal towards the public (Merchant 201230 Eagly 1987 Miller

1976) Women use communication as an instrument to form good social relationship and

increase social connections (Leaper 1991 Mason 1994)

Yukl argue that decision-making is an important skill required from effective

leaders Efficient leaders involve subordinates in decision making and resultantly win the

trust and confidence of the followers (Yukl 2010) Lussier amp Achua argue that attribute

of good decision making enable leaders to attain success in a political career While

suitable decision making is dependent on the awareness regarding confronted situations

which empowers leader to take appropriate option for the solution of the problems

40

through availing opportunities Such leaders efficiently utilized time by thinking

analytically and arrange new directions in a manner that changes they desire are

acceptable in public (Lussier and Achua 201310-11)

Though there is no specific difference in the decision making of both male and

females Literature show that women while taking decisions examine the matter

thoroughly before putting the matter in practice and their approaches are effective while

on the other hand men actually hinder effectiveness (Ciulla 2004289) Thatlsquos why

women are considered to be more practical and realistic than men Women are thought to

be more empirical and reasonable than male counterparts (Jensen 2008 202) Because of

the gendered allotment of domestic roles and reproductive labour and have the deficiency

of resources thus backing of spouses and other family members is persuasive means in

the improvement of womenlsquos political career (Tadros 2014)

Participation of women in decision making process regarding public affairs enable

them to develop their political skills They exhibit their concerns and commitment in

public services (Miranda 20056) Thus Jabeen amp Mubasher appreciate the states where

women are involved in the mainstream politics through some legislative measures which

bring positive changes Involvement of women in the process of decision making

empowers them to confront the patriarchal demeanour prevalent in the traditional

societies They are able to perform their responsibilities well by creating a conducive

environment for other women of their societies (2017302)

It is stated that political skills are the interpersonal skills including persuasion

negotiation compromise intuition and eloquence These skills are acquired through

experience Similarly political families are also a source of political apprenticeshiplsquo

(Cornwall and Goetz 2005) Thus women whose family members are actively engaged

in politics gain politically acumen within family They acquired the skills to deal the

public and situation effectively They also become socialized which enhances their

reputation and connection with the public as well

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo argue that the active involvement of womenlsquos in nationalist

movements also train them politically for the future Women political leaderslsquo affiliation

with the experienced political partners further facilitate them to acquire political skills and

knowledge These political skills facilitate their decision -making power Politically

skilled women leaders form strong social network which further enhances their

confidence collective strength and political awareness (201622)

However for some women leaders family background and involvement in

41

nationalist movements may not bring a change in leadership style but the actual

assumption of power may bring a bigger change in leadership style The former India

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi is a good example of how otherwise shy and silent person

can become a tough leader Indira Gandhi was generally believed to be a very shy person

despite having a political family background and her involvement in Indian Independence

movement with her father This was the reason the old guards of the Congress party

decided to choose her as a prime minister of India The decision was also strategic

because her silent attitude was thought by her male party members to be favourable for

manipulating her They called her a ―Dumb Doll (Green 201303)

But when she became Prime Minister of India she had developed her political

skills significantly and took crucial political decisions formulated effective foreign policy

and worked hard for her people conducted nuclear test to establish Indian hegemony in

South Asian region She was an ambitious pragmatic and farsighted woman political

leader who because of her political skills earned the title of an ―Iron Lady of India Her

journey from a ―Dumb Doll to an ―Iron Lady was full of struggles and difficulties

which she handled skilfully and was remembered as a great political leader (Braga

201301)

The acquired knowledge skills and the adoption of proper style are the crucial

factors for an effective leadership In skills theory considerable focus is on the efforts

struggle and resources for leadership training and development (Amanchukwu 201510)

But in different institutions there is a competition among the actors for top leadership

position Then the individual with personal features as good oratory skills charisma and

the skill to handle the crises situation make them able to gain top leadership position

Once the individual achieve the highest position such individual should use his skills as

ambitious political acumen the ability to use the available opportunities properly to

achieve the different tasks (Bennister 2012 Xiii)

In view of the above discussion it is stated that leadership is a skill that can be

acquired However Day observes that for the utility and development of any

organization the development of the leaderlsquos political skills is important but

unfortunately there is little political skill training for the future leaders which also has a

negative effect on the leaderlsquos performance (Day 2014 519)

My assessment is that political acumen and social astuteness enable individuals to

create interpersonal relations and networking capabilities which facilitate them to emerge

as a leader Afterwards good decision making power confidence and good

42

communications skills further assist them to sustain leadership position

18 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The research question of this study focusses on inquiries such as to what extent

family background is important for women leaders to acquire a political position to what

extent situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position and more

importantly how acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position In order to find answers to these inquiries I develop a theoretical framework out

of the above theoretical positions

All the above theories are in one way or the other related and crucial for

explaining the acquisition and retaining of top political leadership positions by women

However the most relevant debates that explain the issue under investigation can be

found in situational and skills theories of leadership However I am looking specifically

into situation and skills that may facilitate or hinder women political leaders to acquire

and sustain leadership positions

Situational theory of leadership explain situations which are responsible for the

emergence of leaders Different situations require different leaders with the ability and

appropriate skills to tackle the circumstances accordingly Women are often allotted top

leadership position in crisis situation (Haslam 2004) This is because women are believed

to possess qualities suitable to handle crisis situations such as empathy collaboration and

efficient communication etc However there is a reason men would allow women to take

leadership positions Men think strategically to offer women leadership during crisis time

which always carry a risk of leadership failure If women leaders do not succeed they get

blamed for the failure (Ryan amp Haslam 2007 Mulcahy amp Linehan 2014) In crisis

situations women leaders have to prove themselves and they often do not have smooth

sailing

Though conflict pushed women to attain leadership roles But such situation

realized them their political skills (strength confidence) which enable them to broaden

their horizons and seek political office Moreover women political leaders gain support

of their male colleagues in their political struggle as well (Tripp 2015)

Scholars are of the view that in crisis situation females of the elite families take

the lead (OlsquoConnor 2010324 Skard 2015154) Women become the beneficiarieslsquo of

their strong political families Their brought up in the political environment prepare them

for leadership positions Such political apprenticeshiplsquo(Cornwall and Goetz 2005

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622) is used as a stepping stone by women leaders to enter

43

leadership position but later they require more extensive skills and grooming which are

achieved by women leaders through their experience in active politics

Situations are often paradoxical for women leaders They may help women

leaders to rise but they may also put women leaders to test Women find an opportunity of

leadership in crisis situations but once they avail that opportunity they find it quite

challenging It requires them to have more extensive skills to survive the challenge

Situations and leadership skills are tightly connected in leadership context Leaders with

specific skills are often chosen to lead in particular situations Leaders so chosen are then

required to change their style and strategy to adapt to the change in situations This then

require new skills that are more relevant to the changing situation Political acumen

eloquence good decision making social astuteness and the confidence are the acquired

skills which they further polish through their experiences These acquired skills facilitate

women leaders to sustain their leadership positions for long

Leaders must have the capability to encourage and persuade the people in a way

that they then facilitate their leaders for accomplishment of the set goals (Warrilow

200901) Such transformational leaders are aware of the peoplelsquos emotions needs and

give them an idealized vision by talking optimistically about the future (Judge et al

2004755) I argue that such acts are particularly necessary in crisis situation where there

is despondency and the leader has to motivate the followers

Women political leaders are deemed to be transformational because of their

supportive empathetic collaborative interpersonal and participatory attitude (Kellerman

and Rhodes 2007 16ndash17) Likewise women political leaders appreciate the involvement

of subordinates in the process of decision making (Hegelsen 1990) and they are indeed

more interactivelsquo with their followers (Rosener 1990120)

In my data analysis chapters I will discuss the manner in which the crisis situation

affected leadership choices for Pashtun Nationalists associated with National Awami

Party in 1970s I will explain how and why a woman political leader was chosen to lead

the party in crisis situation I will probe the extent to which some particular skills of

Nasim Wali Khan were considered along with other possible strategic reasons in choosing

the leader of the NAP This is particularly important because the literature identify skills

such as social astuteness (Ferris et al 2005) communicative action (Habermas 1984

86) confidence and determination (Bass 199911) interpersonal and decision-making

(Lussier and Achua 201310-11) good oratory and charisma (Bennister 2012 Xiii) are

relevant in crisis situation However after attaining leadership position the challenges are

44

met through more extensive leadership skills demonstrated by leaders

Skills such as ambitiousness political acumen ability to use the available

opportunities (Bennister 2012 xiii) interpersonal or communication (Katz et al 1974)

etc are considered crucial for retaining leadership position Moreover it is important to

look into how these skills are required by women political leaders They partly imparted

by family training (political apprenticeship) and partly by the gradual process of

accumulating political experience The data chapters would highlight how Nasim Wali

Khan acquired and groomed the appropriate skills and how she used them to retain

political leadership Additionally how she inspired her followers in testing times of 1970s

and secured their support to achieve the purpose

19 CONCLUSION

Various theoretical perspectives explained above assist us understanding the issue

of acquisition and continuation of political leadership role by women in traditional

societies These explanations are used to develop our own theoretical framework which

extensively borrows from the premises of situational and skills approaches to leadership

The framework emphasis that (crisis) situations are paradoxical because they provide

women an opportunity to lead but they also put them to test The framework also refers to

relationship between situations and skills It is important to understand that often skills

are dependent upon situations and women political leaders have to acquire groom and

employ particular skills appropriate to the situation This theoretical framework will help

us understanding the emergence of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader and her success

in retaining the political leadership for considerable time

45

CHAPTER ndash 2

THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

This chapter is an effort to explore career path for the Asian women political

leaders who rose to the top leadership positions Most of the scholars emphasise that

Asian women achieved these positions through their strong family background or

political exigency However this chapter argues that beside family background and

political situation these women leaders demonstrated phenomenal political skills in most

testing political situations and consequently acquired and retained their positions

Therefore it is imperative to study the extra-ordinary struggle of these women political

leaders The analysis presented in this chapter are based on selected case studies

representing Asian Women leaders The career path of these leaders is explored to

substantiate the claims made by this study

Women political leaders have undoubtedly left a discernible mark in world

politics They have done so by shaping political and economic reforms within their

respective countries and also by shaping international relations through distinctive foreign

policy decisions Currently there are 22 women in the world who have occupied the most

prestigious top political leadership positons in their respective countries Among them 18

are elected through popular elections and 4 are appointed Among 178 head of the states

15 are women 13 are presidents and 2 are queens Women have occupied the position of

president or prime minister in more than 70 countries of the world many of those have

been in Asia and Europe (Adamczyk 2016) Women political leadership is not an

aberration in South America South and in the Southeast Asia (Kent 2015)

Scholars would particularly refer to Asia when it comes to women political

leadership Asia has been much more generous in allowing women to reach to top

political positions Nitin would call Asia a heavenlsquo for the women leading their way to

success in politics Sri Lanka India Pakistan Bangladesh South Korea Philippines

Thailand and Mongolia are the countries with elected women heads of the states This

means that half (4 billion) of the Asian population are living in countries with women

heads which makes it number one continentlsquo in the world with women political leaders

(Nitin 201303) In 1960 Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first Sri Lankan woman prime

minister who achieved leadership position Afterwards Golda Meir(Israel) Indira

46

Gandhi(India) Chandrika Kumaranatunga(Sri Lanka) Corazon Aquino and Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo (Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Sheikh Hasina Wajid and

Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Pratibha Patil(India) Roza

Otunbayeva(Kyrgyzstan) and Yingluck Shinawatra(Thailand) also became prominent

women political leaders in their respective countries Interestingly most of these women

leaders hail from the Muslim dominant countries (Szczepanski 201501) There is

considerable academic interest in the contribution of women political leaders around the

world However there is comparatively less academic interest in how these women

acquired leadership positions

Asian women political leaders are all popularly elected having influential families

with popular family dynasties in politics (Fleschenberg 200924-15) and they are directly

involved in the social activities and power structure of their countries (Abidi 201319)

Scholars argue that the emergence of these women leaders does not seem to modify the

male-dominated nature of Asian societies Rather it verifies the power of a name and the

perseverance of political dynasties (Herath 2015 03 Akhtar et al 2014 07 Mydans

201004) social class and caste system (Roy 201560)

Most of the women political leaders in Asia who have occupied highest public

offices came from the politically illustrious families Therefore various scholars (see

above) would conclude that the success of acquiring political leadership is determined

primarily by family background Such an understanding often undermines the abilities

and struggles of women political leaders who acquire and retain top political positions In

this chapter an effort is made to reflect on how women political leaders acquire and

retain leadership positions not only through the backing of their already influential

families but also through their extra ordinary struggle In order to do so we have explored

the biographies of selected political leaders from Asia to investigate their career path We

undoubtedly claim that family background facilitated these women in acquiring top

leadership positions however their personal character and skills were more instrumental

in acquiring and retaining top positions Moreover the situation in which they took

leadership provided a context within which opportunities were availed and personal

character and skills were demonstrated These women leaders were able to prove that

besides taking care of their household they can also serve respective countries in face of

all odds They are hardworking ambitious and (politically) skilled to carry out sound

domestic and foreign policies

The way women political leaders exploited situations and skills to reach to the top

47

positions are the main focus of this chapter It intends to do so by exploring the selective

profiles and career path of these women leaders The family backgrounds their

biographies and struggle of some of the top women political leaders of Asia are discussed

to identify important factors that lead women to top positions and facilitate them to stay

on those top positions In this chapter a profile sketch of these women leaders are brought

under consideration and then analyse how their situation and skills facilitated them to

acquire and retain the power for an extended period of time

PROFILES OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS AN OVER VIEW

21 SIRIMAVO BANDARANAIKE (SRI LANKA)

Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first female Prime Minister of Sri Lanka She was

born in Ratnapura District on 17th

April 1916 Her father Barns Ratwatte Disave was a

reputed senator and from a prominent Sinhalese family These families have also served

in the British colonial rule and adopted English first names However they were the

staunch observers of Buddhism Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the eldest among her six

siblings and at eight years she was sent to Convent School for best education After her

education she started social welfare programmes for the purpose to help needy and poor

people of her country She provided them food medicines and arranged clinics for them

as well Such considerations towards her people enabled her to gain good reputation

among the Sinhalese peasantry (Rettie 2010)

She was married to Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (1899-1959) on

10th

October 1940 who was an Oxford educated lawyer and the minister of local

government and health (1947-51) in the ruling United National Party Srimavo

Bandranaike persuaded her husband for resigning from the ruling United National Party

and the government After two years in 1951 he founded his own political party Sri

Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with the policies of democratic socialism and Sinhalese

resurgence After eight years of Sri Lanka independence Mr Bandaranaike became

Prime Minister in April 1956(Perera 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike held the party leadership and became the president of

the SLFP after Mr Bandaranaike assassination by the Buddhist monk on 25th

September

1959 She gained public support and sympathies and proved herself as an undefeatable

politician who worked as an undisputed leaders of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and had

the reins of the party for forty years (Epasinghe 201501)

48

Mrs Bandaranaike became the modern World first woman Premier in 1960 from

the Asian continent and served her country three times (1960-65 1970-77 1994-2000) as

a prime minister (Iwanaga 2008 272 Jalazai 200492 Banerjee 2008140) and

remained the opposition leader during 1965-70 and 1989-94(Jeyaraj 201001)

Generally in the Asian region females have subordinate position to their males

and have little or no stand in the public life but Srimavo Bandranaike proved herself both

nationally and internationally as an eminent woman political leader who continued her

husband policies of socialism at home She had nationalized all the foreign oil companies

and all the government businesses were transferred to the State owned bank of Ceylon

(now Sri Lanka) She had also established new Peoplelsquos Bank During her regime Soviet

aid was utilized for the industrialization process of her country brought education

reforms for the Buddhist Sinhalese and neutralismnon-alignment movement was adopted

as well by her government (Raj 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike also faced different problems communal riots

administrative turmoil and financial problems during her premiership Her period of

office was one of the mounting financial difficulty Due to these reasons she was

defeated in 1965 elections but got prominence in the next elections of 1970lsquos (Jones

201553)

Mrs Bandaranaike faced severe criticism from her opponents because of her

personal and political life In 1962 her political opponents tried to overthrow her

government jobless youth raised against her government for their grievances in 1971 and

in 1980 her civic rights were withdrawn SLFP headquarters was closed and threats were

given by the political opponents but she faced all the troubles and conspiracies

courageously and Mrs Bandaranaike gained more and more popularity through her bold

and consistent approach She gave new constitution changed the name of the country

from Ceylon to Sri Lanka and declared it a Republic in 1972 foreign owned estates were

nationalized by her government and placed the land limits to fifty acres by the Land

Reform Commission Sirimavo Bandaranaike died on 10th

October 2000(Perera

201202)

She got sympathies of the public initially by making emotional speeches during

the election campaign through which she earned the title of weeping widowlsquo But later

her present mind dedications towards her political career enabled her to make sound

domestic and foreign policies and she adopted tough stance against the insurgents who

tried to destroy the peace and prosperity of the Sri Lankan nation

49

22 CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGA (SRI LANKA)

Former prime minister and then the first ever woman president of Sri Lanka

Chandrika Kumaratunga was born on 24th

June 1945 She recieved her primary education

from Convent school Colombo and then went to Paris for higher studies where she

studied political science and adopted Mao Zedong and North Korean socialist radicalism

(Omer ampSprings 2013191)

Chandrika had the privilege to be the daughter of former premiers of Sri Lanka

Her father Solomon Bandaranaike served the country as a Prime minster from 1956-1959

and her mother Srimavo Bandaranaike who succeeded after the assassination of her

husband became prime minister in 1959 got the recognition as the Worldlsquos first female

premier (Burns 199502) Srimavo wanted her son Anura to be her political successor he

was the first choice of her mother but he declined and was succeeded by the Chandrika

She left her socialistic policies and adopted capitalism and free market policies (Jackson

1999 223) Chandrika Kumaratunga got married with the Sri Lankan movie star and a

radical left wing politician Vijay Kumaratunga in 1978 who was also assassinated by the

Sinhalese fascists in 1988(Burns 199502) After her marriage Chandrika Kumaratunga

left her fatherlsquos party SLFP and joined husbandlsquos party Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya

(SLMP) in 1984 She became the Vice President of the newly formed political party

Nonetheless after the assassination of her husband she acquired leadership position in the

party Under her leadership she formed United Socialist Alliance with the Lanka Sama

Samaja Party Nava Sama Samaja Party and Communist Party of Sri Lanka At the time

she was consistently receiving death threats and was narrowly escaped from an

assassination attempt as well Therefore in 1988 she left Sri Lanka and took refuge in

United Kingdom The SLMP was divided into two groups during her absence and she

was expelled from her party leadership (Silva 2017)

She returned to Sri Lanka in 1991 and became actively involved in the political

field through the platform of SLFP In May 1993 Mrs Kumaratunga was elected as a

chief minister of the Western province and became the first women in Sri Lanka who

headed the local government (Jackson 1999223)

But when Tamil Tiger suicide bomber attacked and killed Sri Lankan President

Premadasa on 1st May 1993 he was replaced by Dingiri Banda Wijitunge President

Wijitunge called for early elections in August 1994 in which Chandrika led the nine party

parliamentary alliance and became the prime minister of Sri Lanka(August- November

1994) by defeating the seventeen years rule of United National Party (Mendis 2006162)

50

During that time the separatists Liberation movement by the Tamil Tigers were in

full swing in the years following the presidential elections contested by Chandrika and the

separatists had started a civil war against the government During her election campaigns

Chandrika promised for peace process and the settlement of all disputes with the

Separatists Tamil Tigers This mandate helped her to be an elected President in 1995-

2005(Dahlburg 199401) then in 1998 she was again elected as president to serve for the

second time (Sharma 200467) However in 1999 an attempt of her assassination was

made by the Tamil separatists in which she narrowly escaped but was greatly wounded

(Uyangoda 2001210)

During Chandrika presidency she appointed her mother Sirimavo Bandaranaike

as Prime Minister (Pandey 200546) and ruled the parliamentary democracy till the death

of Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 2000 (Watson et al 2003209)

Being a President of Sri Lanka Chandrika tried to solve the problems with the

separatist group and held different rounds of peace talks with the separatists (Lakhsman et

al 200092) For such purpose President Chandrika Kumaratunga called for the hundred

days cease fire between the Separatists group and the government But after expiration of

the term the separatist group started violent activities She offered full autonomy to the

Tamil minority of her country which was welcomed by the minority but was rejected by

the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as they did not agree with the condition of

surrendering before the government with having a strong grip on the region (Carter 2010

404)

In December 2001 once again the United National Party came into power and

Ranil Wickremasinghe (the political opponent of Chandrika Kumaratunga) became prime

minister while Chandrika Kumaratunga remained in office of a President till November

2003 which created difficult relationship In February 2004 President dissolved the

parliament and called for new elections in April 2004 while the presidential election was

held in November 2005 in which Mahinda Rajapaksa became successful and became the

President replacing Chandrika Kumaratunga (Omer amp Springs 2013192)

According to the Sri Lankan constitution a person holding the office of a president

for two terms are not allowed to contest elections for third time So Chandrika

Kumaratunga tried to pass the party leadership by giving the reins of the party SLFP to

her brother till her own children were not able to hold the reins of power (Herath

200294)

51

23 INDIRA GANDHI (INDIA)

Indian first female Premier Indira Gandhi was born in Allahabad on November

19 1917 in an aristocratic and politically prominent family of Nehrulsquos Her grandfather

Motilal Nehru was a Nationalist leader and her father Jawaharlal Nehru a prominent

Indian Independence leader and the first Prime Minister of India (Frank 200213)

Indira was brought up in a political environment where she met politically

prominent figures influenced by her father Her initial studies was from different Indian

and non- Indian schools and sometimes from the private tutors In 1934 she started her

studies in Visva Bharatic Academy where the headmaster was a well -known writer

Rabindranath Tagore who taught her Philosophy and arts She then got admission at

Bristol England in a progressive School She started her graduation at Somerville

College Oxford in 1937(Flatt 2012184) and finally completed her higher studies from

Oxford (England) and Switzerland (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi 2013125)

After her graduation from Oxford in 1941 she returned to India She married to a

Parsi politician Feroze Gandhi in 1942 who was studying in London School of

Economics at the time when Indira Gandhi was in Oxford Indira Gandhi was actively

engaged in the Indian independence movement against the British Imperial power

because of which she was imprisoned by the British troops immediately after her

marriage from September 11th

1942-May 13th

1943 at Naini Central Jail Allahabad

(Thelikorala 201102)

In 1953 she became a member of the Congress working committee which was the

Indialsquos ruling party and she had also worked for the women interest while serving in the

women department of the Congress Party She had visited different parts of the country to

educate women of India about their fundamental rights and duties In 1959 she was the

only female and fourth president of the Indian National Congress Party (Flatt 2012185)

Indira Gandhi also served in Jawarharlal Nehru government after independence during

1947-65 and gained much power within the government (Jayakar 201204)

Then she became an elected member of the Rajya Sabha and held the post of the

Minister of Information and Broadcasting in the cabinet of Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964

after the demise of her father In 1966-1977 she was appointed as a Prime Minister of

India after the Shastrilsquos sudden death with the support of the K Kamaraj who was

President of the Congress party at that time She had won the elections of 1971 and

introduced different economic policies for the increased productivity of agriculture and

52

side by side she was also involved in the global politics as well In the 1970lsquos secessionist

conflict of East Pakistan she helped and supported them in their struggle of independence

against Pakistan to become an independent state of Bangladesh (Chacko 2012) During

her Premiership India exploded her first nuclear bomb which empowered India to protect

herself against foreign aggression and to create Indialsquos hegemony in South Asian region

as well (Flatt 2012187)

But in June 1975 because of the election irregularities in the 1971 elections and

violation of the election laws Allahabad High court ruled against her to vacate the post of

premier and banned her for six years from taking part in politics In response of such

ruling President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad had declared state of emergency on the advice of

Indira Gandhi Her government ban the media imprisoned her opponents limited the

fundamental rights of people and used police force against the strikes and protests of her

adversaries While on the other side her son Sanjay Gandhi had started the sterilization

programme for the control of Indian rapidly growing population Public rose against her

dictatorial rule and she announced the date for the next general elections in 1977On

March 23 1977 emergency was uplifted but she badly lost in the 1977 general elections

(Green 201303)

In 1980 elections were held for the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament) Indira

Gandhi and her Party again won the elections and all the cases against her were

withdrawn She became Prime Minister of India once again from 1980-84 but she faced

severe challenges including separatistlsquos movement by Sikhs community in Northern

Punjab who revolted against her government But they were badly crushed by the

Indiralsquos government through military operation named as ―Operation Blue Star against

the separatists within premises of the Sikhs Golden Temple Thousands of civilian lost

their lives in this revolt and she herself was shot dead on 31st October 1984 by two of her

Sikh bodyguard in revenge of the Golden Temple episode (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi

2013126)

Indira Gandhi served the nation in two phases 1967-1974 which were favourable

years of her charismatic leadership and she gained much popular support for her good

policies while the next phase 1975-1984 was considered to be the power centralization by

her who violently treated her opponents which gave her the image of dictator and

authoritarian leader Braga praised Indira Gandhi by stating that during her premiership

Indian literacy rate was increased to 30 and the poverty rate was decreased to 45 from

65 Her efforts and sound agricultural policies for the revival of agricultural sector

53

raised the production of different food items to 25 which brought Green Revolution in

India (Braga 2013) Such agricultural policies were the efforts by her government to

handle the inflation Through her sound economic policies she nationalized the Indian

Banks Indira also created diplomatic relations with United States and USSR through her

socialist policies India became the nuclear power of the region during her premiership

Her policies enabled India to be self ndash sufficient to such extent as to no longer dependent

on foreign aids (Aswathy 2013nd) Through her power and abilities she is compared

with Durga (Indian nation goddess) who has the power to stand against all odds (Braga

2013)

24 BENAZIR BHUTTO (PAKISTAN)

Benazir Bhutto was the first Muslim woman Prime Minister of a Muslim country

Pakistan She was born in Karachi (Pakistan) on 21st June 1953 and passed away on 27

th

Dec 2007 She received her early education from Karachi Convent of Jesus and Mary

School run by Irish Catholic nuns and then went for graduation to Harvard University

where she completed her graduation in Law at Lady Margaret Hall College Benazir

Bhutto obtained her diploma in Foreign Affairs from Oxford University (Buruma 1989)

Then in 1976 she became the First Pakistani student elected as a president of the Oxford

Union Debating Society in UK (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013274)

Benazir Bhutto was the daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto He was from the

wealthiest landowning families of Pakistan an Oxford educated lawyer former Prime

Minister of Pakistan and the founder of the popular political party Pakistan Peoplelsquos Party

in 1967(Hussain 200801) Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto got support of the people under the

banner of Islamic Socialism and ruled the county for seven years from 1970-1977 He

tried to overcome the main problems of Pakistan which was poverty socio-economic

imbalance and the dominance of the elite class in the socio-political system of Pakistan

but later he himself was in need of the elites support Some of his intimidating policies for

the suppression of the political opponents corruption and fraud ended his regime through

military coup by Zia-ul Haq (Dolek 200804) Likewise mother of Benazir Bhutto

Nusrat Ispahani was the daughter of the Iranian businessman Benazir Bhutto was the

eldest among her three siblings On Feb 17 1987 she married with Asif Ali Zardari Asif

Ali Zardari is the son of a landownerbusinessman friend of ZA Bhutto Hakim Ali

Zardari The couple was blessed with three children Bilawal Bakhtawar and Asifa

(Hussain 200802)

54

Benazir Bhutto was nurtured in a political environment by her father Z A Bhutto

General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law on 5th

July 1977 which was the

third martial law in Pakistanlsquos history Army chief promised for the elections to be

commenced within ninety days but later he didnlsquot fulfil his promise and postponed the

elections on the ground of accountability of the corrupt politicians As a result of

accountability process Z A Bhutto was trialled on charges of conspiracy and the killing

of Ahmad Raza Kasuri and was later executed on 4th

April 1979 Z A Bhutto wife

Nusrat Bhutto and his daughter Benazir Bhutto were placed under house arrest (ShahH

201304)

Imprisonment and then the demise of Z A Bhutto and the murder of her two

brothers made Benazir more enthusiastic responsible and active in the political affairs of

Pakistan but her life was full of difficulties facing time of exile house arrest then reached

to peak and gained power which was followed by her dismissals She returned to Pakistan

in 1977 after completing her education from Harvard and Oxford She was warmly

welcomed by the people of Pakistan and gave her the title of the daughter of Pakistanlsquo

(Dolek 200804) She earned the popular support which led her triumph over the military

ruler and through her inborn abilities she was able to retain such popularity (Chitkara

199667)

She followed the footprints of her father in politics and continued struggling for

the restoration of democracy against the General Zia-ul-Haq military rule For the

purpose to restore the democracy in Pakistan she launched a movement named

Movement for the Restoration of Democracylsquo in 1981 with the support of nine other

political parties Her efforts were for the restoration of 1973 constitution parliamentary

elections for the purpose to transfer power to the democratically elected government and

to uplift the martial law As a result she was imprisoned till 1984 (ShahH 201304) The

period between1979-1984 Benazir faced house arrests imprisonment and self- exile to

UK in 1986Then in 1986 she returned to Pakistan and started her campaign for office

She was recalled as the political opponent of General Zia (Eoan 2007 02)

The excessive international pressure on Zia regime for the restoration of

democracy made Zia announcing the election date in November 16th

1988 on non- party

basis This elections were challenged by Benazir Bhutto in the Court of Justice but before

any judgement Zia ndashul Haq died in a plane crash on 17th

August 1988 Ghulam Ishaq

Khan became the President of Pakistan and he held the general elections on 16th

and 19th

November 1988 which was won by Benazir Bhutto party On 2nd

December 1988 she

55

became the first youngest (35 years old) Muslim woman Prime Minister of an Islamic

country Pakistan (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013275)

Benazir had occupied the post of Prime Minister from 1988-1990 and then from

1993-1996 She was the parliamentary opposition leader from 1990-1993 and from 1997-

1998 She spent almost seven years (1999-2007) in self ndash exile and was assassinated in

2007 (OlsquoConner 2010382) Benazir Bhutto held twice the position of Prime Minister

though she never managed to complete her terms but was a significant political figure in

Pakistani politics (Iwanaga 2008 37)

Bhutto in her biography intended that her struggle paved the way to change the

traditional aspects of our society the common perception regarding the Asian women

gender role is to perform the family responsibilities Benazir Bhutto stated that she faced

the same challenges in the traditional society of Pakistan as an ordinary women faced

when criticized by the clergy She worked for democracy liberty and social justice in

Pakistan Benazir Bhutto brought some reforms in the early year of her government and

made the press free gave the people their basic right of speech and thoughts and made

Pakistan free from all sorts of exploitation (Khan et al 2015203)

McCarthy contends that later Bhutto turned against her promises and worked for

the consolidation of her political power rather than struggle for the betterment of people

She relied on the support of elite class instead of public Similarly she tried to settle the

problems with India and Afghanistan through negotiations without taking the military in

confidence which created great resentment in armed forces Her close ties with the West

and US for the foreign aid gave her a political breakdown and her government was

dismissed in August 1990 on the charges of bargaining for personal gains and there was a

political competition and the humiliation of the opponents (McCartney 2011170)

But Benazir Bhutto was again re-elected in 1993President Farooq Laghari had

good relations with Benazir and promised her to freely work without the interference of a

president She faced severe problems like in 1994-95 Mohajir Quami Movement(MQM)

led the Mohajir Nationalism in Sindh and was involved in violent acts which the

government of Benazir responded aggressively (Shah 199778) Similarly financial

condition of Pakistan was bad that country was close to bankruptcy She led Social

Action Programme (SAP) to provide better life facilities to the people Her government

received foreign aid but most of it was utilized for the electricity generation Her

government choose to support US led Afghan Taliban both financially and military

(Tucker 2010209) This policy made the military legitimized institution to interfere in

56

the politics of Pakistan Her government was again terminated in 1997 on the basis of

corruption and maladministration (Naden 201169)

She went into exile for the second time in 2007 After political negotiations with

the President Musharraf she returned to Pakistan On her very return she survived from an

attack on her life She faced second attack on her life in a procession gathered in

Rawalpindi but she could not survive from this attack and died on 27th

December 2007

Benazir Bhutto was a courageous and brave woman and always took risk for her life and

fought against dictators (Brown 200810) Though her life was full of troubles struggles

successes and dismissals but throughout her life she faced the difficult situation

courageously and worked for the rights education and better life standards of people She

struggled hard against the dictatorial military rule of General Zia-ul Haq and led a

movement for the restoration of Democracy (MRD) and brought an end to the 11 years

rule of a military regime (Shah H 201301)

25 BEGUM KHALIDA ZIA (BANGLADESH)

Bangladesh Prime Minister Khalida Zia was born in a business family in

Jalpaiguri (North Eastern part of the Bangladesh) on August 15th

1945 She married Zia-

ur- Rehman (b1935-d1981) in 1960 at fifteen years of age Zia-ur- Rehman was serving

in the Pakistan army as a captain at the time of her marriage She had completed her

studies at the college level three years later after her marriage Then they were being

transferred to West Pakistan for the Zia- ur- Rehman commitment in the 1965 war of

Pakistan and India to command the East Pakistan Regiment in the war (Gerlach

2013120) and later in 1967 the family returned to East part of Pakistan (now

Bangladesh) When the liberation war was started by Eastern part of Pakistan the country

was divided into eleven different zones and Zia-ur- Rehman was the general in charge of

one zone He led the Mukhti Bahini Battalion and fought against Pakistan became

victorious and Bangladesh emerged as an independent state on the map of the world in

1971 After the Sheikh Mujeeblsquos assassination in 1975 he became the Chief of Army and

a dominant figure of Army (editors of American Heritage 2005865) General Zia-ur-

Rehman became the countylsquos first military dictator who occupied the post of countrylsquos

Presidency from 1977-1980 During Zia-ur-Rehman presidency Khalida Zia acted as a

typical house wife and remained away from politics (Gerlach 2013121)

But the situation after the assassination of her husband in 1981paved the way for

the politically inexperienced Khalida Zia towards political leadership (Hudson 199740)

57

There were three candidates for the BNP presidency and in 1984 she became the leader of

her husbandlsquos party Bangladesh National Party (BNP) which was a sign of popular

support for her (Hudson 199739)

The women in Bangladesh who fought against the military dictator were two

noteworthy Begums Begum Khalida Zia and Begum Hasina Wajid In 1990 their

struggles became fruitful and they brought an end to the military rule of Ershad for the

second time (Foley 2013222) Then under the supervision of the interim government

elections were held in 1991 which was considered to be the first ever democratic elections

after the Bangladesh independence The leader of Bangladesh National Party (BNP)

Begum Khalida Zia became an elected prime minister of Bangladesh and the rival party

Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina Wajid occupied the opposition benches Khalida

Zia brought certain changes in the constitution and replaced presidential form of

government into parliamentary form with prime minister having the vast executive

powers Human rights situation became improved in the country by eliminating the

restriction on the fundamental rights of the people (Askwik 199595)

Her government made laws regarding compulsory education for female and the

bill related to the death penalty for the crimes against the children and women was also

introduced in February 14th

1995 in the parliament (Ahmed 2004231) The military ruler

Ershad was imprisoned on the corruption charges Her official visits to Saudi Arabia and

China in 1991 were for the purpose of technical and economic cooperation Likewise her

visit to India in 1992 was for the purpose to resolved water sharing problem During a

visit Bangladesh signed nine hundred and ninety nine years lease agreement of Teen

Bigha Corridor with India She also made official visits to Pakistan Iran and Burma led

her country close to the neighbouring and other countries of the World (Ahmed 2004

232) Her foreign policy moves around good relations with China and Pakistan to counter

the threats from the outside World especially from India (Singh 2010284)

She held the post of Prime Minister of Bangladesh from 1991-1996 and then from

2001-2006 Again under the supervision of a caretaker government elections were held

on 1st October 2001 in which BNP led the four party alliance won two-third majority in

the Parliament and Khalida Zia became the prime minister on 10th

October

2001(International business publication 201135) Awami League throughout the BNP

government boycotted and then returned to the parliament regarding different issues and

criticized the sound economic and foreign policies of the BNP government Law and

order situation became worst during 2005 when extremist Islamist group attacked

58

different government buildings and killed number of people but were suppressed by the

government and peace was restored (International business publication 201136)

Though Khalida Zia was an inexperienced political leader but after achieving the

post of Premier she developed her skills and was able to cope with the new situation She

tried to solve different issues with the neighbouring countries Her close relations with the

different countries were the clear indication of her sound and friendly foreign policy

Such efforts make Bangladesh able to defend herself against any aggression

26 SHEIKH HASINA WAJID (BANGLADESH)

Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman father of the Bangladeshi nation became the first

Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1975 He was assassinated on August 10th

1975 along

with his family members (Mitra et al 200623) His daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajid

survived the assassination attempt because she was in Germany at the time of her fatherlsquos

assassination Sheikh Hasina Wajid (daughter of the founding father) remained in exile

for six years But she returned to Bangladesh and actively participated in countrylsquos

politics After the assassination of all her family members political succession of her

family was passed to Hasina Wajid In 1981 she was elected as the President of Awami

League (Stange et al 2011 669) In 1986 she became the opposition leader by winning

three constituencies in the Bangladeshi Parliament Then in 1991 she became an

oppositional leader with the government leader Khalida Zia During this tenure Khalida

Zia initiated twelfth amendment in the constitution for the prime ministerial form of

government in the country (Chakrabarti 2013483)

Sheikh Hasina Wajid struggled for the fair democratic government by demanding

the resignation of the corrupt politicians to conduct general elections in 1996 under the

supervision of the caretaker government These elections were won by Awami league a

political party led by Sheikh Hasina Wajid She was able to form a coalition government

and she took an oath of the tenth Prime minister of Bangladesh on May 10th

1996She

remained in office from 1996-2001(Whyte 200036) She had served the country twice as

a prime minister from1996- 2001 and from 2009mdashpresent (Stange et al 2011669) Her

electoral victory paved the way for democracy after twenty one yearlsquos long struggle

against the oppressive corrupt rule and after the continuous imposition of martial laws

(Chitkara 1998313)

In December 1996 Ganges water sharing treaty was signed with India by Sheikh

Hasina She was enthusiastic to work for the improvement and development of her

59

country (International Business Publication 201138) Then in 1997 a peace accord

named Chittagong Hill tract was signed by her government and then in 1998 opened

Bangabandhu Bridge across the Jamuna River which linked the eastern and western part

of the country Her policies are related to create friendly relations with other countries

(Shrestha 2002237)

Later in the 2001 elections her party was defeated and she became an opposition

leader The elections were to be held in 2007 but later the schedule was changed and the

elections become delayed Sheikh Hasina Wajid was arrested on the charges of bribery

and some other charges Then in 2008 elections Awami League formed a grand alliance

with fourteen other political parties and won an absolute majority Sheikh Hasina Wajid

again took the responsibility of the country as a prime minister in January 2009(Foley

2013222)

This time she is more enthusiastic The first initiative took by her government is

the formation of a committee for the restoration of the original constitution Her

government also announced the women development and education policies in 2010

Women development policies ensures the equal property rights for the women and

specified forty percent quota for women in different government jobs including

parliament and local bodies While in the education policy they make free primary

education compulsory and the emphasis would be more on the scientific and

technological education She also took initiatives to solve all her problems with the

opponent BNP for the betterment and progress of the country (Mastoor 200923)

Her government also signed an accord in 2011 on the four-decade old border

dispute with India According to the accord demarcation of the boundaries of both the

countries and the exchange of their occupied area of about seven thousand acres and fifty

thousand people are to be return During her rule government tribunal was formed to

investigate the members of the Bangladesh Islamist party Jammat-i- Islami was charged

with the war crimes because of their cooperation with Pakistan during the liberation war

of 1971(Chopra 2015211)

27 CORAZON AQUINO (PHILIPPINES)

The first female Filipino leader Corazon Aquino being ascended to the highest

post of Presidency was born in 1933 and died of Cancer in 2009 She was the daughter of

a Jose Cojuangco sugar baron and have owned a family bank Her father was also a

member of the National Assembly of Philippines Both of her grandfathers were also the

60

respected senators Her initial schooling was at Manila Later after the family moved to

USA in 1946 where she completed her education She had been graduated from Mount St

Vincent College in New York City in 1954 and had married with a young politician of

Philippines Benigno Aquino She had supported her husband in his political career but

lived her life as a simple housewife with five children (Magill 199986)

Marcos won the elections and became the elected president of Philippines in 1965

and in 1969 But he imposed Martial law (1972-1986) which deteriorated the socio-

economic and political situation of the country and raised many problems (Quimpo

2012nd) He also treated the opponents brutally Senator Beningo Jr was among his

political opponents who remained a senator from 1967-72(Powers et al 201123)

Beningo and his companions faced imprisonment (September 1972-May 1980) and had

faced forced exile for three years On his return in August 1983 he was assassinated at

Manila airport which further intensify the already turbulent situations (Magill 199986)

Popular uprising against the dictatorial rule of Marcos pressurized him to conduct

legislative elections held in 1984 where the opposition minority became successful This

success further boosted the energies of the opposition to continue their struggle against

the dictator Later worst economic conditions of the country and the foreign pressure

compelled Marcos to conduct Presidential elections in February 1986 These elections

were won by Corazon Aquino (the widow of Senator Beningo) She held the post of

Presidency from 1986-1992(Gin 2004168)

She was a courageous women who had started a revolution through Peoplelsquos

Power against the dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 who had murdered her husband

senator Benigno S Aquino in 1983(Julio 2012201) Though she gained power after the

assassination of her husband but she was inexperienced politicians and was targeted by

her political rivals time and again These criticisms further increased her image as a

morally good political leader who always work for the welfare of their people instead of

her personal interests (Thompson 2013156) It was possible only because of her courage

which brought twenty years dictatorship of Marcos to an end and raised the flag of

democracy in chaotic economically and politically unstable Philippines (Maynard

198703)

Though she was inexperienced politician simple house wife but was backed and

supported by the Catholic Church bishops the businessmen and civil society groups for

her morality and her fair struggle for democracy and justice This noble mission was

started by her husband but was followed by her They monitored the elections and

61

marched against the dictator which resulted the Marcos to escape to US Corazon Aquino

became the first female elected President of Philippines She formed a commission to

draft the constitution with a strong President and guaranteed full civil rights (Thompson

2015208-209)

Aquino worked for the stabilization of economy by bringing back wealth of the

country embezzled by Marcos Her policies regarding good governance security human

rights and security of the people of Philippines and regained the military support are the

work of a true leader Current President Benigno Noynoy S Aquino III is the son of

President Corazon Aquino She was from the elitist class staunch Catholic Time and

situation made her to enter into politics and united her people against the dictatorial rule

of Marcos who struggled hard for the restoration of democracy (Coronel 2009 04)

She retired from public office in June 1992 but continued her struggle for the

Filipinos She raised her voice against the President Joseph Estrada in 2001 on the basis

of fraudulent presidential elections President Arroyo demanded his resignation but never

actively participated in the politics again for the purpose to provide chances to the young

blood (McKee amp Wallerstein 200903)

28 THE RISE OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADER CRITICAL ANALYSIS

The above mentioned women reached to top leadership positions in countries

where women are far from achieving political equality and their rights (Lithgow

200001) However ironically women politicians of the Northeast Southeast and South

Asia also led many governments and the opposition movements In Pakistan Sri Lanka

Bangladesh India and Philippines women are predominant in politics and have occupied

top leadership posts as presidents and prime ministers several times in their respective

countries The most notable among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika

Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) Corazon C Aquino and Gloria Macapagal-

Arroyo(Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Indira Gandhi amp Sonia Gandhi(India)

Aung San Suu Kyi(Burma) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Wan Azizah Wan Ismail

(Malaysia) Begum Khalida Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wajid(Bangladesh)

Mostly the political victimization and crisis situations of family and country excel

these women in public domain and motivate them to endeavour for the rights and

prosperity of public Further Fleschenberg argues that they are the elected representatives

of their people but are the descendent from socially and politically influential families and

ruling dynasties (Fleschenberg 200924-25) It is often assumed that their political legacy

62

grant them top leadership positions of party leadership prime ministers presidents and

opposition leaders (Derich ampThompson 201330Jalalzai 2004) These women political

leaders have ably led the political parties of their husbands and fathers Basu argues that

they are either the daughters of the founding fathers or the influential figures of their

respective countries They arewere the privileged political ladies whose parents or

husbands served the country as prime ministers or former politicians (Basu 200506)

They skilfully led their political parties and united the dispirited public and had

articulated their hopes and ably gained their support as well

Though these women political leaders laid the foundation of dynastic model of

democracy they became the successors of the political positions of the slaying male

members of their families and set a pattern for the future females to occupy the political

positions in the same hereditary manner (Tuminez 201208 Altson 2014203 Jensen

2008 15 )

Being the successors of the political victimized male they benefitted by gaining

the sympathies and support of their people Derich and Thompson mentioned Srimavo

Bandaranaike prominence as weeping widowlsquo and mother of the orphan childrenlsquo

(Derich amp Thompson 201321) Srimavo Bandaranaike got sympathies of public through

a political narrative highlighting the achievements and sacrifices made by her husband

and her own ordeals in response to the death threats at the death of her husband (Jensen

200816)

But their skills and strategies to manipulate the situations in a manner to create a

suitable environment in the patriarchal and traditional societieslsquo further facilitated them in

political struggle Scholars posit that the education of these women leaders such as Indira

Gandhi Benazir Bhutto and Chandrika Kumaratunga from the reputed colleges and

universities the social strata and their privileged class as compared to the general

population also facilitated them in their rise to top leaderships (Jalazai amp Krook 201008

Deeba amp Wilson 201380) These privileges further increased their probabilities of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Though mostly women political leaders are inexperienced politicians performing

the typical traditional role as mothers and homemakers and they are considered to be

symbolic leaders who can be easily influenced and controlled by the male party members

as compared to the established male leaders (Bakshi 200101) But these suppositions are

nullified by the women political leaders as they prove themselves strong (Skard

2015155) They demonstrate political acumen and ability to improvise through fast

63

learning (Bakshi 200101) Scholars have also referred to their intelligence ethics

(Derichs amp Thompson 2013) efficiency (Alston 2014 235) trustworthiness and honesty

and risk taking in tumultuous political environment as compared to their male associates

(Skard 2015156) The effectiveness of a political leader lies in their sincerity honesty

and trustworthiness Women politicians demonstrate these characteristics (Davidson

200470)

Thus skills characteristics and qualities demonstrated by Asian women leaders

such as both Corazon Aquino and Srimavo Bandaraika were politically inexperienced but

their supporters considered them to be very ethical morally upright and reliable leaders

with illustrious political history of public welfare (Thompson 2013156)

Women political leaders from South Asia have taken the charge of the

disorganized political parties when the later were in bad shape Each of the six women

leaders (Indira Gandhi Srimavo amp Chandrika Bandaranaika Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina

Wajid and Benazir Bhutto) reorganized their parties in a much better way This shows

their ability as leaders in their own right (Gupta 2014191) Such politically skilled

leaders are aware of the feeling emotions and requirements of their people by creating

friendly environment and are able to influence their people with the help of their skills to

handle the difficult situation with ease (Braddy amp Campbell 201401) They recognized

themselves as true leaders of their people which make them able to remain in power

(Fernandes 201472)

Women politicians are able enough to impart a message of power strength and

decisiveness (Campus 201306) Women leaders are not just the compromising leaders

but they are strong enough to have adopted sound policies and took strong actions against

those who sabotage their respective governments

For a politically skilled leader social relationship is needed for the purpose to get

the support of their people to achieve the objectives (Ferris et al 2007293-295) Women

politicians through their former socialization and political skills formed their relationship

across different constituencies and influenced their public in general to create a

relationship with them in such a manner that they started including them in their struggle

to achieve the desired goals (Klenke 201156) This is also because women are believed

to have good communication skills (Mirza amp Jabeen 2011270 Lussier and Achua

201310-11) Scholars have praised Benazir Bhutto political wisdom courage eloquent

endurance (Hossain 201101) and commitment towards peoplelsquos welfare and

determination for the achievement of the set goals Benazir Bhutto is credited as being

64

an effective and democratic leader because of her political skills as perseverance and

determination (Shah B 2014)

Similarly writers appraised Srimavo Bandaranaike courage political skills

dedication capacity to learn and toughness (De Silva 200001) She was a modest

trusteed and powerful member of her cabinet (Richardson 2005308) While Indira

Gandhi earned the title of an Iron Lady of Indialsquo because of her tough actions against

the odds (Thelikorala 201101) With such exceptional skills attributes and

determination these women leaders became a role model and example for other women

folk (Mydens 201005)

Similarly apart for political skills socialization and circumstances are important

determinants for the emergence and amelioration of these political leaders Socialization

provided the force and skill to gain political power (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009 Halder

200433) The grooming of Benazir Bhutto was totally for the political leadershipBenazir

was brought up to be her father political heir As an elder child of her family she got

special attention Z A Bhutto took Benazir to attend his political meeting and

conferences (Skard 2015125) Similarly Indira Gandhi was also trained for politics the

fact that other ladies were able to hold their own in the tumultuous situation must be

regarded as a tribute to their resilience as politicians (Dixit 200845)

Political socialization for Srimavo Bandranaike Khalida Zia and Corazon Aquino

started after the assassination of their husbands They came to the forefront and achieved

the leadership of their political parties founded by their consorts and then occupied the

top leadership position of their countries as well (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009)

Apart from skills the circumstancesituation are also helpful in the emergence of

these women leaders to the top political leadership positions and got political successes

(Jalalzai ampKrook 201009 Halder 200433) Scholars postulates that the place time and

circumstances facilitates the rise of a great leader (Bass et al 198138 Martin et al

200645) and situational leadership demands the compatible leadership style to the

involvement and capacity of their followers (Northouse 2013 99) The above mentioned

women political leaders emerged in an uncertain chaotic situations They sought political

power in dramatic situation created by military coup murder or sudden death of a leader

or opposition by authoritarian forces Women leaders led peaceful movement against

autocratic and military rulers (OlsquoConner 2010384) and women are highly vulnerable in

conflict situations whether household related conflict or violence community or local

tensions armed conflict and civil war(Mwagiru nd01)

65

Political unrest the demand for change and the unpopular regimes are helpful in

providing opportunities to the women to take the leadership position (Skard 2015154)

Authoritarian military rule has curtailed democratic processes in some South Asian

countries which opened ways for the empowerment of discriminated groups including

women (Shaheed nd07) These women got prominent leadership position through

democratic revolution in Asia Uncertain situation in their countries provide chances to

the women politicians to hold the top political leadership positions as they are thought to

be more honest moral and selfless advocates of the cause of their assassinated martyred

father or husband (Shehabuddin 201472)

But all these women have their own experiences and have their own distinct style

for configuring the influences and events (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) The emergence of

Benazir Bhutto (Lithgow 200005) Khalida Zia Hasina Wajid (Foley 2013222) and

Corazon Aquino have revolted against the dictatorial rule in their own ways

They faced different situations such as house arrest exile threats and the

assassination attempts However they survived and proved themselves as the substantiate

leaders of the people because of their persistency in hard times (Shehabuddin 201472)

which paved the way for democracy and provide the fundamental rights of the people

Srimavo Bandranaike Chandrika Kumaratunga (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) and Indira

Gandhi faced different problems before and even after their commencement to top

leadership positions from the secessionistseparatists group Similarly Benazir Bhutto

also faced resistance from the conservativereligious parties like Jamat-i-Islami JUI

clerics supporting by the ulemas of Saudi Arabia issuing fatwas against the women rule

A series of violent acts and agitation started to destabilize the new elected government

but Benazir Bhutto called it the consequences of the election results by those who faced

defeat and are backed by military (Ispahani 201556) These women leaders have resisted

militarism desire to become equally represented in democracies (Pandey 200517) raised

their voices against military dictators

All the above mentioned women political leaders after gaining top leadership

position stood courageously against all odds and critical situations (Jensen 200819) and

despite the numerous hurdles and constraints these women made their way to advance to

top leadership positions They also achieved remarkable progresses by learning leadership

skills like their male counterparts (Foley 2013230)

Women leaders after gaining power in critical situations proved themselves as

survivors Indira Gandhi appeared as a champion of democracy and steadfast leader who

66

would not bow before any one For this reason she was given the title Durga4mother

(Hindus Goddess) However Indira Gandhi was also given the title of Kalilsquo5because of

her oppressive measures against her opponents (Panday 200552)

These women leaders are the pioneer of advancing the positive political change in

traditional societies such a change is important to create an atmosphere for the women to

be equally suitable to run the political office These women mobilised politicians and

traditional leaders to accept women in the parliaments and endure higher self-esteem and

confidence (Kumari 2014) Through their experience women political leaders improved

their decision-making skills They brought necessary changes within their countries in

spite of the unfriendly social and political environment Their political leadership have

transformed general perception regarding the status of women as weak inferior and

innocent to strong intelligent and capable leaders Their leadership enables women

voices to be more influential and prominent within governance processes (Kumari 2014)

29 CONCLUSION

Strong social and politically influential family ties facilitated the above mentioned

women politicians to acquire political leadership However their own political skills and

the ability to use the situation in which they rose to power are also an important

contributing factors They have the unbeatable courage patience intelligence moral and

ethical characters which enabled them to occupy the top leadership positions and also to

retain them They won the support and trust of their followers in general over a period of

time and this ensured their stay in power Such popular support is evident from the fact

that different titles were extended to them such as goddesslsquo (Indira Gandhi) motherlsquo

and daughterlsquo (Benazir Bhutto) Therefore we can conclude that women political leaders

in Asia acquired top political positions and retained them (such as Prime Minister

President) primarily through their consistent struggle and extraordinary talent They also

retained those positions for a period of time Such examples also served to inspire more

women to get into politics and acquire leadership positions in their respective countries

4 Durga The righteous Hindu Goddess who got success on slaughtering the demon riding on her lion

5 Kali Black one she is also the Hindulsquos Goddess considered as a symbol of destruction and fury who also

fought against demons and evils According to their sacred book when Durga loses control or when faces

dreadful enemy Kali is born from Durga anger and embody her furore Kali generally threatened order and

stability She is the goddess of Fierce Her worshippers considered her as a mother of sympathy

67

CHAPTER ndash 3

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

It is pertinent to analyse the socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun

women in order to understand the struggle of Nasim Wali Khan This will put her case in

a proper context as well The economic political and social status of women in Pukhtun

society assist us comprehend the structural conditions in which these women live and

struggle Their situations acquaint us about the hindrances which are still obstructing the

way of these women In this chapter history customs traditions behaviours and attitudes

of the Pukhtun men towards women are discussed for the purpose to identify the main

hindrances confronted by Pukhtun women in various fields of life including politics

Though there are some exceptions where Pukhtun women gained political prominence

however the overall conditions are discouraging towards women political participation

Majority of the Pukhtuns inhabit areas constituting parts of Pakistan and

Afghanistan The triangular shaped area of about 250 000 square miles between the

Central Asia South Asia and the Iranian Plateau of Sijistan starts from Dir in the North

moves along the Indus turns West wards towards Dera Ismail Khan in the South where it

is connected with Sharigh Degar Loralai Harnai Quetta Pishin Chaman and Qandahar

and extends towards Herat From this place it moves into the foothills of Hindukush in

the North-East and again annexed to Dir (Caroe 1958 XVIII) The larger part of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa (province of Pakistan) and 34th

South East region of Afghanistan consisted

of this area This mountainous area is divided between Pakistan and Afghanistan They

form the Worldlsquos largest group of tribesmen The demographic details of Pukhtuns are

obscure because of their residence in remote areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan

Particularly their number in Afghanistan is not known because no official census is done

in Afghanistan recently However various estimates show that Pukhtuns are over 30

million (Barry 2013 20)

Pukhtun population is not limited to Pak-Afghan borderland There is

considerable population of Pukhtuns in urban areas of Pakistan such as Karachi and

Islamabad as well Pukhtuns also live as diaspora in Europe and USA for quite some

time They have substantial presence in Middle East as labourers and businessmenA

small minority of Pukhtuns is also present in India and Bangladesh as well

Pukhtuns throughout the world have some common features most notably their

68

language locally known as Pukhtu or Pashto language unwritten code of conduct

(Pukhtunwali) and their strict adherence to Sunni Islam but with exceptions of Shias of

Kurram agency and some other areas (Danver 2013559) There are different

explanations regarding the origin of Pukhtuns Pukhtuns consider themselves the

descendants of a mythical figure called Qais Abdur Rashid who is believed to have

travelled from Hindu Kush to Arabia and accepted Islam directly at the hands of the Holy

Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and died in 662CE (Christensen 1988144 Dyndo

200707)

However some scholars argue that Pukhtuns are a race born out of the

intermarriages of Aryans with foreign invaders in Pak-Afghan borderland Pre-Islamic

Pukhtun culture dates back to 330 BCE (Khan 2015) Others claim that Pukhtuns are the

descendant of Afghana (grandson of King Saul of Israel) who ruled during 11 century

BCE the lost tribe of Israel (Danver 2013 559) A Pukhtun scholar Pareshan Khattak

opposes all the early theories related to the origin of Pukhtuns He argues that the absence

of proper historic precedents regarding the above mentioned theories make them

ambiguous He argues that Pukhtuns have their own specific identity through which they

are recognized with Since their known origin Pukhtuns have been distinctive and

therefore cannot be relating to other ethnicities or nations They are neither Aryans nor

Mongols Pukhtuns is an ancient nation with centuries old civilization (Khattak 2005)

Pareshan Khattak further argues that historically Pukhtuns lived in close proximity

with different nations they have adopted some characteristics still observed in form of

Pukhtunwali Khattak illustrates that if we analyse the Aryans nation we observed that

they respected their elders They didnlsquot follow the inherited monarchy Similarly their

social system is based on Tribalism Tribal system made the Aryans united as a nation

against the invaders They were hospitable They honoured their guests and offered them

good meal Khattak argues that all these features are present in Pukhtunwali as well

However still Pukhtuns are identified as a distinct nation who followed their own codes

of conduct in the form of Pukhtunwali since their inception (Khattak 2005194)

I argue that despite different theories regarding their origin Pukhtuns have a

strong sense of solidarity towards each other and they consider themselves as the

descendants of a single forefather who lived somewhere in Afghanistan Thus belief in

common ancestry makes them united through an organized social order This is often

typical of tribal societies which trace their lineage to a patriarchal head with blood ties

connecting the entire tribe Following is a detail of their social and political existence

69

SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF THE PUKHTUN SOCIETY

Segmentary lineage system forms the very basic structure of the society There is

hierarchy of social groupings in such societies Such grouping started from the local level

moving upward through several levels and forms the entire ethnic group The relationship

is based on shared values culture and kinship Pukhtuns are highly concerned with the

origin genealogies and descent (Caroe 1958) Barfield argues that prime loyalty of

Pukhtuns is towards their kin village tribe and ethnic group generally termed as qawm

(Barfield 201018)

Family forms the very base of the Pukhtunslsquo hierarchical structure Kul (family) is

usually used for enlarged family while Koranai and Tabar is used for smaller family Kul

is sometimes used for referring to a group of families closely related to each other They

have maintained their individuality and identity (Kilcullen200974) These extended

families united together in smaller groups forming lineage (Plarganey) which united

together in kinship groups are called clans (Khels) These multiple kin groups form a tribe

(qawm) They usually united against the common rivals who threatened their existence

(Munoz 201004)

Tribes (qawm) are usually comprised of number of groups and sub-groups

(Khels) There are numerous subdivisions who occupied specific areas close to each

other Tribe is basically a social organization which is based on lineage and locality They

share common ancestry language culture and history (Kakar 1979 Moghaddam et al

2012807)

Likewise Barth provides specifics of the traditional arrangements of Pukhtuns

organizations He posits that Pukhtuns present in the central belt of the barren hills are

engaged in mixed agriculture (Barth 1969118) Mostly tribesmen are descendants of the

common predecessors Pukhtuns are organized in patrilineal segmentary lineage system

(Barth 1969118) These levels of organization exist within the Pashtun tribal system

Tribal society maintained peculiar mannerism values norms and traditions (Kilcullen

200974) In other words Lindholm called such social structure an ―acephalous

patrilineal segmentary system This means that they lack institutionalized leadership and

hierarchy as well (1982 xxiv)

Barth argues that Pukhtuns living in the plains valleys of Pakistan are mostly

arduous agriculturist with having artificial irrigation system They are the land owners

while the villagers serve them in the lands as their tenants Pukhtun population living in

70

the towns are traders administrators craftsmen and labourers as well Likewise some

Pukhtuns are living a pastoral life politically organized as tribes Barth states that

politically Pukhtuns are segmentary organization of the Pukhtun descent group In some

areas they are living without an institutionalised leadership while in some areas having a

quasi-feudal system with subject to bureaucratic administration (Barth 1969118)

I argue that recently their socio-economic organization has changed considerably

Different classes according to the wealth property and authority have emerged among

them All these classes are engaged in different professionsworks which determine their

position in their society The proprietorship of wealth and land gave powerful status to

Pukhtuns in their society Alam (2012 315) posits that in Pukhtun tribal areas affluent

and powerful elites are the Maliks They are actually the chief of their tribes who enjoyed

highest status in their respective tribes while in settled areas they are called as Khanans

(Swat areas) Nawabans (Mardan) and similar names granted to them according to their

status in the society So the status and engagement of work in Pukhtun society is based

on the distribution and possession of wealth and land The landless or small landholders

are engaged in farm related activities while the one with possession of large lands are

landlords to farmers (Alam 2012 315)

Poor people of the tribe serve rich in their homes as their servants (Khitmatgaran)

and in fields as their tenants Holy groups of the Pukhtun tribesmen as Mian Sayyids and

also land owners are on top of the hierarchy Then other groups as Mullahs (who perform

the religious duties have a marginal involvement in political affairs of Pukhtun society)

shopkeepers goldsmith tailors carpenters shepherds barbers butchers musicians and

dancers are placed in lower categories People of all these categories are politically

socially and economically dependent on the landlord families (Ahmed 2006 19-20)

Similarly women of high social status are partly visible in public places whereas

more specifically women of elite class in the villages are confined to the four walls of

their houses and not permitted to move outside freely Female of poor families mostly

help their males in fields and also perform household chores at homes of the wealthy

Pukhtun families (Alam 2012 315) Nevertheless this is changing with the passage of

time Major changes occurred after 1970lsquos Considerable number of Pukhtuns went to

Gulf States for earning The remittances they sent home have brought changes in

economic and social structures of Pukhtuns The number of landholders have increased

considerably which led to the transformation of social stratification (Rafiq 201778)

Undoubtedly Pukhtuns living in any part of the world have a great respect

71

towards Pukhtunwali they follow the code variently Pukhtuns have always considered

the code (Pukhtunwali) an ideal conduct and have been trying to observe and follow it by

for centuries

PUKHTUNWALI AN UNWRITTEN CODE OF CONDUCT

Pukhtunwali is a flexible code of conduct which is not static but dynamic and

negotiable It covers political socio- economic and religious aspects of life These

attributes are closely associated by Pukhtuns with their Pukhtun identity These are not

attributes themselves but a complex form of concepts of justice and honour which is

derived from Pukhtuns specific value orientations These value orientations are

autonomy equality bravery individuality and aggressiveness collectively named as

Pukhtunwali (Krbek amp Pollitt 197715) Rehman states that Pukhtunwali is centurieslsquo old

unwritten code of conduct followed by Pukhtuns at the cost of their lives (Shams-ur-

Rehman 2015299) Thus different features of Pukhtunwali are still followed and

respected by Pukhtuns

One of the features of Pukhtunwali is Jirga which is considered to be the very

cause of its flexibility where issues and disputes are discussed and resolved (Taj 2011)

Another feature of Pukhtunwali is Melmastia (hospitality) for which Pukhtuns are

characterized with (Lindholm 1982211) Melma means guest They are honoured and

respected by Pukhtuns Once under the roof of Pukhtuns they are treated as guests and

served well with good food place and shelter (Ali 201302) Barth argues that these

informal institutions are the facilitating factors for Pukhtuns to maintain their common

values and specific identity within a segmentary population (Barth 1969123)

Similarly if an individual is an asylum seeker and wants protection of his life

from his foes such guests will be given every possible protection against his enemies

(Lindholm 1982211 Taj 201102) This is termed as Panah or protection (Saigol

201350) Likewise if the culprit seek mercy at the house of the victims Nanawati

(shelter) is granted to them (Harnden 201425)

Badal (revenge) is another code of conduct (Lindholm 1982211) which should

be taken at any cost Responsibility of revenge ran deep in the blood of Pukhtuns

(Easwaran 199917) Miakheil argues that Pukhtuns never forget to take a revenge

though sometimes it may defer for some purpose as according to the Pakhtu proverb

―Ka cheeri Pukhtun khapal badal sal kala pas ham wakhle no beya ham-e-bera

karay dardquo

72

Translation if a Pukhtun took his revenge after hundred years he still seems to be in a

hurry (Miakheil 20035)

So revenge is taken against the wrongdoers otherwise such family or individuals

lose prestige in the society To protect themselves from such stigma Pukhtuns involve

themselves in unending blood feuds (Miakheil 20035) Thus revenge is the liability on

the shoulders of an affected family or tribe which should be taken in any way by any

generation This code of conduct (Badal) even destroys the lives of more than one

generations

Mostly Pukhtuns prefer to live in joint family system which enhances their family

solidarity and welfare Such communal life is a source of their economic security and

social integrity But with the passage of time this joint family system is changed into an

individualistic pattern especially in an educated and well off section of the society

Similarly Pukhtun society is following the aggregate culture Altson states that Pukhtuns

have a composite and aggregate culture They avoid individualism They are interrelated

with one another (Altson 2014) So tribal culture and Pukhtunwali are reformulated in

terms of mutual responsibility and solidarity Nationally the notion of tribal independence

is termed as Pukhtun autonomy which makes them united against any aggression

(Verkaaik 201270) Thus Pukhtuns work for the welfare of group instead of individual

Likewise honour of the group and of the individuals is bound together Protection of

honour is responsibility of the whole Pukhtun community which is to be protected at any

cost more specifically against those who tried to infringe it (Altson 2014)

Similarly Sharam (shame) Peghore (taunt) are also important codes of Pukhtun

culture and any harm to life property and respect of women family culture ethnicity

community and nationality is attached to Nang (honour) and couldnlsquot ignore in any

situation (Khattak et al 200102) Ghairat (courage) Tor Nang Namus (honour of

women) and Pardah (segregation of gender) are also features of Pukhtunwali (Barth

1969122) in order to protect their females against anyone It is stated that feature of

ghairat is central to Pukhtun culture It gives them the spirit of pride zeal autonomy

courage and self- assertion related to being a Pukhtun and doing Pakhtu Ghairat is close

to their hearts and in case of insult or challenge they never hesitate to take even the lives

of others or sacrifice themselves Otherwise they earn the title of beghairat (without

honour) It is stigma to them and are considered as weak and impotent Thus ghairat

compels Pukhtun to defend the honour of his family and tribe at any cost According to

the Pukhtu proverb ―a Pukhtun will throw himself in the fire for the sake of his honourrdquo

73

(Culver 2008 74)

Similarly protection of Namus is mandatory act on part of Pukhtuns The

responsibility lies on each end every member of the Pukhtun community to protect

Namus of family village and society Protection of females land (also Motherland) and

property are termed as Namus Those individuals who either leave the place or to fight for

his honour and are better able to protect their Namus should earn Ezzat (honour) But if

anyone fails to do so would have no ezzat in the society It is stated that it is worthwhile

to die instead of living without honour As mentioned in the proverb

ldquoMal me da Sara Jar Sha aw Sar me da Namus na Jar shardquo means I will sacrifice

my wealth for my head and will sacrifice my life for my Namus (Miakhel

20033)

Protection of women land (also Motherland) and property are considered as the

foremost duty of Pukhtuns Likewise Pukhtun protect and defend their females against

any mishap which destroys the very image of family tribe and even Pukhtun community

Otherwise women have to pay price of the family honour in different forms as swara6

pardah (seclusion of women) honour killing and restriction on their free movement

(Altson 2014) Violation of any of these codes could not be tolerated Any violations

against them would lead to bloodshed Likewise Torah (bravery) and Imandari (truth)

are the codes present in blood of Pukhtuns (Ali 201304)

Mashartia (respect for elders) saritob which is manliness (Ahmed 200616)

Siyali (equality) Qawm (Tribal or Ethnicity) Qawmi Taroon (Tribal binding) Hamsaya

(neighbour or outsider living within a village or family) are also crucial codes of conduct

Jirga (assembly of male elders) has the responsibility to supervise and implement these

codes (Barth 195967) Jirga is a meeting of the reputable people of Pukhtun community

that has the authority to settle the dispute in a manner acceptable to both the sides

(Shams-ur-Rehman 2015298) Thus Pukhtunwali covers almost every aspect of life

whether economic religious social and political So being an ideal Pukhtun observance

of these codes along with true faith in Islam is crucial

6 For the settlement of disputes sometimes the aggrieved party receive compensation in the form of diyat(

payment or acceptance of blood money) Qisas(eye for an eye etc) or Swara Swara is a custom in which the

female of a culprit family is given to the aggrieved family It is a constant reminder for the end of the

conflict

74

ISLAM AND PUKHTUNWALI

Pukhtuns have greater affection towards Pukhtunwali and religion Islam They

consider both the same (Minhaj-ul-Hasan 2015215) Majority of Pukhtuns are Sunni

Muslims Great Pukhtun poet Rehman Baba strongly respond to those who consider

Islam and Pukhtunwali as different Rehman Baba replied

―You keep on considering Pashto and Islam as two different things whereas in my

opinion if God were to be a human being He surely would have been a

Pakhtoonrdquo (Singh et al 2014nd)

Religion is significantly visible in their acts and behaviour Barth argues that

Pukhtun society has the influence of both Islam and Pukhtun ethnic values Pukhtunwali

is followed along with Sharia law (Barth 1981) Pukhtuns consider themselves as

genuine Muslims as they have not gone through late conversion They claim that their

ancestor Qais Abdur Rashid became the first disciple of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) at

that time when most of Arabs were infidels (Christensen 1988 144) Undoubtedly

Pukhtuns are the believers of Islam Pukhtuns believe that they have accepted the religion

Islam collectively Islam is the dominating factor in the formation of their social structure

and ideology They also follow Islamic law (Shariah) Although there are slight

differences in the dialects customs and traditions of every Pukhtun tribe but shared

social norms Thus Pukhtuns are abiding by two types of codes Islamic law and

Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201263)

Glatzer (1998) states that it is ingrained in the mind of Pukhtuns that Islam and

Pukhtunwali are one and same things Their codes are engraved in their historical context

and traditions Such codes are practiced by Pukhtuns of both Afghanistan and Pakistan

Honour shame and fight for the right cause (Jihad) have resonance in Islam Similarly

fighting without a just cause is prohibited by both Islam and Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns call

the warriors as Mujahideen and pitiable displaced peoples as Muhajerin Pukhtuns used

these terminologies even today which reminds us the exodus of the Prophet (PBUH) to

Madina Similarly the ongoing war in Afghanistan against the foreign troops is

considered as jihad by Pukhtuns and martyr in the war is entitled as Shaheed (Glatzer

19989-10)

Pukhtuns meticulously observe religious rituals like fasting Prayers Zakat

(money or other daily items granted to poor) Hajj (Pilgrimage) and Jihad (holy war

75

against the infidels) Similarly Pukhtuns considered that their identity is with the

observance of Pukhtunwali It is a matter related to honour and their integrity is in the

practice of Pukhtunwali Thus they thought themselves both as Muslims following the

Islamic laws and Pukhtuns by practicing Pukhtunwali as similar things Pukhtuns prefer

religion for modelling an ideal life They considered religion ―a moral code and is the

Allah‟s will for the amelioration of humanityrdquo but followed Pukhtunwali while taking

decisions regarding the communal matters (Kaker 200303) So it is commonly observed

that in the implementation of their decisions they grant secondary status to the religion

Thus religion comes in contradiction with customs Islam not only govern their lives but

grant them an Islamic identity of being a Muslim Both customary laws and Islam are

truly observed in the same manner but a great difference is seen in its implementation

(Naz et al 201265)

I argue that Pukhtuns have amalgamated both Islam and Pukhtunwali in a manner

which benefitted males of the society Different features of Pukhtunwali grant subjugated

position to women and in turn restrict their lives Likewise the interpretation of the

Quranic verses by the religious scholars further grant dominating status to males in

various matters These are some of the factors which make females of the traditional

societies more vulnerable Pukhtun women confront different challenges in society which

obstruct their way to a relatively better standard of life as well as towards their success

No doubt Pukhtuns consider themselves as true Muslims abiding by the Islamic rules and

having similarities in their code of conduct as well as in Islam But there are some

observable differences in both Islam and Pukhtunwali which increase hurdles for women

in their way to successful life

Pukhtunwali governs various aspects (ideological social cultural and political) of

Pukhtun lives most notably while dealing with the rights of Pukhtun women Mostly

customary laws formed by patriarchal social organization are followed Islam occupies

more ideological place while the dominating position is that of their customary laws Both

(Customary laws and Islam) are truly observed in the same manner but a great difference

is seen in its implementation (Naz et al 201265) Pessala argues that though Islam is

intermingled in Pukhtunwali but is different in many ways (2012 01) Islam provides

protection liberty and rights to women being as a mother sister wife and a daughter

Islam granted them property and inheritance rights but totally neglected by the Pukhtun

society which make them subservient to the male members of the family Pukhtun society

is being monopolized by male members (Qadeer 20151268) In Pukhtunwali women are

76

deprived of the rights of property and inheritance (Naz et al 201269) The right of Zar

(gold) Zan (women) and Zameen (land) are male possessions in Pukhtun society (Naz et

al 2012 70) Likewise majority of females are deprived of education They are also not

allowed to engage in economic activities outside their houses Pukhtuns consider houses

as the true moral and religious place for their women (Naz et al 201204) Females of

the Pukhtun society are bound by their customs and even sacrifice their lives for safety of

their family honour and security of their family male members The above situation

makes lives of the Pukhtun women more deplorable They faced different religious

socio-cultural economic and political hindrances which impedes their way to progress

IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMEN PROGRESS

31 RELIGIOUS AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES

The religious practices and cultural norms are often justified through selective

reading of religious text which create hindrances in the way of women political

participation and empowerment Such interpretations favour the patriarchal notion and

subjugate women of the society Similarly use of religion by different sections of the

society to promote their interests creates more problems

Saleem states that religion and patriarchy go side by side in patriarchal societies

Lives of women are controlled by religious beliefs They even face discrimination in the

name of religion Restrictions are imposed on them in the name of religious and societal

norms like wearing the veil and minimum visibility in public places and many more

(Saleem 20067) So the diversity between the theological and living Islam increases

burden for women Fatima Mernissi (leading feminist writer) argues that early Muslim

scholars have interpreted the sacred text according to their own interest They have

misguided the people and manipulated Islam She further states that Hadiths were

elaborated in a manner that benefitted males and subjugated women (Mernissi

1995119) So wide discrepancies are visible regarding the status of women in religion

traditions and later the actual situation as well (Kaushik 1993 XII)

Likewise Critelli discusses situation in the tribal belt of Pakistan She posits that

Pashtun women living in these areas are suffering due to absence of state laws Seven

Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have a special status in legal and

administrative system of Pakistan Mostly affairs in these areas are run by local council

of elders with nominal interference from the state People of such areas run their affairs

through their old tribal customs of Pashtunwali Rather women in the settled areas have

77

the protection of police and judiciary which is not available to women in these areas

(Critelli 2010239) People of these areas follow both Sharia laws and customary laws for

their personal issues Their policies toward women are implausible and inconsistent

(Critelli 2010) It is stated that ldquoPukhtuna nim Quran mani nim Pukhtunwalirdquo (Pukhtuns

half use Quran and half Pukhtunwali) (Christensen 1988145)

Naz argues that Islam has a dominated role in the ideology and social structure of

Pukhtuns They abide by the Islamic law but also follow Pukhtunwali throughout the

course of their social and religious life (Naz 2011) Islam is closely related to the

Pukhtun identity which is used by local national and regional political domains

Therefore Banerjee states that religious leaders used Islam for the unification of

Pukhtuns in crises She credited the ideology based on both Islam and Pukhtunwali

behind the success of KK movement This proves that Islam and Pukhtun customs move

beyond the living Islam and is used in the political and social reform movements as well

(Banerjee 2000160) Christensen argues that Islamic teachings are blended with the

Pukhtun identity to attract masses of the region and gain their support (Christensen

1988) In todaylsquos world religion is the prime force to impel and mobilize the public

(Huntington 1993192) Thus leaders through religiously legitimated appeal made an

attempt to mobilize people for political actions But in case of conflict they further

persuade them for correctness of their conduct through religious connotation

(Christensen 1988145) Likewise theological and intellectual rhetoric creates sectarian

demarcation between different religious groups Different groups and sects have their

own interpretation of Islamic doctrines This is because of the absence of single centrally

acceptable religious authority who left a vacuum of interpretation which in turn provides

basis for various doctrines (Gaier 20102)

Christensen endorses the argument of Gaier (2010) and states that political

conflict occurs when different religious groups gave different interpretation of Islam

Some religious preachers combine state authority with the religious legitimation They

have their own yardsticks for the recognition of a good Muslim and identified those as the

good subject who accepted their authority Thus through the measures of repression and

rewards the state managed to gain support of the number of religious personalities who

together promoted the version of Islam (Christensen 1988145)

The difference between theological Islam and practical Islam is because of the

diversity among the religious elites as well Jan amp Aman argue that the presence of varied

religious political parties like Jamaat- e- Islami Jammiyyat- ulama- e- Islam militant

78

elements like Taliban and Tehrik- e- Nifaz- e ndashShariat- e- Muhammadi(TNSM) have

assimilated Islamic principles with the local customs to get legitimacy Pukhtun cultural

elements such as honourlsquo (Jan amp Aman 201522) and Pardahlsquo (Khan A 200720) have

been interpreted by giving them religious connotation

Such interpretation creates hurdles for women particularly in the KP (erstwhile

NWFP) and Baluchistan provinces and results in their absence from public life Even

though there are notable differences in the status of women of urban and rural areas

Majority of women population in rural areas are denied of their basic fundamental rights

while urban women get a slightly better deal Urban women have better access to

education and job opportunities because of their access to resources They are therefore

unwilling to accept a subjugated role under the traditional patriarchal system (Saleem

2006 5-6)

Similarly Saigol argues that religion is used by the upper class to achieve sustain

and increase their power By using these measures they can easily reach to hegemonic

ascendancy within the state and society (Saigol 200938) The diverse interpretations of

Islam by the state and religious elites regarding women and their participation in politics

create difficulties in their lives which make them dependent in every walk of their lives

(Critelli 2010)

Shaheed argues that different strata of the society in Pakistan are using religion to

protect their own interest (Shaheed 2009) As religious preachers and parties have a

significant influence especially in the rural areas People of such areas grant them great

reverence Therefore the upper class used them in their own favour as well Like in 1970

when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power through his manifesto of Islamic socialism

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto also used Islam against his opponents as an important ground to

political alternatives This was welcomed by the general public which was the

abolishment of large scale holding of private properties But it was a threat to the power

base of landlords throughout the country The economic transformation and market

reforms of the government through socialism led to the decline of traditional power of the

landlords across the country The dilemma of a decline of such power was faced by the

local khans of the KP province as well These landlords made an alliance with the

traditional mullahs (religious leaders) and local imams (prayer leaders) to issue fatwa

(religious decree) against the abolishment of private property and declared it as Un-

Islamic They further declared the socialist policies of the government as a threat to Islam

and to call for jihad against it Such measures were taken by the landowners to secure

79

their property from being nationalised Instead they supported Nizam-e-Mustafa (System

of Mohammad) campaign against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rule This led to the decline of

Bhutto rule while military leader Gen Zial-ul- Haq promised to enforce Shariah

(Orakzai 201138) So religion was used by the upper strata of the country to favour

their own interest

Qasir posits that Zialsquos Islamisation program was focused on the social role of

urban female The slogan of Zia ideology ldquoChaddar (veil) and ldquoChardivari(home)

(Qasir 1992 118) believed in the confinement of women within their houses So Islam is

used by the leaders to pave the way for politico-religious forces and to assert hegemonic

control over the political discourse (Shaheed 20096) During Zia- ul- Haq regime the

Islamic political ideology of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) was followed He mixed religion with

politics for the purpose to gain legitimacy and acquired political allies to prolong the rule

(Chengappa 2004 1-2)

Scholars argue that such religious parties always opposed the liberation of women

They are even against the womenlsquos political participation and their presence in public life

In one such instance when Jammat- e- Islami (JI) launched a campaign against the

womenlsquos involvement in the National Parliament (Awanamp Kokab 2016846) they called

it as against Islam if a woman would lead the Islamic country Therefore they had

opposed Benazir Bhutto to be an elected Prime Minister of Pakistan Ulema perceived her

leadership as pernicious to society and would damage the Islamic ideals regarding the

family (Haeri 1993200) As Islamic scholars argue that a ―nation that would hand over

its leadership to a woman would not enjoy welfare and prosperity Pakistan would suffer

if it was governed by a womanrdquo ldquoWomen should stay at home The religious scholars

argue that there are many men in her party Why don‟t they come forward(Sekine

201429)

Saleem argues that Islamization process had a deep impact on women of the

whole country but specifically of the North West Frontier Province (now KP) the already

patriarchal society Power and influence of these political parties began to increase and

women began to live in fear of discrimination and subjugation in the name of religion

(Saleem 20068) Similarly Mullahs (religious leaders) have a powerful impact in the

rural areas They have interpreted some of the verses of Holy Quran in a manner which

have a glimpse against the womenlsquos equality and political participation Unfortunately

common Pashtun men followed their dictates (Jamal 2015 24)

Khan argues that a major transition in societal mind-set became evident when

80

religious political parties formed government in KP and Baluchistan in 2002 The

religious partylsquos alliance Muttahida Majlis-e-lsquoAmal (MMA) became victorious in 2002

elections and formed a government (2002-2008) by using Islamic rhetoric during

electoral politics in Pukhtun regions (Khan J 2014 302) Religious parties had won

majority in the Provincial Assembly of KP due to the outburst of religious upheaval

They have also started campaign of Islamization in Pakistan which had its deep impacts

on the KP (Saleem 20068-9) Jahangir (human rights activist and an advocate of the

Supreme Court of Pakistan) states that religion is used for political purposes to sustain the

insecure governments or to conceal the crucial issues of economic and social justice from

the public (Jahangir 2000)

Khan states that religious affiliation acts as a determinant in restricting the women

from politics In our society majority of women face restriction and opposition in

political field on the plea that religion does not allow them to mingle with opposite sex

openly Likewise religion is used as an effective tool against women political activists in

the area It strictly prohibits women from political involvement either as political

candidate voters or even joining campaigns or other electoral activities (KhanA

20075)

Sherazi posits that women were not allowed to cast their votes in different districts

of KP Most notably in Buner district women were barred from casting their votes in the

constituency of provincial assembly PK-78 and in Sorey Union Council of Buner PK-78

Same situation was faced by women in the provincial assembly seat PK-94 of the Lower

Dir Likewise in the Amankot village of Swat district a Jirga was organized by the

village elders political workers and candidates for the purpose to ban women from

casting their votes in 2013 elections (Sherazi 2013)

Similar Boone (2015) endorses the argument and posits that political

empowerment of women were thwarted by religious groups and political parties in

Hangu lower and Upper Dir Likewise in 2013 elections women were again deprived of

their electoral rights in the name of local customs and traditions while the local

authorities grew into organized anti-women movement (Boone 2015)

Besides minimal presence of femaleslsquo in the political field women of the society

are economically dependent as well Amna Latif argues that under representation of

women in politics is because of male dominance over the economic and other power

resources (Latif 2009428) Islam guaranteed parity between males and females The

misinterpretation of Islamic rules by men make it biased against women Such

81

interpretations cause male-domination in a society and grant women of such societies

subjugated positions (Shahid 2007125) Similarly the amalgamation of cultural norms

with the religious interpretation make women more dependent Cultural norms of the

society encourage separation and isolation of women often justified through religion

connotation (Shaheed 2009)

I argue that the gender stereotyping through the cultural beliefs increased the

problems of women more specifically of the pukhtun society They are still facing

problems like unemployment illiteracy exclusion from property and decision- making

process which minimize their role in the societal matters as well One of the cause for

their minimal presence in the political field is their economic dependence as well

Naz et al (2012) argues that traditionally Pukhtuns have ambiguous norms for

female inheritance Property and other assets are distributed among family members

Property is pondered to be a symbol of authority and power and is related with males of

the society Thus there is an observable difference in religious practices and cultural

traditions of the area Sharia has allocated property and inheritance rights to both the

genders (Naz et al 201269)

Khan posits that the significance of Zar (gold) Zan (women) and Zamin (land) are

the main principles of Pukhtunwali and very base of the local ideology The concept of

family property and private ownership provide dominance to male members in terms of

inheritance which is a base of patriarchy Mostly males have been given the inheritance

and property rights while Pukhtun women are denied of such rights (Khan N 201212)

According to Pukhtunwali women are not entitled to own lands independently Their

shares in properties are seized by concerned males of the family This makes them

economically dependent on their males Such economic dependence further subjugates

them in the family as well as in the society

Thus deprivation of women in the economic field is also one of the causes of their

exclusion from politics Their economic status is not encouraging Alam argues that

women of rural areas are involved in home management embroidery sewing and

agriculture activities such as livestock amp poultry etc (Alam 2012313) While women in

the urban areas have access to some income generated professions like teaching

medicines and recently their engagement in beauty salons Absence or inadequacy of

financial resources has a negative impact on their decision- making powers (Aderinwale

1997) Mahbub ndashul- Haq posits that cultural values have isolated women from economic

activities (Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Center 2000) Their main responsibility

82

is to perform the household chores Their role is neither paid nor recognized Similarly

males are considered to be the bread earners and are responsible for the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) So males are provider and protectors of the family while

females are passive members Majority of the women are not allowed to do jobs as well

(Awan and Kokab 2016 05) Thus deprivation and violence against women is prevalent

in patriarchal societies (Agathangelou 2002)

Similarly Perveen7 states that the diversity of opinion between customs religion

and state laws is not limited to the Tribal belt only But KP and FATA region are the most

volatile areas for the human rights activists as well Women activists have been criticized

for their work by arguing that they are propagating the western agenda She discussed one

incident that in Kohistan district of KP province a religious cleric Maulvi Abdul Haleem

warned female NGO workers in his sermon on 4 May 2012 He threatened them not to

work in the district otherwise they would be forcibly married with the locals He further

asserted that these women workers are influencing their native women in the name of

education employment and empowerment He added that all these acts are un-Islamic

and against the local customs and practices as well (Perveen 201339)

The above stated discussion demonstrates that discrepencies in the political and

economic fields are deeply prevalent within the Pukhtun society which further subjugate

them Furthermore these problem have adverse consequences in rural areas where lives

are mostly traditionally driven Such traditions assign more power to males who got more

privileges in the field of politics and power The blatant exploitation of religion by

encouraging the socio-cultural restrictions such as discriminatory customs and traditions

patriarchal setup of society and economic dependence are the bases for the minimal role

of women in the field of politics

32 SOCIO-CULTURAL IMPEDIMENTS FACED BY THE PUKHTUN

WOMEN

Socio-cultural values and practices are found in every social organization The

abidance of such practices enable the individuals to live in peace and harmony These

practices cover every field of life including social economic religious and political as

well But in Pukhtun society these practices are mainly male dominated which increase

problems of women in Pukhtun society Scholars argue that different norms of the

Pukhtun society restrict women in their own way These practices make the life of women

7 Founder Director of creative anger by Rakhshi - A Social Enterprise

83

more dependent and miserable In Pukhtun patriarchal society separate spheres are

allocated for both males and females (Moghadam 1992) Women of the Pukhtun society

live according to the prevalent cultural values and social norms (Jamal 201519) The

observance of the prevailing norms and values make lives of these women more

deplorable

Mann (20053) argues that males adopt aggressive and violent behaviour whereas

females have passive and submissive attitude to protect honour of the family Choo

(2006588) posits that women are considered to take the burden of cultural representation

and are symbolic bearers of traditions honour and national identity

Though in Pukhtun society both genders are bound to Pakhtu the word Pakhto‟

is not only a language but is a symbol of beliefs attitudes integrity and cultural identity

of Pukhtuns Since childhood Pukhtuns are aware of their gender limitations There is a

clear demarcation of their responsibilities and duties as well Grima Benedicte posits that

hujra (men space) gun turban gherat (Honour) saritob (manliness) hospitality

granting an exile badal (revenge) are menlsquos Pakhtu while shame modesty tears gherat

purdah and endurance of hardship are considered to be women Pakhtu (Grima 1992 01)

But Namus (honour) Tarburwali (agnatic rivalry) is usually used in terms of enemy

(Christensen 1988147)

Different features of Pukhtunwali rely more on the protection of women Pardah

(an important feature of Pukhtunwali) should be observed by both Pukhtun men and

women (Fazal 201341) Different practices like Vulvar (bride money) swara Tor and

pardah in Pukhtun society make the lives of women vulnerable Vulvar (bride money) is

one such practice prevalent in Pukhtun society According to the custom males of the

bride took money from bridegroom or his family Family of bride considers it beneficial

for a girl But it has socio-psychological consequences which are faced by girlslsquo

throughout their lives Through this custom males of the society consider females as their

movable properties Vulvar further degrades women They remained submissive as they

are considered to be purchased like any other commodity The purchased brides have no

significance domestically as well (Khan N 20125)

Similarly swara is another prevalent custom of Pukhtun society Swara is an

alternative to eradicate the vendetta among tribes or even families According to the

custom girl from the culprit family or tribe is given as compensation to aggrieved party

Swara is an old custom deep rooted in Pukhtun society Local Pukhtuns followed the

custom on the plea that through this custom sacrifice of a girl can save life of the whole

84

family or tribe (Ali 2018) The sacrifice of a girl is for seeking apology and forgiveness

from the culprits Girls are the victims of such practices who have to pay price of crime

committed by males of the family or tribe As mentioned in one of the Pakhtu song

Khowenday chay keenee roonra staee roonra che keenee khowenday swaray kay

warkaweena

Translation ldquoWhen sisters get together they kudos their brotherslsquo but when brothers

meet they give their sisters away as Swara (Minallah 20061-2)

Another most prevalent custom is Tor Literal meaning of Tor is black but in

Pukhtun context it means adultery or illicit relations It is a crime the punishment of

which is execution Anyone who is suspicious of illicit relations have been killed by the

family of an involved female (KhanN 20127) But Khan argues that sometimes this

custom is used against the enemies as a reprisal Tor is used against female of the

opponent family by propagating her illicit relations Without investigating the charges

women became the victim of suspicions as well Women of these societies are

disempowered who can neither defend themselves nor can escape execution (KhanN

20127)

One ancient custom in Pukhtun society is Ghag (call someone) It is also a

prevalent custom of Pukhtun society in which man declares his intentions to marry a

particular woman Different methods are used for Ghag One simple method is that

messenger is sent to the house of a woman to convey proposal of a man Secondly a man

who wished to marry shoot a gun from the nearby mosque and announced the name of a

particular girl The worst consequence of Ghag is that girl and her family suffered

throughout life They lost their respect as name of a particular girl is announced

publically Sometimes it may happen that men have no intentions of marrying a girl

whose name is announced publically In such cases women being victim of such

practices (unless release from the claim) are denied to be married by anyone else just to

protect themselves from feuds While those who resist Ghag have faced dire

consequences (Kari 2016) According to unofficial report almost 20 girls have

committed suicide being bound by the custom Ghag In one such incident Asma Rani a

third year medical student was shot dead She was killed by rejecting the marriage

proposal from the married person and a father of two kids Though it is still unclear if

Ghag was invoked before the murder but the circumstances are strikingly similar (Khan

2018)

85

Recently a bill was presented by Sitara Ayaz (Provincial Minister for Social

Welfare and Women Development) in the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly Elimination

of Custom of Ghag Bill 2012 was passed unanimously by the Assembly for eradication of

a custom called ghag The violators have to face seven yearslsquo imprisonment or Rs500

000 fine or both (Ashfaq 2013) I argue that though it is a positive step taken by the

female MPA towards protection of Pukhtun females from the prevailing customs But its

fair implementation is also important for the security and progress of Pukhtun women

Similarly Pardah is also an important custom of Pukhtun society The embedded

value of Pardah is visible in construction of houses as well Residential areas with

multiple entrances and high walls are believed to represents pardah Houses are private

domain and unrelated men are prohibited to enter Similarly hujra is malelsquos area where

females avoid entering (Ahmed 200650) So women have a place inside home while

outer world is for men This dissociation of private and public spheres between both

genders in Pukhtun society is justified as honour of family tribe and whole society which

is possible only with the protection of their females So in patriarchal societies fate of

females is in the hands of male members of concerned families (Naz et al 201216)

Scholars argue that responsibility of family honour lies on womanlsquos shoulders

whose modesty dignity chastity and honour are above all other matters If any act of

female gains bad reputation her whole family is defamed Such defamation becomes the

basis of peighore (taunt) Bloodshed and feuds are initiated for the purpose to regain lost

honour of a family In some cases such vendettas continue for centuries A woman

responsible for damaging honour of a family through her wrong acts also loses her life

(Naz et al 201216) So Pardah is pondered to be the most admirable manner for the

safety and security of femalelsquos honour and reputation which is related to the honour of

family and tribe as well (Rzehak 201110)

Despite observance of pardah in strict sense there is a great difference in the lives

of women of tribal and settled areas In Orthodox tribal families women strictly observe

pardah and have to remain within four walls of their houses Their main responsibility is

to perform household chores Males are the protectors and providers of the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) Barth posits that male of the family is authoritative to give his

decision regarding the fate of the family They have the right to keep family united or to

expel members of the family (wife by divorcing her and children through disinheriting)

Male member also controls the social assimilation of their family members even restricts

wife to meet her close relatives and controls the property as well (Barth 1959 22)

86

Most of the families of Pukhtunslsquo live in joint family system which leads to

patriarchy because of the central role played by family and household (Lindholm 1982)

Thus gender segregation is the patriarchal gender role which mostly confined women

within houses (Barth 1959) Further in a patriarchal society females are recognized by

male members of their family however in most cases they can even hide their names

from the strangers because of the fear of earning bad repute to the family Women instead

of mentioning their names if required usually mention names of their male relatives

(Alam 2012316)

But Pukhtunwali is not static In urban areas most of the females do not adhere

strictly to the traditions and customs like in tribal areas Women are allowed to move

outside their houses but in veil or sadar and are ushered by a servant driver or other

closest male relative (Ahmed 200649) Similarly they are also allowed for education

and are permitted to do work of their own choices However the situation is opposite for

females of the tribal areas (Alam 2012316)

Similarly relaxation in Pardah is being observed by older women of both the

tribal and settled areas Older women have more mobility a greater access to resources

and have more decision-making powers within the household as compared to younger

women (Lindholm 1996) They are able to move outside spend a socialized life by

visiting houses of relatives and neighbours and inform themselves about happenings

around them (Grima 1992 48 amp 96)

Likewise motherlsquo being a female has given great prestige and honour in family

clan and even tribe Their orders are being respected because of great cultural value of the

concept of motherlsquo It is obligatory on the whole tribe to respect and honour elders So

any harm or insult of mother could lead to blood feuds and are not forgiven by Pukhtuns

at any cost (Shah 1998 69) Elder women of family tribe or clan is a source of creating a

good relationship among people They can bind family members with one another and

represent their families while conducting Gham-Khadi Elder women also attend marriage

as well as funeral of the Pukhtun people both in the land lord rich families and in poorest

families (Ahmed 2006 43 83 amp128) Thus Barth argues that age and gender are the two

crucial factors in the division and distribution of family resources power and labour

(Barth 1959)

Despite their regards towards mother women in general are forced to live

according to Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201264) Particularly under Pukhtunwali code the

involvement of women in political sphere is considered to be a threat to the prestige and

87

honour of a family and tribe Domain of politics is for men Umer et al (2016) argue that

politics is considered to be the male domain and have no space for women in this field

Women in the political field brought them in direct contact with strangers that contradict

Pukhtunwali Pukhtun women are considered to be Pukhtunslsquo honour and they opposed

their physical presence publically Thus socio-cultural values do not permit women of

Pukhtun society to join political sphere (Umer et al 2016149)

The perceived threats to honour restricts womanlsquos role in the politics This implies

that social and cultural values are intertwined with political role in Pukhtun society The

political social and economic empowerment of women is envisaged as a challenge to

menlsquos authority So it is difficult to accept women in the superior or managerial role

(Khan A 200705) Therefore women find it difficult to play an active role in public

sphere These challenges also favour male domination in different fields including

politics (Umer et al 2016149)

Naz et al (2012 65 amp 70) argue that Pukhtunwali and gender segregated socio-

cultural setup are perceived factors behind the division of private and public spheres in

Pukhtun society These factors further increased the problem of gender discrimination in

politics and political empowerment

Religious extremism (Elashi 2014 01) honour boundedness strict observance of

Pardah (Orbala 201202) societal attitudes and cultural norms are the main hurdles for

the Pukhtun female to be in politics (Naz et al 2012 65 amp 70)

33 POLITICAL IMPEDIMENTS

The above mentioned socio-cultural features of Pukhtun society indirectly affect

women participation in politics However apart from these hurdles there are some direct

influences which hinder womenlsquos role in politics For example lack of social and

economic power vis-agrave-vis men directly affect womenlsquos political role

Hanif considers that the economic dependence of women has a negative effect on

their decision-making powers in the family community and in the political parties

Unavailability of economic resources further degrades womenlsquos status and political

leadership position (Hanif 200926) Similarly Awan argues that possession of power

political affiliations and economic resources are very important to be visible in the

political arena But the economic dependence and limited mobility of women of

patriarchal societies face hardship to form mass political networking (Awan 201605)

Hanif endorses the argument of Awan and adds that politics is a political process which

88

needs public interaction This interaction is possible through public appearances and

mobility but cultural norms are against free mobility and mix gathering of Pukhtun

females with general public (Hanif 200926)

However I argue that there are evidences of visibility of some Pukhtun women in

the political sphere who are considered to break the cultural barriers and show their

presence in the male dominated political arena Nonetheless as a matter of fact these

women are from the politically active landowning families where women get more

opportunities and training to facilitate their way into politics Thus women of the

politically prominent families become advantageous and find their way into politics But

the case for general women population is quite different Women in the general

population are mostly powerless their lack of interest in the political affairs burden of

excessive workload (household) unfriendly political environment lack of confidence and

experience in the political field also discourage these women to enter the arena of politics

Iwanaga argues that in patriarchal societies mostly men contest elections while

number of female candidates are less She states that lack of opportunities interest and

minimal female participation during elections are the factors for their nominal presence in

political sphere Similarly she states that apart from contesting elections lack of

experience resources and self-esteem are the factors behind womanlsquos hesitation of

contesting elections She argues that the biased norms and beliefs of males are responsible

for creating such situation (Iwanaga 2008 125) Likewise Hanochi endorses Iwanaga

(2008) and posits that minimal political participation and political activism of patriarchal

societies make them politically ignorant of their issues She further adds that their lack of

interest in the public life is not because of their work load but they prefer domestic

territories for themselves which she claims to be the main cause of their political

backwardness Hanochi argues that such demeanour contributes to the formation of two

different spheres of activities private and public Women of the patriarchal societies

actively perform private and domestic responsibilities while public activities as

community leadership and politics are regarded as the domain of men (Hanochi 2001

114-115) Shvedova shared similar views as Iwanaga and Seiko She argues that such

attitudes favoured men and thus political arena is manipulated by them Men are behind

the formulation of different rules for the political sphere Presence of men made political

model further marginalized womanlsquos presence in the political sphere (Shvedova

200534)

Mahmood posits that political empowerment of women is not an end in itself but

89

means to provoke the society for social and political empowerment which would further

stimulate the overall development of society (Mahmood 2004151) Ali argues that

violence against women even in the political field is executed by males for the purpose to

maintain their power and bolster the hierarchical structures The very base of such

structure is the exploitation of marginalized groups High profile political assassinations

and biased attitudes of the political parties against women are to deprive them of the

decision making processes Similarly inaccessibility of the funds for their

constituencies and derogatory remarks also worsen troubles for women political figures

(Ali 2014)

Furthermore women political figures perform their political functions within the

boundaries directed by the political party leaders party associates voters and the media

as well (Rosenbluth et al 201534) Similarly political parties hesitate on part of women

political participation because of their weak political activism and passive vote bank So

political parties use women political participants for the representative functions at

political meetings mass gatherings and political campaigns as well Thus women

political wings in different political parties are for the purpose to perform these

representative functions and have no authority in the decision-making processes within

the political parties (Awan 20163)

Mehdi is critical of the agendas presented by different political parties He argues

that majority of the political parties have no agenda regarding the equality of women in

politics Their presence is taken for granted In the electoral process women on the

reserved seats increase their chances to success Reserved seats though induct women in

the political arena yet they are dependent on the male colleagues and are acceptable as

an extension of male political figures Such electoral system maintains the gender status-

quo instead of challenging it (Mehdi 2015)

Similarly unfriendly political environment for women also creates problems for

them As it is not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to play their role in the political

fields women in rural areas are forbidden to cast their votes and attend mass gathering

Abbas argues that it is almost impossible to take women out of their houses for the public

gatherings Public gatherings are also dominated by males of the society where presence

of women is negligible Men talk on behalf of the women political workers and leaders

Those women who show their presence on the occasion are even unable to talk about

their rights This shows manipulation of women by men in the political sphere as well

(Abbass 2016)

90

Furthermore lives of those women who are better able to achieve the political

positions are still bound by their gender related roles and status Different factors bound

women of these societies to their traditional functions and resist them to join the political

field which is considered to be maleslsquo domain Richard argues that the patriarchal ideals

are creating obstacles for women in the political field Males of these areas consider them

a threat to their dominance in view of the fact that previously women in these areas have

proved themselves in the male dominated political field and had led campaigns on

different occasions (Richard 2010236) Currently the militancy further make lives of

women vulnerable

34 EXTREMISM AS AN OBSTACLE TO WOMENrsquoS POLITICAL

PARTICIPATION

Social and political situation for Pukhtun women is already grim It got further

worsened with the increasing influence of Taliban in these areas Presence of Taliban or

their supporters in some areas is one of the largest threats to the empowerment of Pukhtun

women They have created the environment of terror by blasting the girlslsquo schools

kidnapping and torturing all those who try to defy their rules Their terrorist activities

have deep impact on the lives of general population Such devastating actions make the

lives of women more deplorable

Unfortunately the influence of Taliban especially in KP province poses a serious

threat to the advancement and prosperity of women Militants targeted different practices

and actions which they considered to be against Islamic beliefs Grigsby points out that

their main targets were music schools and even government offices Their target was not

only female but males as well Nevertheless their dogmatic beliefs made the lives of

women miserable as they opposed womenlsquos involvement in the activities outside their

homes whether education political or social (Grigsby 201496)

OlsquoMalley in his UNESCO publication mentions that Taliban oppose girlsacute

education They have used mosques and illegal radio stations for the closure of all girlsacute

schools They have threatened to blow up girlslsquo school in KP As in Afghanistan those

girls who are attending schools and ignored their threats were attacked with acid

(OacuteMalley 201079) Similarly in Swat valley (district of KP) a young school girl

Malala Yousafzai was shot by Taliban gunmen who fortunately survived Taliban claimed

that she was explicitly advocating the girlslsquo education and defying ban on female

education thatlsquos why she was targeted by them She got severe injuries on her head She is

91

still the staunch supporter of girlslsquo education who gained worldwide recognition She

became the young Noble Peace Prize laureate winner for her explicit stand for female

education in a dreadful situation imposed by Taliban (Hussain 2013)

Thus militants have not only destroyed thousands of girlslsquo schools but also

threatened women to leave their jobs and force them to wear hijabs Same threats were

received by the KP woman politician Bushra Gohar (MNA) nonetheless she is

determined regarding her political career and did not bow in front of threats from Taliban

She was adamant in continuing her political career and had no intentions of leaving

politics She defied the threats from Taliban by confidently meeting her constituents and

showed her physical presence publically (Najibullah amp Wazir 2011) Bushra Gohar is

explicitly advocating the rights of women in KP and FATA region She argues that bills

regarding the child marriage and domestic violence should have been passed by the KP

Assembly (Nisa amp Khan 2016)

In 2013 general elections women party workers came out for campaigning and

supporting their partylsquos candidates as well Malik reveals in her interview that Taliban

had threatened ANP male candidates in Mardan Swabi Charsadda and Peshawar Then

women political workers of ANP led the political campaigns of their male party

colleagues (Malik interview 2017)

Women candidates led election campaign for themselves as well They have

visited almost every part of their constituencies to gain support of public despite Taliban

threats Likewise women also came out for casting their votes in certain specific red zone

areas for elections like Mardan Similarly women of the tribal areas were openly

contesting elections in an uncertain situation Badam Zari from Bajour Agency (NA-44

Tribal area-IX) is the first woman who contested elections independently from FATA

She has confidently faced the uncertainty and militancy (Anwaramp Ahmed 2017174)

Scholars posit that initially emergence of Taliban in Swat valley was welcomed by

general public Women of these areas willingly donated their jewellery for the financial

assistance of Taliban Taliban leader Mullah Fazullah on FM radio spread the Islamic

teachings in a manner to gain support of the people His popularity among the public

particularly women was immense Women have convinced their husbands and sons to

work for Taliban They perceived it their contribution to spread Islamic Ideology But

later the situations were completely different Women were mainly targeted by them

They have killed all those women who showed their physical presence publically

Teachers dancers councillors and school girls were affected Though they were not able

92

to resist Talibanlsquos brutalities openly but found alternatives Majority have fled their

residential areas Yet there were other women who stayed in their hometowns and

continued their work despite threats from Taliban In one such incident a local woman

councillor Shaheen Iqbal was threatened by Taliban to leave her job otherwise would be

killed by them She sent her children to other safe areas and stayed alone in her house

She confidently continued her job She adopted different strategies to cope with threats

from Taliban She locked her house and spread dry bushes and leaves outside her house to

deter people from entering the house She carved a hole inside her house a doorway to

her neighbourhood which she used while moving outside Through such strategies she

was able to continue her job in such deteriorated situation (Brohi amp Khattak 201344)

Taliban brutal attitudes towards the public lose their popularity Zakreshi posits

that Taliban are against the women empowerment in all fields They thought women

empowerment symbolises the western influence which would threaten their own norms

and culture and they are going to resist the western influence in their region (Zakreski

2013) Khan argues that Taliban target those women who show their presence in the

public sphere She posits that Taliban called unveiling women as against Islam and

Pukhtun culture which is compatible with Western liberation (KhanK 2010) The wave

of religious extremism has a deep impact on both the rural and urban areas of KP

Everyone is affected by the current storm of terrorism

Scholars argue that Talibanlsquos idiosyncratic perception regarding the religion Islam

and their brutal punishments (beheadings floggings amputations and shootings) against

the ―culprits publicly is for the purpose to terrorize people and to increase their power

(Physicians for Human Rights Report 1998 32)

Sinno posits that Taliban politicise Islam and justify their cruel attitudes in the

name of religion Majority of Pukhtuns are against such repressive acts of Taliban who

considered it against the true image of Islam Taliban commit crimes in the name of Islam

and politics Islam is used by them for their legitimacy (Sinno 201032) Malik endorses

Sinno and postulates that though local Pukhtun culture is against the women

empowerment in all fields however it was hijacked by the militant rhetoric As

mentioned earlier Pukhtuns in the settled areas have educated their daughters and who

show their active presence in the political processes as well Malik is of the opinion that

Pukhtuns of such areas opposed Taliban for their brutal conduct not because of tribal or

clan rivalries but because of emergence of a new class including the landless peasants or

the have nots against the local influential class who have challenged their very status in

93

their society (Malik 201615) Yamane So argues that initially Taliban manipulated the

tribal belt of Pakistan because of the remoteness and inaccessibility of those areas Local

people are against their rule but Taliban have established the unauthorized hurdles for

them They even destabilized the old Pukhtun culture while disrupting and manipulating

the centuries old codes to intimidate and terrorize the locals (So 201124)

Similarly Zia argues that Taliban have also attacked the lady health workers and

issued fatwas against such women In different fatwas Taliban termed it the

responsibility of Muslim men to kidnap such ladies and forcibly marry them They even

declare them as ldquofit for murderrdquo Taliban called these Lady Health workers as working

for wages and also visit different houses which are against the Pukhtun culture Taliban

used radio for the propagation of their teachings Thus it was easy for Taliban to

persuade Pukhtuns easily because of their affinity to their cultural values They have even

killed murdered and kidnapped these women (Zia 2013) In these situations of

uncertainty women public figures find it difficult to work openly The situations for

women political involvement further worsened by the orthodox thinking of the Pukhtun

society Despite their deplorable status in the society yet women show their presence in

the political field There is observable presence of women in politics not only from those

having kinship ties with prominent political families but from the general population as

well

35 POLITICAL ROLE OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

Before we discuss political role of Pukhtun women in politics it is pertinent to

briefly highlight the role of Muslim women in general Despite numerous hurdles

Muslim women are active on the social and political front They struggle to achieve

highest positions in the state politics There were evidences regarding the political

involvement of the Muslim women in the past as well They became role models for the

new generations

Bala (cultural analyst) posits that Muslim women were actively involved in the

creation of Pakistan by supporting their males (Bala 2013131) Similarly during

Khilafat movement when Ali brothers including other prominent leaders were arrested

Abadi Begum (Bi Amma) mother of Ali brothers (Maulana Johar Ali and Maulana

Shaukat Ali) entered the political field and had a powerful appeal towards the Indian

public Bi Amma is one such model in the 1920lsquos Khilafat Movement She had visited

different parts of India for propagation of the movement and strongly opposed the

94

imperial government She addressed mass gatherings behind the curtains in order to

observe her pardah (segregation) which is a basic Islamic doctrine She had also

addressed the All India Muslim League annual meeting in the absence of her sons

Women were enthusiastic and struggled hard for the achievement of an Independent

Sovereign Islamic State Pakistan They were intellectual sincere and courageous They

possessed the leadership qualities (Yasmeen at al 201705)

Similarly Pukhtun women have played their role in politics despite strong

patriarchal norms During 1930-33 in the great Khudai Khitmatgar (Servants of God)

movement of Abdul Ghaffar Khan Pukhtun women were also in the forefront with male

members of the society This was a peaceful movement against the British Imperialism

(Bala 2013131) Due to pardah women participated and showed their presence behind

the walls and above the rooftops to be aware of the movement led by Pukhtun nationalist

Abdul Ghaffar Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan appreciated and encouraged Pukhtun females

by considering them an important part of the society without whom prosperity is

impossible (Banerjee 2000100)

Elder Pukhtun women such as Dur Marjan amp Noor- un- Nisa of Taru Jabba were

vanguards of the movement They led many processions of KK movement Educated

women of the time endeavoured for better education and better life standards of Pukhtun

women Leaders of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement were strong abettor of the

womenlsquos education and had worked for it Pukhtuns appreciate their struggle The

followers of Khudai Khidmatgar movement including Muslims non- Muslims and

women boycotted the British products and their institutions including courts tax offices

schools police and army (Shah 1998 76-77 Stephan 2009 113)

Similarly Frontier Muslim League also worked for the womenlsquos development and

took active steps for their education to enable them for their participation in politics First

womenlsquos branch in NWFP was formed in April 1939 Activities against the government

started in 1940 which led to their participation in 1945-46 elections In these elections

women delegation motivated Pukhtun women to cast their votes in favour of the Muslim

League candidates After the meeting numerous veiled Pakhtun women registered

themselves as a member of the Muslim League (Shah 199878)

Women Muslim League also launched a civil disobedience movement against the

ministry of Congress Women conducted different processions in which they had covered

themselves in veils and actively participated against the Congress Ministry Quaid-i-

Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had appreciated the efforts of Pukhtun women who

95

struggled hard and participated in the achievement of an Independent homeland for the

Muslims (Shah 199878) Women participated in historical political events nevertheless

under the strict observance of religious tenets and cultural codes

Hence women actively played their role in the political affairs of Pakistan Quaid-

i-Azam (Founding Father of Pakistan) formed a Womenlsquos Central Committee Fatima

Jinnah became its president for the purpose of introducing womenlsquos quota in the Muslim

League After the formation of Pakistan Ms Fatima Jinnah (the sister of the founding

father Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah) a woman of great astute became the first

woman of an independent Muslim state to contest the presidential elections against the

military ruler Gen Ayub Khan however she lost the elections because of rigging (Bano

200926)

Muslim women continued advances and had struggled for the political

empowerment of women even after independence through different legal reforms Their

struggle became successful in 1948 when Muslim Personal Law of Sharia was passed

This law recognized property rights of women and enabled them to inherit all forms of

property Then Begum Shaista Ikramullah and Begum Shah Nawaz were the first female

representatives in the first constituent assembly of Pakistan who represented women In

the legislature of 1956 constitution universal suffrage and reservation of special seats for

women were granted on the basis of direct female suffrage (Ali amp Akhtar 2012223)

Further in 1956 and 1962 constitutions 6 seats were reserved for women in the

National Assembly which was considered to be a great development (Bano 200926)

During 1970-77 period after the promulgation of 1973 constitution 10 seats were

reserved for women in the National Assembly for the next 10 years (Mehdi 2015) In

1982 these seats were increased to twenty After three general elections of 1977 1985

and 1988 reservations lapsed in 1988 A significant development in the electoral history

of Pakistan was witnessed in 1988 when Benazir Bhutto won elections and became the

first female Premier of an Islamic country Her government created a separate womenlsquos

ministry called ―Ministry of Women Development and also established many womenlsquos

universities Further womenlsquos protection bill was passed in the regime of General Pervaz

Musharraf According to the bill 10 quota were reserved for women in the Central

Superior Services while 5 quota were reserved for them in all other government

departments which was also approved by the Cabinet In local government women

quotas were increased to 30 however it was reduced to 175 in 2002 later under the

Legal Framework Order (Report 200504)

96

Women activists are struggling for their presence in the political sphere and to

provide them their political rights which is guaranteed by the quota system (seats reserved

for women) in the Assemblies Presently number of seats reserved for women are 60 in

the total of 342 National Assembly seats Thus the number of women contesting

elections for general seats increased by 130 since 2008 general elections Currently 18

women senators are occupying positions through reserved seats in the indirect election of

Senate Similarly in the four provincial assemblies of Pakistan the number of seats

reserved for women are 137 in which only 66 seats are reserved for women in the total

371 seats of Punjab 29 seats are reserved for women in the entire 168 seats of Sindh 11

reserved seats out of the total 51 seats in Baluchistan and 22 reserved seats for women in

the entire 124 seats of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly In the May 2013 election 150

women filed nomination papers for the National assembly and 313 for the provincial

Assemblylsquos seats which are almost double the total figure from the 2008 elections

(Ghosh 201303)

But apart from these developments women in the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP)

left the space and went into the background Few of the Pukhtun women later came to the

forefront and carved their place in the Politics Among them are Zari Sarfaraz (MNA

1962-64 1965-69) Kulsoom Saifullah (MNA March 1977-July 1977 1985-1988 1988-

1990) and Begum Nasim Wali Khan Zari Sarfaraz was an active member of the Musim

League and an astute Pukhtun businesswoman (Amir 2013) Kulsoom Saifullah was a

renowned political figure social activist and a businesswoman as well She was

Pakistanlsquos first female federal minister (Sherazi 2015)

Other prominent Pukhtun women are Bushra Gohar who served as Senior Vice-

president of ANP and now is the ANP central vice-president She became the Member of

Parliament on reserved seats for women in the 2008 general elections Similarly we saw

a great change in the 2013 general elections Dr Meher Taj Roghani Pakistan Tehreek-e-

Insaf (PTI) female candidate and a special assistant to chief minister was elected as a first

woman deputy speaker of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly with a great margin of 40

votes Under 2013 general elections the national assembly of Pakistan had 8 women from

the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP and FATA) while 22 occupied reserved seats in the KP

provincial assembly (Mahmood 2015)

My assessment is that whenever Pukhtun women get an opportunity they prove

their abilities All female members confronted the odds and occupied prestigious places

97

both in their parties and in the government They confidently work in the political sphere

like their male counterparts They work effectively in the promotion of good governance

Women played an active role in the political affairs of Pakistan and raised their voices

against the social economic cultural and political discrepancies Similarly women

political workers have been creating political awareness among females of their

respective areas in the KP province

Though various hurdles still obstructed women of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa from

exercising their electoral rights But it is need of the time to take such measures both at

the central as well as local level to provide them (women) their electoral and other

fundamental rights As we observed that in 2013 general elections the Chief Justice of

Peshawar High Court (PHC) ordered the Election Commission of Pakistan to halt the

results of NA-25 Lakki Marwat and NA-5 Nowshera and conduct re-polling in these two

constituencies where the turn out of the women voters were low (ShahN 2013)

Likewise in 2018 general elections the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) ordered

re-polling in the constituencies of NA-10 Shangla NA-48 North Waziristan of PK-23

Shangla -1 where majority of the women did not cast their votes (ShahA 2018) Women

are still struggling for political representation However they are kept away from the

political process through different measures like unavailability of identity cards or they

are not enrolled as voters

During Gen Musharraf regime Womenlsquos advocacy group became successful in

securing reserved seats for women in the national and provincial assemblies which

empowered women of those areas where women are barred from their political rights In

2013 general elections almost 1150 women contested elections for the general seats of

the National assembly most of whom were independent candidates Women from the

Pukhtun society are struggling hard against the odds They are fighting for their political

rights We saw Badam Zari from Bajaur (KP) who contested elections on a general seat

Though she lost the elections yet became a role model for other women (Saleem 2013)

I argue that such progress is clear indication that the Pukhtun women have the

capacity to prove themselves in every field whenever they get a chance They are now

more aware and educated and have the potential to work for the prosperity and

advancement of their Pukhtun society They struggle hard for the upgrading of women in

different fields especially in the political field more specifically for the women of the

rural Khyber Pukhtunkhwa

98

36 CONCLUSION

Pakistani women and more specifically Pukhtun women are facing hindrances in

different spheres of lives Such obstacles impede their way to success and prosperity

Socio-economic cultural religious barriers are like the invisible chains in their feet

Beside contradictory norms and values represented by Islam and Pukhtunwali they are

interpreted in a manner to justify patriarchal behaviour and structures in Pukhtun society

Pukhtuns are followers of the religion Islam but they also follow their centuries old codes

of conduct Pukhtunwali in which most of the features are against rights of the Pukhtun

women Being an Islamic society Pukhtuns are still probing for an appropriate role of

religion Islam in political and social life They are struggling to find boundaries between

Islam and traditions Such amalgamation of religion and culture further multiplies the

consensus of the followers especially regarding the rights of women Which in turn makes

life of the women vulnerable and exposed to exploitation Pukhtuns use their cultural

codes to benefit males and infringe the rights of women which grant the women

subservient position in the society Regardless of the fact that there are precedents of the

women who showed their resilience and carved out some political space by large women

are exploited in the name of Pukhtunwali and are subject to male dominance and control

However some Pukhtun women dare to challenge these odds and resist control and

subjugation The following chapters will explore one such example where a protagonist

Nasim Wali Khan struggled to achieve political prominence

99

CHAPTER ndash 4

POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

Situations produce leaders and leaders having capabilities to efficiently

manoeuvre a situation retain themselves in leadership position This chapter explores

such relationship between leadership rise and the testing situations More specifically it

explicates the situation which was responsible for the rise and retaining of political

leadership by Nasim Wali Khan Nasim Wali Khan occupied leadership position in the

turbulent situations and retained it with her skills of political manoeuvring However like

other Asian women leaders Nasim Wali faced tough odds from the patriarchal society

she was living in

Before taking the leadership role Nasim Wali Khan was a house wife and had

some rather limited influence over party through her husband The exacting situation

which the immediate family members of Nasim Wali Khan confronted in 1970s

compelled her to enter politics which she never imagined Once she took this arduous task

of leadership Nasim Wali Khan improvised and led her political party out of political

crisis The political crisis of her family and party was created by their arch rival and ruler

of the country i-e Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Nasim Wali as a political leader had to confront the

double jeopardy in those early times First her party was in crises due to the political

victimization of the government and second her personal challenge of confronting a

patriarchal society opposed woman leadership This chapter explores the crises situation

which forced her to join politics her leadership style the strategies she adopted to cope

with hurdles she faced as well as the facilitating factors in her political struggle both

before and after joining politics

SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

41 POLITICAL RESISTANCE TO AN AUTOCRATIC GOVERNMENT OF

ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO

Awami National Party (ANP) is an ethno-nationalist political party that faced

greater challenges throughout its existence Various regimes for different reasons

suppressed the party by persecuting its leaders as well as its workers Its top leaders such

100

as Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) and Khan Abdul Wali Khan faced imprisonment

ban torturelsquo etc Abdul Wali Khan also faced four assassination attempts during his

political career (Marwat 2015 123)

In the 1970 general elections the then National Awami Party (now ANP) won

substantial number of seats in the province assemblies of Baluchistan and erstwhile

NWFP (now Khyber Pukhtunkhwa) NAP secured the largest number of seats i-e 13 seats

in 40 constituencies of erstwhile NWFP and secured majority of 8 seats in 20

constituencies of Baluchistan National Awami Party secured 6 seats in the National

Assembly as well NAP didnlsquot get any support from Sindh and could not get candidate to

contest elections from Punjab nonetheless occupied one seat out of 300 constituencies in

the East Pakistan provincial assembly (Tasneem 2013197)

Abdul Wali Khan leader of National Awami Party from the west wing of

Pakistan secured seats of both the National and Provincial assembly from his home town

Charsadda That was a time when Sheikh Mujeeb-ur- Rehman was anticipated to be the

forthcoming Premier of Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto deemed him a peril to his political

career For this reason Bhutto in pre-elections manoeuvring went to Charsadda in 1971 to

see Abdul Wali Khan and tried to convince him to join in an anti- Mujeeb alliance But

the offer was not accepted by Abdul Wali Khan Due to which ZABhutto threatened

Khan for the severe consequences (Shah 2015)

After the general elections of 1970 Abdul Wali Khan on 23rd

March 1971

presented his full support to Sheikh Mujeeb in the formation of government However

General Yahya Khan didnlsquot allow the transfer of power to Sheikh Mujeeb despite of the

fact he had won majority in the 1970 elections Sheikh Mujeeb and his party was banned

by Yahya Khan which appeared to be a malicious act Such vindictive actions against the

leader of East Pakistan were condemned by NAP and compelled the government to

resolve problems through dialogue (Chandio et al 2011) The support offered by NAP to

Sheikh Mujeeb was not aceptable to the government of West Pakistan as a consequence

Yahya Khan also banned NAP on 26th

November 1971 But when ZA Bhutto formed

the government on 21st December 1971 he removed ban against the NAP and this fair

deed was admired by the NAP leaders by providing unconditional support to the PPP

government However the friendship between NAP and Bhutto did not persist for long

(Shah 2015)

After the secession of East Pakistan NAP formed a coalition government in two

provinces of Pakistan i-e with BNP (Baluchistan National Party) they formed a

101

government in Baluchistan and with the support of JUI (Jamait Ulma -e -Islam) they

formed a government in earstwhile NWFP in 1972 NAP also became the main

opposition party within the National Assembly of Pakistan (Mushtaq2011251) Abdul

Wali Khan became the opposition leader at the national level and became major opponent

of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto ZA Bhutto after gaining power became more authoritarian and

harsh towards all those who opposed him (Wolpert 1993) Therefore his relations

generally with NAP but specifically with Abdul Wali Khan remained strained

After NAP formed her government in Baluchistan Baluchistan became the hub of

NAP because of its ethno-nationalistic credentials PPP government steered by ZA

Bhutto provoked local confrontation in Baluchistan with the support of Balochi Sardars

against the NAP government As a consequence NAP stayed in power only for ten

months (Shah 2015)

PPP government time and again charged NAP for the disintegration of Pakistan

and involvement in violent activities They considered them a threat for the safety and

security of Pakistan The charges became intensified when an arm cache at Iraqi Embassy

was found in Islamabad on 10th

February 1973 Federal Government charged NAP

leaders and Baluch government for involvement in planning a violent secessionist

struggle through these arms They charged the opponents by stating that the confiscated

arms are expected to use by them for the same purpose Print media of Pakistan used this

incident as a proof of secessionism against the JUIP-NAP coalition government in

Baluchistan (Marwat 2015 167)

Abdul Wali Khan rejected Bhuttolsquos accusations against him his party and

colleagues He further clarified that if they ever wanted arms and ammunition for their

political cause they could easily get it from Afghanistan borders through Baluchistan and

NWFP being the border provinces and having their governments He added that it is an

insane act to keep arms and ammunitions at Iraqi embassy in Islamabad (Federal capital)

instead of their own provincial capitals In a joint session of the federal Parliament Abdul

Wali Khan condemned the popularization of fake propaganda which according to Abdul

Wali Khan would defame Pakistan globally (Marwat 2015 167)

The alarming situations further became worsened when on February 14th

1973

Bhutto dismissed the coalition government of BNP and NAP in Baluchistan and bypassed

NAP appointees Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo (Governor) and Attaullah Mengal (chief minister)

of Baluchistan Nawab Akbar Bughti replaced Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo and became

governor of Balochistan As a result NAP-JUI government in erstwhile NWFP also

102

resigned on 16th

February 1973 Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil (Governor of NWFP) also

resigned in protest on the recommendation of Abdul Wali Khan Later Arbab Sikandar

Khan Khalil was replaced by Mohammad Aslam Khatak by the federal government At

the time Mufti Mahmood was the chief minister of erstwhile NWFP Abdul Wali Khan

condemned ZA Bhuttolsquos action against Baluchistan government (Alvi 2016 134)

Z A Bhutto took more oppressive measures against Baluchistan government

General Tikka Khan (Chief of Army Staff) was ordered to start military operation against

the ―miscreants Government ordered to find the guerrilla camps in the Marri Tribal

areas Such brutal actions made the situation more convoluted and increased hatred and

fear among the Baluch against the federal government (Hassan 201654)

Abdul Wali Khan was against submissive and authoritarian rule of Z A Bhutto

Abdul Wali Khan blamed PPP government for provoking Mazdur Kisan Party to be

involved in subversive and violent activities in erstwhile NWFP in 1972 He also charged

federal government for starting conflict between peasants and landlords of NWFP

specifically in Peshawar which was traditionally the support base of NAP Abdul Wali

Khan warned the government that these subversive activities would take the country into

civil war (Marwat 2015 163)

Due to his unwavering opposition to Bhutto Abdul Wali Khan faced death threats

and assassination attempts during Z A Bhutto rule However he narrowly escaped these

attempts The first assassination attempt against Abdul Wali Khan was carried out during

1970 election campaign On 3rd

December 1970 when Abdul Wali Khan was leading a

procession at Lahori Gate (Peshawar) an un -identified person opened fire on Abdul Wali

Khan but he escaped These submissive tendencies further increased the gap between PPP

and NAP (Marwat 2015163)

In order to counter such oppressive acts of Bhuttolsquos government all opposition

parties united and formed an alliance named as United Democratic Front (UDF) on 28th

February 1973 against the Z A Bhuttolsquos oppressive rule The main political parties of

UDF included National Awami Party (NAP) United Pakistan Muslim League (PML)

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP)

Pakistan Democratic Party (PDP) Khaksar Tehrik and Independent Group On March

14th

1973 Pir Pagara of PML was appointed as a president of UDF Nawabzada

Nasrullah Khan and Mufti Mahmood as its vice presidents while Professor Ghafoor

Ahmad became UDF secretary (Ziring 1997393) The agenda of UDF was to ensure

maximum provincial autonomy struggle to bring democracy back and implementation of

103

Islamic teachings and resist the dictatorial policies of ZA Bhutto government All

opposition parties met in a convention held in Rawalpindi on 23rd

March 1973 followed

by a rally (Marwat 2015 173) The convention and rally was attended by Maulana Mufti

Mahmood Pir of Pagara Abdul Wali Khan Maulana Shah Asad Noorani Sardar Shaukat

Hayat Khan Asad Gilani Abdul Wali Khan was accompanied by a group of Pukhtuns

called Pukhtun Zalme led by Ajmal Khattak (Marwat 2015174)

Federal Security Force (FSF) obeyed the orders given by ZABhutto and attacked

this opposition gathering at Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi Consequently many people

(including majority of Pukhtuns) got injured and dozens of them being killed Some of

the NAP leading members including Ajmal Khattak escape to Kabul for security of their

lives PPP blamed Pukhtun Zalme for the massacre Later Hafiz Pirzada (Federal Law

Minister) blamed Pukhtuns that their purpose was to invade Islamabad and Rawalpindi

and wanted to humiliate Punjabis Government justified its operation on the rally by

stating that government had to protect its citizens against the wrongdoers But Abdul

Wali Khan called this charge a conspiracy against Pukhtuns and stated that Pukhtuns

present in the rally were unarmed and they showed their solidarity with Baluch brethren

Bhutto regime took harsh measures against the adversaries by putting the leaders in jails

and torturing them as well (Marwat 2015176)

ZA Bhutto government launched an official campaign to defame Wali Khan and

his party Initially government accused Abdul Wali Khan as an enemy of Islam and

called him a traitor Abdul Wali Khan was blamed to be engaged in activities detrimental

to the state Bomb explosions street violence law and order situation became a routine

matter (Lyon 2008) Bhutto and his government controlled media charged NAP leaders

for the chaos They further blamed that NAP tried to disintegrate Pakistan in collaboration

with the government of Afghanistan (Marwat 2015 123)

Abdul Wali Khan was again imprisoned by ZABhutto government on 8th

February 1975 when he was attending the funeral of Hayat Sherpao the slain leader of

PPP and close associate of Bhutto (Lyon 2008) Bhutto regime blamed NAP for the

assassination of Hayat Sherpao and consequently detained Abdul Wali Khan along with

52 other NAP leading members including Asfandyar Wali Khan Afzal Khan Arbab

Sikandar Khan Haji Bilour (NWFP) Ghous Bakhsh Bazenjo Khair Bakhsh Marri

Attaullah Mangal (Baluchistan) ZABhutto even apprehended the governors of

Baluchistan and NWFP (Noman 2009)

Likewise Z A Bhutto government adopted a strategy to get rid of Abdul Wali

104

Khan and his comrades For this purpose government amended 1962 Political Parties

Act This amendment enabled the government to declare any political party illegal if it

was found involved in unlawful activities This amendment also empowered the

government to first ban a political party and then send reference against the party to

Supreme Court of Pakistan (Marwat 2015 123) Under this amended law ZA Bhutto

took revengeful actions against NAP by banning it on February10th 1975 Such actions

of ruling class are common in Pakistan where opposition is coercively restrained instead

of engaging it politically (Noman 2009)

NAP offices were sealed by the government and the party records and assets were

also confiscated Later they wrecked the records as well (Wolpert 1993249) Abdul

Wali Khan was declared as enemy of Islam He was called a traitor and the agent of Iraq

India Russia and Afghanistan (Wolpert 1993242) There seems to be a systematic effort

on the part of the government to destroy the political career of NAP leaders My interview

respondent and secretary general of ANP(W)Mr Tofaan reveals that censorship was

imposed by ZABhutto on the publications of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Wali Khan

names and the press would publish their names as AW Khan and AG Khan to misguide

the people (Tofaan interview 2016)

Though 1970 general elections provided a unique opportunity to Pakistan ie

democratic transition based in popular politics However the subsequent government of

Z A Bhutto spoiled it through his autocratic style of governance Though Z A Bhutto

was a charismatic educated and prominent political leader from Sindh who governed

Pakistan from 1971 till 1977 (cf Wolpert 1993) But Z A Bhutto after acquiring the

helms of affairs used inexorable measures against those who defied his authority and

questioned his cruel measures Police harassment intimidation incarceration and toucher

were various measures used by Bhutto to deal with his adversaries Z A Bhuttolsquos

repressive actions were not only used against political opponents but included lawyers

journalists and all those who publically confront ZABhutto During his rule there was

widespread political violence political assassinations murders were commonlsquo and

official use of violence and terrorlsquo became widespreadlsquo Speaker of the Baluchistan

Assembly and the opposition members were killed Labour leaders were also main target

of the oppressive rule Assassination attempts were made on Abdul Wali Khan (NWFP

leader) and Asghar Khan (leader of Tehriq-i-Istiqlal) Officials and members of Jammat-i-

Islami were also targeted and killed Street crimes beating guns and goons were

prevalent in Pakistani society Bhutto inflicted fear and terror in the minds of public

105

(Ziring 1997 381-383)

In these crisis situation NAP along with Abdul Wali Khanlsquos family was the main

target of the governmental political oppression Abdul Wali Khan his eldest son among

other top party leaders were incarcerated by ZA Bhutto government on the charges of

treason Abdul Ghaffar Khan (father of Abdul Wali Khan) was also detained by the

government on 2nd

April 1975(Yousafzai 199860) Ghani Khan and Ali Khan were

brothers of Abdul Wali Khan Both of them were non-political one of them was

academician and the other was a poet They were least interested to lead The only male

child was Sangeen Khan the eldest son of Abdul Wali Khan But he was too young (less

than 18 years) to lead a party (Mazari 1999 383) Likewise Abdul Wali Khan cousinslsquo

(sons of Khan Sahib chief minister of west Pakistan) had no interest in politics as well

Leaders of NAP were imprisoned in different categories of jail Mir Ghous Bakhsh

Bizenjo Syed Hadi Naqvi Yusuf Mustikhan Fasihuddin Salar Dr MA Mehboob Lal

Bakhsh Rind Usman Baluch and Karamat Ali (Kaushik 198411) Abdul Wali Khan

Abdul Wahid Khurd Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil Gul Khan Naseer Pervaz Salim Col

Sultan Ahmad Mohammad Afzal Dr Inayatullah Nisar Khan were imprisoned in class

A category jail while Moosa Jan S Mohammad Salim Mohammad Aslam Khan Sardar

Ashrafullah Mohammad Abdullah Malik Amanullah Mohammad Gul Saifullah

Munawar Khan Abdul Qayum Ghulam Hussain Hamid Aziz Muhammad Bakhsh

Muhammad Fateh(Patay Khan) Shar Muhammad Abdul Aziz Jumma Rahim Abdul

Wahab Alif Khan Attaullah Jan Muhammad Aslam Kurd Muhammad Hashim Mengal

and Saadullah among majority NAP members were imprisoned in class B category jail

(Ahmad 197726)

The imprisonment and bar on NAP leaders left a leadership vacuum Despite the

arrest of the main leaders of NAP some members of the defunct NAP prominently

Kaswar Gardezi from Multan (former secretary general of NAP) Majid Mengal

Attaullah Mengal Ghulam Ahmad Bilour (President NAP NWFP) Jennifer Musa and

Hashim Gilzai Mahmood Ali Kasuri Mazhar Ali Khan Abdul Khaliq Khan Mahmooda

Salim Umrao Khan Amirzada Khan and Nasim Wali Khan among other members

endeavoured to find ways for their political survival (Mazari 1999383)

Members of the defunct NAP party decided to appoint a leader able enough to

revive the party aggregate the party followers and struggle for the emancipation of party

leaders However leading NAP in these conditions of political victimization and

oppression was very difficult Nasim Wali Khan being a woman family member came

106

forward and take a strenuous task during convoluted time Though Nasim Wali Khan had

never thought of joining active politics (WaliN interview 2017)

Nonetheless absence of male political successors of Abdul Wali Khan within the

family and unfavourable political situations for party compelled her to lead Therefore to

ensure her familylsquos political survival Nasim Wali Khan took the hard task to lead a

political party choked in crisis Thus her entrance in politics was accidental and necessity

of the time Nasim Wali Khan reveals that

―I came into politics not for the mission but for the need About 5500 people

were arrested after Sherpaolsquos murder It was pure political smack down I

observed that the political consciousness was lost I wanted to maintain that

spirit keep the democratic forces together (Wali N interview 197714)

Besides her own realisation Nasim Wali Khan was further provoked by Bhuttolsquos

statements and actions Nasim Wali Khan states that after taking oppressive action against

Abdul Wali Khan Bhutto claimed that ―he had killed Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his

family politically (Nasim Wali N interview 2017) Nasim Wali argues that this

statement provoked her to join active politics (WaliN interview 2017) After

consultation with Abdul Wali Khan in jail she accepted the leadership position (Afridi

interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan did not repent her decision she stated ―Now I am glad

I came I realize I did the right thing (Wali N interview 197714)

Nasim Wali argues that though she accepted leadership position of the party she

was worried regarding the response of her people Her support base among Pukhtuns of

Pakistan would mean to adopt a socially appropriate behaviour Women in Pukhtun

societies are generally restricted to homes and free mobility of female members of the

society are discouraged Nasim Wali Khan conveyed her apprehensions in these words

―I was afraid in the beginning that they wouldnlsquot accept me When I went for

my first public meeting I was confused because our people were divided

Some said I should come out others said I shouldnlsquot Our young supporters

those in colleges were in favour The older people thought that our opponents

would use it against me In our society a womenlsquos coming out in public is

considered bad It was difficult for the public to accept And that is why I was

afraid of peopleslsquo reactions Three to four times I felt like going back But I

did not lose courage (Wali N interview 1977 18)

Furthermore countrylsquos political circumstances were also unfavourable for the

107

party Thus for the purpose to counter the political crises the imprisoned leaders

suggested to consult a tenacious political figure able enough to revive a party in the

convoluted circumstances (cf Mazari 1999382) Therefore they offered leadership

to anti- Bhutto from Punjab i-e Ghulam Mustafa Khar and Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi

However these leaders refused the offer because they thought that their affiliation

with NAP which was generally mistrusted in Punjab would put their political

leadership at risk in Punjab The leaders of NAP then offered this position to a Baluch

independent candidate Sherbaz Khan Mazari Mazari accepted the leadership of NAP

(Mazari 1999384)

Nasim Wali Khan in consultation with Sherbaz Mazari and other defunct NAP

leaders suggested to form a new political party to confront the government (Marwat

2015201) Consequently on November 6th

1975 a new political party bearing the

name of National Democratic Party (NDP) was officially launched at Islamabad

Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari became its President and Nasim Wali Khan as its Vice-

President (Mazari 1999384) It was in 1975 that the government allowed Nasim

Wali Amir Zada Khan (Mardan based advocate) Haji Ghulam Bilour went to meet

Abdul Wali Khan in Hyderabad jail (WaliN interview 2016) Nasim Wali posits

that Abdul Wali khan never dictated her and the party colleagues from the jail Abdul

Wali Khan was mostly unaware of the countrylsquos political conditions therefore he

gave a free hand to Nasim Wali Khan and other party associates for revival of the

political party However he emphasized that the leaders should take decisions

through consensus (Wali N interview 2017)

The above accounts reveal that crisis situations put parties to test Parties

confronting suppressive regimes get into leadership crisis as well In such testing times

courageous persons are needed to take leadership role In hereditary parties such

leadership comes from within the family and in traditional societies male members take

up the task Politics become a family affair However in the absence of male family

members women of the family may also offer their services It is instructive to notice that

these women leaders take the risk and courageously confront the crises Nasim Wali Khan

had no contemplation towards active politics neither her husband nor the male members

of the family ever expressed their desire towards her involvement in active politics

However Nasim Wali Khan in order to sustain the family hold on the party accepted the

role Her decision was not based on an emotional whim but a rational calculation that her

party was facing an existential threat and she is required to lead it out of the crisis

108

The convoluted situation provided an opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan which she

availed by coming out of the traditional premises of her house Later she manoeuvred the

situation in her favour and courageously confronted all the odds

Like other South Asian woman political leaders the crisis situation provided an

opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan to lead But situation alone was not responsible for her

rise as a political leader Being a member of the politically prominent family Nasim Wali

was not at the mercy of the situation she was politically groomed in Wali Khanlsquos family

However the fact that Nasim Wali knowingly accepted the challenge of leading the party

in crisis and in a patriarchal social settings shows that she was a courageous woman She

could have refused the leadership and played a role of a grieving wife restricted to her

home but she refused to do so

Scholars posit that women of the eminent political families become the

beneficiarieslsquo of the political legacy (Jalazai amp Krook 201008 Iwanaga 2008 2 Mittra

amp Kumar 2004 218) Political training received within the family equip them regarding

political know how and decision- making This attribute further enhances their chances of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Thus females of the elite classes have distinct life experiences and grooming as

compared to females of the general population Their families act as a political training

platform Politically prominent families endow them with crucial knowledge required for

effective political functioning Involvement of parents and spouses in the societal or

national affairs provide basic opportunities to these females for nurturing political skills

reputation and even support base which is known to be their ―Political Apprenticeship

(Cornwall amp Goetz 2005) Such political apprenticeshiplsquo (OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622)

is utilized by women leaders to attain leadership position and later improvise in active

politics As wives and daughters of politicians these women occupy political positions on

behalf of their husbands and fathers (Jensen 2008)

It is pertinent here to reflect again on the political background of Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali was the daughter of Amir Mohammad Khan Hoti who was an active

member of Khudai Khidmatgar movement in British India He even remained the

provincial president of Khudai Khidmatgar movement Later she married with Abdul

Wali Khan a veteran political figure and the son and successor of Ghaffar Khan Ghaffar

Khan was the founder of Khudai Khidmatgar movement and his family was a hub of

political activities before and after partition of British India He led nonviolent resistance

against British imperialism and later spearheaded nationalist politics within Pakistan

109

Being member of such illustrious family Nasim Wali was politically groomed right from

the very beginning She had a great affection for her father and his struggle for the rights

of Pukhtun people from the platform of Khudai Khidmatgar Abdul Wali Khan used to

discuss political matters with Nasim Wali Khan which increased her political awareness

(Khan H interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan mostly accompanied him in his political

visits Such accounts of Nasim Walilsquos training in politics endorses the idea of political

apprenticeship which female of prominent political families go through

Likewise my primary data also endorsed the idea that Nasim Wali received her

earlier training in politics within her family Afridi in his interview argues that strong

political family background facilitated Nasim Wali throughout her political life Name

recognition as being wife of Abdul Wali khan and daughter in law of Bacha khan was

indeed a great support for her However Afridi also appreciates her courage wisdom that

being a Pukhtun woman she was courageous enough to face people confidently (Afridi

interview 2017) Lawangeen Khan (grandson of Nasim Wali) reveals that without a

strong family backing it was impossible for her to take a lead and attain the top

leadership position (KhanL interview 2017) Her family struggle was properly

acknowledged by Nasim Wali Khan throughout her political career In her visit with

Sherbaz Khan Mazari to Lahore on 3rd

December 1975 and addressed District bar

association In her speech she introduced herself in the following words ―you recognize

me as Mrs Abdul Wali Khan but today I am going to introduce myself properly

―I am proud of myself that I am daughter of a martyr I am proud of myself that I

am mother of a mujahid and wife of a mujahid as well Besides I feel honoured

that I am daughter -in -law of that mujahid who has spent all his life behind the

bars for the rights of his people and for his true principles A mujahid who was

never been purchased by anyone nor did he ever bowed before any dictator

(WaliN speech 197511)

In this speech she clearly expressed her relations with her male family members

who were acknowledged by the public She used impressive language to dignify the

males of her family Their struggles and sacrifices were being highlighted before the

audience Likewise Sherbaz Khan Mazari in his address on 3rd

December 1975 in

Lahore acknowledged the sacrifices and political efforts of Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family in

these words

―I can proudly say that Nasim Wali is a person whose father has spent his whole

110

life struggling for the acquisition of independence and justice from the British

imperialist forces and embraced martyrdom She represents the third generation of

her family that is struggling for the similar cause Her father-in-law husband and

son is in jail I acknowledge her courage and determination that despite the

turbulent situation she is still standing before you (Mazari speech 197516)

By adopting such strategy to recall and acknowledge the sacrifices and

endeavours of male members of her family Nasim Wali intended to win over the support

base created by her family Consequently she was able to win public support through

these acknowledgements Therefore unlike new women leaders Nasim Wali was able to

exploit her family support base and retain leadership position

Women political leaders of politically prominent families acquire leadership

position attract sympathy and support of the general masses and proceed their political

parties efficiently (Iwanaga 2008283 OlsquoConnor 2010388) Wijekoon argues that

public have great respect towards eminent political families General masses pay regards

to the struggle and sacrifices given by male members of these families (200560)

My interview respondents also endorsed the importance of family position for

women leaders One such eminent woman politician and current MPA of KP assembly

argues that the standing of family in politics expedite the women members of the family

Public following of the family further helps women attain leadership positions Other

women of the general population strive harder to make a place for themselves in the

political sphere (Ihsan interview 2017)

Arguing in the same line Hussain revealed that in South Asia and Central Asia

entitlementlsquo matters a lot It is used as an additional factor in the success of political

leaders But entitlement of Pukhtun society relates to the sacrifices and struggles of elders

and not to wealth or caste In case of Nasim Wali Khan presence of particular family

entitlement is just because of her ancestorlsquos struggles and sacrifices who went through

ordeals in their political career (Hussain interview 2017)

Belonging to a politically prominent family Nasim Wali Khan had developed her

basic understanding of politics within her family Frequent visits of the political figures

and routine discussion on political matters in her home enabled her to learn politics The

role of her husband in this regard is prominent He would discuss various political affairs

with Nasim Wali and engage her in crucial discussions with his political associates

Through her husband Nasim Wali kept herself informed about different political

111

activities happening around her Such training provided her basis to enter active politics

However after taking leadership role she further polished her political skills

The political affiliation of her family her political apprenticeship within family

and the public regard not only facilitated Nasim Wali to play political role but also

encouraged Nasim Wali Khan in her endeavor against political adversaries Therefore

from the case of Nasim Wali Khan we can conclude that familial political connections

assist women in their career development

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personality and political grooming enabled her to

courageously confront all opposition and escape manipulation at the hands of male

stalwarts of her party She exhibited strong will-power and determination which was

unchallengeable Literature (Bakshi 200101 Roy 201564) states that mostly female

leaders are susceptible to manipulation of their male colleagues of the party Therefore

women are often considered to be less challenging in politics At times this encourages

men colleagues of political parties to choose women as political leaders Campus argues

that ―women leaders are like puppets in the hands of male party members (Campus

2013 46) They can be easily manoeuvred Therefore the nomination of women as

leaders of defunct parties serve two purposes ie women leaders gain public support

during crisis time and they are also available for manipulation at the hands of male

members of the party

Nasim Wali argues that she was also initially rejected by some old party comrades

for her presence in politics However she neglected such dissenting voices within the

party and later proved herself the best candidate for leadership of the time (WaliN

interview 2017) Similarly Afridi reveals that Nasim Wali was not a compromising

leader who can be easily manipulated in the decision -making and in the formulation of

policy by the male party members She worked with determination and continued her

active political role even after the release of Abdul Wali Khan She was not powerless

and couldnlsquot be side- lined even in the presence of male family members She actively

participated in politics and had a strong hold in the party affairs (Afridi interview 2018)

After analysing the leadership of Nasim Wali we observe that initially some old

guards of Khudai Khitmatgar including Ghafoor Khan and Mirdal Khan opposed her

physical presence in politics But Nasim Wali Khan even against their opposition not

only joined the party but led it as well Within the party some members were thinking that

she couldnlsquot be able to lead the party for long in the presence of government oppression

and would accept her failure (WaliN interview 2017) She could easily leave active

112

politics without being charged for it However Nasim Wali argues that she was

determined and had performed her leadership role in a way that her leadership became

acceptable to all (WaliN interview 2017)

My assessment from Nasim Walilsquos case is that although crisis situation provide

an opportunity to females of the prominent political families to lead but such turbulent

situations also proves challenging as well The cooperative empathetic and collaborative

nature of female are deemed to be appropriate in crisis time They have the ability to

struggle for the congregation improvement and advancement of their political parties and

families Saint- Germain posits that women are the true unifier of family and are more

appropriate to grab the political authority after any mishaps with their males and they

have the potential to serve in acrimonious circumstances (Saint-Germain 1993) As

Jalalzai argues that in the severe political uncertainty and defective political institutions

womenlsquos political participation provide harmony which acts as the contributing factor and

support them to acquire leadership position (Jalalzai 2008)

While assessing Nasim Walilsquos political entrance and her political struggle I argue

that primarily after the ban of NAP and imprisonment of party leaders she visited the

houses of party workers to express her solidarity in turbulent times Through these visits

she tried to acquaint them with the crisis situations and encouraged them to endure it with

patience Through such strategy she had successfully congregated old party associates

and supporters and revived former NAP with the new name National Democratic Party

(NDP) The platform of this party enabled Nasim Wali Khan to endeavor for the safe

acquittal of Abdul Wali Khan his associates and supporters who were confined in

Hyderabad jail and she also demanded fresh elections She consolidated the defunct

political party and workers The appointment of Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari as president

of new party (NDP) to confront the political and societal challenges was a good decision

of that time Ahmad argues that Sherbaz Khan Mazari was the close associate of Z A

Bhutto but because of his policies he dissociated from Bhutto and joined hands with the

opposition Nasim Wali in a turbulent situation Mazari was a likeminded person who was

against the military action in East Pakistan and was also against the PPP action in

Baluchistan (Ahmad 2000)

Similarly Nasim Wali Khan served as a link between her husband and party

workers She intelligently availed the opportunities and hardly compromised in her

political career She bravely confronted the oppressive measures taken by government of

the time She was confident and discussed issues impressively with the general masses in

113

her public meetings My interview data reveals that Nasim Wali Khanlsquos struggle

continued for three years and she led different successful rallies and campaigns

throughout the country in which she was able to collect large gatherings of people from

all over Pakistan She opposed all those acts of the government which violated rights of

the public as a consequence she gained support and sympathies of public (KhanH

interview 2017 Yousafzai interview 2017)

Furthermore followers play a very important role for effectiveness of leaders who

can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Turbulent situation was a

challenge to the successful leadership of Nasim Wali Khan Thus acquisition of support

of masses were crucial to confront the testing time Nasim Wali Khan adopt such

appropriate leadership style which enabled her to win support and acceptability of the

general masses Apart from criticism of some old party comrades later she proved herself

the best nominee for the political leadership of the time

Wijekoon argues that the cultural aspect of such societies accumulate ―the

sympathy vote for the women of elite class who are challenging demanding

circumstances in politics (200564) In her visit on 31st October 1976 to the office of NDP

Lahore Nasim Wali Khan was fervently welcomed by the NDP workers After the

recitation of Holy Quran Ahsan Daein (president NDP Lahore) inaugurated the mass

gathering He started a brief emotional address by stating that

―The whole family of Nasim Wali Khan is in jail All male family members

are imprisoned Our honourable sister has embraced the difficulties by

joining politics in these difficult situations Youth of Lahore assure their

support to the respectable sister in her struggle for democracyhellipeveryone

who are opposing the oppressive policies of the government are brutally

targeted but he encouraged them by saying that despite such dreadful

conditions we would obtain our rights (Daein speech 197621)

Nasim Wali Khan was successful in gathering mass support not only in

erstwhile NWFP (now KP) but also in Sindh and Punjab provinces of Pakistan

Public was sympathetic towards her Such support was crucial for her political

struggle and ultimately paved way for her success in politics

Thus in the elections of 1977 due to her efforts NDP made an alliance with the

nine opposition parties in the name of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and jointly

contested elections against Bhutto government Support of masses towards Nasim Wali

114

was evident in these election in which she was succeeded from Swabi and Charsadda and

became the first female parliamentarian of Pakistan to be elected on general seats instead

of reserved (Roy 2014 179)

But in the elections of March 7th

1977 Bhutto succeeded with absolute majority

The opposition accused government for rigging in elections and boycotted the provincial

assemblieslsquo elections PNA started agitations and anti-government rallies against

ZABhutto regime Government took harsh steps against the opposition which further

deteriorated the countrylsquos circumstances (Nasr 1994)

Nasim Wali Khan started her campaign by visiting the whole country She held

public gatherings and processions throughout the country (Yousafzai interview 2017)

During this political contestation on July 5th

1977 General Zia- ul- Haq (the Chief of

Army Staff) imposed Martial Law The Martial Law was welcomed by majority of the

opposition leaders (Amin 2007) because they considered it an ―unwanted but

unavoidable act (Khuhro et al 2013)

After the imposition of Martial Law in July 1977 Gen Zia- ul- Haq in act of

appeasement went to Hyderabad jail to meet Abdul Wali Khan He intended to revoke

Hyderabad Conspiracy Case and release the previous NAP leaders and supporters from

prison Consequently in December 1977 Abdul Wali Khan was released from the jail

and his confiscated properties were returned General Zia declared Abdul Ghaffar Khan

and Abdul Wali Khan as great patriots (Amin 2007)

Nasim Wali thus led a non-violent planned and systematic civilian movement to

overthrow the oppressive regime of ZABhutto (Yousafzai interview 2017) Moreover

political victimization motivated Nasim Wali to struggle against her adversaries Besides

political oppression at that time she was confronted with her identity crises as well

Being a woman and Pukhtun Nasim Wali had to struggle against the patriarchal norms

and values of Pukhtun society

42 IDENTITY CRISES NASIM WALI KHAN BEING A PUKHTUN

WOMAN

It was not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to perform and engage in

public affairs The entire Pukhtun community is supposed to socially organize and act

through the codes of Pukhtunwali Thus social organization and codes of conduct of

Pukhtuns are subject to customary laws These codes are highly biased towards women

Under these codes women are subjected to norms that make them dependent on men and

115

are practically restricted to the four walls of home (Niaz 2011)

Nasim Wali being member of the same Pukhtun community abide by traditions

like any other woman It is pertinent to look into some crucial questions such as what

restrictions Nasim Wali faced from her society during her political career And how she

overcome those hurdles

The centuries old codes of conduct (Pukhtunwali) are the very essence of Pukhtun

society These codes establish a patriarchal social order with women in subservient status

Under this code the lives of women are influenced by the concerned men at an early

stage Saeed argues that women abide by the decision of a father brother and husband

Father exercise authority from education of females to selection of their husbands After

marriage husband and in-laws dominate their lives They could decide every matter

whether related to number of children her role in community and limitation regarding

education or employment Pukhtuns consider such authority crucial for safety and

security of honour and chastity of women Infringement of which brings dreadful

consequences to a society (Saeed 2012101)

Though female leader Nasim Wali Khan challenged the cultural tabooslsquo footed in

patriarchy by joining politics and making gender irrelevant to her struggle She

challenged some of the very primary requirements of the code such as seclusion of men

and women (pardah) She stood against the tides of tough times and was successful

enough to gain public support (Khan L interview 2017) This raises an important

question ie How was it possible to challenge the cultural codes that were considered dear

by the society and still being able to gather public support I argue that Nasim Wali was

not actually challenging cultural norms but tried her level best to bring them in

conformity with the changing times Likewise it is significant to understand that the

characteristics of Pukhtunwali are not firm and static Banerjee posits that concept and

beliefs of Pukhtuns are flexible having the capacity of conciliation and alteration

(Banerjee 2000) Similarly Bartlotti argues that Pukhtunwali as a metaphoric system is

adaptable and can be formed fabricated manipulated and even dismantled (Bartlotti

200014-15) Nasim Walilsquos effort to manipulate some of these norms was in line with the

practices of her father-in-law (Ghafar Khan) who also manipulated some cultural norms

(cf Banerjee 2000)

Though Nasim Wali faced some opposition from her own family members in the

beginning Shahida Waheed a cousin of Nasim Wali and daughter of the Mirdal Khan

(old Khudai Khidmatgar and Abdul Ghaffar Khanlsquos close companion) reveals that

116

challenging the very code of Pukhtunwali ie to come out in the open among male

supporters and workers was not liked by Nasim Walilsquos uncle Nasim Walilsquos uncle was of

the opinion that though women were part of the nationalist struggle of the Pukhtuns their

presence were limited They were only helping during elections and had no part in the

process of making decisions as well as in the party organization Waheed states that

Mirdal Khan considered it against the very code of Pukhtunwali that Nasim Wali being

his family member attended and addressed public gatherings (especially in Mardan) in

his presence But the unflinching support of Abdul Wali Khan helped Nasim Wali to face

such opposition without any fear and exit (Waheed interview 2017)

The above analysis reveals that Nasim Wali was aware of Pukhtun traditions and

would like to deal with unfavourable ones To adopt public life at time when the presence

of Pukhtun women in politics were meagre and not appreciated Nasim Wali was able to

win confidence and support of Pukhtuns Confidence of colleagues empowered her to

take tough decisions courageously which in turn granted her the undisputed leadership of

the party for almost two decades Scheckelhoff argues that support and encouragement of

family are significant for success of these women in their career (Scheckelhoff 2007)

Similarly support from friends and followers further enhance integrity and successes of

women leaders (Bell et al 2005) Tadros postulates that females are lacking important

resources and available time because of gendered specified domestic and reproductive

work He argues that though lives of women seem to be constricted to the private sphere

of houses but it also acquaint women about the power which they use publically in their

adulthood Likewise encouragement and support of family and spouses are

instrumental in upgrading of their political career (Tadros 2014) I argue that though

Pukhtunwali was barrier in Nasim Walilsquos political career but was adjusted with the

requirement of the circumstances This could only be possible with the support of the

family members and the ability to manoeuvre the same to gain desired consequences

Following are some details about how she was able to do so

Status and honour of family is closely related to character and actions of women

in Pukhtun society Bad reputation of a woman will disgrace the whole family which is

intolerable and can lead to terrible consequences (Jamal 2015)

Thatlsquos why femaleslsquo are more sensitive regarding their functions in the society It

is societal obligation to observe Pardah Pardah means to remain in seclusion from the

stranger males Pardah represents three main principles in the life of Muslim women

Obedience to the religious commandments cultural identity related to status kinship and

117

political consciousness Though customs are patriarchal and oppressive in nature but for

women to observe pardah is a way to show their regard towards religious beliefs and its

acceptability Pardah has many facets and choice is that of women according to her status

in society (Papanek 1971521)

The violation of Pardah is not tolerated by Pukhtun society Paktun women are

prohibited to move out in the general public more specifically in the presence of

strangers It is against Pukhtun cultural norms and customs This bring us to the question

of how Nasim Wali joined active political life and showed her presence in rallies

meetings and demonstrations all along when it was prohibited by Pukhtunwali

Ahmed argues that women of the patriarchal societies are more thoughtful about

the functions they perform However we do observe some differences in the lives of

Pukhtun women of tribal and settled areas Women of the orthodox tribal families are not

permitted to move in public places and are restricted within four walls of their houses

But elder females have some relaxation in Pardah While moderate and progressive

Pukhtun families observe their traditions and customs but not in a strict sense as triballsquos

do They are to some extent allowed to move outside four walls of their houses but in Veil

or Sadar and accompanied by servant driver or closest male relatives (Ahmed 2006)

Hussain affirms in his interview that Bacha Khan (the great nationalist leader) did

mobilize Pukhtun women since the commencement of Khudai Khidmatgar movement He

encouraged them to learn and write which motivated them and gave them confidence

Bacha khan worked hard to create awareness among Pukhtun women (Hussain interview

2017) In KK movement majority of Pukhtun women participated on the appeal of Bacha

khan which was a breakthrough for Pukhtun women KK movement brought women an

unprecedented access to public life and relaxation in Pardah Women even attended

meetings and they were present on the streets in groups to meet Bacha Khan (Banerjee

200098) I argue that being member of a progressive family Nasim Wali acted

accordingly She joined politics in an era where there was minimal women participation

in active politics particularly in a traditional and conservative Pukhtun society Women

usually suffered by these patriarchal tendencies But she was aware of her traditions

which was evident from her physical appearance She always covered herself in a long

black or white sadar to show her reverence towards her norms and traditions along with

the fulfilment of her tasks Almost each and every colleague and reporter of the

prominent newspapers of that time appreciated her traditional attire (see also Bondrey

1977 Malik 1976 Mazari 1999)

118

Nasim Wali reveals that she was always conscious about honour and dignity of

her family In her speeches she always mentioned the reasons behind her active

involvement in politics In one of her speech on 3rd

December 1975 in the Lahore Bar

Association she stated that

―Women presence in the large public gatherings outside their home is not

considered a stigma in Punjab neither they considered it bad but in Pukhtun

society we have a different culture The mobility of a woman outside her

house is similar to invite a doomsday (qayamat ko dawaat kay mutaradif

hay) We are backward and uneducated Despite this whenever country

needs sacrifices or whenever dictator arises we are proud that we had

always confronted crises situations large arrays move out of our houses

(WaliN speech 197511-12)

Similarly Sherbaz Khan Mazari argues that ―Nasim Wali Khan was covered with

sadar and she took more trouble to explain that being a Pathan lady she was only

appearing in public because of the compulsion of circumstances Mazari further states

that ―I recall that she even stated that as soon as her husband is released from jail she will

at once withdraw to the sanctity of zannanah(Mazari 1999389-390) Furthermore in

another mass gathering on 31st October 1976 in Lahore while addressing NDP workers in

Lahore office She was warmly welcomed by the workers Malik (1976) states that she

was covered in white sadar Throughout her life she wore traditional Pukhtun dresses

with Black and later white sadar It shows her determination for the achievement of the

task within the cultural and traditional domains (Malik 197621)

In her speeches Nasim Wali asserted time and again that her involvement in

active politics was because of the compulsion of the situation However she would not

challenge the cultural codes but would try her best to act accordingly Whenever she

acted differently she would explain the compulsions publicly Nasim Wali would cover

herself in traditional sadar and wore simple and dull colours She particularly cited an

instance when her husband Wali Khan asked the reason about her simple dress code

Nasim Wali Khan answered that for women who work in the presence of thousands of

men her dress should be simple in order to avoid public gaze and to concentrate on the

worklsquo Thatlsquos why she decided simple attire with traditional white Sadar in public

gatherings (WaliN interview 2017)

My interview respondents posit that in traditional societies women political

119

leaders being part of societies follow the local traditions to gain acceptability among

general public They argue that political triumph is impossible in violation of these very

codes (Ihsan interview 2017 KhanA interview 2017) So Nasim Wali in a traditional

attire observed Pardah the very code of Pukhtunwali (Khan F interview 2017)

Besides her dress Nasim Wali confidently attended meetings with party

supporters in Hujra8 She showed her appearances in public gatherings and rallies which

apparently was to challenge the norms of Pukhtunwali Yousafzai argues that the people

were ―shocked to hear that a woman from Bacha Khan family came in the open and

joined politics Not only that she used to travel with male members of the party and held

rallies against government of the time However the general public were still sympathetic

towards Nasim Wali (Yousafzai interview 2016) It was her ability that she successfully

adopted strategies which enabled her to accumulate the peoplelsquos support and acceptance

while challenging the norms of Pukhtun society

She skilfully used the cultural codes in her favour at the very beginning of her

political struggle Tofan recalls the memories of a rally at Chowk Yadgar Peshawar and

posits that Nasim Wali Khan was very confident that in her initial political speech she

looked into the eyes of her opponents in the party and inspired her followers She

impressively presented her skills of political leadership She took over the public

emotions and would clearly recall that the supporters in the rally including the security

personal couldnlsquot hold back their tears The very words of the speech were

―I am going through a circumstances where there is absence of male family

members to take care My father is dead my husband my brother my son

and all other male family members are in jails There is absence of able

leaders who are willing to take the political responsibilities in these hard

times and to proceed the movement These circumstances impelled me to

come out and show solidarity with my people by taking their responsiblities

in these testing times We will fight together against the oppressive rule of

Bhutto (Tofan interview 2017)

She won public sympathies through her emotional speeches Mayar posits that in

her speeches in Toru and Hoti Nasim Wali tried to realize her people that she being their

sister was passing through times of distress and in such situations it is required from them

to support her (Mayar interview 2017)

8 Hujra Male sitting area where females are prohibited to enter

120

She skilfully elucidated atrocities of Bhutto government towards her family and

party as their only fault is the struggle for rights of our people She asserted that

government is playing a dictatorial role and there is no sign of democracy in our Islamic

and democratic Pakistanlsquo Bhutto government has imprisoned leaders without any reason

A rule of unjust and oppression is prevalent in Pakistan She insisted that they should

stand beside their sister and raise voice against the unjust and exploitative rule of Bhutto

She would ask her supporters to put the chadder on your sisterlsquos headlsquo (Mayar

interview 2017)

These were very well thought strategies of Nasim Wali since Nang and Namus

(honour) are also the main pillars of Pukhtunwali They require protection of female in

Pukhtun society and the first and foremost responsibility of all Pukhtuns Any harm to the

female honour lead to unending feuds Pukhtuns make no compromise on matters related

to female honour and they prefer death over the shameful life Mentioned in one of the

Pakhtu folklore that ―Sweeter to me is death than life which is passed day to day without

honour (Singh et al 2014)

Enevoldsen argues that in Pukhtun folk songs women are portrayed as feeble and

to be protected from any harm by the brothers Brothers act as a source of courage for the

sisters So in the poetic way woman remind it to the people that she has brothers as her

defenders and saviours As mentioned by Enevoldsen that in one of the tapa (Traditional

folk songs) Pukhtun woman convey her massage to her husband in these words ―Brother

less I am certainly not If you wonlsquot defend my honour then my brother will

(Enevoldsen 2004 40)

My interview respondent reveals that in Utmanzai one of the small towns of

Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa shopkeepers brought Parhooni or Sader

(long cloth to cover the whole body) for Nasim Wali as a sign of respect and support

Being woman in distress public were empathetic and supportive to her (Ihsan interview

2017) I argue that she skilfully accumulated support and encouragement of public

towards her political struggle by appealing to their cultural sensitivities Nasim Wali was

aware of the fact that Pashtuns give high value to the tradition of protection to women

particularly sisters Brothers are the symbol of strength for sisters in Pukhtun society and

in any difficult situations brothers are in the forefront to take sisters out of difficulties

Williams amp Best argue that women are considered to be ―submissive physically weak

and by nature they are ―kind emotional soft spoken and have devoted nature (Williams

amp Best 1982) while ―competitiveness aggressiveness and independence are the male

121

attributes (Ridgeway amp Balkwell 1997) Thus Nasim Walilsquos acceptance of her

vulnerability as woman in public and her emotional expressions appealed to the

brotherhood and honour of Pukhtun men won her support

Afridi argues that Pukhtun people thought it their responsibility to stand by the

female of such a family which always struggled for their rights (Afridi interview 2017)

Wijekoon argues that members of patriarchal societies grant their sympathies to women

political figures at time of tribulation because they consider women as ―weak and fragile

(Wijekoon 200564)

Nasim Wali exhibited political victimization of the government before the masses

Nasim Wali explicitly construed her situation to the public and appealed to their

sympathy The public became sympathetic and accepted Nasim Walilsquos leadership for the

obvious reasons presented by her before them The masses also felt the need to get united

and support her at the time of distress (Afridi interview 2017) This is also because

Pukhtuns often get united against a common opponent and more specifically in situations

where the matter is related to the womenfolk

Public reprimand in Pukhtun society for those who choose otherwise and do not

come forward to support women in crisis is very common One of my interview

respondent (Pirzada interview 2017) and the supporter of Nasim Wali Khan states that

public were sympathetic towards Nasim Wali but those (especially males) who showed

silence in such hard situation we gave them bangleslsquo9 This was a matter of Pakhtu

10

(Pirzada interview 2017) Bangles show the weakness and submissiveness of women

folk Sanauddin posits that in South Asia offering bangles to male is synonyms to

challenging their masculinity which is unacceptable to males of the society (2015145)

Arms and weapons are considered to be the jewellery of Pukhtun men which determine

their bravery and courage while bangles finger rings and other ornaments are used to

enhance the beauty of Pukhtun women (Khalil nd89) To defend honour and to protect

themselves from the stigma of being called as coward or dishonoured people came

forward and offered their support to Nasim Wali

However the above account by no means show that Nasim Wali was weak and

vulnerable The very fact that she came out when it was not expected from her and stood

against an autocratic government shows her strength She was only trying to convince her

9 Bangles are the female hand jewellery

10 Pakhtu is not only a language for Pukhtuns but a complete code of conduct The word Pakhtu is often

used for the entire code of Pukhtunwali

i

ABSTRACT

In traditional Asian societies women still face impediments in different fields of

their lives including politics Such hurdles obstruct them to attain top political leadership

positions Despite these obstacles Asian societies have experienced some notable women

political leaders who not only acquired political leadership positions but sustained these

positions successfully for extended period of time Likewise the rise of a woman political

leader Nasim Wali Khan in a traditional Pukhtun society is an intriguing matter to

explore Various theoretical studies contest how political leaders emerge and sustain their

positions These theoretical explanations shift their focus from factors such as personal

traits situations charisma and skills However this study extensively borrows from

theories based on premises that situation and skills matter most when it comes to

attainment or retainment of political leadership This research is based on primary data

gathered from a variety of respondents through semi-structured interviews along with

analysis of selected speeches this research explores the course to political leadership

followed by Nasim Wali Khan The existing literature proposes that Asian women

political leaders acquire leadership position because of the support of their illustrious

families and political exigency This study goes beyond such an argument and argues that

women political leaders do not attain and retain leadership positions just because of the

political background of their families but also because these women adroitly use various

skills which they acquire through political apprenticeship and their involvement in active

politics Likewise Nasim Wali Khan exhibited specific leadership skills which

empowered her to establish a space for herself in the political sphere Though crisis

situations mobilized her to proceed in politics Nasim Wali Khan skilfully adopted

appropriate course of actions to neutralize and overcome various hurdles Consequently

she won considerable popular support and admiration from her political peers

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SNo Topic Page No

Abstract i

Acknowledgements iv

INTRODUCTION 1

Research Objectives

Research Questions

14

Significance 14

Methodology 15

Experience of my field Work 18

Limitations of the Study 20

Structure of the thesis 21

Chapter ndash 1

1 THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 23

11 Leaders as Great-Menlsquo 23

12 Charismatic Leadership 24

13 Leadership as a Trait 26

14 Transactional Leadership 27

15 Transformational Leadership 29

16 Situational Leadership 32

17 Leadership Require Skills 37

18 Theoretical Framework 42

19 Conclusion 44

Chapter ndash 2

2 THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

45

Profiles of Women Political Leaders An Over View 47

21 Sirimavo Bandaranaike (Sri Lanka) 47

22 Chandrika Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) 49

23 Indira Gandhi (India) 51

24 Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan) 53

25 Begum Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) 56

26 Sheikh Hasina Wajid (Bangladesh) 58

27 Corazon Aquino (Philippines) 59

28 The Rise of Women Political Leader Critical Analysis 61

29 Conclusion 66

iii

Chapter ndash 3

3 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN 67

Social Stratification of the Pukhtun society 69

Pukhtunwali An Unwritten Code of Conduct 71

Islam and Pukhtunwali 74

Impediments to Women Progress 76

31 Religious and Economic Structures 76

32 Socio- cultural impediments faced by the Pukhtun women 82

33 Political Impediments 87

34 Extremism as an obstacle to Womenlsquos Political Participation 90

35 Political Role of Pakhtun Women 93

36 Conclusion 97

Chapter ndash 4

4 POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE RISE OF

NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

99

Situational Analysis Circumstances surrounding the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as

a Political Leader

99

41 Political Resistance to an Autocratic Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto 99

42 Identity Crises Nasim Wali Khan being a Pakhtun Woman 114

43 Conclusion 123

Chapter ndash 5 124

5 POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP AND WOMEN LEADERSHIP IN A

PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY NASIM WALI KHANrsquoS POLITICAL

STRUGGLE THROUGH ACQUIRED SKILLS

124

51 Political Acumen of Nasim Wali Khan 126

52 Persuasive Oratory Skills of Nasim Wali Khan 134

53 Efficient Decision Making 142

54 Social astuteness of Nasim Wali Khan 149

55 Exceptional Confidence of Nasim Wali Khan 156

56

6

Conclusion

CONCLUSION

162

164

7 Bibliography 169

8 Appendix 207

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All praises to Almighty Allah who enabled me to complete this research work

The odyssey of this research work was not easy to be completed without the guidance

support and contribution of many people First of all my deep gratitude goes to my

research supervisor Dr Muhammad Ayub Jan(Assistant Professor Department of

Political Science University of Peshawar) His intellectual supervision support and help

would have made this work possible I would like to thank Dr Sami Raza and my

colleague Mohammad Sajjad who assisted me at different stages of this research work I

am also grateful to my interview respondents who gave me their precious time from their

busy schedule and shared their personal experiences with me All my interview

respondents have appreciated my work I would like to mention the names of Sir Sami-ur-

Rehman (lawyer) and my elder sister Saima Bashir (lawyer) and Fayaz Khan (lawyer)

who provided me the contact numbers of majority of my interview respondents including

Begum Nasim Wali Khan Sir Latif Afridi Amir Haider Khan Hoti and Farid Tofan

They arranged my interviews with them as well I am also grateful to Sir Hayat Roghani

who made possible my access to the Bacha Khan Markaz library The main part of my

data collection became possible only after I found the old magazines and newspapers in

the Markaz Library

Needless to say this research work could not have been possible without the

support and encouragement of my family members I am happy to express my special

gratitude to my father Bashir Ahmad my elder sister Saima Bashir and my younger

brother Aamir Bashir who stood by me Their priceless help and support encouraged me

to complete my research work They also took care of my children during my research

work My brother accompanied me during interviews and also helped me in the collection

of relevant material I would like to mention the name of my (late) mother Ilfam Bibi

though she is no more with me but still I feel that her prayers are with me in every step of

my life

My greatest debt is to my husband Muhammad Abid who has shown remarkable

support to me I would like to mention the names of my three children Fatima Abid

Owais Karni and Ayesha Abid who never distracted me from my research work rather

they helped each other in their school work for the purpose to minimize my work burden

Without their cooperation and support I could never have spent the years doing the work

I did Their cooperative attitudes are behind every word of this work

1

INTRODUCTION

Societies where patriarchal structures are still intact women are not considered

capable to make decisions and to lead In such societies they continue to experience

significant discrimination related to their participation in public affairs It is partly

because women are thought of as more attentive to the personal relations of family

Therefore they are considered to be best suited at homes In traditional male dominated

societies gender based roles are speficied and men and women are required to obey them

otherwise they will face social censure Mostly in traditional societies women are

considered unfit to give testimony and are forbidden to take any sort of social and

economic responsibility Likewise public spheres are considered to be the maleslsquo

domain Presence of women in the public domain is undesirable Their participation is

considered to be stigma for the honour of family and community The norms and values

of these societies bar women from the matters related to autonomy public responsibility

judgement and leadership Thus women are deprived from various authoritative roles in

the society

Though in traditional societies the status of women is alarming nonetheless

South Asian region saw prominent women political leaders They opted for leadership

positions in crises situations They faced hurdles in their political struggle but confronted

the turbulent situation in a manner which further paved their way to proceed Likewise

Nasim Wali Khan is one among these notable women political leaders from a traditional

society of Pakistan The political family background is considered to be a facilitating

factor for the attaining and retaining of prominent political leadership positions But the

question is how a woman of the traditional society attained and sustained political

leadership position in the presence of such hurdles How she overcame such hurdles

This research addresses such questions It argues that the political background of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos family is not the exclusive contributing factor for achieving the leadership

position One needs to see wheather other factos ie political exigency and leadership

skills have played any role in rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader Moreover the

discussion on the world wide trends in gender inequality is crucial for the purpose to

understand the impediments which obstruct their (women) way to proceed in public

sphere

2

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP GLOBAL TRENDS IN

GENDER INEQUALITY

Leaders are pioneer who inspire and rule the public and as a result of the public

recognitions leaders are granted formal and informal authorities (Heiftz 195113)

Furthermore charisma sincerity courage (moral physical and political) spirit to serve

the public wholeheartedly and make suitable decisions are the inevitable features

possessed by them (Phneah 2013)

There are different views regarding the evasion of women from the political

sphere Some considered social factors like family caring and household chores confined

them to participate actively in the political sphere (Raksasataya 196886 Jensen

200813)

Other considers improper political grooming and training because of the women

traditional role in the society Similarly lack of education and economic resources are the

barriers in the way of women to play and participate in the political field (Welch

198357) Likewise lack of interest and opportunities for them in the political field also

hinder their existence in political domain (Iwanaga 2008 125) There are ethnic and

cultural variances societal norms and economic disparities as well (Flaschenberg

2009211) Apart from socio-cultural hindrances women of the traditional societies face

several religious challenges which obstruct their way to political participation (Islam et

al 201271) Likewise these hindrances are consolidated through structural barriers

inform of discriminatory law

The capacity gaps like lack of communication resources and education are the

impediments for women to become efficient public leaders (True et al 20146-7) UN

General Assembly Resolution on the Women Political Involvement mentions that in

various parts of the world women are generally side-lined from the political sphere

mainly because of the biased social practices attitudes lack of access to health facilities

and gender stereotypes(Perret nd02) All these aspects of womenlsquos life are

interdependent which have a deteriorating effect on the overall political status of the

women (Quinn 1977183)

Gender parity and womenlsquos empowerment is the core debate throughout the world

but the way is still long and arduous Some efforts have been made for the reduction of

gender inequality gaps advancement of the women empowerment and protection of their

rights but still needs more Thus politics is also considered to be one of the most

challenging public spheres for the entrance and participation of women (Community of

3

Democracies report 201602)

According to 2017 IPU- UN Maplsquos edition the number of the countries having

the women head of the state or government show trivial decrease since 2015 from 19 to

17 which shows their solitary position in politics (Rosenbluth et al 201510) Different

researches give the importance of presence of large number of women in parliaments

Such researches focussed their attention towards the womenlsquos problems Women political

engagement is crucial for the gender equality and palpable democracy This would be

feasible for women to be involved in the public decision-making process (UN Women

Report nd) Women contribution in the decision making process would largely benefit

them They are able to perform their function being as active citizens having the value of

their voting behaviour and accepted as effective leaders as well This would have a

positive effect in the advancement of the entire community (Report 2016 01)

Despite the barriers and difficulties women are struggling to improve their

positions and status in political sphere throughout the world According to The Asian

Foundation Report the parliamentary seats held by the women across the globe become

almost double since the last twenty years This was 11 in 1995 but now it has reached

almost 22 in 2015The average of only 16 percent parliamentary seats are occupied by

the women in Asian-Pacific region (Report 201601) Thus data given by Inter-

Parliamentary Union reveals that though the number of women in the national

parliaments throughout the world is sluggish and is increased slightly from 226 (2015)

to 233 (2016) But women as speakers of parliament have boosted notably which is

191 (out of 273 posts 53 are occupied by the women speakers of the parliament) which

is a positive trend but still women status lag behind the gender balance So in all power

structures and in decision making process the gender equality remains slow and power

dominance in different areas lies in the males hands (UN News 2017)

Globally since 2015 there is minimal improvement in the number of women

occupied the executive or parliamentary posts 11 ministerial posts are held by Asian

women which was 106 in 2015 while 257 women government representatives in

Indonesia is on the top and Vietnam experienced decline below 5 (Press release 2017)

Furthermore a number of business and political women leaders arose to challenge

the stereotypes The Asian women political leaders raised and achieved the heights of

success South Korean women President Park Geun-hye is 12th

first female President of

Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen ranked 17th

Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar is on the 26th

position

and chief executive of the government of Singapore owned her investment company and

4

is ranked 30th

Recently we observed that in Japanese political sphere the rise of women

political leader Yuriko Koike became the first elected governor of Tokyo and Renho

Murata occupied the seats as the elected head of the opposition Democratic Party and

afterwards she held the post of a defence minister as well This ranking shows the

standing of Asian Women political leaders in the international political arena Women of

a region are still endeavoring to overcome hurdles to gender equality They are struggling

to break the glass ceiling and taking the political leadership roles but Asialsquos gender gap is

still intimidating (Fensom 2016) The new political leaders offer hope that the so-called

―rice paper ceiling can be successfully challenged without waiting anymore Though

Asialsquos gender gap is still alarming but more and more women are getting political

leadership roles (Fensom 2016)

Though the overall presence of women in the political sphere is not satisfactory

especially in the traditional Asian societies But there were prominent Asian women

political leaders who reached to zenith in their political careers and attained international

recognition for their role in the national and international politics The most notable

among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike Sri lankalsquos first female prime minister in 1960

who served for decades 1960-65 1970-77 and 1994-2000 Then Indira Gandhi the first

Indian women leader and a woman prime minister who also served her country from 1966

to 1977 and again from 1980 till her assassination in 1984 Golda Meir the first female

politician of Israel to occupy the highest office without following a father or husband in

the post and served the country as a fourth prime minister from 1969-74 Likewise

Corazon Aquino the first woman President of Philippines who served from 1986-92

Young female prime minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto who held the post for two terms

from 1988-90 and again from 1993-96 (Jalalzai amp Krook 20105) Chandrika

Kumaranatunga was the first woman President of Sri lanka who remained in power from

1994-2005 The first female prime minister of Bangladesh was Khalida Zia who held the

post from 1991-96 and again from 2001-06 and another female of the same country is

Sheikh Hasina Wajid served the country for two terms from 1996-2001 and from 2009-

present (Chowdhury 20088) Myanmar woman leader Aung San Suu Kui and Philippine

President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo are the admirable addition to the list of eminent

women political leaders

All the above mentioned women have struggled hard for the betterment of their

societies and nations They abide by their culture and traditions and were acknowledged

by their respective societies as well Because of their motivated attitudes and sound

5

policies they have earned the different titles Indra Gandhi earned the title of Durga

Amma and Kali The name of the prominent Hindu goddesses Her sound economic

policies and her efforts to enhance the Indialsquos status in the world granted her the title of

the ldquoEmpress of Indiardquo She was also called as the ldquomother of the nationrdquo as she treated

the nation as her family and nation (Fleschenberg 2009123) Golda Mair gains the title

of ldquoIron ladyrdquo and she was often depicted as the ―straight- talking and strong willed

grandmother of Jewish people (Whipps 2008) Aung San Suu Kui was called as the

―glaring example of the power of the powerless because of her efforts towards the

democracy and struggle for the nation (Liton 2016)

But scholars argue that these women political leaders are the members of the elite

political families and achieved the top political positions because of some mishaps like

imprisonment or assassination of the male members of the family in politics These

mishaps provided those opportunities to enter in the political arena and gain the

sympathies of the public in the respective constituencies (Fleschenberg 2009103)

Though majority of them have had the privileged family background their political

careers were far from being trouble less However their political grooming within their

families enabled them to handle the different obstacles

Moreover the striking feature of the above mentioned notable women leaders are

the skills which enabled them to attain and then retain the political power and support

Thus family political attachment is not the exclusive factor for the emergence and

attainment of political power

Apart from these prominent women political leaders of the region still there are

women in majority areas of the region who are still struggling to achieve remarkable

places in the public sphere In South Asia the status of women in Pakistan is alarming

Pakistan is the 2nd worst country in the world on the basis of gender inequality Ahmed

argues that according to report of the World Economic Forum (2016) published by the

Global Gender Gap Pakistan is on 141 positions in the women economic opportunities

out of 144 countries Pakistan was on the 87th position in the previous years on the basis

of women political empowerment which further degraded to 97th position The ranking of

Pakistan is crumbling every year (Ahmed 2018)

Nonetheless Fleschenberg mentions some Pakistani women parliamentarians who

stood against the odds and gained the prestigious positions both in their parties and in the

national political arena They struggled for the rights and representation of women in

Pakistan (Fleschenberg 2009211 amp166)

6

After 2018 general election in Pakistan during Imran Khan Government four

women ministers are included in the Cabinet with its total strength of 31 Shireen Mizari

(federal minister of Human Rights) Fehmida Mirza (federal minister for Inter-provincial

Coordination) and Zubaida Jalal (minister of Defence Production) and Zartaj Gul

(Minister of State for Climate change) Similarly there is absence of women ministers in

the provincial cabinets of KP and Baluchistan assemblies while one in Punjab (Yasmin

Rashid the provincial minister of primary and secondary healthcare) and two women

ministers (Azra health and population minister and Syeda Shehla Raza a minister of

women development) are serving in the Provincial Assembly of Sindh

Women political participation in the North West region of Pakistan is limited as

compared to other parts of the country As in the 2013 general elections women in most

parts of the KP province were not permitted to cast their votes (Sherazi 2013) But the

election Act of 2017 make it indispensable for the political parties to allot 5 of tickets to

women candidates This Act enables women of the region to be involved in the male

dominated political sphere Likewise more than 2000 women candidate have submitted

their nomination papers Thus considerable number of women have contested elections

for the first time in the political history of Pakistan (Shah 2018)

Similarly in 2018 General Elections party tickets were awarded to almost 105

women candidates across the country while 66 women candidates contested elections

independently This was a slight better situation for women candidates from 2013 where

party tickets were allotted to 74 women candidates while 61 women candidates contested

elections independently (Ali 2018)

Thus in KP 16 women candidates had contested election on general seats of the

National Assembly whereas 34 women had contested for provincial assembly seats Ms

Ali Begum a candidate in NA- 46 (Kurram Agency) is the only women candidate on a

general seat of National Assembly in FATA (Shah W 2018) Though the presence of

women in the political field is a positive step towards their advancement in the society but

still there are barriers which obstruct them from performing their active function

The emergence of meagre number of women political leaders in this region is

because of the diverse religious interpretations and socio- cultural practices The

prevalent ethnic group of the region are Pukhtuns They spend their lives according to the

centuries old code of conduct called Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns also closely identify with

religion Islam (Barth 1969 Ahmad 1980) Islam and Paktunwali are interrelated to each

other but there are some similarities and discrepancies between the two as well

7

(Bertalotte 2000) Socio-cultural practices prevalent in Pukhtun society restrict Pukhtun

women to show their abilities in various spheres of life including politics (Shaheen

nd4)

Apart from the hurdles Pukhtun society has certain historic precedents of women

taking part in political movements and resistance The most notable one is that of Malalai

of Maiwand who stood by her fellow men against the Imperial forces in the second

Anglo-Afghan war She along with other females treated the wounded of war provided

them water and weapons as well Her courage and determination enrolled her in the list of

national heroes (Ewing 2005) Similarly leader of the great Pukhtun nationalist

movement called Khudai Khitmatgars (KK) Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan also motivated

Pukhtun women to leave the four walls of their houses and join the movement His call

was wholeheartedly welcomed by his followers who allowed female members of the

family to participate in KKlsquos struggle (Banerjee 2000101) Ghaffar Khan was a firm

supporter of the women political participation and deemed that the success of the

movement was possible because of the involvement of both the genders of the society

(Wight 2012)

There are some notable Pukhtun women political figures of the North West region

of Pakistan These include Begum Zari Sarfaraz Begum Shireen Wahab Sultan Begum

Shad Begum and Begum Kalsoom Saifullah All these women political leaders performed

their political role in the modest way abide by their traditions (Sabir nd 873)

Besides these politically prominent women the women parliamentarians from

Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have also performed well They have raised their voices from time

to time against all the discriminations against women Though there is a common

perception that these women have not contributed significantly but this perception thrives

because there is lack of cogent academic effort to investigate the activities performance

and achievements of these women leaders

In the recent years women of the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have taken strides

towards change and transformation in the field of politics Some women have established

their political credentials at national level such as Bushra Gohar Rahila Qazi Nighat

Orakzai Dr Mehr Taj Roghani Yasmeen Pir Mohammed Khan and others However all

these Pukhtun women leaders have be preceded by a much well known political figure ie

Begum Nasim Wali Khan She not only preceeded these Pukhtun women leaders but also

inspired them to step in political arena Nasim Wali Khan being an old guard stood

against all odds and carved a space for herself in politics which was long considered a

8

domain of men in this male dominated society In such a way Nasim Wali like other

Pukhtun women leaders resisted conservative values and confronted arduous challenges

and consequently turned out to be role models for others Her success in the elections is

considered to be symbolizing something more than a popular vote for her party it

represents the endorsement of woman as a political leader in the traditional conservative

and patriarchal society She proved herself to be a progressive woman politician and

epitomized a Pakistani Pukhtun Women leader Political endeavor of Nasim Wali Khan

for the rights of the people and democracy are significant The focus of this research

study is the leadership skills and personal struggle of Nasim Wali Khan in attaining and

retaining leadership position among her followers

This study investigates turbulent situations which incited her to join active politics

and her extra ordinary will courage and skills to retain her leadership position for quite

some time It is therefore pertinent to briefly highlight the family background and

political career of Nasim Wali Khan

NASIM WALI KHAN AS WOMAN POLITICAL LEADER A PERSONAL AND

PROFESSIONAL PROFILE

Nasim Wali Khan was born in 1936 at Hoti village in District Mardan of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa province of Pakistan Her father Amir Mohammad Khan was a renowned

activist of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement and close companion of Ghaffar Khan Her

mother Meher Sultana was a housewife from a reputable landlord family Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos parents were from the same family and belonged to Lakhkar Khail sub-tribe

(Hoti) MardanShe ranked third among her six siblings Amina Bibi and Zubaida Bibi are

elder sisters of Nasim Wali Khan whereas two other sisters Parveen Bibi Surayya Bibi

and a brother late Azam Khan Hoti were younger than Nasim Wali Khan The nickname

of Nasim Wali Khan is ―Chamo Zubaida bibi (interview 2017) an elder sister of Nasim

Wali Khan recalls that Nasim Wali Khan was very social from earlier childhood She

helped her mother in her household chores Nasim Wali khan had a great affection

towards her father So whenever her father prepared himself for the processions and

demonstrations Nasim Wali helped him in packing his luggage for different visits of the

Khudai Khitmatgar movement She was very keen of learning It was her determination

and parental support that enabled her to complete her education till matriculation despite

strong opposition from her maternal uncle She completed her tenth grade from the

―Bigarh Ganj Boys schools Mardanrdquo in 1952 Zubaida bibi posits that after the birth of

9

their younger brother Azam Khan1 a person came to congratulate Amir Mohammad

Khan for having a male child after his five daughters and asked for zeeray2 The birth of a

male child in the Pukhtun society is welcomed by money alms giving and aerial firing

However her father replied that at the birth of his five female children he had never asked

for such money then why should he give it to him now Zubaida Bibi states that their

father liked his daughters more than his male child However her mother had a great

affection towards her son They lived in a joint family Amir Mohammad Khan had no

siblings but his cousin shared home with them

Nasim Wali Khan was very cooperative and a good student at school She had the

ability to make good friends at school At her young age educational opportunities in her

area were very limited Education opportunities for females were even more limited

Nevertheless the support of her family enabled Nasim Wali Khan to pursue her study

Later she got admission in a College but due to her marriage to Abdul Wali Khan in

1954 she could not continue her studies (Bibi interview 2017)

Her husband Abdul Wali Khan was a renowned political figure and the son of

influential Nationalist leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan At the time of their marriage Abdul

Wali Khan was a widower with three kids Abdul Wali Khanlsquos first wife Tajo Bibi died

on February 14 1949 when he was in prison She left two daughters Nasreen and Parveen

and a son Asfandyar Wali Khan He was released form prison in 1953 Abdul Wali Khan

married Nasim Wali Khan on November 22nd

1954 and the nikah ceremony was held in

Attock district of Punjab It was because of a ban imposed on her father- in-law Abdul

Ghaffar Khan in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan (WaliN interview 2014)

At the time of marriage she was only 18 years old There was an age difference between

Abdul Wali Khan and Nasim Wali Khan but because of the close ties of her father with

Ghaffar Khan her father was not able to reject the proposal She took responsibility of the

three children of Abdul Wali khan in her very young age and tried to fulfil it

wholeheartedly (Amir 2006) She later became the mother of two kids a daughter called

Gulalai and a son called Sangeen Khan

Abdul Wali Khan was very supportive to her Even after her marriage she was

fond of education which led her to complete her intermediate (FSc) from College of

Home Economics University of Peshawar in 1961 seven years after her marriage It was

1 Azam Khan was also a politician and has served as Federal minister of Communication

2 Money given to someone for sharing good news Zeeray‟ on the birth of a son is common in Pukhtun

Society

10

a time when her own children Gulalai (born 15th

July 1956) was in class 2 and Sangeen

Khan (7th

June 1959- 28th

June 2008) was in playgroup

Before her marriage Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family was already engaged in the

politics of the region Her father Amir Muhammad Khan was a staunch follower of

Abdul Ghaffar Khan who later became her father-in-law (ShahS nd96) Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos father served the Khudai Khitmatgar movement as its Provincial President and

therefore was very close to the family of Ghaffar Khan During 1930s the movement

reached to its zenith and retaliation of the British Imperial forces against the Khudai

Khidmatgar movement also rose to its peak Most of the people were being killed leaders

of the unarmed movement and their close associates were arrested by the British imperial

forces Among them were Nasim Wali Khanlsquos father who also faced the atrocities of

British Imperial Forces After the independence of Pakistan and India in August 1947 the

government of Pakistan in July 1948 declared the Khudai Khidmatgar organization as an

unlawful body Abdul Ghaffar Khan his sons Abdul Wali Khan and Abdul Ghani Khan

the former Chief Minister and brother of Ghaffar Khan Dr Khan Sahib and his son

Ubaidullah Qazi Attaullah Khan and the father of Nasim Wali Khan Amir Muhammad

Khan Hoti were put behind the bars along with thousands of workers (WaliN interview

2016 Tofan interview 2016) Abdul Ghaffar Khan his family and the Khudai

Khitmatgar movement were always the victim of power politics They faced the atrocities

of the British Imperial forces but have encountered the same fate after the independence

of the sub-continent Abdul Ghaffar Khan was popularly named as Frontier Gandhi

because of his close affiliation with leaders of the All India Congress and former USSR

This association of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his son Abdul Wali Khan made their

political life more suspicious to the government of Pakistan who considered India and

USSR as political rivals in time of cold war Throughout their life they faced political

victimization and imprisonment by civil and military establishment of the country (Amir

2006)

Abdul Wali Khan was arrested on 15th

June 1948 from his house and sent to

Haripur jail The police took away everything from his house and all the property

including his living house was confiscated (Amir 2006) But their struggle for the

Pukhtuns autonomy still continued For this purpose in 1957 several leftist and

progressive political parties combined together and a Bangali Socialist Cleric Maulana

Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Dhaka formed a political party named National Awami

Party Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai also joined the party for the

11

purpose to unite the Bangalis Balochis and Pukhtuns against the statelsquos discriminatory

policies They struggled hard for the equality and regional autonomy of the different

ethnic groups in Pakistan This was considered to be the only opposition party against the

General Ayublsquos Pro US regime (Siddique 2014 112)

In the Presidential elections of 1965 Maulana Bhashani supported Ayub Khan

against Fatima Jinnah which led to the division of the party in two parts in 1967 One

faction in East Pakistan was led by Maulana Bhashani and reins of other faction of the

party in the west wing was held by Abdul Wali Khan Then in the 1970lsquos general

elections National Awami Party became successful in the provinces of Baluchistan and

NWFP (now KP) NAP got largest seats in NWFP and won full majority in Baluchistan

(Rizwan 2014210)

But the support given by Abdul Wali Khan to Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman was not

acceptable to the West Pakistan which further deteriorated the situation The tough stance

of the West Pakistani authorities created mistrust and the biased attitudes against the

oppositions made the situation from bad to worse (Tasneem 2013197)

In 1975 Abdul Wali Khan including his father son and party colleagues were

imprisoned by Z A Bhutto on the charges of treason primarily because of his ardent

opposition to ZA Bhutto His political party NAP was also banned The political

victimization impelled Nasim Wali Khan to take the responsibilities of the defunct party

and start active politics from the platform of a new political party called National

Democratic Party (NDP) She became the vice president of the party (Verma 2006) She

united the public and started her struggle against the oppressive rule of Z A Bhutto

through the popular politics In 1977 elections when Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)

was formed by the nine opposition parties against the Z A Bhutto Nasim Wali Khan

rose to political prominence Nasim Wali Khan won the 1977 elections from NA -

8Mardan ndashIII and NA-4Peshawar-IV (Election Commission Report 1977) But she

never took an oath because the opposition parties boycotted elections to the provincial

assemblies and had arranged extensive street protests against the ZA Bhutto

government These protests further deteriorated situation of the country and General Zia

Ul Haq deposed Z A Bhutto by declaring Martial Law in July 1977 Zia Ul Haq after

taking over released all the NAP leaders Later Abdul Wali Khan laid the foundation of

a political party i-e Awami National Party as a successor of NAP in 1986 (Verma

200627)

Thus Nasim Wali Khan at the time of distress came to the forefront and occupied

12

the leadership position She challenged the status quo and the oppression of Bhutto

regime She resisted the injustices made by the Bhuttolsquos government against Abdul Wali

Khanlsquos family and political party She became actively involved in national politics and

later was able to win elections She held top positions in the party She held the position

of a provincial president of Awami National Party (ANP) for long in 1975 she became

the elected provincial president of newly formed political party NDP and remained in

office till 2004 which was respected and accepted by the followers She was also elected

thrice a member of NWFP provincial Assembly (Shehzad 2013) She is acknowledged as

being the only Pukhtun woman elected on general seat However she was alienated by

the current ANP leadership in 2005 (Hassan 2012) During her leadership ANP won 13

seats in 1988 23 in 1990 and 32 in 1997 Being courageous woman she never bowed

before oppressive regimes (Qalandar 2014) Nasim Wali Khanlsquos eloquence political

astuteness charisma and respect for local traditions (local attire) enabled her to get the

title of ldquoMor Bibirdquo (esteemed mother) from her followers

Nasim Wali Khan also carried forward the legacy of her esteemed father-in-law

Abdul Ghaffar Khan On various instances she fulfilled the desires of Ghaffar Khan and

followed his path For example Abdul Ghaffar Khan built Markaz-e- Alia at Sardaryab

to serve as a space where he and his followers can carry out their political activities

However this markaz was demolished by Abdul Qayyum Khan (the then chief minister

of NWFP from August 23rd

1947 - April 23rd

1953) Bacha khan had a desire to form

another Markaz a place for the unification of Khudai Khitmatgar supporters This desire

was fulfilled by Nasim Wali Khan The acquisition of land and construction of the

building of Bacha Khan Markaz was completed during her presidency of the party It cost

almost one crore rupees

In another instance a newspaper called Pukhtun Zalme‟ was started by Abdul

Ghaffar Khan which was later banned by the government Following the tradition of her

father-in-law Nasim Wali started Shehbazlsquo newspaper from Bacha Khan Markaz The

main focus of this newspaper was political situations of the country and the struggle of

ANP leaders She remained an editor-in-chief of ―Shehbaz for quite sometime

The struggle of Nasim Wali Khan is also recognized by various organizations She was

awarded ―Benazir Women Excellence Award in 2009 Likewise she was also awarded ―Hunar-e

Hawwa Award in the category of politics in 2016 This award is granted to the prominent and

capable women of the province for their accomplishments and struggle for the betterment of the

society and country (Report 2016)

13

Women political leaders have been demonstrating immense charisma and

attracting millions of followers throughout the world Such popular support adds to their

political clout From these power positions women political leaders influence their nations

in various ways However personal traits extraordinary skills and political acumen are

the striking features exhibited by these women political leaders which enable them to win

popular support and establish themselves as competent women political leaders

Therefore it would be unfair to limit their success in political sphere to mere exploitation

of a leadership opportunity offered by political emergency or family tragedy

Nasim Wali Khan being a case study is chosen to reflect on the above explained

argument Nasim Wali Khan a Pukhtun woman joined active politics and led her people

when her husband and other family members were imprisoned by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in

1970s Though family tragedy impelled her to join active politics and she occupied

political leadership position during the political crisis but her personal qualities such as

political acumen charisma eloquence and social astuteness made her renowned and

admired by her followers With the exception of limited newspaper articles no cogent

research study has so far been conducted on the leadership of Nasim Wali Khan

particularly her rise to power The struggle she made and the strategies which she adopted

while confronting the autocratic rule of Bhutto This research study will explore the

career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader and see how she has struggle

to acquire political leadership position and retain it through her personal attributes and

skills

1 To investigate the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader in

a traditional and Patriarchal Asian society

2 To investigate the importance of family background for women politicians to

acquire political leadership in a traditional Pukhtun society

3 To analyze the situations or circumstances in the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a

political leader

4 To bring on record the acquired political skills of Nasim Wali Khan which

enabled her to occupy leadership position in patriarchal society

14

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

This study aims at exploring the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman

political leader in a traditional male-dominated Asian society It also inquires into the

importance of family background political situation and acquired skills of Nasim Wali

Khan in attaining and retaining leadership position

RESEACRH QUESTIONS

In order to achieve my objectives the study primarily investigates how Nasim

Wali attained and retained leadership position But in more specific ways the study

answers questions such as

How Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader rose to a political leadership

position in the presence of socio- cultural and religious restrictions

To what extent political family background is important for women leaders to

acquire a political position

How situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position

How acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position

SIGNIFICANCE

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos rise to power in the political sphere is a fascinating case of

women struggle for empowerment and political leadership There are few such examples

and limited research studies inspecting such phenomenon Nasim Wali Khan without

violating her culture and traditional norms dealt with the demand of her time sacrifice her

family life and was competent to take the responsibilities to lead her people The

leadership of females is not easily perceived in traditional male-dominated societies and

therefore not generally acknowledged Not only did she continue to express her

determination to lead but to inspire as well

This research study will open new areas for further research studies and added its

share to promote cognizance among the females about the significance of politics in their

lives This research will open new avenues of research in the arena of women political

leadership specifically to their struggles in opposing challenges in traditional patriarchal

societies such as the Pukhtun This research study aims to contribute to the literature on

Pukhtun women by providing insights into the traditional as well as challenging features

of Pukhtun society towards women This will also help us improve our understanding of

15

women as active agents in political sphere and not mere the passive indivduals patronized

by male members of their societies

This study contributes to fill the gap in the previous literatures by analysing the

phenomenal skills exhibited by Asian women political leaders Besides familial ties

favourable situations and political skills are important variables for the acquisition and

retainment of top political leadership positions Main focus of the previous literature

(Fleschenberg 2009 Derich amp Thompson 2013 Jensen 2008)was on the dynastic

political inheritance Earlier literature assumed that politically targeted males provided

opportunities for women of these affected families to rise as political leaders Such

studies do not systematically examine the skills of women political leaders This research

evaluate the subject by relying on how turbulent situations and individual experiences

provides opportunities that empower women of the patriarchal societies to become public

leaders

This study tries to find different strategies adopted by Nasim Wali Khan to

manoeuvre the opportunities available to her for the attainment of leadership position In

this study I used secondary biographical sources of Asian women political leaders and

personal narratives of woman leader (Nasim Wali Khan) Assumptions of previous

theories on the rise of women political leaders will help to construct my own argument

for the research I argue that Asian women political leaders possessed and exhibit

phenomenal political skills and have skilfully manoeuvre the opportunities in their favour

to attain and sustain top political leadership positions In this research I explore how

political familial ties oppositional politics turbulent situations and exceptional skills

paved way for women to become and remain political leaders

METHODOLOGY

This research is about women struggle in traditional male-dominated Asian

societies to attain and retain political leadership positions with a case study of Nasim

Wali Khan Qualitative research methods were used in the collection of data for the

purpose to find the impact of socio-cultural norms and religious practices on womenlsquos

involvement in politics

Qualitative research is helpful in providing the detailed descriptions and analysis

of the quality of human experiences This method is used to ensure thorough

understanding of the subject matter especially when the study is used for the purpose of

in-depth explanation of the different situations Generally qualitative researchers pay

16

more attention to the significance of social and cultural context in all phases of research

from designing a research question collection of data to writing and reporting the

findings as well (Flick 2012)

Snowball or chain referral sampling technique is used for the purpose to provide

basis for the accuracy of findings Similarly selection of informants was shaped by

referrals made among knowledgeable people who are pertinent to this research Biernacki

amp Waldorf consider the method important specifically when the focus of study is a

sensitive issue and relatively private matter They argue that this sampling method is

crucial to contacts with majority of the able abettors who are helpful for finding

appropriate people for study (Biernackiamp Waldorf 1981)

The early researches have provided us with beneficial information regarding the

women political leadership which are focused while answering my research questions

The theoretical framework comprises the theory regarding situational leadership and a

focus on skills required for becoming and sustaining leadership in the traditional Asian

societies The research questions are designed on the basis of the theoretical framework I

have comprehensively stated the research questions and its proposed answers The

research design provides details of the methods for the collection of data access to the

field and also the general experiences of the researcher during the interviews This study

elaborates some of the prominent Asian women political leadership the way they reached

top political leadership positions in the traditional societies These women led the

prominent political parties and were either the Presidents Prime Ministers or strong

opposition leaders However the case study of the Pukhtun woman Nasim Wali Khan

further focuses on the situations around her while she was yet to become a leader and the

required skills she possessed This study further investigates the political opportunities

which were available to her the decisions she made and the opposition she faced in her

political career

Being an inhabitant of the same region and a Pukhtun mother I had an advantage

of making a direct move to reach out to Nasim Wali Khan who is fortunately alive but

very old My identities Pukhtunness and women enabled me to access her easily and

make her talk about her life experiences more openly For all this I personally contacted

Nasim Wali Khan through a phone call first She graciously answered my call and agreed

to see me After my initial interaction with her I asked her if she was willing to interact

again She accepted to see me again Therefore I visited her four times for the research

(April 4th

2014 March 10th

2016 October 23rd

2016May 19th

2017) The venue of

17

these meetings was her home in Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Province

Her home provided us a space where the two of us (women) could interact more

comfortably and forge a bond

The data collection method was semi-structured and unstructured interviews Data

was collected from the 24 interviews with Nasim Wali Khan her family members

friendsclose associates party members (both men and women) intellectuals and

journalists These interviews were conducted in three major districts of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar These three districts are part of

Peshawar valley which has traditionally the most ardent electoral support base of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos party (ANP) Moreover these areas are easily accessible for me being a

female scholar Mardan is my birth place and Peshawar as my current place of my

residence Hence convenience in accessibility was also one of the reasons for the

selection of Mardan and Peshawar besides Charsadda being the home district of Nasim

Wali Khan As such opinions of the party workers party members colleagues and family

members of Nasim Wali Khan were audio recorded I started my interviews in 2016 and

visited homes and offices of the concerned interviewees All the informants were from the

above mentioned areas In some cases the access to respondents was made possible with

the help of my elder sister who is a lawyer in Mardan session court my colleagues who

were conducting their research theses as well

Similarly participants for this research study were selected on the basis of their

position and role in the political party Informants were selected from different

professional fields however they were either directly related to ANP or had a first-hand

knowledge regarding the ANP and Nasim Wali Khan Nonetheless because of the

division of the ANP into two factions I got ambiguous answers sometimes Sometimes

my informants were not willing to even talk about Nasim Wali Khan To avoid such

situations while introducing myself and my research topic with the interviewees I

avoided using the name of Nasim Wali Khan and I used the general term of women

political leadership Similarly to get answers for my research questions I asked indirect

questions conveying the same meaning instead of the structured interview questions

Overall response of the informants was very positive Most of my interviews lasted for

almost 1 to 2 hours and sometimes it reached to 3 to 4 hours Some of the informants

started sharing their own experiences hurdles they faced their struggles in the political

field and also gave their personal opinions as well

Besides secondary data also comprise a much needed part of answering the

18

questions raised Secondary data was collected from the books journals newspaper

articles and Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personal interviews available online For this research

study I consulted various documents and reports referred to women political leadership

in traditional Pukhtun society

EXPERIENCES OF MY FIELD WORK

Snow ball chain sampling method was applied to provide a basis for validating the

findings Participants were selected from the people who were presumably

knowledgeable regarding the information which I required This was an important stage

in the research process especially when the focus of the study needed crucial information

related to sensitive section (women) of the society Through snow ball chain method we

came across such capable insiders which themselves were helpful in providing me with

important information besides being helpful in locating knowledgeable people for this

study further

Before starting the interviews I collected the contact numbers of the people with

whom I had to conduct interviews My elder sister and younger brother helped me in this

regard I selected the people related to Nasim Wali Khan and prepared a list of the

interviewees Then I made arrangements through my sister (lawyer in Mardan session

court) to search for the professionals who were part of the ANP She made contact with a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan who was also a lawyer in the same court Then I personally

visited Mardan session courts and conducted an interview with him Another informant

was also a senior lawyer and the close party associate of ANP who served ANP since his

young age Both the informants gave a detailed interview lasting for about 1-3 hours

They shared their own life experiences in the political field and their status in the party

They provided in-depth information regarding the situation and circumstances within

which Nasim Wali Khan demonstrated her skills and made a way forward to lead the

party The same relative of Nasim Wali Khan assisted me to call her I conducted four

interviews with Nasim Wali Khan Being a female I was invited to meet her in her room

She met me cordially and tried her best to answer my questions despite being suffering

from asthma There was slight interruptions in our first interaction since she had hearing

difficulty Nonetheless the last three interviews were far better in which she shared her

political experiences and the circumstances openly While conducting the fourth

interview I also conducted two other interviews in her room with her elder sister Zubaida

Bibi and Lawangeen Khan grandson of Nasim Wali Khan Similarly Nasim Wali Khan

in her second interview gave me the contact number of her close party associate Farid

19

Tofan He is currently living in Peshawar Then I made arrangements to interview him

personally He gave me a very informative interview starting from the struggle of Bacha

Khan and later Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political career her struggle skills and also her

achievements He appreciated her a lot The interview with Farid Tofan lasted for about

three to four hours

The next interview was with the senior journalist Rahimullah Yousafzai who gave

me a detailed interview regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political struggle and career I also

approached some academicians and politicians Sometimes it so happened that I managed

two interviews in a single day I also conducted an interview in the provincial legislature

of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa The accessibility to provincial assembly was made possible by

the assistance of one of my college friends whose younger sister was member of the KP

provincial assembly I visited the provincial assembly twice In the first visit I conducted

one interview and waited for another female MPA Yasmeen Pir Mohammad Khan a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan She is among one of the old members of the ANP

Latif Afridi a senior lawyer and politician in Peshawar was contacted with the

help of my sister The interview with him lasted for about 2-3 hours which was very

fruitful He gave me a detailed history of his time spent with the ANP Similarly I had a

couple of visits of Bacha Khan Markaz which is the center of political as well as social

activities of ANP In Bacha Khan Markaz I accessed newspapers from the period of 1980

- 1997 These newspapers provided me with very relevant information I met Wadaan

Khan Khaskar (an old and dedicated worker of ANP) in Bacha Khan Markaz He was

engaged in political activities since 1970lsquos He told us that he was among the workers

who took Bacha Khan on a wheel-chair to the public gatherings in his old age I

interviewed him in which he shared his political experiences happily

My third visit to Bacha Khan Markaz turned crucial when I visited the Markazlsquos

library I started searching the old magazines and newspapers This time I found two

English and majority of Urdu weekly journals from 1975-1977 They were filled with

reports about the efforts of opposition forces during Z A Bhutto regime Detailed reports

about their gatherings public addresses rallies and opinions of different politicians were

present These materials provided me with very relevant and important data

I also visited the offices of The Daily Mahriq newspaper and Dawn newspaper for

the acquisition of written material required for my thesis I searched old Mashriq

newspapers from 1975-1979 and found some articles relevant for my thesis Likewise I

visited Bacha Khan educational institute where I conducted an interview from Pukhtun

20

―intellectual Khadim Hussain who is engaged with ANP since his young age I also

conducted interviews with other prominent party associates journalists and academicians

The experience I gained through my interviews was that most of my respondents

appreciated my efforts to contact and meet them It was comfortable for me to conduct

interviews with the female respondents particularly Most of the informants were satisfied

with the fact that I also come from the same region and this made it easier to

communicate with them Nonetheless I got few refusals as some of the informants in the

prepared list did not give me a time for interview One of them gave me her email address

for the purpose to answer my research questions However I did not receive a reply from

her

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

This research study despite all its endeavours had certain limitations as well

Firstly being a female member of a traditional society it was easy for me to contact any

female political member However it was difficult to find the contacts and then meet with

the male members in their offices regarding research based interviews In order to

overcome this issue I had to take my brother to interview venue Therefore the support of

family is crucial for female researcher in Pukhtun region

Second the case study of Nasim Wali Khan was to some extent challenging as

well Because of the rift among the party members and division of the party in two

factions make it difficult to find the colleagues which were present at that time to provide

relevant and accurate information about her political career and struggle

Third as I have mentioned earlier that because of the rift in the party mostly the

informants were not even willing to talk about her They had even avoided to meet me

when they came to know that the interview was regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political

struggle Thus making it difficult for me to collect relevant data from the concerned

prominent political figures

Fourth Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar are the places with majority of ANP

supporters Nevertheless one thing that I noticed throughout my field work was that

though majority of the people were engaged with ANP since long time they did not

however remember the crucial dates and locations of certain events which I needed

information about Sorting out this information and details took my extra time

Fifth as the study is related to the political leadership of a Pukhtun woman so

contacting the political figures (both malesfemales) was difficult Some of them were not

21

available and because of their tough schedules the meeting with them was a difficult task

Similarly being a mother it was difficult for me as well to leave the children alone at

home and conduct the interviews according to the time given to me by the interviewees

The best suited time for me was morning (school timings) but most of the interviews

which I conducted were in the afternoon Which was difficult for me to manage

Sixth the security reasons were also one of the limitations in this study During

the time while conducting my interviews Charsadda University was targeted by the

terrorists So after that whenever I planned to conduct interview with Nasim Wali Khan

the terrorist attacks of Charsadda would persist in my mind

STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS

Chapter one is introduction In this chapter the research problem and the

comprehensive background of the case study is discussed This chapter provides details of

the methodology used in the research It gives a brief account of the literature which

highlights the women political leadership with respect to their struggles to acquire top

political leadership positions

Chapter two explains the theoretical framework of this study The focus of this

chaptes is the theoretical contestation on the issue in the available A comprehensive

explanation of various theoretical positions is given in this chapter Seven political

leadership theories have been thoroughly discussed I particularly discuss the two major

theoretical positions that are most relevant to my study ie situational theory and the one

emphasizing skills needed for political leadership These theories have been explained

appropriately and are related to the inquiry I am making in this study

Chapter three provides detailed accounts of different Asian women political

leaders These prominent women being the party leaders were either the Presidents Prime

Ministers or oppositional leaders in their respective countries Their biographies are

thoroughly discussed in order to know about their family backgrounds their lifestyle

brought up and the education These women are from the traditional Asian societies who

confronted almost the same situations that were faced by Nasim Wali Khan In light of

the situational and skill theory of leadership their efforts confrontation against the

opponents their stance against the oppressive forces and then their achievements are

highlighted in this chapter These women are credited for being prominent to get the top

leadership positions in their respective countries

Chapter four provides details about Pukhtun society and the status of women in it

22

It covers the diverse beliefs about the origin of Pukhtuns their geographical profile

religious beliefs and their cultural code (Pukhtunwali) This chapter also investigates the

socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun women It also provides a brief

background to the past events where the women were active participants in the struggle

for independence from British colonialism The current socio-economic and political

status of women is also part of the chapter This chapter also highlights the disparity in

the life style of the women of the urban and rural areas The primary focus is on the

attitudes and behaviour of the Pukhtun society towards the women empowerment in

different fields specifically political field

Chapter five is about the emergence of Nasim Wali as a woman political leader It

reflects on her pre leadership life and how it was changed by unfortunate developments

that compelled her to join politics Therefore the chapter highlights the crises situation

responsible for Nasim Wali Khanlsquos active involvement in politics and addressed a crucial

question of how she survived the odds The chapter claims that she courageously stood

against the odds and proved herself The chapter also elaborates on her strategies and

endeavours to sustain the leadership position

Chapter six provides details about crucial political skills possessed by Nasim Wali

Khan This chapter investigates various political skills possessed by Nasim Wali Khan

which facilitated her throughout her political career The skills she possessed are either

inherited or attained through her political experiences The strategies she adopted to win

popular support are also significant This was all done in a skilful manner by Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali also reformed her party and congregated the scattered followers and

party associates She united them all at one platform and endeavoured against an

oppressive regime of ZABhutto Finally the chapter answers the crucial question of how

Nasim Wali was able to retain leadership position through her skills

The final chapter concludes all the earlier analysis and more succinctly states the

contribution of the study by relating to the existing literature

23

CHAPTER ndash 1

THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

Political leadership is a kind of political procedure in which both the political

leader and the followers have a reciprocal conduct for the purpose to influence each other

to bring some change (Day 2014506) However political leadership is more specifically

believed to be in holding a public office or position in government through the support of

masses (Kellerman 1986 xiii) A political leader of a party could be seeking public

office through persuasion and influencing followers Political parties are often used by

influential leaders to make or break governments (Laver and Schofield 1990) Thus

leaders of the national political parties are the main political characters in todaylsquos

parliamentary democracies (Cross and Blais 20121)

One of the central academic inquiries conducted by numerous scholars working

on political leadership is of how leaders rise and sustain their leadership position Various

scholars have put forth different and often contesting theoretical explanations about the

nature rise and retaining of political leadership Following is a brief discussion on these

diverse explanations and how these diverse explanations help us understand the rise and

retaining of party leadership However these explanations are discussed with gender lens

11 LEADERS AS lsquoGREAT ndashMENrsquo

Scottish historian Thomas Carlyle (1841) argues that leaders are great menlsquo

having the qualities which are not adopted and developed but are inborn Such Great

leaders are farsighted and are aware of the people expectations having the ability to guide

and lead their people properly (Itoh 200310Eckmann nd04 Levine 2004163) and

the people born with marvellous qualities are distinguishable from their followers

(Northouse 201619) These scholars focus particularly on the origin family background

education nurturing (Martin et al 196944) personal features inspirations and the

psychological consideration of the individual leaders which enabled them to be great men

(Kawa 2013115)

In the early twentieth century scholars would inquire the great political military

and social leaders and the innate qualities they possess to lead the people (Northouse

201619) and state that the history is formed by the leadership and guidance of great men

(Bass M amp Bass R 200849) Moses a great leader would enable the Jews (his

24

followers) to remain in Egypt Through the leadership of Winston Churchill (a great

leader of Britain) the energies of the Great Britain in 1940 were boosted (Bass and

Stogdill 199037) Such innate qualities of great men make them committed towards their

cause The nations are formed and shaped by the great man with the possession of some

qualities and the greatness is influenced by individual social and historical circumstances

(Waite 20083)

Some scholars have found these explanations weak Grey et al (2004) argue that

scientists have never identified the gene of leadership So the very base of the theory has

no scientific proof to specify the relationship between hereditary factors and the

leadership qualities They further criticized the theory by arguing that only the individuals

of the elite class are genetically superior over the general population This theory is

ignoring the fact that every individual has good or bad characteristics which led to

―prejudice and even ―genocides (Grey et al 200459)

Similarly Lipman-Blumen identified a flaw in this explanation by saying that it

may be possible that not all the great leaders are efficient and capable to solve the

different social problems Further wisdom and honesty of the top leaderlsquos is needed for

the good governance But in this theory it might be possible that the leader became

addicted to power corruption and tyranny (Lipman- Blumen 2014) Interestingly this

theory shows little concern to the gender issue in political leadership but by its very name

the theory represents a gendered approach towards politics

12 CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP

Since late 1980s a dominant argument was forged by scholars who believed that

leaders are necessarily charismatic (Bass 1985 Conger amp Kanungo 1987 Tichy amp

Devanna 1986 Shamir et al 1993) and therefore we must focus on

The personal charisma of an individual to be followed by their people However

this requires the explanation of what actually charismalsquo means Max Weber presented a

more comprehensive definition of ―Charisma for the first time in social sciences For

Weber an individual with heroic and exceptional qualitieslsquo on the basis of which that

individual is different from the general public is charismatic leader Charisma can only be

―tested and ―awakened but cannot be ―taught or ―learned (Weber 1978241 amp 249)

For Weber charismatic leaders are individuals with extra ordinary qualities who acts like

superhumanlsquo or supernaturallsquo Such distinguished individuals with divinely bestowed

special features are obeyed as a leaderlsquo (Weber 1978 241) Similarly Lepsius argues

25

that charismalsquo means ―God gifted remarkable and enchanted personality to guide and

lead the people Such individuals are preferred by the God as their true representatives

(Lepsius 198653) The dominating character remarkable behaviour and the ability of a

charismatic leader make the people to unite for a common cause (Lepsius 198653)

Thus charismatic leaders are committed dedicated and have the magical personalities to

inspire the people towards a vision (Spahr 2016 01) Such leaders are emotional and are

capable to control their own self and influence the emotions of their subordinates easily

(Ashkanasy amp Tse 2000 223)

Culture is also an important variable for the emergence of charismatic leaders

Ahlstrom amp Bruton state that the charismatic leaders in the Western culture are

enthusiastic desirous and risk taking for the attainment of the goal while Eastern Asian

states have the ascetic humble and sensitive leaders (Ahlstrom amp Bruton 2010239)

Scholars working on South Asian leaders have also burrowed from the

Charismatic theory of leadership Hayat mentions the charismatic personality and

leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah who persuaded Muslims of the Sub- Continent to

unite under the banner of ―Islam and start their struggle for their own independent state

(Hayat 200818)

Similarly the charisma of Mohandas Gandhi enabled the people of Indo-Pak

subcontinent to peacefully start struggle for their rights against the British Imperial power

(Guha 201416) Brecher considers Nehru as a charismatic leader who ruled India

immediately after independence and his leadership was accepted by the people as well

(Brecher 2016)

Charismatic leaders operate in diverse political environment from democratic to

authoritarian Mazzoleni et al (2015) add a large number of political leaders to this

category They argue that president Charles De Gaulle and Franklin Roosevelt are the

charismatic leaders of the Western democracies Gandhi and Mandela in the

democratizing countries Stalin Mao and Hitler in totalitarian states Kamal Ataturk and

Fidel Castro in revolutionary authoritarian regimes All these leaders with the charismatic

personalities having the capabilities to inspire the followers and form a history of their

countries (Mazzoleni et al 2015639)

The interdependent relationship of this theory is considered detrimental by

Dunphy and Stace (1994) They argue that the inspiration and dependence of the

followers on the personality style and competence of a leader enable the leader to gain

their trust and create awareness among them But the unavailability of such leaders create

26

a leadership vacuum which make the followers unable to perform efficiently (1994 87)

Similarly instability and impermanency is another drawback of charismatic

leadership (Taylor 201211) The leader will lose the charisma if heshe is unable to

perform extraordinarily in some situation and would vanish from the political scene Thus

it means that charisma is not just an innate personal gift but an aberrantlsquo title to exercise

authority and the charismatic leaders will legally or traditionally transform their authority

in order to retain in the leadership position (Taylor 201212)

Devarachetty (2012) argue that Weber mentions charismatic leaders with divinely

features but afterwards contemporary scholars (see Lindholm 1990 6 Riggio 198746-

47 Toth 1981 xiv) include physical attributes in the charismatic leadership and make it

more masculine These studies have mentioned male leaders while elaborating

charismatic leadership She further adds that women are rarely accredited the title

charismalsquo even though if they possess the attributes of charismatic leadership In

literature of charismatic leadership gender biases still persist Devarachetty posit that

individuals (both men and women) with the possession of charismatic attributes can be

included in charismatic leadership But the prevalent heroiclsquo definition of leadership and

societal allotted gender roleslsquo reflect male domination in the charismatic leadership

(Devarachetty 201219)

13 LEADERSHIP AS A TRAIT

The argument that leaders are great menlsquo evolved (in the early 20th century) into

a proposition that leaders possess traits capabilities qualities motives or patterns of

behaviour (Kirkpatrick amp Locke 199148) and there is need to focus on intellectual

physical and interpersonal features of the leaders in order to study the rise of leaders

During 1920lsquos and 1930lsquos the research on leadership was primarily focused on leadership

traits (Maslanka 200407)

The good attitude of a leader hisher efficiency to take right decision in a right

time and hisher orientation towards the set goals (Martin et al 2006 44) The individual

personality psychology and the available social structure confirm his leadership abilities

The social structure provide him the capacity for leadership while the psychology enables

the individual to utilize the capacity into reality (Whittington 1993 184-185) Thus the

trait theory considered the permanent and consistent personal qualities of an individual to

lead the people in a diverse situations (Zaccaro 2007 07)

Scholars have different views regarding the possession of both physical and

27

psychological traits which make an individual a good leader Some prefer physical traits

such as height (Watt 2011317) physical energy appearance and gender (Aditya amp

House 1997410) other focus on psychological traits such as good oratory and reasoning

skills intelligence integrity and consistency (Roy 2014179) self-confidence and

honesty (Daft 200838 amp57) ambitions of power (Aditya amp House 1997410)

Bolden et al (2003) contends there are no specific and consistent traits identified

by various scholars in different studies Though some leaders possess such traits but those

who lack such traits doesnlsquot mean that they are not the leaders (Bolden et al 20036-7)

Additionally there is no technique to measure these traits and there is no universal

recognized list of traits (Bagad 200854)

Zaccaro criticised the trait theory for neglecting the situational variable which do

effect the traits of the leader A good leader is one whose decisions are compatible to the

existing situation (Zaccaro 200707) Similarly Stogdill (1948) contends that the above

mentioned traits are not effective in the emergence and effectiveness of a leadership and

argues that it is not necessary that a person with such trait become a leader He further

stated that there is no clarity that the same traits are applicable in different situations

(Stogdill 1948 64) Though social situations are the clear manifestation of leadership to

some extent but it may be possible that a leader may be efficient in certain situation

while perform poorly in another (Ghiselli amp Brown 1955 471)

The trait theory is also criticized for the reasons that it adopts gendered approach

towards leadership The trait usually associated with leadership in the above studies are

basically associated with masculinity (Alexander amp Anderson 1993536) Public sphere

is male dominated and are biased towards females (Eagly et al 1995) Women leaders

face more challenges and hurdles while in leadership positions (Eagly et al 1995)

Similarly evaluation of their traits and abilities are also analysed differently Male leaders

with the possession of such traits are praised and appreciated more than their female

counterparts (Alexander and Anderson 1993536)

14 TRANSACTIONAL LEADERSHIP

One very interesting theoretical approach towards leadership is that of

transactional leadership in which both the leaders and the supporters are taken into

consideration Scholars such as Bass (1999) posits that emphasis of the transactional

leadership is on the interconnectivity of both the leader and the followers In transactional

leadership there is a reciprocal ―give and take working affiliation between the leader and

28

the followers (Lai 201102) Such an exchange method has a positive outcome because

the followers perform actively to gain the reward and leader achieved the task by their

efficient efforts (Bass et al 2003209)

Bass proposes that transactional leaders have a clear information about their

followers needs and in return respond to them Transactional leaders give incentives to

the followerlsquos as a reward after the successful accomplishment of the task Bass

categorizes transactional leaders as active managers who give directions as well as

personally participate in their efforts if they are not able to perform well in order to

achieve the goal While passive management refers to the leaders who waits for the

emergence of the problem to take correct action (Bass 199910amp11)

In the transactional leadership bargain and exchange methods are used by the

leaders to establish relationship with the followers in order to accomplish the required

task (Howell and Bruce 1993 899) Scholars consider the features of transactional

leadership more autocratic and in congruity with masculine roles (Hackman et al 1992

Ross amp Offermann 1997)

Politicians are the true transactional leaders who at the time of elections promise

the people not to impose new taxes for the purpose to win the elections (Northouse

2010172) Similarly party leaders legislative and executive leaders and the bargainers

are the transactional leaders (Bass and Stogdill 1990 23)

Keel posits that US presidential elections are good example of transactional

leadership The presidential candidates provide the platform to their people and make

themselves aware of the people demands Then the candidates promise them to solve the

issue according to their wish and will if elected as a president and in turn the American

people cast their votes in favour of that candidate which they seem able to solve their

problems (Keel 200710) Similarly American and French politicians McCarthy and de

Gaulle are also the transactional leaders

In the developing countries majority of head of the states and government are the

transactional leaders (men or women) who came to power not because of their

farsightedness or integrity but because of the military coup or through their party ranks

who promised their people to give them relief in the time of distress Thus the

transactional leaders in most of the countries gain top leadership positions who are just

ordinary in their approach and abilities and their drawbacks make their people to suffer

and they are deprived of their stability prosperity and opportunities (Rotberg 2012161)

Jayasingam et al (2009) discuss the drawback of transactional leadership by

29

stating that the use of coercive power become ineffective and the contingent punishment

pose negative impact on the followers They are not able to perform better in the

disturbed environment always fearful about the loss of their jobs which makes them

passive and unproductive They instead of being working enthusiastically started

worrying about the result and the leader expectations (Jayasingam et al 2009 138)

Howell and Bruce (1993) argue that the transactional leaders motivate the

followers towards the task by promising them of the incentives after the successful

accomplishment of the task which if not fulfilled has an adverse impact on the

performance of the followers and they became dissatisfied (Howell and Bruce 1993

892)

Powell (1990) states that though there is a great difference in the leadership style

of both the men and women They act think and analyse the matters differently But

Powell argues that besides implicit features in both males and females behaviour and

leadership styles it is commonly observed that when acquire top leadership positions

both the genders exhibit same leadership style Both of them adopt similar transactional

(task-oriented) and transformational (relationship-oriented) leadership styles They

instead of behaving differently follow the gudelines of their respective positions (Powell

1990)

15 TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP

Scholars like J M Burns (1978) and Barnard M Bass argue that individual

having the courage and capabilities to influence and persuade the followers for the

accomplishment of the task to achieve remarkable results emerged as leaders (Burns

1978442)

Such individuals are aware of the needs objectives and the goals of their

organization and people and render their assistance for their development These are the

accepted transformational leaders (Bass and Reggio 20063) Transformational leader

persuades and encourages the followers by developing a persuasive vision bring the

vision into reality by concentrating to develop relationships with followers as a coach

mentor and teacher (Kolzow 201443) Similarly intellectuals revolutionary and

ideological heroes and the leaders of the reforms are also transformational leaders (Bass

and Stogdill 199024)

Transformational leaders emerge by the continuous learning and relationship

building Their engagement with the followers enable them to build trust and demonstrate

30

high level of personal integrity Such leaders transform the tasks vision and persuade the

followers to work as a group for the accomplishment of the task Transformational leaders

stimulate the followers to be dedicated and loyal so the achievement of the task become

easy (Kolzow 201444)

Scholars proposed four aspects of transformational leadership They are

intellectual stimulation idealized influence individualized consideration and

inspirational motivation (Bass amp Avolio 1997 Bass 1985) Judge et al (2004) posit that

transformational leaders through their idealized influencelsquo behave in such a proper way

that they are obeyed by the followers They are aware of the people emotions so can

easily convince them towards the common task Through inspirational motivationlsquo a

leader through an idealized vision inspire the people speak optimistically about the

future Then the leaders through intellectual stimulationlsquo take risk make themselves

aware of the people ideas Leaderlsquos communication with followers is the reflection of an

appealing vision which encourage them towards the creativity of their task The last

dimension is the individualized considerationlsquo In this category the leader is aware of the

people needs work for them as a guide and create a relation to be aware of their needs

and concerns (Judge et al 2004755)

Winston posit that positive response for the followers are expected in the

transformational leadership Transformational leaders show concern towards the

followerlsquos needs and treated their followers as co-workers The decisions taken by the

transformational leaders are in the best interest of the followers as well Transformational

leaders provide suitable work environment to the followers and strive for them to feel as a

valued members of the organization (200229-30)

Thus the leaders who are intellectually influential to encourage influence

consider and motivate the followers to such a level in which the actualization and

accomplishment of the task become possible The followers think beyond their self-

interest and work for the betterment of the team organization and for the society as a

whole Transformational leaders motivate the followers to confront the status quo by

adopting new ways for the successful completion of the task (Warrilow 200901)

Gilbert (1998) mentions the great historic events from the eradication of slavery to

the independence of nation state from the dictatorial rule are the examples of

transformational activities Mahatma Gandhi3 Martin Luther king and Nelson Mandela

3 See also Northouse (2010172) and Burns (1995101)

31

are the true transformational leaders who have committed themselves selflessly towards

their societies They have never used power but through their ethical and moral sense

awakened the force of conscience among their people and persuade them to struggle for

their cause peacefully (Gilbert 1998 201-202)

This approach to leadership also exhibits the covering of the gap between male

and female leadership styles The transformational theorists posit that women are more

consistent in their roles and are much closer to the transformational leadership as they are

more closer to the followers through their social contacts which would be helpful for

them to articulate consensus and in turn gain power (Campus 2013nd) Thus the

women leadership is more motivational and inspiring as mentioned in the attributes of

transformational leadership (Martin 2015331)

Scholars state that it is more challenging for the women to rise in the male

dominated organizations These organizations demand the masculine attributes including

assertiveness dominance and independence They further add that women have the

ability to adjust their gender identity with the traditional female attributes They adopt

masculine attributes without altering their own traits(polite and cooperative) Women

possess transformational leadership style because they can adapt themselves according to

the requirement of the situation (Moore amp Gobi 1995) Thus women have more

transformational attributes than their male colleagues (Eagly amp Karau 2002)

Iwanaga postulate that notable women leaders of the developing countries

Benazir Bhutto Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina Wajid Aung San Suui Kyi are the

transformational leaders in the early phase of their political career They have united and

mobilized their people through their unique features against the dictatorial rule in their

respective countries and all of them have gained high respect and unquestionable

obedience from their people which they are able to achieve the desired goals and brought

their countries on the track of democratic governance (Iwanaga 200833)

Thus transformational leaders are aware of the people feelings and imaginations

and can motivate the society towards the long term goals to create consciousness among

them to struggle for the common and purposeful goal (Rhodes et al 201491)

This theory has some limitations Yukl contends the theory by stating that

transformational leaders create a high level of emotional involvement which can exploit

the followers (Yukl 1999 287-288) Such transformational leaders move their followers

towards the illusionary world for the achievement of their task as a result they achieve

less than they lose (White amp Wooten 1986101) Keeley contend the theory by arguing

32

that there is a lack of check and balance There is no proposed way to neutralize the

interest authority and power of the leader to counter their dictatorship and despotism

(199568)

This theory is more concerned about the top leaders who persuade and influence

their followers towards the common task but it may be possible that with the passage of

time the involvement of the leaders makes them distressed and this create a sense of

deprivation in them (Stevens et al 1995125)

16 SITUATIONAL LEADERSHIP

In 1969 Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard introduced the concept of situational

leadership Initially it was introduced as life cycle theory of leadershiplsquo but later in 1972

it was renamed as situational leadership theorylsquo (Esther 201104)

Situational Leadership implies that ―leadership is a matter of situational demands

and the situational factors determine the emergence of a leader (Bass amp Stogdill 1990

38) Moreover specific features of the individual make them suitable leaders only in

specific situations Thus an individual with the ability to adopt such behaviour

appropriate to the current state of affair will take the lead The manifestation of certain

characteristics in specific situations raise an individual to the heights of leadership

position Similarly critical situations also act as a catalyst for the able leaders to ignite

their abilities and assume the leadership position Stogdill mentioned that attributes

features and skills necessary for leaders are determined by the situation in which they

function (Stogdill 194863) The dispositions of traits like determination ego strength

persistence and self-confidence will transcend those individuals to the leadership position

in some situations only (Bass amp Stogdill 197487)

The above theoretical approach focusses on leaders followers and the situations

It also emphasises on leadership based in specific time place and circumstances and

consider these crucial factors for the emergence of great leaders (Bass amp Stogdill

199038 Martin et al 200645) Followers are also a major component in the leadership

process They never act passively but are the active participants Their roles and activities

further determine the effectiveness of leadership Thus leader does not instil leadership by

themselves in situational leadership rather they act as a catalyst for the solution of

different problems In varied intricate situation inter-personal relationship facilitates a

leader to deal accordingly This theory supports the idea that circumstances produced the

leaders of the time (Bass and Stogdill 199038 Stogdill 1948 64ndash65) and the best

33

leaders are those who are well informed about the situation and can perform according to

the circumstances (Northouse 201399 Humphreys et al 2010119)

Northouse (2004) posits an individual leader becomes effective only when heshe

has the knowledge regarding the subordinates and the circumstances and then adopt

appropriate leadership style (p 106)

The situational leaders are able enough to change their style of leadership

according to the changing conditions and demands of the people they lead (Paludi

201325) Different leaders have distinct features useful in different circumstances

according to the need of the group being led by the leader As a leader with highly

motivational military and war related strategic skills are needed at the time of war while

the one who has the abilities to provide food enhanced growth production and the

economic skills are needed at the time of famine (Gill 200636)

Appropriate decisions are required in varied circumstance to deal effectively

which required appropriate leadership style Amanchukwu et al (2015) argue that if a

situation require most aware and skilled member in a group then an authoritarian

leadership style would be the most suitable one Similarly where a leader is dealing with

skilled and experts group members then the same would be expected from the leader

Thus in such situation democratic leadership style would be more effective

(Amanchukwu et al 2015)

Hermann et al (2001) state that critical situation provides good chance to analyse

the political leadership The turbulent situation will determine the emergence of

leadership Crises challenge the normal structures and routines functions of political

sphere They lead to some form of change as well Scholars argue that effective decision-

making and good communication processes are required to deal the crisis situation The

ineffectiveness in these two areas will increase chances of failure (Schafer and Crichlow

2010) Bassetal postulate that adaptive and flexible leadership style is required in

chaotic and crisis situation Similarly they posit autocratic assertive and directive leaders

can ably deal in the turbulent situation (Bass et al 2003215) Consortium of British

Humanitarian Agencies (CBHA) conducted a study in 2010 They have provided skills

critical to deal turbulent situation to provide effective response including effective

decision making critical judgement resilience and personal awarenesslsquo (CBHA20104-

6)

McGlown and Robinson posit that turbulent situation bring challenges from all

directions With the advent of unclear and diverse information further make the situation

34

more intricate Efficient response handling the situation appropriately needs skills of the

leader In such situation leaders have no time for consultation which make the leadership

more challenging Leaders with good decision making skills deal the situation

accordingly which could increase trust and confidence of the followers as well (201170-

75) Similarly good communication skills are also the requirement of the crisis situation

Good communication skills enable the leader to convey intentions regarding the effective

handling of the crisis situation and successful accomplishment of the goal as well (Black

2012143)

Ryan amp Haslam (2005) argue that women are the appropriate choice for

leadership during the crisis situation They called this phenomenon as glass clifflsquo which

means that women are on a brittle glass cliff as their roles in crisis situation have a greater

risk of failure Women are competent to accept the risky demanding task and always run

elections from hard to win constituencies Women donlsquot even hesitate from such risky

tasks Though there is chances of failure more than in favourable circumstances They

further added that mostly men take a lead in favourable conditions while women were

mostly appointed to the failing organizations Ryan et al (2011) postulate that an

interaction exists between performances of an organization with the gender of the leader

They added that in prosperous organizations a think-leader think-malelsquo bias emerges

while in failed organization a think-crisis think-femalelsquo bias occurs (Ryan et al 2011)

Bruckmuumlller and Branscombe (2010) also found that women are more likely to emerge to

organizational leadership in times of emergency than in favourable conditionsWomen

usually contest elections and become successful as well

Ryan amp Haslam (2007) give an explanation for the rise of women to the top

leadership position at the time of crisis They argue that women are considered to be the

symbolic antidote of the crisis situation (Ryan amp Haslam 2007) Similarly women have a

stable unifying and neutral nature which make them best choice during crisis situations

They are accepted as leaders of failed organizations as well as political parties for the

purpose of being the peace negotiation mediation innovations (Skard 2015475) and

reconciliation as well (OlsquoConnor 2010325)

Similarly party leaders are the central political figures in todaylsquos parliamentary

democracies (Cross and Blais 20121) OlsquoBrian argues that majority of the political

parties have male political leaders in leading roles while women in subordinate roles

However when a party fails to perform in the elections women are selected to the

leadership position in these parties OlsquoBrian argues that in crisis situation few able male

35

accept the challenge to lead the party in crisis Mostly political parties in the crisis

situation willingly accept women leadership for the acquisition of public support

(OlsquoBrian 2015)

OlsquoBrien (2015) argues that party needs those competent individuals to take the

lead whose potentiality raise their parties to its zenith Favourable situations and good

performances of the parties would benefitted their leaders in return In such favourable

circumstances males are the active participants to occupy beneficial positions Thus in

favourable circumstances all the organizations including political parties are not willing

to deviate from the status quo and they remain male dominated But Dolan argues that the

crisis situation are challenging and males usually avoid such situations which is more

demanding and threaten their political career Thus in such situations women always

accept the challenges and lead the fail organizations (Dolan 1998)

Indeed Bynander and tlsquo Hart (2008) posit that such poor performances of the

political parties offer greater opportunities for women to attain power Similarly Beckwith

(2013) states that turbulent situation of the party and the absence of competent male

leaders can lead to the emergence of women leadership Thus scholars argue that women

leaders occupy the leadership position in crisis situations when there is a risk of

leadership and organizational failure (Ryan and Haslam 2005 2007) Crisis situations

provide opportunities to the female leadership Women are considered to be less corrupt

and can deal the situation efficiently (Dolan 1998) Thus scholars associated the

emergence of female political leaders with renewal and change (Murray 2010) which is a

visible challenge to the male-dominated status quo Women political leaders are the

compelling force for the unification of the disintegrated political parties or organizations

in crisis situation (McKay 2004)

Tucker postulates that there is a great shift of theories from the Great man to the

situation The fact that successful leadership is no doubt because of their personal features

but the situation of a specific group accentuates the effectiveness of one or another trait

and their bearers at a particular time (Tucker 1977 384) But Masciuli et al (2016)

criticized the statement by stating that is there any specific characteristics favourable

under certain situations Nobody can imagine and even ask that the leader is appropriate

in the current situation and is not suitable in other or that it is the situation of that specific

leader and not of the others Thus there are characteristics which can never be favourable

in any situation (Masciuli et al 2016nd)

In the leadership research (Roy 2014) followers are also an important variable

36

who can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Leadership is of three

kinds laissez faire autocratic and democratic The control of the group behaviour

through an independent and unlimited authority are the autocratic leadership but when

the behaviours are controlled through some motivational forces led to the democratic

leadership and the autonomous characteristics of the group to the extent that the group do

not intervene is the Laissez faire leadership All these forms of leadership have their own

specific situations (Roy 2014183)

As mentioned in the theory that the emergence of a political leader is dependent

on the need and demand of the situation and it is the situation and not the family

connection which produced such appropriate leader Thus in the case of Martin Luther

King Jr Day it was the situation (inequality discrimination and segregation) faced by

the African-Americans are the inspirational elements for the King Jr concerns and

activities (Bass and Stogdill 1990 38) King junior emerged as a leader for the social

cause totally devoted himself for that cause to help his people at the time of distress

(Martin et al 1969 46)

Thus the situational leadership is concerned more about the political situations

rather than a leader as a person This approach elaborates that leaders get their

prominence only by having the skills features and ability to fulfil the needs and demands

of the organization group and people at specific circumstances (Gill 200636) These are

mere the instrument in the wake of social forces who select individuals for the leadership

posts to work for their interest (Vroom amp Jago 200719)

This is clear from the leadership of Woodrow Wilson as circumstances and time

play a great role in his successes and failure The demand of the situation was of the

strong and reformed leadership and Wilson adopted autocratic leadership style suitable to

the circumstances in which he operated and the same leadership skills worked in other

position he held which were suitable for his other positions but such authoritarian style

created certain problems for him as well (Rhodes and T Hart 2014142)

Scholars criticize this theory on the basis of human behaviour This theory is

based on the presumption that the nature of the group such as motivation skill level

leader-follower relations and organizational history is an objective reality which is

important for the leader to know it transparently through scientific analysis However

human behaviour is much more complex and unpredictable than these models suggests

(King amp Lawley 2013391) Similarly Bass amp Stogdill (198139) criticize this approach

for the reason that situation alone is not enough to explain the rise of leadership the

37

personal characteristics as well

Sjoberg (2009) contends this theory by having a confusion in the features suitable

in specific situations She elaborates that it is not possible by saying to the leader that

such situation is not suitable for you to hold the leadership position because it is not the

situation where such type of leadership is required She argues that there are certain

features which are not required by any situation She further argues that this theory has

totally neglected the female leaders though there are certain features which are connected

with the femininity as well (Sjoberg 2009 163)

Sjoberg (2009) argues that situational theory in different circumstances recognizes

the traits related to the masculinity like at the war time strength and in peacetime

rationality is important while some features as interdependence and emotions are related

to the feminism Thus the system is responsible for the selection of a suitable leader

according to the situation (Sjoberg 2009163)

Enloe posits that though the crisis situations provide opportunity to women to

attain top leadership positions but there is no assurance that women may persist such

positions for long and may not roll back as normality returns (Enloe 2004)

Thus the situational theory describes that it is the situation which make the

individual to emerge as a leader having the efficiency and ability to deal and handle the

situation properly Moreover women are more suitable in crisis situations when men

avoid taking risks

17 LEADERSHIP REQUIRE SKILLS

There are various scholars who emphasize on the skills required for leadership

These scholars argue that skills are not inborn but they are developed and employed by

leaders Robert Katz was the first to emphasize on the skills for the rise of leaders Katz

argues that it is important to focus on the attitude and behaviour of a leader and the

required skills that can be learned by leaders in order to be more efficient (Katz 2009

04-06)

Skills are capabilities of the individual which can be learned and developed

through experiences and guidance (Northouse 200740) Leaders can learn from their

experiences through their involvement in activities interaction with the people and

exposure to different events which will increase their skills abilities and knowledge

required for leadership There is a long list of skills deemed necessary by scholars for

efficient political leadership However the most prominent of them are listed below

38

Mintzberg (1983) considers political skill as the disposition of influence through

negotiation persuasion and manipulationlsquo Ferris et al (2005) argue that political skill is

conceptualized as multidimentional with four aspects apparent sincerity social

astuteness networking ability interpersonal influence (Ferris et al 2005) Individuals

with social astuteness spend time with the followers to observe them for the purpose to

understand their true intentions They are highly self-aware and deals with the public in

an inspiring manner (Ferris et al 2007) Social astuteness along with the competency to

handle different situational demands help effective leader Politically skilled leaders

create a conducive and a cooperative environment suitable in turbulent situation

(Ammeter et al 2002764-765)

Interpersonal influence facilitates politically skilled individuals to interact and

influence others easily This skill helps the political leader to change the behaviours of the

public according to the demand of the circumstance in order to accomplish desired goals

successfully Such individuals show flexibility to adapt themselves in changing

circumstances (Ferris et al 2005) Interpersonal relationship is considered as an

opportunity against the threats These relations act as facilitating factors in the formation

of connections and alliances to ensures social identity with the help of which they can

manoeuvre the situation in their favour (Perrewe et al 2000)

Similarly networking ability enable politically skilled individuals to find

companions form coalitions networks and strong useful alliances (Ferris et al 2005)

This ability place them at a vantage point from where they take advantageous position to

take complete benefits of the available opportunities Those individuals with the

networking abilities possess admirable negotiating skill and are capable to manage

conflict Networking ability grant them access to a great deal of information and public

support (Ferris et al 2005) Apparent sincerity is the last aspect of political skill

Individual with sincerity authenticity and integrity are seen as genuine Politically skilled

individual with the ability of apparent sincerity can successfully influence others (Ferris

et al 2007291)

Scholars posit that political skills are related to self-monitoring empathy

extraversion positive affectivity and conscientiousnesslsquo The possession of these skills

make an individual secure and self- confident before work experience and grant

superiority over their work environment and the people whom an individual interact

(Chandan 2012176)

Women political leaders show courage and are outspoken on leading policy issues

39

in their respective countries Though outspoken women often lack support in the religious

and traditional societies But through their courageous actions women leaders in Asia

resist such challenges (Cunningham 20177) and lead different oppositional movements

against the oppressive governments (Shafqat 1996655) Asian women political leaders

have resisted opposition at the cost of their personal lives therefore exhibiting immense

courage (OlsquoConner 2010)

Similarly effective communication skills (Qadri 201617) are the political skills

which exhibit the competence of a leader Conger (199131) argues that spoken words are

useful weapon for influencing and articulating support of the people History gives us a

glimpse of the successes achieved through spoken words In the words of Conger epoch

of regulating by dictates is ending and is supplanted by an era of regulating through

inspiration This era insists credibility of leaders to craft and enunciate a motivational

message to create great intrinsic support Women political leaders possess good

communication skills They have an effective interpersonal negotiating and conflict

resolution skills as well (Collins and Singh 200614) But assertiveness competition

control and independence are the qualities exhibited by male political leaders (Carli amp

Eagli 2011109)

Ruminski amp Hollba emphasize on the importance of good oratory skills for the

success of women leaders They argue that women should have good oratory skills along

with information of the world to be successful in their lives They insist that women

political leaders should move beyond the elementary speech skills of just standing behind

the rostrum to deliver a speech They suggest that women should be effective

communicators and shall be well aware of the day to day happenings around them (2012

190)

Scholars posit that women are more relationship oriented consultative polite and

have inspirational appeal towards the public (Merchant 201230 Eagly 1987 Miller

1976) Women use communication as an instrument to form good social relationship and

increase social connections (Leaper 1991 Mason 1994)

Yukl argue that decision-making is an important skill required from effective

leaders Efficient leaders involve subordinates in decision making and resultantly win the

trust and confidence of the followers (Yukl 2010) Lussier amp Achua argue that attribute

of good decision making enable leaders to attain success in a political career While

suitable decision making is dependent on the awareness regarding confronted situations

which empowers leader to take appropriate option for the solution of the problems

40

through availing opportunities Such leaders efficiently utilized time by thinking

analytically and arrange new directions in a manner that changes they desire are

acceptable in public (Lussier and Achua 201310-11)

Though there is no specific difference in the decision making of both male and

females Literature show that women while taking decisions examine the matter

thoroughly before putting the matter in practice and their approaches are effective while

on the other hand men actually hinder effectiveness (Ciulla 2004289) Thatlsquos why

women are considered to be more practical and realistic than men Women are thought to

be more empirical and reasonable than male counterparts (Jensen 2008 202) Because of

the gendered allotment of domestic roles and reproductive labour and have the deficiency

of resources thus backing of spouses and other family members is persuasive means in

the improvement of womenlsquos political career (Tadros 2014)

Participation of women in decision making process regarding public affairs enable

them to develop their political skills They exhibit their concerns and commitment in

public services (Miranda 20056) Thus Jabeen amp Mubasher appreciate the states where

women are involved in the mainstream politics through some legislative measures which

bring positive changes Involvement of women in the process of decision making

empowers them to confront the patriarchal demeanour prevalent in the traditional

societies They are able to perform their responsibilities well by creating a conducive

environment for other women of their societies (2017302)

It is stated that political skills are the interpersonal skills including persuasion

negotiation compromise intuition and eloquence These skills are acquired through

experience Similarly political families are also a source of political apprenticeshiplsquo

(Cornwall and Goetz 2005) Thus women whose family members are actively engaged

in politics gain politically acumen within family They acquired the skills to deal the

public and situation effectively They also become socialized which enhances their

reputation and connection with the public as well

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo argue that the active involvement of womenlsquos in nationalist

movements also train them politically for the future Women political leaderslsquo affiliation

with the experienced political partners further facilitate them to acquire political skills and

knowledge These political skills facilitate their decision -making power Politically

skilled women leaders form strong social network which further enhances their

confidence collective strength and political awareness (201622)

However for some women leaders family background and involvement in

41

nationalist movements may not bring a change in leadership style but the actual

assumption of power may bring a bigger change in leadership style The former India

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi is a good example of how otherwise shy and silent person

can become a tough leader Indira Gandhi was generally believed to be a very shy person

despite having a political family background and her involvement in Indian Independence

movement with her father This was the reason the old guards of the Congress party

decided to choose her as a prime minister of India The decision was also strategic

because her silent attitude was thought by her male party members to be favourable for

manipulating her They called her a ―Dumb Doll (Green 201303)

But when she became Prime Minister of India she had developed her political

skills significantly and took crucial political decisions formulated effective foreign policy

and worked hard for her people conducted nuclear test to establish Indian hegemony in

South Asian region She was an ambitious pragmatic and farsighted woman political

leader who because of her political skills earned the title of an ―Iron Lady of India Her

journey from a ―Dumb Doll to an ―Iron Lady was full of struggles and difficulties

which she handled skilfully and was remembered as a great political leader (Braga

201301)

The acquired knowledge skills and the adoption of proper style are the crucial

factors for an effective leadership In skills theory considerable focus is on the efforts

struggle and resources for leadership training and development (Amanchukwu 201510)

But in different institutions there is a competition among the actors for top leadership

position Then the individual with personal features as good oratory skills charisma and

the skill to handle the crises situation make them able to gain top leadership position

Once the individual achieve the highest position such individual should use his skills as

ambitious political acumen the ability to use the available opportunities properly to

achieve the different tasks (Bennister 2012 Xiii)

In view of the above discussion it is stated that leadership is a skill that can be

acquired However Day observes that for the utility and development of any

organization the development of the leaderlsquos political skills is important but

unfortunately there is little political skill training for the future leaders which also has a

negative effect on the leaderlsquos performance (Day 2014 519)

My assessment is that political acumen and social astuteness enable individuals to

create interpersonal relations and networking capabilities which facilitate them to emerge

as a leader Afterwards good decision making power confidence and good

42

communications skills further assist them to sustain leadership position

18 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The research question of this study focusses on inquiries such as to what extent

family background is important for women leaders to acquire a political position to what

extent situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position and more

importantly how acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position In order to find answers to these inquiries I develop a theoretical framework out

of the above theoretical positions

All the above theories are in one way or the other related and crucial for

explaining the acquisition and retaining of top political leadership positions by women

However the most relevant debates that explain the issue under investigation can be

found in situational and skills theories of leadership However I am looking specifically

into situation and skills that may facilitate or hinder women political leaders to acquire

and sustain leadership positions

Situational theory of leadership explain situations which are responsible for the

emergence of leaders Different situations require different leaders with the ability and

appropriate skills to tackle the circumstances accordingly Women are often allotted top

leadership position in crisis situation (Haslam 2004) This is because women are believed

to possess qualities suitable to handle crisis situations such as empathy collaboration and

efficient communication etc However there is a reason men would allow women to take

leadership positions Men think strategically to offer women leadership during crisis time

which always carry a risk of leadership failure If women leaders do not succeed they get

blamed for the failure (Ryan amp Haslam 2007 Mulcahy amp Linehan 2014) In crisis

situations women leaders have to prove themselves and they often do not have smooth

sailing

Though conflict pushed women to attain leadership roles But such situation

realized them their political skills (strength confidence) which enable them to broaden

their horizons and seek political office Moreover women political leaders gain support

of their male colleagues in their political struggle as well (Tripp 2015)

Scholars are of the view that in crisis situation females of the elite families take

the lead (OlsquoConnor 2010324 Skard 2015154) Women become the beneficiarieslsquo of

their strong political families Their brought up in the political environment prepare them

for leadership positions Such political apprenticeshiplsquo(Cornwall and Goetz 2005

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622) is used as a stepping stone by women leaders to enter

43

leadership position but later they require more extensive skills and grooming which are

achieved by women leaders through their experience in active politics

Situations are often paradoxical for women leaders They may help women

leaders to rise but they may also put women leaders to test Women find an opportunity of

leadership in crisis situations but once they avail that opportunity they find it quite

challenging It requires them to have more extensive skills to survive the challenge

Situations and leadership skills are tightly connected in leadership context Leaders with

specific skills are often chosen to lead in particular situations Leaders so chosen are then

required to change their style and strategy to adapt to the change in situations This then

require new skills that are more relevant to the changing situation Political acumen

eloquence good decision making social astuteness and the confidence are the acquired

skills which they further polish through their experiences These acquired skills facilitate

women leaders to sustain their leadership positions for long

Leaders must have the capability to encourage and persuade the people in a way

that they then facilitate their leaders for accomplishment of the set goals (Warrilow

200901) Such transformational leaders are aware of the peoplelsquos emotions needs and

give them an idealized vision by talking optimistically about the future (Judge et al

2004755) I argue that such acts are particularly necessary in crisis situation where there

is despondency and the leader has to motivate the followers

Women political leaders are deemed to be transformational because of their

supportive empathetic collaborative interpersonal and participatory attitude (Kellerman

and Rhodes 2007 16ndash17) Likewise women political leaders appreciate the involvement

of subordinates in the process of decision making (Hegelsen 1990) and they are indeed

more interactivelsquo with their followers (Rosener 1990120)

In my data analysis chapters I will discuss the manner in which the crisis situation

affected leadership choices for Pashtun Nationalists associated with National Awami

Party in 1970s I will explain how and why a woman political leader was chosen to lead

the party in crisis situation I will probe the extent to which some particular skills of

Nasim Wali Khan were considered along with other possible strategic reasons in choosing

the leader of the NAP This is particularly important because the literature identify skills

such as social astuteness (Ferris et al 2005) communicative action (Habermas 1984

86) confidence and determination (Bass 199911) interpersonal and decision-making

(Lussier and Achua 201310-11) good oratory and charisma (Bennister 2012 Xiii) are

relevant in crisis situation However after attaining leadership position the challenges are

44

met through more extensive leadership skills demonstrated by leaders

Skills such as ambitiousness political acumen ability to use the available

opportunities (Bennister 2012 xiii) interpersonal or communication (Katz et al 1974)

etc are considered crucial for retaining leadership position Moreover it is important to

look into how these skills are required by women political leaders They partly imparted

by family training (political apprenticeship) and partly by the gradual process of

accumulating political experience The data chapters would highlight how Nasim Wali

Khan acquired and groomed the appropriate skills and how she used them to retain

political leadership Additionally how she inspired her followers in testing times of 1970s

and secured their support to achieve the purpose

19 CONCLUSION

Various theoretical perspectives explained above assist us understanding the issue

of acquisition and continuation of political leadership role by women in traditional

societies These explanations are used to develop our own theoretical framework which

extensively borrows from the premises of situational and skills approaches to leadership

The framework emphasis that (crisis) situations are paradoxical because they provide

women an opportunity to lead but they also put them to test The framework also refers to

relationship between situations and skills It is important to understand that often skills

are dependent upon situations and women political leaders have to acquire groom and

employ particular skills appropriate to the situation This theoretical framework will help

us understanding the emergence of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader and her success

in retaining the political leadership for considerable time

45

CHAPTER ndash 2

THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

This chapter is an effort to explore career path for the Asian women political

leaders who rose to the top leadership positions Most of the scholars emphasise that

Asian women achieved these positions through their strong family background or

political exigency However this chapter argues that beside family background and

political situation these women leaders demonstrated phenomenal political skills in most

testing political situations and consequently acquired and retained their positions

Therefore it is imperative to study the extra-ordinary struggle of these women political

leaders The analysis presented in this chapter are based on selected case studies

representing Asian Women leaders The career path of these leaders is explored to

substantiate the claims made by this study

Women political leaders have undoubtedly left a discernible mark in world

politics They have done so by shaping political and economic reforms within their

respective countries and also by shaping international relations through distinctive foreign

policy decisions Currently there are 22 women in the world who have occupied the most

prestigious top political leadership positons in their respective countries Among them 18

are elected through popular elections and 4 are appointed Among 178 head of the states

15 are women 13 are presidents and 2 are queens Women have occupied the position of

president or prime minister in more than 70 countries of the world many of those have

been in Asia and Europe (Adamczyk 2016) Women political leadership is not an

aberration in South America South and in the Southeast Asia (Kent 2015)

Scholars would particularly refer to Asia when it comes to women political

leadership Asia has been much more generous in allowing women to reach to top

political positions Nitin would call Asia a heavenlsquo for the women leading their way to

success in politics Sri Lanka India Pakistan Bangladesh South Korea Philippines

Thailand and Mongolia are the countries with elected women heads of the states This

means that half (4 billion) of the Asian population are living in countries with women

heads which makes it number one continentlsquo in the world with women political leaders

(Nitin 201303) In 1960 Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first Sri Lankan woman prime

minister who achieved leadership position Afterwards Golda Meir(Israel) Indira

46

Gandhi(India) Chandrika Kumaranatunga(Sri Lanka) Corazon Aquino and Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo (Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Sheikh Hasina Wajid and

Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Pratibha Patil(India) Roza

Otunbayeva(Kyrgyzstan) and Yingluck Shinawatra(Thailand) also became prominent

women political leaders in their respective countries Interestingly most of these women

leaders hail from the Muslim dominant countries (Szczepanski 201501) There is

considerable academic interest in the contribution of women political leaders around the

world However there is comparatively less academic interest in how these women

acquired leadership positions

Asian women political leaders are all popularly elected having influential families

with popular family dynasties in politics (Fleschenberg 200924-15) and they are directly

involved in the social activities and power structure of their countries (Abidi 201319)

Scholars argue that the emergence of these women leaders does not seem to modify the

male-dominated nature of Asian societies Rather it verifies the power of a name and the

perseverance of political dynasties (Herath 2015 03 Akhtar et al 2014 07 Mydans

201004) social class and caste system (Roy 201560)

Most of the women political leaders in Asia who have occupied highest public

offices came from the politically illustrious families Therefore various scholars (see

above) would conclude that the success of acquiring political leadership is determined

primarily by family background Such an understanding often undermines the abilities

and struggles of women political leaders who acquire and retain top political positions In

this chapter an effort is made to reflect on how women political leaders acquire and

retain leadership positions not only through the backing of their already influential

families but also through their extra ordinary struggle In order to do so we have explored

the biographies of selected political leaders from Asia to investigate their career path We

undoubtedly claim that family background facilitated these women in acquiring top

leadership positions however their personal character and skills were more instrumental

in acquiring and retaining top positions Moreover the situation in which they took

leadership provided a context within which opportunities were availed and personal

character and skills were demonstrated These women leaders were able to prove that

besides taking care of their household they can also serve respective countries in face of

all odds They are hardworking ambitious and (politically) skilled to carry out sound

domestic and foreign policies

The way women political leaders exploited situations and skills to reach to the top

47

positions are the main focus of this chapter It intends to do so by exploring the selective

profiles and career path of these women leaders The family backgrounds their

biographies and struggle of some of the top women political leaders of Asia are discussed

to identify important factors that lead women to top positions and facilitate them to stay

on those top positions In this chapter a profile sketch of these women leaders are brought

under consideration and then analyse how their situation and skills facilitated them to

acquire and retain the power for an extended period of time

PROFILES OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS AN OVER VIEW

21 SIRIMAVO BANDARANAIKE (SRI LANKA)

Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first female Prime Minister of Sri Lanka She was

born in Ratnapura District on 17th

April 1916 Her father Barns Ratwatte Disave was a

reputed senator and from a prominent Sinhalese family These families have also served

in the British colonial rule and adopted English first names However they were the

staunch observers of Buddhism Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the eldest among her six

siblings and at eight years she was sent to Convent School for best education After her

education she started social welfare programmes for the purpose to help needy and poor

people of her country She provided them food medicines and arranged clinics for them

as well Such considerations towards her people enabled her to gain good reputation

among the Sinhalese peasantry (Rettie 2010)

She was married to Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (1899-1959) on

10th

October 1940 who was an Oxford educated lawyer and the minister of local

government and health (1947-51) in the ruling United National Party Srimavo

Bandranaike persuaded her husband for resigning from the ruling United National Party

and the government After two years in 1951 he founded his own political party Sri

Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with the policies of democratic socialism and Sinhalese

resurgence After eight years of Sri Lanka independence Mr Bandaranaike became

Prime Minister in April 1956(Perera 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike held the party leadership and became the president of

the SLFP after Mr Bandaranaike assassination by the Buddhist monk on 25th

September

1959 She gained public support and sympathies and proved herself as an undefeatable

politician who worked as an undisputed leaders of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and had

the reins of the party for forty years (Epasinghe 201501)

48

Mrs Bandaranaike became the modern World first woman Premier in 1960 from

the Asian continent and served her country three times (1960-65 1970-77 1994-2000) as

a prime minister (Iwanaga 2008 272 Jalazai 200492 Banerjee 2008140) and

remained the opposition leader during 1965-70 and 1989-94(Jeyaraj 201001)

Generally in the Asian region females have subordinate position to their males

and have little or no stand in the public life but Srimavo Bandranaike proved herself both

nationally and internationally as an eminent woman political leader who continued her

husband policies of socialism at home She had nationalized all the foreign oil companies

and all the government businesses were transferred to the State owned bank of Ceylon

(now Sri Lanka) She had also established new Peoplelsquos Bank During her regime Soviet

aid was utilized for the industrialization process of her country brought education

reforms for the Buddhist Sinhalese and neutralismnon-alignment movement was adopted

as well by her government (Raj 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike also faced different problems communal riots

administrative turmoil and financial problems during her premiership Her period of

office was one of the mounting financial difficulty Due to these reasons she was

defeated in 1965 elections but got prominence in the next elections of 1970lsquos (Jones

201553)

Mrs Bandaranaike faced severe criticism from her opponents because of her

personal and political life In 1962 her political opponents tried to overthrow her

government jobless youth raised against her government for their grievances in 1971 and

in 1980 her civic rights were withdrawn SLFP headquarters was closed and threats were

given by the political opponents but she faced all the troubles and conspiracies

courageously and Mrs Bandaranaike gained more and more popularity through her bold

and consistent approach She gave new constitution changed the name of the country

from Ceylon to Sri Lanka and declared it a Republic in 1972 foreign owned estates were

nationalized by her government and placed the land limits to fifty acres by the Land

Reform Commission Sirimavo Bandaranaike died on 10th

October 2000(Perera

201202)

She got sympathies of the public initially by making emotional speeches during

the election campaign through which she earned the title of weeping widowlsquo But later

her present mind dedications towards her political career enabled her to make sound

domestic and foreign policies and she adopted tough stance against the insurgents who

tried to destroy the peace and prosperity of the Sri Lankan nation

49

22 CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGA (SRI LANKA)

Former prime minister and then the first ever woman president of Sri Lanka

Chandrika Kumaratunga was born on 24th

June 1945 She recieved her primary education

from Convent school Colombo and then went to Paris for higher studies where she

studied political science and adopted Mao Zedong and North Korean socialist radicalism

(Omer ampSprings 2013191)

Chandrika had the privilege to be the daughter of former premiers of Sri Lanka

Her father Solomon Bandaranaike served the country as a Prime minster from 1956-1959

and her mother Srimavo Bandaranaike who succeeded after the assassination of her

husband became prime minister in 1959 got the recognition as the Worldlsquos first female

premier (Burns 199502) Srimavo wanted her son Anura to be her political successor he

was the first choice of her mother but he declined and was succeeded by the Chandrika

She left her socialistic policies and adopted capitalism and free market policies (Jackson

1999 223) Chandrika Kumaratunga got married with the Sri Lankan movie star and a

radical left wing politician Vijay Kumaratunga in 1978 who was also assassinated by the

Sinhalese fascists in 1988(Burns 199502) After her marriage Chandrika Kumaratunga

left her fatherlsquos party SLFP and joined husbandlsquos party Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya

(SLMP) in 1984 She became the Vice President of the newly formed political party

Nonetheless after the assassination of her husband she acquired leadership position in the

party Under her leadership she formed United Socialist Alliance with the Lanka Sama

Samaja Party Nava Sama Samaja Party and Communist Party of Sri Lanka At the time

she was consistently receiving death threats and was narrowly escaped from an

assassination attempt as well Therefore in 1988 she left Sri Lanka and took refuge in

United Kingdom The SLMP was divided into two groups during her absence and she

was expelled from her party leadership (Silva 2017)

She returned to Sri Lanka in 1991 and became actively involved in the political

field through the platform of SLFP In May 1993 Mrs Kumaratunga was elected as a

chief minister of the Western province and became the first women in Sri Lanka who

headed the local government (Jackson 1999223)

But when Tamil Tiger suicide bomber attacked and killed Sri Lankan President

Premadasa on 1st May 1993 he was replaced by Dingiri Banda Wijitunge President

Wijitunge called for early elections in August 1994 in which Chandrika led the nine party

parliamentary alliance and became the prime minister of Sri Lanka(August- November

1994) by defeating the seventeen years rule of United National Party (Mendis 2006162)

50

During that time the separatists Liberation movement by the Tamil Tigers were in

full swing in the years following the presidential elections contested by Chandrika and the

separatists had started a civil war against the government During her election campaigns

Chandrika promised for peace process and the settlement of all disputes with the

Separatists Tamil Tigers This mandate helped her to be an elected President in 1995-

2005(Dahlburg 199401) then in 1998 she was again elected as president to serve for the

second time (Sharma 200467) However in 1999 an attempt of her assassination was

made by the Tamil separatists in which she narrowly escaped but was greatly wounded

(Uyangoda 2001210)

During Chandrika presidency she appointed her mother Sirimavo Bandaranaike

as Prime Minister (Pandey 200546) and ruled the parliamentary democracy till the death

of Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 2000 (Watson et al 2003209)

Being a President of Sri Lanka Chandrika tried to solve the problems with the

separatist group and held different rounds of peace talks with the separatists (Lakhsman et

al 200092) For such purpose President Chandrika Kumaratunga called for the hundred

days cease fire between the Separatists group and the government But after expiration of

the term the separatist group started violent activities She offered full autonomy to the

Tamil minority of her country which was welcomed by the minority but was rejected by

the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as they did not agree with the condition of

surrendering before the government with having a strong grip on the region (Carter 2010

404)

In December 2001 once again the United National Party came into power and

Ranil Wickremasinghe (the political opponent of Chandrika Kumaratunga) became prime

minister while Chandrika Kumaratunga remained in office of a President till November

2003 which created difficult relationship In February 2004 President dissolved the

parliament and called for new elections in April 2004 while the presidential election was

held in November 2005 in which Mahinda Rajapaksa became successful and became the

President replacing Chandrika Kumaratunga (Omer amp Springs 2013192)

According to the Sri Lankan constitution a person holding the office of a president

for two terms are not allowed to contest elections for third time So Chandrika

Kumaratunga tried to pass the party leadership by giving the reins of the party SLFP to

her brother till her own children were not able to hold the reins of power (Herath

200294)

51

23 INDIRA GANDHI (INDIA)

Indian first female Premier Indira Gandhi was born in Allahabad on November

19 1917 in an aristocratic and politically prominent family of Nehrulsquos Her grandfather

Motilal Nehru was a Nationalist leader and her father Jawaharlal Nehru a prominent

Indian Independence leader and the first Prime Minister of India (Frank 200213)

Indira was brought up in a political environment where she met politically

prominent figures influenced by her father Her initial studies was from different Indian

and non- Indian schools and sometimes from the private tutors In 1934 she started her

studies in Visva Bharatic Academy where the headmaster was a well -known writer

Rabindranath Tagore who taught her Philosophy and arts She then got admission at

Bristol England in a progressive School She started her graduation at Somerville

College Oxford in 1937(Flatt 2012184) and finally completed her higher studies from

Oxford (England) and Switzerland (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi 2013125)

After her graduation from Oxford in 1941 she returned to India She married to a

Parsi politician Feroze Gandhi in 1942 who was studying in London School of

Economics at the time when Indira Gandhi was in Oxford Indira Gandhi was actively

engaged in the Indian independence movement against the British Imperial power

because of which she was imprisoned by the British troops immediately after her

marriage from September 11th

1942-May 13th

1943 at Naini Central Jail Allahabad

(Thelikorala 201102)

In 1953 she became a member of the Congress working committee which was the

Indialsquos ruling party and she had also worked for the women interest while serving in the

women department of the Congress Party She had visited different parts of the country to

educate women of India about their fundamental rights and duties In 1959 she was the

only female and fourth president of the Indian National Congress Party (Flatt 2012185)

Indira Gandhi also served in Jawarharlal Nehru government after independence during

1947-65 and gained much power within the government (Jayakar 201204)

Then she became an elected member of the Rajya Sabha and held the post of the

Minister of Information and Broadcasting in the cabinet of Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964

after the demise of her father In 1966-1977 she was appointed as a Prime Minister of

India after the Shastrilsquos sudden death with the support of the K Kamaraj who was

President of the Congress party at that time She had won the elections of 1971 and

introduced different economic policies for the increased productivity of agriculture and

52

side by side she was also involved in the global politics as well In the 1970lsquos secessionist

conflict of East Pakistan she helped and supported them in their struggle of independence

against Pakistan to become an independent state of Bangladesh (Chacko 2012) During

her Premiership India exploded her first nuclear bomb which empowered India to protect

herself against foreign aggression and to create Indialsquos hegemony in South Asian region

as well (Flatt 2012187)

But in June 1975 because of the election irregularities in the 1971 elections and

violation of the election laws Allahabad High court ruled against her to vacate the post of

premier and banned her for six years from taking part in politics In response of such

ruling President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad had declared state of emergency on the advice of

Indira Gandhi Her government ban the media imprisoned her opponents limited the

fundamental rights of people and used police force against the strikes and protests of her

adversaries While on the other side her son Sanjay Gandhi had started the sterilization

programme for the control of Indian rapidly growing population Public rose against her

dictatorial rule and she announced the date for the next general elections in 1977On

March 23 1977 emergency was uplifted but she badly lost in the 1977 general elections

(Green 201303)

In 1980 elections were held for the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament) Indira

Gandhi and her Party again won the elections and all the cases against her were

withdrawn She became Prime Minister of India once again from 1980-84 but she faced

severe challenges including separatistlsquos movement by Sikhs community in Northern

Punjab who revolted against her government But they were badly crushed by the

Indiralsquos government through military operation named as ―Operation Blue Star against

the separatists within premises of the Sikhs Golden Temple Thousands of civilian lost

their lives in this revolt and she herself was shot dead on 31st October 1984 by two of her

Sikh bodyguard in revenge of the Golden Temple episode (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi

2013126)

Indira Gandhi served the nation in two phases 1967-1974 which were favourable

years of her charismatic leadership and she gained much popular support for her good

policies while the next phase 1975-1984 was considered to be the power centralization by

her who violently treated her opponents which gave her the image of dictator and

authoritarian leader Braga praised Indira Gandhi by stating that during her premiership

Indian literacy rate was increased to 30 and the poverty rate was decreased to 45 from

65 Her efforts and sound agricultural policies for the revival of agricultural sector

53

raised the production of different food items to 25 which brought Green Revolution in

India (Braga 2013) Such agricultural policies were the efforts by her government to

handle the inflation Through her sound economic policies she nationalized the Indian

Banks Indira also created diplomatic relations with United States and USSR through her

socialist policies India became the nuclear power of the region during her premiership

Her policies enabled India to be self ndash sufficient to such extent as to no longer dependent

on foreign aids (Aswathy 2013nd) Through her power and abilities she is compared

with Durga (Indian nation goddess) who has the power to stand against all odds (Braga

2013)

24 BENAZIR BHUTTO (PAKISTAN)

Benazir Bhutto was the first Muslim woman Prime Minister of a Muslim country

Pakistan She was born in Karachi (Pakistan) on 21st June 1953 and passed away on 27

th

Dec 2007 She received her early education from Karachi Convent of Jesus and Mary

School run by Irish Catholic nuns and then went for graduation to Harvard University

where she completed her graduation in Law at Lady Margaret Hall College Benazir

Bhutto obtained her diploma in Foreign Affairs from Oxford University (Buruma 1989)

Then in 1976 she became the First Pakistani student elected as a president of the Oxford

Union Debating Society in UK (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013274)

Benazir Bhutto was the daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto He was from the

wealthiest landowning families of Pakistan an Oxford educated lawyer former Prime

Minister of Pakistan and the founder of the popular political party Pakistan Peoplelsquos Party

in 1967(Hussain 200801) Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto got support of the people under the

banner of Islamic Socialism and ruled the county for seven years from 1970-1977 He

tried to overcome the main problems of Pakistan which was poverty socio-economic

imbalance and the dominance of the elite class in the socio-political system of Pakistan

but later he himself was in need of the elites support Some of his intimidating policies for

the suppression of the political opponents corruption and fraud ended his regime through

military coup by Zia-ul Haq (Dolek 200804) Likewise mother of Benazir Bhutto

Nusrat Ispahani was the daughter of the Iranian businessman Benazir Bhutto was the

eldest among her three siblings On Feb 17 1987 she married with Asif Ali Zardari Asif

Ali Zardari is the son of a landownerbusinessman friend of ZA Bhutto Hakim Ali

Zardari The couple was blessed with three children Bilawal Bakhtawar and Asifa

(Hussain 200802)

54

Benazir Bhutto was nurtured in a political environment by her father Z A Bhutto

General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law on 5th

July 1977 which was the

third martial law in Pakistanlsquos history Army chief promised for the elections to be

commenced within ninety days but later he didnlsquot fulfil his promise and postponed the

elections on the ground of accountability of the corrupt politicians As a result of

accountability process Z A Bhutto was trialled on charges of conspiracy and the killing

of Ahmad Raza Kasuri and was later executed on 4th

April 1979 Z A Bhutto wife

Nusrat Bhutto and his daughter Benazir Bhutto were placed under house arrest (ShahH

201304)

Imprisonment and then the demise of Z A Bhutto and the murder of her two

brothers made Benazir more enthusiastic responsible and active in the political affairs of

Pakistan but her life was full of difficulties facing time of exile house arrest then reached

to peak and gained power which was followed by her dismissals She returned to Pakistan

in 1977 after completing her education from Harvard and Oxford She was warmly

welcomed by the people of Pakistan and gave her the title of the daughter of Pakistanlsquo

(Dolek 200804) She earned the popular support which led her triumph over the military

ruler and through her inborn abilities she was able to retain such popularity (Chitkara

199667)

She followed the footprints of her father in politics and continued struggling for

the restoration of democracy against the General Zia-ul-Haq military rule For the

purpose to restore the democracy in Pakistan she launched a movement named

Movement for the Restoration of Democracylsquo in 1981 with the support of nine other

political parties Her efforts were for the restoration of 1973 constitution parliamentary

elections for the purpose to transfer power to the democratically elected government and

to uplift the martial law As a result she was imprisoned till 1984 (ShahH 201304) The

period between1979-1984 Benazir faced house arrests imprisonment and self- exile to

UK in 1986Then in 1986 she returned to Pakistan and started her campaign for office

She was recalled as the political opponent of General Zia (Eoan 2007 02)

The excessive international pressure on Zia regime for the restoration of

democracy made Zia announcing the election date in November 16th

1988 on non- party

basis This elections were challenged by Benazir Bhutto in the Court of Justice but before

any judgement Zia ndashul Haq died in a plane crash on 17th

August 1988 Ghulam Ishaq

Khan became the President of Pakistan and he held the general elections on 16th

and 19th

November 1988 which was won by Benazir Bhutto party On 2nd

December 1988 she

55

became the first youngest (35 years old) Muslim woman Prime Minister of an Islamic

country Pakistan (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013275)

Benazir had occupied the post of Prime Minister from 1988-1990 and then from

1993-1996 She was the parliamentary opposition leader from 1990-1993 and from 1997-

1998 She spent almost seven years (1999-2007) in self ndash exile and was assassinated in

2007 (OlsquoConner 2010382) Benazir Bhutto held twice the position of Prime Minister

though she never managed to complete her terms but was a significant political figure in

Pakistani politics (Iwanaga 2008 37)

Bhutto in her biography intended that her struggle paved the way to change the

traditional aspects of our society the common perception regarding the Asian women

gender role is to perform the family responsibilities Benazir Bhutto stated that she faced

the same challenges in the traditional society of Pakistan as an ordinary women faced

when criticized by the clergy She worked for democracy liberty and social justice in

Pakistan Benazir Bhutto brought some reforms in the early year of her government and

made the press free gave the people their basic right of speech and thoughts and made

Pakistan free from all sorts of exploitation (Khan et al 2015203)

McCarthy contends that later Bhutto turned against her promises and worked for

the consolidation of her political power rather than struggle for the betterment of people

She relied on the support of elite class instead of public Similarly she tried to settle the

problems with India and Afghanistan through negotiations without taking the military in

confidence which created great resentment in armed forces Her close ties with the West

and US for the foreign aid gave her a political breakdown and her government was

dismissed in August 1990 on the charges of bargaining for personal gains and there was a

political competition and the humiliation of the opponents (McCartney 2011170)

But Benazir Bhutto was again re-elected in 1993President Farooq Laghari had

good relations with Benazir and promised her to freely work without the interference of a

president She faced severe problems like in 1994-95 Mohajir Quami Movement(MQM)

led the Mohajir Nationalism in Sindh and was involved in violent acts which the

government of Benazir responded aggressively (Shah 199778) Similarly financial

condition of Pakistan was bad that country was close to bankruptcy She led Social

Action Programme (SAP) to provide better life facilities to the people Her government

received foreign aid but most of it was utilized for the electricity generation Her

government choose to support US led Afghan Taliban both financially and military

(Tucker 2010209) This policy made the military legitimized institution to interfere in

56

the politics of Pakistan Her government was again terminated in 1997 on the basis of

corruption and maladministration (Naden 201169)

She went into exile for the second time in 2007 After political negotiations with

the President Musharraf she returned to Pakistan On her very return she survived from an

attack on her life She faced second attack on her life in a procession gathered in

Rawalpindi but she could not survive from this attack and died on 27th

December 2007

Benazir Bhutto was a courageous and brave woman and always took risk for her life and

fought against dictators (Brown 200810) Though her life was full of troubles struggles

successes and dismissals but throughout her life she faced the difficult situation

courageously and worked for the rights education and better life standards of people She

struggled hard against the dictatorial military rule of General Zia-ul Haq and led a

movement for the restoration of Democracy (MRD) and brought an end to the 11 years

rule of a military regime (Shah H 201301)

25 BEGUM KHALIDA ZIA (BANGLADESH)

Bangladesh Prime Minister Khalida Zia was born in a business family in

Jalpaiguri (North Eastern part of the Bangladesh) on August 15th

1945 She married Zia-

ur- Rehman (b1935-d1981) in 1960 at fifteen years of age Zia-ur- Rehman was serving

in the Pakistan army as a captain at the time of her marriage She had completed her

studies at the college level three years later after her marriage Then they were being

transferred to West Pakistan for the Zia- ur- Rehman commitment in the 1965 war of

Pakistan and India to command the East Pakistan Regiment in the war (Gerlach

2013120) and later in 1967 the family returned to East part of Pakistan (now

Bangladesh) When the liberation war was started by Eastern part of Pakistan the country

was divided into eleven different zones and Zia-ur- Rehman was the general in charge of

one zone He led the Mukhti Bahini Battalion and fought against Pakistan became

victorious and Bangladesh emerged as an independent state on the map of the world in

1971 After the Sheikh Mujeeblsquos assassination in 1975 he became the Chief of Army and

a dominant figure of Army (editors of American Heritage 2005865) General Zia-ur-

Rehman became the countylsquos first military dictator who occupied the post of countrylsquos

Presidency from 1977-1980 During Zia-ur-Rehman presidency Khalida Zia acted as a

typical house wife and remained away from politics (Gerlach 2013121)

But the situation after the assassination of her husband in 1981paved the way for

the politically inexperienced Khalida Zia towards political leadership (Hudson 199740)

57

There were three candidates for the BNP presidency and in 1984 she became the leader of

her husbandlsquos party Bangladesh National Party (BNP) which was a sign of popular

support for her (Hudson 199739)

The women in Bangladesh who fought against the military dictator were two

noteworthy Begums Begum Khalida Zia and Begum Hasina Wajid In 1990 their

struggles became fruitful and they brought an end to the military rule of Ershad for the

second time (Foley 2013222) Then under the supervision of the interim government

elections were held in 1991 which was considered to be the first ever democratic elections

after the Bangladesh independence The leader of Bangladesh National Party (BNP)

Begum Khalida Zia became an elected prime minister of Bangladesh and the rival party

Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina Wajid occupied the opposition benches Khalida

Zia brought certain changes in the constitution and replaced presidential form of

government into parliamentary form with prime minister having the vast executive

powers Human rights situation became improved in the country by eliminating the

restriction on the fundamental rights of the people (Askwik 199595)

Her government made laws regarding compulsory education for female and the

bill related to the death penalty for the crimes against the children and women was also

introduced in February 14th

1995 in the parliament (Ahmed 2004231) The military ruler

Ershad was imprisoned on the corruption charges Her official visits to Saudi Arabia and

China in 1991 were for the purpose of technical and economic cooperation Likewise her

visit to India in 1992 was for the purpose to resolved water sharing problem During a

visit Bangladesh signed nine hundred and ninety nine years lease agreement of Teen

Bigha Corridor with India She also made official visits to Pakistan Iran and Burma led

her country close to the neighbouring and other countries of the World (Ahmed 2004

232) Her foreign policy moves around good relations with China and Pakistan to counter

the threats from the outside World especially from India (Singh 2010284)

She held the post of Prime Minister of Bangladesh from 1991-1996 and then from

2001-2006 Again under the supervision of a caretaker government elections were held

on 1st October 2001 in which BNP led the four party alliance won two-third majority in

the Parliament and Khalida Zia became the prime minister on 10th

October

2001(International business publication 201135) Awami League throughout the BNP

government boycotted and then returned to the parliament regarding different issues and

criticized the sound economic and foreign policies of the BNP government Law and

order situation became worst during 2005 when extremist Islamist group attacked

58

different government buildings and killed number of people but were suppressed by the

government and peace was restored (International business publication 201136)

Though Khalida Zia was an inexperienced political leader but after achieving the

post of Premier she developed her skills and was able to cope with the new situation She

tried to solve different issues with the neighbouring countries Her close relations with the

different countries were the clear indication of her sound and friendly foreign policy

Such efforts make Bangladesh able to defend herself against any aggression

26 SHEIKH HASINA WAJID (BANGLADESH)

Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman father of the Bangladeshi nation became the first

Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1975 He was assassinated on August 10th

1975 along

with his family members (Mitra et al 200623) His daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajid

survived the assassination attempt because she was in Germany at the time of her fatherlsquos

assassination Sheikh Hasina Wajid (daughter of the founding father) remained in exile

for six years But she returned to Bangladesh and actively participated in countrylsquos

politics After the assassination of all her family members political succession of her

family was passed to Hasina Wajid In 1981 she was elected as the President of Awami

League (Stange et al 2011 669) In 1986 she became the opposition leader by winning

three constituencies in the Bangladeshi Parliament Then in 1991 she became an

oppositional leader with the government leader Khalida Zia During this tenure Khalida

Zia initiated twelfth amendment in the constitution for the prime ministerial form of

government in the country (Chakrabarti 2013483)

Sheikh Hasina Wajid struggled for the fair democratic government by demanding

the resignation of the corrupt politicians to conduct general elections in 1996 under the

supervision of the caretaker government These elections were won by Awami league a

political party led by Sheikh Hasina Wajid She was able to form a coalition government

and she took an oath of the tenth Prime minister of Bangladesh on May 10th

1996She

remained in office from 1996-2001(Whyte 200036) She had served the country twice as

a prime minister from1996- 2001 and from 2009mdashpresent (Stange et al 2011669) Her

electoral victory paved the way for democracy after twenty one yearlsquos long struggle

against the oppressive corrupt rule and after the continuous imposition of martial laws

(Chitkara 1998313)

In December 1996 Ganges water sharing treaty was signed with India by Sheikh

Hasina She was enthusiastic to work for the improvement and development of her

59

country (International Business Publication 201138) Then in 1997 a peace accord

named Chittagong Hill tract was signed by her government and then in 1998 opened

Bangabandhu Bridge across the Jamuna River which linked the eastern and western part

of the country Her policies are related to create friendly relations with other countries

(Shrestha 2002237)

Later in the 2001 elections her party was defeated and she became an opposition

leader The elections were to be held in 2007 but later the schedule was changed and the

elections become delayed Sheikh Hasina Wajid was arrested on the charges of bribery

and some other charges Then in 2008 elections Awami League formed a grand alliance

with fourteen other political parties and won an absolute majority Sheikh Hasina Wajid

again took the responsibility of the country as a prime minister in January 2009(Foley

2013222)

This time she is more enthusiastic The first initiative took by her government is

the formation of a committee for the restoration of the original constitution Her

government also announced the women development and education policies in 2010

Women development policies ensures the equal property rights for the women and

specified forty percent quota for women in different government jobs including

parliament and local bodies While in the education policy they make free primary

education compulsory and the emphasis would be more on the scientific and

technological education She also took initiatives to solve all her problems with the

opponent BNP for the betterment and progress of the country (Mastoor 200923)

Her government also signed an accord in 2011 on the four-decade old border

dispute with India According to the accord demarcation of the boundaries of both the

countries and the exchange of their occupied area of about seven thousand acres and fifty

thousand people are to be return During her rule government tribunal was formed to

investigate the members of the Bangladesh Islamist party Jammat-i- Islami was charged

with the war crimes because of their cooperation with Pakistan during the liberation war

of 1971(Chopra 2015211)

27 CORAZON AQUINO (PHILIPPINES)

The first female Filipino leader Corazon Aquino being ascended to the highest

post of Presidency was born in 1933 and died of Cancer in 2009 She was the daughter of

a Jose Cojuangco sugar baron and have owned a family bank Her father was also a

member of the National Assembly of Philippines Both of her grandfathers were also the

60

respected senators Her initial schooling was at Manila Later after the family moved to

USA in 1946 where she completed her education She had been graduated from Mount St

Vincent College in New York City in 1954 and had married with a young politician of

Philippines Benigno Aquino She had supported her husband in his political career but

lived her life as a simple housewife with five children (Magill 199986)

Marcos won the elections and became the elected president of Philippines in 1965

and in 1969 But he imposed Martial law (1972-1986) which deteriorated the socio-

economic and political situation of the country and raised many problems (Quimpo

2012nd) He also treated the opponents brutally Senator Beningo Jr was among his

political opponents who remained a senator from 1967-72(Powers et al 201123)

Beningo and his companions faced imprisonment (September 1972-May 1980) and had

faced forced exile for three years On his return in August 1983 he was assassinated at

Manila airport which further intensify the already turbulent situations (Magill 199986)

Popular uprising against the dictatorial rule of Marcos pressurized him to conduct

legislative elections held in 1984 where the opposition minority became successful This

success further boosted the energies of the opposition to continue their struggle against

the dictator Later worst economic conditions of the country and the foreign pressure

compelled Marcos to conduct Presidential elections in February 1986 These elections

were won by Corazon Aquino (the widow of Senator Beningo) She held the post of

Presidency from 1986-1992(Gin 2004168)

She was a courageous women who had started a revolution through Peoplelsquos

Power against the dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 who had murdered her husband

senator Benigno S Aquino in 1983(Julio 2012201) Though she gained power after the

assassination of her husband but she was inexperienced politicians and was targeted by

her political rivals time and again These criticisms further increased her image as a

morally good political leader who always work for the welfare of their people instead of

her personal interests (Thompson 2013156) It was possible only because of her courage

which brought twenty years dictatorship of Marcos to an end and raised the flag of

democracy in chaotic economically and politically unstable Philippines (Maynard

198703)

Though she was inexperienced politician simple house wife but was backed and

supported by the Catholic Church bishops the businessmen and civil society groups for

her morality and her fair struggle for democracy and justice This noble mission was

started by her husband but was followed by her They monitored the elections and

61

marched against the dictator which resulted the Marcos to escape to US Corazon Aquino

became the first female elected President of Philippines She formed a commission to

draft the constitution with a strong President and guaranteed full civil rights (Thompson

2015208-209)

Aquino worked for the stabilization of economy by bringing back wealth of the

country embezzled by Marcos Her policies regarding good governance security human

rights and security of the people of Philippines and regained the military support are the

work of a true leader Current President Benigno Noynoy S Aquino III is the son of

President Corazon Aquino She was from the elitist class staunch Catholic Time and

situation made her to enter into politics and united her people against the dictatorial rule

of Marcos who struggled hard for the restoration of democracy (Coronel 2009 04)

She retired from public office in June 1992 but continued her struggle for the

Filipinos She raised her voice against the President Joseph Estrada in 2001 on the basis

of fraudulent presidential elections President Arroyo demanded his resignation but never

actively participated in the politics again for the purpose to provide chances to the young

blood (McKee amp Wallerstein 200903)

28 THE RISE OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADER CRITICAL ANALYSIS

The above mentioned women reached to top leadership positions in countries

where women are far from achieving political equality and their rights (Lithgow

200001) However ironically women politicians of the Northeast Southeast and South

Asia also led many governments and the opposition movements In Pakistan Sri Lanka

Bangladesh India and Philippines women are predominant in politics and have occupied

top leadership posts as presidents and prime ministers several times in their respective

countries The most notable among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika

Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) Corazon C Aquino and Gloria Macapagal-

Arroyo(Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Indira Gandhi amp Sonia Gandhi(India)

Aung San Suu Kyi(Burma) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Wan Azizah Wan Ismail

(Malaysia) Begum Khalida Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wajid(Bangladesh)

Mostly the political victimization and crisis situations of family and country excel

these women in public domain and motivate them to endeavour for the rights and

prosperity of public Further Fleschenberg argues that they are the elected representatives

of their people but are the descendent from socially and politically influential families and

ruling dynasties (Fleschenberg 200924-25) It is often assumed that their political legacy

62

grant them top leadership positions of party leadership prime ministers presidents and

opposition leaders (Derich ampThompson 201330Jalalzai 2004) These women political

leaders have ably led the political parties of their husbands and fathers Basu argues that

they are either the daughters of the founding fathers or the influential figures of their

respective countries They arewere the privileged political ladies whose parents or

husbands served the country as prime ministers or former politicians (Basu 200506)

They skilfully led their political parties and united the dispirited public and had

articulated their hopes and ably gained their support as well

Though these women political leaders laid the foundation of dynastic model of

democracy they became the successors of the political positions of the slaying male

members of their families and set a pattern for the future females to occupy the political

positions in the same hereditary manner (Tuminez 201208 Altson 2014203 Jensen

2008 15 )

Being the successors of the political victimized male they benefitted by gaining

the sympathies and support of their people Derich and Thompson mentioned Srimavo

Bandaranaike prominence as weeping widowlsquo and mother of the orphan childrenlsquo

(Derich amp Thompson 201321) Srimavo Bandaranaike got sympathies of public through

a political narrative highlighting the achievements and sacrifices made by her husband

and her own ordeals in response to the death threats at the death of her husband (Jensen

200816)

But their skills and strategies to manipulate the situations in a manner to create a

suitable environment in the patriarchal and traditional societieslsquo further facilitated them in

political struggle Scholars posit that the education of these women leaders such as Indira

Gandhi Benazir Bhutto and Chandrika Kumaratunga from the reputed colleges and

universities the social strata and their privileged class as compared to the general

population also facilitated them in their rise to top leaderships (Jalazai amp Krook 201008

Deeba amp Wilson 201380) These privileges further increased their probabilities of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Though mostly women political leaders are inexperienced politicians performing

the typical traditional role as mothers and homemakers and they are considered to be

symbolic leaders who can be easily influenced and controlled by the male party members

as compared to the established male leaders (Bakshi 200101) But these suppositions are

nullified by the women political leaders as they prove themselves strong (Skard

2015155) They demonstrate political acumen and ability to improvise through fast

63

learning (Bakshi 200101) Scholars have also referred to their intelligence ethics

(Derichs amp Thompson 2013) efficiency (Alston 2014 235) trustworthiness and honesty

and risk taking in tumultuous political environment as compared to their male associates

(Skard 2015156) The effectiveness of a political leader lies in their sincerity honesty

and trustworthiness Women politicians demonstrate these characteristics (Davidson

200470)

Thus skills characteristics and qualities demonstrated by Asian women leaders

such as both Corazon Aquino and Srimavo Bandaraika were politically inexperienced but

their supporters considered them to be very ethical morally upright and reliable leaders

with illustrious political history of public welfare (Thompson 2013156)

Women political leaders from South Asia have taken the charge of the

disorganized political parties when the later were in bad shape Each of the six women

leaders (Indira Gandhi Srimavo amp Chandrika Bandaranaika Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina

Wajid and Benazir Bhutto) reorganized their parties in a much better way This shows

their ability as leaders in their own right (Gupta 2014191) Such politically skilled

leaders are aware of the feeling emotions and requirements of their people by creating

friendly environment and are able to influence their people with the help of their skills to

handle the difficult situation with ease (Braddy amp Campbell 201401) They recognized

themselves as true leaders of their people which make them able to remain in power

(Fernandes 201472)

Women politicians are able enough to impart a message of power strength and

decisiveness (Campus 201306) Women leaders are not just the compromising leaders

but they are strong enough to have adopted sound policies and took strong actions against

those who sabotage their respective governments

For a politically skilled leader social relationship is needed for the purpose to get

the support of their people to achieve the objectives (Ferris et al 2007293-295) Women

politicians through their former socialization and political skills formed their relationship

across different constituencies and influenced their public in general to create a

relationship with them in such a manner that they started including them in their struggle

to achieve the desired goals (Klenke 201156) This is also because women are believed

to have good communication skills (Mirza amp Jabeen 2011270 Lussier and Achua

201310-11) Scholars have praised Benazir Bhutto political wisdom courage eloquent

endurance (Hossain 201101) and commitment towards peoplelsquos welfare and

determination for the achievement of the set goals Benazir Bhutto is credited as being

64

an effective and democratic leader because of her political skills as perseverance and

determination (Shah B 2014)

Similarly writers appraised Srimavo Bandaranaike courage political skills

dedication capacity to learn and toughness (De Silva 200001) She was a modest

trusteed and powerful member of her cabinet (Richardson 2005308) While Indira

Gandhi earned the title of an Iron Lady of Indialsquo because of her tough actions against

the odds (Thelikorala 201101) With such exceptional skills attributes and

determination these women leaders became a role model and example for other women

folk (Mydens 201005)

Similarly apart for political skills socialization and circumstances are important

determinants for the emergence and amelioration of these political leaders Socialization

provided the force and skill to gain political power (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009 Halder

200433) The grooming of Benazir Bhutto was totally for the political leadershipBenazir

was brought up to be her father political heir As an elder child of her family she got

special attention Z A Bhutto took Benazir to attend his political meeting and

conferences (Skard 2015125) Similarly Indira Gandhi was also trained for politics the

fact that other ladies were able to hold their own in the tumultuous situation must be

regarded as a tribute to their resilience as politicians (Dixit 200845)

Political socialization for Srimavo Bandranaike Khalida Zia and Corazon Aquino

started after the assassination of their husbands They came to the forefront and achieved

the leadership of their political parties founded by their consorts and then occupied the

top leadership position of their countries as well (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009)

Apart from skills the circumstancesituation are also helpful in the emergence of

these women leaders to the top political leadership positions and got political successes

(Jalalzai ampKrook 201009 Halder 200433) Scholars postulates that the place time and

circumstances facilitates the rise of a great leader (Bass et al 198138 Martin et al

200645) and situational leadership demands the compatible leadership style to the

involvement and capacity of their followers (Northouse 2013 99) The above mentioned

women political leaders emerged in an uncertain chaotic situations They sought political

power in dramatic situation created by military coup murder or sudden death of a leader

or opposition by authoritarian forces Women leaders led peaceful movement against

autocratic and military rulers (OlsquoConner 2010384) and women are highly vulnerable in

conflict situations whether household related conflict or violence community or local

tensions armed conflict and civil war(Mwagiru nd01)

65

Political unrest the demand for change and the unpopular regimes are helpful in

providing opportunities to the women to take the leadership position (Skard 2015154)

Authoritarian military rule has curtailed democratic processes in some South Asian

countries which opened ways for the empowerment of discriminated groups including

women (Shaheed nd07) These women got prominent leadership position through

democratic revolution in Asia Uncertain situation in their countries provide chances to

the women politicians to hold the top political leadership positions as they are thought to

be more honest moral and selfless advocates of the cause of their assassinated martyred

father or husband (Shehabuddin 201472)

But all these women have their own experiences and have their own distinct style

for configuring the influences and events (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) The emergence of

Benazir Bhutto (Lithgow 200005) Khalida Zia Hasina Wajid (Foley 2013222) and

Corazon Aquino have revolted against the dictatorial rule in their own ways

They faced different situations such as house arrest exile threats and the

assassination attempts However they survived and proved themselves as the substantiate

leaders of the people because of their persistency in hard times (Shehabuddin 201472)

which paved the way for democracy and provide the fundamental rights of the people

Srimavo Bandranaike Chandrika Kumaratunga (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) and Indira

Gandhi faced different problems before and even after their commencement to top

leadership positions from the secessionistseparatists group Similarly Benazir Bhutto

also faced resistance from the conservativereligious parties like Jamat-i-Islami JUI

clerics supporting by the ulemas of Saudi Arabia issuing fatwas against the women rule

A series of violent acts and agitation started to destabilize the new elected government

but Benazir Bhutto called it the consequences of the election results by those who faced

defeat and are backed by military (Ispahani 201556) These women leaders have resisted

militarism desire to become equally represented in democracies (Pandey 200517) raised

their voices against military dictators

All the above mentioned women political leaders after gaining top leadership

position stood courageously against all odds and critical situations (Jensen 200819) and

despite the numerous hurdles and constraints these women made their way to advance to

top leadership positions They also achieved remarkable progresses by learning leadership

skills like their male counterparts (Foley 2013230)

Women leaders after gaining power in critical situations proved themselves as

survivors Indira Gandhi appeared as a champion of democracy and steadfast leader who

66

would not bow before any one For this reason she was given the title Durga4mother

(Hindus Goddess) However Indira Gandhi was also given the title of Kalilsquo5because of

her oppressive measures against her opponents (Panday 200552)

These women leaders are the pioneer of advancing the positive political change in

traditional societies such a change is important to create an atmosphere for the women to

be equally suitable to run the political office These women mobilised politicians and

traditional leaders to accept women in the parliaments and endure higher self-esteem and

confidence (Kumari 2014) Through their experience women political leaders improved

their decision-making skills They brought necessary changes within their countries in

spite of the unfriendly social and political environment Their political leadership have

transformed general perception regarding the status of women as weak inferior and

innocent to strong intelligent and capable leaders Their leadership enables women

voices to be more influential and prominent within governance processes (Kumari 2014)

29 CONCLUSION

Strong social and politically influential family ties facilitated the above mentioned

women politicians to acquire political leadership However their own political skills and

the ability to use the situation in which they rose to power are also an important

contributing factors They have the unbeatable courage patience intelligence moral and

ethical characters which enabled them to occupy the top leadership positions and also to

retain them They won the support and trust of their followers in general over a period of

time and this ensured their stay in power Such popular support is evident from the fact

that different titles were extended to them such as goddesslsquo (Indira Gandhi) motherlsquo

and daughterlsquo (Benazir Bhutto) Therefore we can conclude that women political leaders

in Asia acquired top political positions and retained them (such as Prime Minister

President) primarily through their consistent struggle and extraordinary talent They also

retained those positions for a period of time Such examples also served to inspire more

women to get into politics and acquire leadership positions in their respective countries

4 Durga The righteous Hindu Goddess who got success on slaughtering the demon riding on her lion

5 Kali Black one she is also the Hindulsquos Goddess considered as a symbol of destruction and fury who also

fought against demons and evils According to their sacred book when Durga loses control or when faces

dreadful enemy Kali is born from Durga anger and embody her furore Kali generally threatened order and

stability She is the goddess of Fierce Her worshippers considered her as a mother of sympathy

67

CHAPTER ndash 3

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

It is pertinent to analyse the socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun

women in order to understand the struggle of Nasim Wali Khan This will put her case in

a proper context as well The economic political and social status of women in Pukhtun

society assist us comprehend the structural conditions in which these women live and

struggle Their situations acquaint us about the hindrances which are still obstructing the

way of these women In this chapter history customs traditions behaviours and attitudes

of the Pukhtun men towards women are discussed for the purpose to identify the main

hindrances confronted by Pukhtun women in various fields of life including politics

Though there are some exceptions where Pukhtun women gained political prominence

however the overall conditions are discouraging towards women political participation

Majority of the Pukhtuns inhabit areas constituting parts of Pakistan and

Afghanistan The triangular shaped area of about 250 000 square miles between the

Central Asia South Asia and the Iranian Plateau of Sijistan starts from Dir in the North

moves along the Indus turns West wards towards Dera Ismail Khan in the South where it

is connected with Sharigh Degar Loralai Harnai Quetta Pishin Chaman and Qandahar

and extends towards Herat From this place it moves into the foothills of Hindukush in

the North-East and again annexed to Dir (Caroe 1958 XVIII) The larger part of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa (province of Pakistan) and 34th

South East region of Afghanistan consisted

of this area This mountainous area is divided between Pakistan and Afghanistan They

form the Worldlsquos largest group of tribesmen The demographic details of Pukhtuns are

obscure because of their residence in remote areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan

Particularly their number in Afghanistan is not known because no official census is done

in Afghanistan recently However various estimates show that Pukhtuns are over 30

million (Barry 2013 20)

Pukhtun population is not limited to Pak-Afghan borderland There is

considerable population of Pukhtuns in urban areas of Pakistan such as Karachi and

Islamabad as well Pukhtuns also live as diaspora in Europe and USA for quite some

time They have substantial presence in Middle East as labourers and businessmenA

small minority of Pukhtuns is also present in India and Bangladesh as well

Pukhtuns throughout the world have some common features most notably their

68

language locally known as Pukhtu or Pashto language unwritten code of conduct

(Pukhtunwali) and their strict adherence to Sunni Islam but with exceptions of Shias of

Kurram agency and some other areas (Danver 2013559) There are different

explanations regarding the origin of Pukhtuns Pukhtuns consider themselves the

descendants of a mythical figure called Qais Abdur Rashid who is believed to have

travelled from Hindu Kush to Arabia and accepted Islam directly at the hands of the Holy

Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and died in 662CE (Christensen 1988144 Dyndo

200707)

However some scholars argue that Pukhtuns are a race born out of the

intermarriages of Aryans with foreign invaders in Pak-Afghan borderland Pre-Islamic

Pukhtun culture dates back to 330 BCE (Khan 2015) Others claim that Pukhtuns are the

descendant of Afghana (grandson of King Saul of Israel) who ruled during 11 century

BCE the lost tribe of Israel (Danver 2013 559) A Pukhtun scholar Pareshan Khattak

opposes all the early theories related to the origin of Pukhtuns He argues that the absence

of proper historic precedents regarding the above mentioned theories make them

ambiguous He argues that Pukhtuns have their own specific identity through which they

are recognized with Since their known origin Pukhtuns have been distinctive and

therefore cannot be relating to other ethnicities or nations They are neither Aryans nor

Mongols Pukhtuns is an ancient nation with centuries old civilization (Khattak 2005)

Pareshan Khattak further argues that historically Pukhtuns lived in close proximity

with different nations they have adopted some characteristics still observed in form of

Pukhtunwali Khattak illustrates that if we analyse the Aryans nation we observed that

they respected their elders They didnlsquot follow the inherited monarchy Similarly their

social system is based on Tribalism Tribal system made the Aryans united as a nation

against the invaders They were hospitable They honoured their guests and offered them

good meal Khattak argues that all these features are present in Pukhtunwali as well

However still Pukhtuns are identified as a distinct nation who followed their own codes

of conduct in the form of Pukhtunwali since their inception (Khattak 2005194)

I argue that despite different theories regarding their origin Pukhtuns have a

strong sense of solidarity towards each other and they consider themselves as the

descendants of a single forefather who lived somewhere in Afghanistan Thus belief in

common ancestry makes them united through an organized social order This is often

typical of tribal societies which trace their lineage to a patriarchal head with blood ties

connecting the entire tribe Following is a detail of their social and political existence

69

SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF THE PUKHTUN SOCIETY

Segmentary lineage system forms the very basic structure of the society There is

hierarchy of social groupings in such societies Such grouping started from the local level

moving upward through several levels and forms the entire ethnic group The relationship

is based on shared values culture and kinship Pukhtuns are highly concerned with the

origin genealogies and descent (Caroe 1958) Barfield argues that prime loyalty of

Pukhtuns is towards their kin village tribe and ethnic group generally termed as qawm

(Barfield 201018)

Family forms the very base of the Pukhtunslsquo hierarchical structure Kul (family) is

usually used for enlarged family while Koranai and Tabar is used for smaller family Kul

is sometimes used for referring to a group of families closely related to each other They

have maintained their individuality and identity (Kilcullen200974) These extended

families united together in smaller groups forming lineage (Plarganey) which united

together in kinship groups are called clans (Khels) These multiple kin groups form a tribe

(qawm) They usually united against the common rivals who threatened their existence

(Munoz 201004)

Tribes (qawm) are usually comprised of number of groups and sub-groups

(Khels) There are numerous subdivisions who occupied specific areas close to each

other Tribe is basically a social organization which is based on lineage and locality They

share common ancestry language culture and history (Kakar 1979 Moghaddam et al

2012807)

Likewise Barth provides specifics of the traditional arrangements of Pukhtuns

organizations He posits that Pukhtuns present in the central belt of the barren hills are

engaged in mixed agriculture (Barth 1969118) Mostly tribesmen are descendants of the

common predecessors Pukhtuns are organized in patrilineal segmentary lineage system

(Barth 1969118) These levels of organization exist within the Pashtun tribal system

Tribal society maintained peculiar mannerism values norms and traditions (Kilcullen

200974) In other words Lindholm called such social structure an ―acephalous

patrilineal segmentary system This means that they lack institutionalized leadership and

hierarchy as well (1982 xxiv)

Barth argues that Pukhtuns living in the plains valleys of Pakistan are mostly

arduous agriculturist with having artificial irrigation system They are the land owners

while the villagers serve them in the lands as their tenants Pukhtun population living in

70

the towns are traders administrators craftsmen and labourers as well Likewise some

Pukhtuns are living a pastoral life politically organized as tribes Barth states that

politically Pukhtuns are segmentary organization of the Pukhtun descent group In some

areas they are living without an institutionalised leadership while in some areas having a

quasi-feudal system with subject to bureaucratic administration (Barth 1969118)

I argue that recently their socio-economic organization has changed considerably

Different classes according to the wealth property and authority have emerged among

them All these classes are engaged in different professionsworks which determine their

position in their society The proprietorship of wealth and land gave powerful status to

Pukhtuns in their society Alam (2012 315) posits that in Pukhtun tribal areas affluent

and powerful elites are the Maliks They are actually the chief of their tribes who enjoyed

highest status in their respective tribes while in settled areas they are called as Khanans

(Swat areas) Nawabans (Mardan) and similar names granted to them according to their

status in the society So the status and engagement of work in Pukhtun society is based

on the distribution and possession of wealth and land The landless or small landholders

are engaged in farm related activities while the one with possession of large lands are

landlords to farmers (Alam 2012 315)

Poor people of the tribe serve rich in their homes as their servants (Khitmatgaran)

and in fields as their tenants Holy groups of the Pukhtun tribesmen as Mian Sayyids and

also land owners are on top of the hierarchy Then other groups as Mullahs (who perform

the religious duties have a marginal involvement in political affairs of Pukhtun society)

shopkeepers goldsmith tailors carpenters shepherds barbers butchers musicians and

dancers are placed in lower categories People of all these categories are politically

socially and economically dependent on the landlord families (Ahmed 2006 19-20)

Similarly women of high social status are partly visible in public places whereas

more specifically women of elite class in the villages are confined to the four walls of

their houses and not permitted to move outside freely Female of poor families mostly

help their males in fields and also perform household chores at homes of the wealthy

Pukhtun families (Alam 2012 315) Nevertheless this is changing with the passage of

time Major changes occurred after 1970lsquos Considerable number of Pukhtuns went to

Gulf States for earning The remittances they sent home have brought changes in

economic and social structures of Pukhtuns The number of landholders have increased

considerably which led to the transformation of social stratification (Rafiq 201778)

Undoubtedly Pukhtuns living in any part of the world have a great respect

71

towards Pukhtunwali they follow the code variently Pukhtuns have always considered

the code (Pukhtunwali) an ideal conduct and have been trying to observe and follow it by

for centuries

PUKHTUNWALI AN UNWRITTEN CODE OF CONDUCT

Pukhtunwali is a flexible code of conduct which is not static but dynamic and

negotiable It covers political socio- economic and religious aspects of life These

attributes are closely associated by Pukhtuns with their Pukhtun identity These are not

attributes themselves but a complex form of concepts of justice and honour which is

derived from Pukhtuns specific value orientations These value orientations are

autonomy equality bravery individuality and aggressiveness collectively named as

Pukhtunwali (Krbek amp Pollitt 197715) Rehman states that Pukhtunwali is centurieslsquo old

unwritten code of conduct followed by Pukhtuns at the cost of their lives (Shams-ur-

Rehman 2015299) Thus different features of Pukhtunwali are still followed and

respected by Pukhtuns

One of the features of Pukhtunwali is Jirga which is considered to be the very

cause of its flexibility where issues and disputes are discussed and resolved (Taj 2011)

Another feature of Pukhtunwali is Melmastia (hospitality) for which Pukhtuns are

characterized with (Lindholm 1982211) Melma means guest They are honoured and

respected by Pukhtuns Once under the roof of Pukhtuns they are treated as guests and

served well with good food place and shelter (Ali 201302) Barth argues that these

informal institutions are the facilitating factors for Pukhtuns to maintain their common

values and specific identity within a segmentary population (Barth 1969123)

Similarly if an individual is an asylum seeker and wants protection of his life

from his foes such guests will be given every possible protection against his enemies

(Lindholm 1982211 Taj 201102) This is termed as Panah or protection (Saigol

201350) Likewise if the culprit seek mercy at the house of the victims Nanawati

(shelter) is granted to them (Harnden 201425)

Badal (revenge) is another code of conduct (Lindholm 1982211) which should

be taken at any cost Responsibility of revenge ran deep in the blood of Pukhtuns

(Easwaran 199917) Miakheil argues that Pukhtuns never forget to take a revenge

though sometimes it may defer for some purpose as according to the Pakhtu proverb

―Ka cheeri Pukhtun khapal badal sal kala pas ham wakhle no beya ham-e-bera

karay dardquo

72

Translation if a Pukhtun took his revenge after hundred years he still seems to be in a

hurry (Miakheil 20035)

So revenge is taken against the wrongdoers otherwise such family or individuals

lose prestige in the society To protect themselves from such stigma Pukhtuns involve

themselves in unending blood feuds (Miakheil 20035) Thus revenge is the liability on

the shoulders of an affected family or tribe which should be taken in any way by any

generation This code of conduct (Badal) even destroys the lives of more than one

generations

Mostly Pukhtuns prefer to live in joint family system which enhances their family

solidarity and welfare Such communal life is a source of their economic security and

social integrity But with the passage of time this joint family system is changed into an

individualistic pattern especially in an educated and well off section of the society

Similarly Pukhtun society is following the aggregate culture Altson states that Pukhtuns

have a composite and aggregate culture They avoid individualism They are interrelated

with one another (Altson 2014) So tribal culture and Pukhtunwali are reformulated in

terms of mutual responsibility and solidarity Nationally the notion of tribal independence

is termed as Pukhtun autonomy which makes them united against any aggression

(Verkaaik 201270) Thus Pukhtuns work for the welfare of group instead of individual

Likewise honour of the group and of the individuals is bound together Protection of

honour is responsibility of the whole Pukhtun community which is to be protected at any

cost more specifically against those who tried to infringe it (Altson 2014)

Similarly Sharam (shame) Peghore (taunt) are also important codes of Pukhtun

culture and any harm to life property and respect of women family culture ethnicity

community and nationality is attached to Nang (honour) and couldnlsquot ignore in any

situation (Khattak et al 200102) Ghairat (courage) Tor Nang Namus (honour of

women) and Pardah (segregation of gender) are also features of Pukhtunwali (Barth

1969122) in order to protect their females against anyone It is stated that feature of

ghairat is central to Pukhtun culture It gives them the spirit of pride zeal autonomy

courage and self- assertion related to being a Pukhtun and doing Pakhtu Ghairat is close

to their hearts and in case of insult or challenge they never hesitate to take even the lives

of others or sacrifice themselves Otherwise they earn the title of beghairat (without

honour) It is stigma to them and are considered as weak and impotent Thus ghairat

compels Pukhtun to defend the honour of his family and tribe at any cost According to

the Pukhtu proverb ―a Pukhtun will throw himself in the fire for the sake of his honourrdquo

73

(Culver 2008 74)

Similarly protection of Namus is mandatory act on part of Pukhtuns The

responsibility lies on each end every member of the Pukhtun community to protect

Namus of family village and society Protection of females land (also Motherland) and

property are termed as Namus Those individuals who either leave the place or to fight for

his honour and are better able to protect their Namus should earn Ezzat (honour) But if

anyone fails to do so would have no ezzat in the society It is stated that it is worthwhile

to die instead of living without honour As mentioned in the proverb

ldquoMal me da Sara Jar Sha aw Sar me da Namus na Jar shardquo means I will sacrifice

my wealth for my head and will sacrifice my life for my Namus (Miakhel

20033)

Protection of women land (also Motherland) and property are considered as the

foremost duty of Pukhtuns Likewise Pukhtun protect and defend their females against

any mishap which destroys the very image of family tribe and even Pukhtun community

Otherwise women have to pay price of the family honour in different forms as swara6

pardah (seclusion of women) honour killing and restriction on their free movement

(Altson 2014) Violation of any of these codes could not be tolerated Any violations

against them would lead to bloodshed Likewise Torah (bravery) and Imandari (truth)

are the codes present in blood of Pukhtuns (Ali 201304)

Mashartia (respect for elders) saritob which is manliness (Ahmed 200616)

Siyali (equality) Qawm (Tribal or Ethnicity) Qawmi Taroon (Tribal binding) Hamsaya

(neighbour or outsider living within a village or family) are also crucial codes of conduct

Jirga (assembly of male elders) has the responsibility to supervise and implement these

codes (Barth 195967) Jirga is a meeting of the reputable people of Pukhtun community

that has the authority to settle the dispute in a manner acceptable to both the sides

(Shams-ur-Rehman 2015298) Thus Pukhtunwali covers almost every aspect of life

whether economic religious social and political So being an ideal Pukhtun observance

of these codes along with true faith in Islam is crucial

6 For the settlement of disputes sometimes the aggrieved party receive compensation in the form of diyat(

payment or acceptance of blood money) Qisas(eye for an eye etc) or Swara Swara is a custom in which the

female of a culprit family is given to the aggrieved family It is a constant reminder for the end of the

conflict

74

ISLAM AND PUKHTUNWALI

Pukhtuns have greater affection towards Pukhtunwali and religion Islam They

consider both the same (Minhaj-ul-Hasan 2015215) Majority of Pukhtuns are Sunni

Muslims Great Pukhtun poet Rehman Baba strongly respond to those who consider

Islam and Pukhtunwali as different Rehman Baba replied

―You keep on considering Pashto and Islam as two different things whereas in my

opinion if God were to be a human being He surely would have been a

Pakhtoonrdquo (Singh et al 2014nd)

Religion is significantly visible in their acts and behaviour Barth argues that

Pukhtun society has the influence of both Islam and Pukhtun ethnic values Pukhtunwali

is followed along with Sharia law (Barth 1981) Pukhtuns consider themselves as

genuine Muslims as they have not gone through late conversion They claim that their

ancestor Qais Abdur Rashid became the first disciple of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) at

that time when most of Arabs were infidels (Christensen 1988 144) Undoubtedly

Pukhtuns are the believers of Islam Pukhtuns believe that they have accepted the religion

Islam collectively Islam is the dominating factor in the formation of their social structure

and ideology They also follow Islamic law (Shariah) Although there are slight

differences in the dialects customs and traditions of every Pukhtun tribe but shared

social norms Thus Pukhtuns are abiding by two types of codes Islamic law and

Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201263)

Glatzer (1998) states that it is ingrained in the mind of Pukhtuns that Islam and

Pukhtunwali are one and same things Their codes are engraved in their historical context

and traditions Such codes are practiced by Pukhtuns of both Afghanistan and Pakistan

Honour shame and fight for the right cause (Jihad) have resonance in Islam Similarly

fighting without a just cause is prohibited by both Islam and Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns call

the warriors as Mujahideen and pitiable displaced peoples as Muhajerin Pukhtuns used

these terminologies even today which reminds us the exodus of the Prophet (PBUH) to

Madina Similarly the ongoing war in Afghanistan against the foreign troops is

considered as jihad by Pukhtuns and martyr in the war is entitled as Shaheed (Glatzer

19989-10)

Pukhtuns meticulously observe religious rituals like fasting Prayers Zakat

(money or other daily items granted to poor) Hajj (Pilgrimage) and Jihad (holy war

75

against the infidels) Similarly Pukhtuns considered that their identity is with the

observance of Pukhtunwali It is a matter related to honour and their integrity is in the

practice of Pukhtunwali Thus they thought themselves both as Muslims following the

Islamic laws and Pukhtuns by practicing Pukhtunwali as similar things Pukhtuns prefer

religion for modelling an ideal life They considered religion ―a moral code and is the

Allah‟s will for the amelioration of humanityrdquo but followed Pukhtunwali while taking

decisions regarding the communal matters (Kaker 200303) So it is commonly observed

that in the implementation of their decisions they grant secondary status to the religion

Thus religion comes in contradiction with customs Islam not only govern their lives but

grant them an Islamic identity of being a Muslim Both customary laws and Islam are

truly observed in the same manner but a great difference is seen in its implementation

(Naz et al 201265)

I argue that Pukhtuns have amalgamated both Islam and Pukhtunwali in a manner

which benefitted males of the society Different features of Pukhtunwali grant subjugated

position to women and in turn restrict their lives Likewise the interpretation of the

Quranic verses by the religious scholars further grant dominating status to males in

various matters These are some of the factors which make females of the traditional

societies more vulnerable Pukhtun women confront different challenges in society which

obstruct their way to a relatively better standard of life as well as towards their success

No doubt Pukhtuns consider themselves as true Muslims abiding by the Islamic rules and

having similarities in their code of conduct as well as in Islam But there are some

observable differences in both Islam and Pukhtunwali which increase hurdles for women

in their way to successful life

Pukhtunwali governs various aspects (ideological social cultural and political) of

Pukhtun lives most notably while dealing with the rights of Pukhtun women Mostly

customary laws formed by patriarchal social organization are followed Islam occupies

more ideological place while the dominating position is that of their customary laws Both

(Customary laws and Islam) are truly observed in the same manner but a great difference

is seen in its implementation (Naz et al 201265) Pessala argues that though Islam is

intermingled in Pukhtunwali but is different in many ways (2012 01) Islam provides

protection liberty and rights to women being as a mother sister wife and a daughter

Islam granted them property and inheritance rights but totally neglected by the Pukhtun

society which make them subservient to the male members of the family Pukhtun society

is being monopolized by male members (Qadeer 20151268) In Pukhtunwali women are

76

deprived of the rights of property and inheritance (Naz et al 201269) The right of Zar

(gold) Zan (women) and Zameen (land) are male possessions in Pukhtun society (Naz et

al 2012 70) Likewise majority of females are deprived of education They are also not

allowed to engage in economic activities outside their houses Pukhtuns consider houses

as the true moral and religious place for their women (Naz et al 201204) Females of

the Pukhtun society are bound by their customs and even sacrifice their lives for safety of

their family honour and security of their family male members The above situation

makes lives of the Pukhtun women more deplorable They faced different religious

socio-cultural economic and political hindrances which impedes their way to progress

IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMEN PROGRESS

31 RELIGIOUS AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES

The religious practices and cultural norms are often justified through selective

reading of religious text which create hindrances in the way of women political

participation and empowerment Such interpretations favour the patriarchal notion and

subjugate women of the society Similarly use of religion by different sections of the

society to promote their interests creates more problems

Saleem states that religion and patriarchy go side by side in patriarchal societies

Lives of women are controlled by religious beliefs They even face discrimination in the

name of religion Restrictions are imposed on them in the name of religious and societal

norms like wearing the veil and minimum visibility in public places and many more

(Saleem 20067) So the diversity between the theological and living Islam increases

burden for women Fatima Mernissi (leading feminist writer) argues that early Muslim

scholars have interpreted the sacred text according to their own interest They have

misguided the people and manipulated Islam She further states that Hadiths were

elaborated in a manner that benefitted males and subjugated women (Mernissi

1995119) So wide discrepancies are visible regarding the status of women in religion

traditions and later the actual situation as well (Kaushik 1993 XII)

Likewise Critelli discusses situation in the tribal belt of Pakistan She posits that

Pashtun women living in these areas are suffering due to absence of state laws Seven

Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have a special status in legal and

administrative system of Pakistan Mostly affairs in these areas are run by local council

of elders with nominal interference from the state People of such areas run their affairs

through their old tribal customs of Pashtunwali Rather women in the settled areas have

77

the protection of police and judiciary which is not available to women in these areas

(Critelli 2010239) People of these areas follow both Sharia laws and customary laws for

their personal issues Their policies toward women are implausible and inconsistent

(Critelli 2010) It is stated that ldquoPukhtuna nim Quran mani nim Pukhtunwalirdquo (Pukhtuns

half use Quran and half Pukhtunwali) (Christensen 1988145)

Naz argues that Islam has a dominated role in the ideology and social structure of

Pukhtuns They abide by the Islamic law but also follow Pukhtunwali throughout the

course of their social and religious life (Naz 2011) Islam is closely related to the

Pukhtun identity which is used by local national and regional political domains

Therefore Banerjee states that religious leaders used Islam for the unification of

Pukhtuns in crises She credited the ideology based on both Islam and Pukhtunwali

behind the success of KK movement This proves that Islam and Pukhtun customs move

beyond the living Islam and is used in the political and social reform movements as well

(Banerjee 2000160) Christensen argues that Islamic teachings are blended with the

Pukhtun identity to attract masses of the region and gain their support (Christensen

1988) In todaylsquos world religion is the prime force to impel and mobilize the public

(Huntington 1993192) Thus leaders through religiously legitimated appeal made an

attempt to mobilize people for political actions But in case of conflict they further

persuade them for correctness of their conduct through religious connotation

(Christensen 1988145) Likewise theological and intellectual rhetoric creates sectarian

demarcation between different religious groups Different groups and sects have their

own interpretation of Islamic doctrines This is because of the absence of single centrally

acceptable religious authority who left a vacuum of interpretation which in turn provides

basis for various doctrines (Gaier 20102)

Christensen endorses the argument of Gaier (2010) and states that political

conflict occurs when different religious groups gave different interpretation of Islam

Some religious preachers combine state authority with the religious legitimation They

have their own yardsticks for the recognition of a good Muslim and identified those as the

good subject who accepted their authority Thus through the measures of repression and

rewards the state managed to gain support of the number of religious personalities who

together promoted the version of Islam (Christensen 1988145)

The difference between theological Islam and practical Islam is because of the

diversity among the religious elites as well Jan amp Aman argue that the presence of varied

religious political parties like Jamaat- e- Islami Jammiyyat- ulama- e- Islam militant

78

elements like Taliban and Tehrik- e- Nifaz- e ndashShariat- e- Muhammadi(TNSM) have

assimilated Islamic principles with the local customs to get legitimacy Pukhtun cultural

elements such as honourlsquo (Jan amp Aman 201522) and Pardahlsquo (Khan A 200720) have

been interpreted by giving them religious connotation

Such interpretation creates hurdles for women particularly in the KP (erstwhile

NWFP) and Baluchistan provinces and results in their absence from public life Even

though there are notable differences in the status of women of urban and rural areas

Majority of women population in rural areas are denied of their basic fundamental rights

while urban women get a slightly better deal Urban women have better access to

education and job opportunities because of their access to resources They are therefore

unwilling to accept a subjugated role under the traditional patriarchal system (Saleem

2006 5-6)

Similarly Saigol argues that religion is used by the upper class to achieve sustain

and increase their power By using these measures they can easily reach to hegemonic

ascendancy within the state and society (Saigol 200938) The diverse interpretations of

Islam by the state and religious elites regarding women and their participation in politics

create difficulties in their lives which make them dependent in every walk of their lives

(Critelli 2010)

Shaheed argues that different strata of the society in Pakistan are using religion to

protect their own interest (Shaheed 2009) As religious preachers and parties have a

significant influence especially in the rural areas People of such areas grant them great

reverence Therefore the upper class used them in their own favour as well Like in 1970

when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power through his manifesto of Islamic socialism

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto also used Islam against his opponents as an important ground to

political alternatives This was welcomed by the general public which was the

abolishment of large scale holding of private properties But it was a threat to the power

base of landlords throughout the country The economic transformation and market

reforms of the government through socialism led to the decline of traditional power of the

landlords across the country The dilemma of a decline of such power was faced by the

local khans of the KP province as well These landlords made an alliance with the

traditional mullahs (religious leaders) and local imams (prayer leaders) to issue fatwa

(religious decree) against the abolishment of private property and declared it as Un-

Islamic They further declared the socialist policies of the government as a threat to Islam

and to call for jihad against it Such measures were taken by the landowners to secure

79

their property from being nationalised Instead they supported Nizam-e-Mustafa (System

of Mohammad) campaign against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rule This led to the decline of

Bhutto rule while military leader Gen Zial-ul- Haq promised to enforce Shariah

(Orakzai 201138) So religion was used by the upper strata of the country to favour

their own interest

Qasir posits that Zialsquos Islamisation program was focused on the social role of

urban female The slogan of Zia ideology ldquoChaddar (veil) and ldquoChardivari(home)

(Qasir 1992 118) believed in the confinement of women within their houses So Islam is

used by the leaders to pave the way for politico-religious forces and to assert hegemonic

control over the political discourse (Shaheed 20096) During Zia- ul- Haq regime the

Islamic political ideology of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) was followed He mixed religion with

politics for the purpose to gain legitimacy and acquired political allies to prolong the rule

(Chengappa 2004 1-2)

Scholars argue that such religious parties always opposed the liberation of women

They are even against the womenlsquos political participation and their presence in public life

In one such instance when Jammat- e- Islami (JI) launched a campaign against the

womenlsquos involvement in the National Parliament (Awanamp Kokab 2016846) they called

it as against Islam if a woman would lead the Islamic country Therefore they had

opposed Benazir Bhutto to be an elected Prime Minister of Pakistan Ulema perceived her

leadership as pernicious to society and would damage the Islamic ideals regarding the

family (Haeri 1993200) As Islamic scholars argue that a ―nation that would hand over

its leadership to a woman would not enjoy welfare and prosperity Pakistan would suffer

if it was governed by a womanrdquo ldquoWomen should stay at home The religious scholars

argue that there are many men in her party Why don‟t they come forward(Sekine

201429)

Saleem argues that Islamization process had a deep impact on women of the

whole country but specifically of the North West Frontier Province (now KP) the already

patriarchal society Power and influence of these political parties began to increase and

women began to live in fear of discrimination and subjugation in the name of religion

(Saleem 20068) Similarly Mullahs (religious leaders) have a powerful impact in the

rural areas They have interpreted some of the verses of Holy Quran in a manner which

have a glimpse against the womenlsquos equality and political participation Unfortunately

common Pashtun men followed their dictates (Jamal 2015 24)

Khan argues that a major transition in societal mind-set became evident when

80

religious political parties formed government in KP and Baluchistan in 2002 The

religious partylsquos alliance Muttahida Majlis-e-lsquoAmal (MMA) became victorious in 2002

elections and formed a government (2002-2008) by using Islamic rhetoric during

electoral politics in Pukhtun regions (Khan J 2014 302) Religious parties had won

majority in the Provincial Assembly of KP due to the outburst of religious upheaval

They have also started campaign of Islamization in Pakistan which had its deep impacts

on the KP (Saleem 20068-9) Jahangir (human rights activist and an advocate of the

Supreme Court of Pakistan) states that religion is used for political purposes to sustain the

insecure governments or to conceal the crucial issues of economic and social justice from

the public (Jahangir 2000)

Khan states that religious affiliation acts as a determinant in restricting the women

from politics In our society majority of women face restriction and opposition in

political field on the plea that religion does not allow them to mingle with opposite sex

openly Likewise religion is used as an effective tool against women political activists in

the area It strictly prohibits women from political involvement either as political

candidate voters or even joining campaigns or other electoral activities (KhanA

20075)

Sherazi posits that women were not allowed to cast their votes in different districts

of KP Most notably in Buner district women were barred from casting their votes in the

constituency of provincial assembly PK-78 and in Sorey Union Council of Buner PK-78

Same situation was faced by women in the provincial assembly seat PK-94 of the Lower

Dir Likewise in the Amankot village of Swat district a Jirga was organized by the

village elders political workers and candidates for the purpose to ban women from

casting their votes in 2013 elections (Sherazi 2013)

Similar Boone (2015) endorses the argument and posits that political

empowerment of women were thwarted by religious groups and political parties in

Hangu lower and Upper Dir Likewise in 2013 elections women were again deprived of

their electoral rights in the name of local customs and traditions while the local

authorities grew into organized anti-women movement (Boone 2015)

Besides minimal presence of femaleslsquo in the political field women of the society

are economically dependent as well Amna Latif argues that under representation of

women in politics is because of male dominance over the economic and other power

resources (Latif 2009428) Islam guaranteed parity between males and females The

misinterpretation of Islamic rules by men make it biased against women Such

81

interpretations cause male-domination in a society and grant women of such societies

subjugated positions (Shahid 2007125) Similarly the amalgamation of cultural norms

with the religious interpretation make women more dependent Cultural norms of the

society encourage separation and isolation of women often justified through religion

connotation (Shaheed 2009)

I argue that the gender stereotyping through the cultural beliefs increased the

problems of women more specifically of the pukhtun society They are still facing

problems like unemployment illiteracy exclusion from property and decision- making

process which minimize their role in the societal matters as well One of the cause for

their minimal presence in the political field is their economic dependence as well

Naz et al (2012) argues that traditionally Pukhtuns have ambiguous norms for

female inheritance Property and other assets are distributed among family members

Property is pondered to be a symbol of authority and power and is related with males of

the society Thus there is an observable difference in religious practices and cultural

traditions of the area Sharia has allocated property and inheritance rights to both the

genders (Naz et al 201269)

Khan posits that the significance of Zar (gold) Zan (women) and Zamin (land) are

the main principles of Pukhtunwali and very base of the local ideology The concept of

family property and private ownership provide dominance to male members in terms of

inheritance which is a base of patriarchy Mostly males have been given the inheritance

and property rights while Pukhtun women are denied of such rights (Khan N 201212)

According to Pukhtunwali women are not entitled to own lands independently Their

shares in properties are seized by concerned males of the family This makes them

economically dependent on their males Such economic dependence further subjugates

them in the family as well as in the society

Thus deprivation of women in the economic field is also one of the causes of their

exclusion from politics Their economic status is not encouraging Alam argues that

women of rural areas are involved in home management embroidery sewing and

agriculture activities such as livestock amp poultry etc (Alam 2012313) While women in

the urban areas have access to some income generated professions like teaching

medicines and recently their engagement in beauty salons Absence or inadequacy of

financial resources has a negative impact on their decision- making powers (Aderinwale

1997) Mahbub ndashul- Haq posits that cultural values have isolated women from economic

activities (Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Center 2000) Their main responsibility

82

is to perform the household chores Their role is neither paid nor recognized Similarly

males are considered to be the bread earners and are responsible for the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) So males are provider and protectors of the family while

females are passive members Majority of the women are not allowed to do jobs as well

(Awan and Kokab 2016 05) Thus deprivation and violence against women is prevalent

in patriarchal societies (Agathangelou 2002)

Similarly Perveen7 states that the diversity of opinion between customs religion

and state laws is not limited to the Tribal belt only But KP and FATA region are the most

volatile areas for the human rights activists as well Women activists have been criticized

for their work by arguing that they are propagating the western agenda She discussed one

incident that in Kohistan district of KP province a religious cleric Maulvi Abdul Haleem

warned female NGO workers in his sermon on 4 May 2012 He threatened them not to

work in the district otherwise they would be forcibly married with the locals He further

asserted that these women workers are influencing their native women in the name of

education employment and empowerment He added that all these acts are un-Islamic

and against the local customs and practices as well (Perveen 201339)

The above stated discussion demonstrates that discrepencies in the political and

economic fields are deeply prevalent within the Pukhtun society which further subjugate

them Furthermore these problem have adverse consequences in rural areas where lives

are mostly traditionally driven Such traditions assign more power to males who got more

privileges in the field of politics and power The blatant exploitation of religion by

encouraging the socio-cultural restrictions such as discriminatory customs and traditions

patriarchal setup of society and economic dependence are the bases for the minimal role

of women in the field of politics

32 SOCIO-CULTURAL IMPEDIMENTS FACED BY THE PUKHTUN

WOMEN

Socio-cultural values and practices are found in every social organization The

abidance of such practices enable the individuals to live in peace and harmony These

practices cover every field of life including social economic religious and political as

well But in Pukhtun society these practices are mainly male dominated which increase

problems of women in Pukhtun society Scholars argue that different norms of the

Pukhtun society restrict women in their own way These practices make the life of women

7 Founder Director of creative anger by Rakhshi - A Social Enterprise

83

more dependent and miserable In Pukhtun patriarchal society separate spheres are

allocated for both males and females (Moghadam 1992) Women of the Pukhtun society

live according to the prevalent cultural values and social norms (Jamal 201519) The

observance of the prevailing norms and values make lives of these women more

deplorable

Mann (20053) argues that males adopt aggressive and violent behaviour whereas

females have passive and submissive attitude to protect honour of the family Choo

(2006588) posits that women are considered to take the burden of cultural representation

and are symbolic bearers of traditions honour and national identity

Though in Pukhtun society both genders are bound to Pakhtu the word Pakhto‟

is not only a language but is a symbol of beliefs attitudes integrity and cultural identity

of Pukhtuns Since childhood Pukhtuns are aware of their gender limitations There is a

clear demarcation of their responsibilities and duties as well Grima Benedicte posits that

hujra (men space) gun turban gherat (Honour) saritob (manliness) hospitality

granting an exile badal (revenge) are menlsquos Pakhtu while shame modesty tears gherat

purdah and endurance of hardship are considered to be women Pakhtu (Grima 1992 01)

But Namus (honour) Tarburwali (agnatic rivalry) is usually used in terms of enemy

(Christensen 1988147)

Different features of Pukhtunwali rely more on the protection of women Pardah

(an important feature of Pukhtunwali) should be observed by both Pukhtun men and

women (Fazal 201341) Different practices like Vulvar (bride money) swara Tor and

pardah in Pukhtun society make the lives of women vulnerable Vulvar (bride money) is

one such practice prevalent in Pukhtun society According to the custom males of the

bride took money from bridegroom or his family Family of bride considers it beneficial

for a girl But it has socio-psychological consequences which are faced by girlslsquo

throughout their lives Through this custom males of the society consider females as their

movable properties Vulvar further degrades women They remained submissive as they

are considered to be purchased like any other commodity The purchased brides have no

significance domestically as well (Khan N 20125)

Similarly swara is another prevalent custom of Pukhtun society Swara is an

alternative to eradicate the vendetta among tribes or even families According to the

custom girl from the culprit family or tribe is given as compensation to aggrieved party

Swara is an old custom deep rooted in Pukhtun society Local Pukhtuns followed the

custom on the plea that through this custom sacrifice of a girl can save life of the whole

84

family or tribe (Ali 2018) The sacrifice of a girl is for seeking apology and forgiveness

from the culprits Girls are the victims of such practices who have to pay price of crime

committed by males of the family or tribe As mentioned in one of the Pakhtu song

Khowenday chay keenee roonra staee roonra che keenee khowenday swaray kay

warkaweena

Translation ldquoWhen sisters get together they kudos their brotherslsquo but when brothers

meet they give their sisters away as Swara (Minallah 20061-2)

Another most prevalent custom is Tor Literal meaning of Tor is black but in

Pukhtun context it means adultery or illicit relations It is a crime the punishment of

which is execution Anyone who is suspicious of illicit relations have been killed by the

family of an involved female (KhanN 20127) But Khan argues that sometimes this

custom is used against the enemies as a reprisal Tor is used against female of the

opponent family by propagating her illicit relations Without investigating the charges

women became the victim of suspicions as well Women of these societies are

disempowered who can neither defend themselves nor can escape execution (KhanN

20127)

One ancient custom in Pukhtun society is Ghag (call someone) It is also a

prevalent custom of Pukhtun society in which man declares his intentions to marry a

particular woman Different methods are used for Ghag One simple method is that

messenger is sent to the house of a woman to convey proposal of a man Secondly a man

who wished to marry shoot a gun from the nearby mosque and announced the name of a

particular girl The worst consequence of Ghag is that girl and her family suffered

throughout life They lost their respect as name of a particular girl is announced

publically Sometimes it may happen that men have no intentions of marrying a girl

whose name is announced publically In such cases women being victim of such

practices (unless release from the claim) are denied to be married by anyone else just to

protect themselves from feuds While those who resist Ghag have faced dire

consequences (Kari 2016) According to unofficial report almost 20 girls have

committed suicide being bound by the custom Ghag In one such incident Asma Rani a

third year medical student was shot dead She was killed by rejecting the marriage

proposal from the married person and a father of two kids Though it is still unclear if

Ghag was invoked before the murder but the circumstances are strikingly similar (Khan

2018)

85

Recently a bill was presented by Sitara Ayaz (Provincial Minister for Social

Welfare and Women Development) in the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly Elimination

of Custom of Ghag Bill 2012 was passed unanimously by the Assembly for eradication of

a custom called ghag The violators have to face seven yearslsquo imprisonment or Rs500

000 fine or both (Ashfaq 2013) I argue that though it is a positive step taken by the

female MPA towards protection of Pukhtun females from the prevailing customs But its

fair implementation is also important for the security and progress of Pukhtun women

Similarly Pardah is also an important custom of Pukhtun society The embedded

value of Pardah is visible in construction of houses as well Residential areas with

multiple entrances and high walls are believed to represents pardah Houses are private

domain and unrelated men are prohibited to enter Similarly hujra is malelsquos area where

females avoid entering (Ahmed 200650) So women have a place inside home while

outer world is for men This dissociation of private and public spheres between both

genders in Pukhtun society is justified as honour of family tribe and whole society which

is possible only with the protection of their females So in patriarchal societies fate of

females is in the hands of male members of concerned families (Naz et al 201216)

Scholars argue that responsibility of family honour lies on womanlsquos shoulders

whose modesty dignity chastity and honour are above all other matters If any act of

female gains bad reputation her whole family is defamed Such defamation becomes the

basis of peighore (taunt) Bloodshed and feuds are initiated for the purpose to regain lost

honour of a family In some cases such vendettas continue for centuries A woman

responsible for damaging honour of a family through her wrong acts also loses her life

(Naz et al 201216) So Pardah is pondered to be the most admirable manner for the

safety and security of femalelsquos honour and reputation which is related to the honour of

family and tribe as well (Rzehak 201110)

Despite observance of pardah in strict sense there is a great difference in the lives

of women of tribal and settled areas In Orthodox tribal families women strictly observe

pardah and have to remain within four walls of their houses Their main responsibility is

to perform household chores Males are the protectors and providers of the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) Barth posits that male of the family is authoritative to give his

decision regarding the fate of the family They have the right to keep family united or to

expel members of the family (wife by divorcing her and children through disinheriting)

Male member also controls the social assimilation of their family members even restricts

wife to meet her close relatives and controls the property as well (Barth 1959 22)

86

Most of the families of Pukhtunslsquo live in joint family system which leads to

patriarchy because of the central role played by family and household (Lindholm 1982)

Thus gender segregation is the patriarchal gender role which mostly confined women

within houses (Barth 1959) Further in a patriarchal society females are recognized by

male members of their family however in most cases they can even hide their names

from the strangers because of the fear of earning bad repute to the family Women instead

of mentioning their names if required usually mention names of their male relatives

(Alam 2012316)

But Pukhtunwali is not static In urban areas most of the females do not adhere

strictly to the traditions and customs like in tribal areas Women are allowed to move

outside their houses but in veil or sadar and are ushered by a servant driver or other

closest male relative (Ahmed 200649) Similarly they are also allowed for education

and are permitted to do work of their own choices However the situation is opposite for

females of the tribal areas (Alam 2012316)

Similarly relaxation in Pardah is being observed by older women of both the

tribal and settled areas Older women have more mobility a greater access to resources

and have more decision-making powers within the household as compared to younger

women (Lindholm 1996) They are able to move outside spend a socialized life by

visiting houses of relatives and neighbours and inform themselves about happenings

around them (Grima 1992 48 amp 96)

Likewise motherlsquo being a female has given great prestige and honour in family

clan and even tribe Their orders are being respected because of great cultural value of the

concept of motherlsquo It is obligatory on the whole tribe to respect and honour elders So

any harm or insult of mother could lead to blood feuds and are not forgiven by Pukhtuns

at any cost (Shah 1998 69) Elder women of family tribe or clan is a source of creating a

good relationship among people They can bind family members with one another and

represent their families while conducting Gham-Khadi Elder women also attend marriage

as well as funeral of the Pukhtun people both in the land lord rich families and in poorest

families (Ahmed 2006 43 83 amp128) Thus Barth argues that age and gender are the two

crucial factors in the division and distribution of family resources power and labour

(Barth 1959)

Despite their regards towards mother women in general are forced to live

according to Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201264) Particularly under Pukhtunwali code the

involvement of women in political sphere is considered to be a threat to the prestige and

87

honour of a family and tribe Domain of politics is for men Umer et al (2016) argue that

politics is considered to be the male domain and have no space for women in this field

Women in the political field brought them in direct contact with strangers that contradict

Pukhtunwali Pukhtun women are considered to be Pukhtunslsquo honour and they opposed

their physical presence publically Thus socio-cultural values do not permit women of

Pukhtun society to join political sphere (Umer et al 2016149)

The perceived threats to honour restricts womanlsquos role in the politics This implies

that social and cultural values are intertwined with political role in Pukhtun society The

political social and economic empowerment of women is envisaged as a challenge to

menlsquos authority So it is difficult to accept women in the superior or managerial role

(Khan A 200705) Therefore women find it difficult to play an active role in public

sphere These challenges also favour male domination in different fields including

politics (Umer et al 2016149)

Naz et al (2012 65 amp 70) argue that Pukhtunwali and gender segregated socio-

cultural setup are perceived factors behind the division of private and public spheres in

Pukhtun society These factors further increased the problem of gender discrimination in

politics and political empowerment

Religious extremism (Elashi 2014 01) honour boundedness strict observance of

Pardah (Orbala 201202) societal attitudes and cultural norms are the main hurdles for

the Pukhtun female to be in politics (Naz et al 2012 65 amp 70)

33 POLITICAL IMPEDIMENTS

The above mentioned socio-cultural features of Pukhtun society indirectly affect

women participation in politics However apart from these hurdles there are some direct

influences which hinder womenlsquos role in politics For example lack of social and

economic power vis-agrave-vis men directly affect womenlsquos political role

Hanif considers that the economic dependence of women has a negative effect on

their decision-making powers in the family community and in the political parties

Unavailability of economic resources further degrades womenlsquos status and political

leadership position (Hanif 200926) Similarly Awan argues that possession of power

political affiliations and economic resources are very important to be visible in the

political arena But the economic dependence and limited mobility of women of

patriarchal societies face hardship to form mass political networking (Awan 201605)

Hanif endorses the argument of Awan and adds that politics is a political process which

88

needs public interaction This interaction is possible through public appearances and

mobility but cultural norms are against free mobility and mix gathering of Pukhtun

females with general public (Hanif 200926)

However I argue that there are evidences of visibility of some Pukhtun women in

the political sphere who are considered to break the cultural barriers and show their

presence in the male dominated political arena Nonetheless as a matter of fact these

women are from the politically active landowning families where women get more

opportunities and training to facilitate their way into politics Thus women of the

politically prominent families become advantageous and find their way into politics But

the case for general women population is quite different Women in the general

population are mostly powerless their lack of interest in the political affairs burden of

excessive workload (household) unfriendly political environment lack of confidence and

experience in the political field also discourage these women to enter the arena of politics

Iwanaga argues that in patriarchal societies mostly men contest elections while

number of female candidates are less She states that lack of opportunities interest and

minimal female participation during elections are the factors for their nominal presence in

political sphere Similarly she states that apart from contesting elections lack of

experience resources and self-esteem are the factors behind womanlsquos hesitation of

contesting elections She argues that the biased norms and beliefs of males are responsible

for creating such situation (Iwanaga 2008 125) Likewise Hanochi endorses Iwanaga

(2008) and posits that minimal political participation and political activism of patriarchal

societies make them politically ignorant of their issues She further adds that their lack of

interest in the public life is not because of their work load but they prefer domestic

territories for themselves which she claims to be the main cause of their political

backwardness Hanochi argues that such demeanour contributes to the formation of two

different spheres of activities private and public Women of the patriarchal societies

actively perform private and domestic responsibilities while public activities as

community leadership and politics are regarded as the domain of men (Hanochi 2001

114-115) Shvedova shared similar views as Iwanaga and Seiko She argues that such

attitudes favoured men and thus political arena is manipulated by them Men are behind

the formulation of different rules for the political sphere Presence of men made political

model further marginalized womanlsquos presence in the political sphere (Shvedova

200534)

Mahmood posits that political empowerment of women is not an end in itself but

89

means to provoke the society for social and political empowerment which would further

stimulate the overall development of society (Mahmood 2004151) Ali argues that

violence against women even in the political field is executed by males for the purpose to

maintain their power and bolster the hierarchical structures The very base of such

structure is the exploitation of marginalized groups High profile political assassinations

and biased attitudes of the political parties against women are to deprive them of the

decision making processes Similarly inaccessibility of the funds for their

constituencies and derogatory remarks also worsen troubles for women political figures

(Ali 2014)

Furthermore women political figures perform their political functions within the

boundaries directed by the political party leaders party associates voters and the media

as well (Rosenbluth et al 201534) Similarly political parties hesitate on part of women

political participation because of their weak political activism and passive vote bank So

political parties use women political participants for the representative functions at

political meetings mass gatherings and political campaigns as well Thus women

political wings in different political parties are for the purpose to perform these

representative functions and have no authority in the decision-making processes within

the political parties (Awan 20163)

Mehdi is critical of the agendas presented by different political parties He argues

that majority of the political parties have no agenda regarding the equality of women in

politics Their presence is taken for granted In the electoral process women on the

reserved seats increase their chances to success Reserved seats though induct women in

the political arena yet they are dependent on the male colleagues and are acceptable as

an extension of male political figures Such electoral system maintains the gender status-

quo instead of challenging it (Mehdi 2015)

Similarly unfriendly political environment for women also creates problems for

them As it is not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to play their role in the political

fields women in rural areas are forbidden to cast their votes and attend mass gathering

Abbas argues that it is almost impossible to take women out of their houses for the public

gatherings Public gatherings are also dominated by males of the society where presence

of women is negligible Men talk on behalf of the women political workers and leaders

Those women who show their presence on the occasion are even unable to talk about

their rights This shows manipulation of women by men in the political sphere as well

(Abbass 2016)

90

Furthermore lives of those women who are better able to achieve the political

positions are still bound by their gender related roles and status Different factors bound

women of these societies to their traditional functions and resist them to join the political

field which is considered to be maleslsquo domain Richard argues that the patriarchal ideals

are creating obstacles for women in the political field Males of these areas consider them

a threat to their dominance in view of the fact that previously women in these areas have

proved themselves in the male dominated political field and had led campaigns on

different occasions (Richard 2010236) Currently the militancy further make lives of

women vulnerable

34 EXTREMISM AS AN OBSTACLE TO WOMENrsquoS POLITICAL

PARTICIPATION

Social and political situation for Pukhtun women is already grim It got further

worsened with the increasing influence of Taliban in these areas Presence of Taliban or

their supporters in some areas is one of the largest threats to the empowerment of Pukhtun

women They have created the environment of terror by blasting the girlslsquo schools

kidnapping and torturing all those who try to defy their rules Their terrorist activities

have deep impact on the lives of general population Such devastating actions make the

lives of women more deplorable

Unfortunately the influence of Taliban especially in KP province poses a serious

threat to the advancement and prosperity of women Militants targeted different practices

and actions which they considered to be against Islamic beliefs Grigsby points out that

their main targets were music schools and even government offices Their target was not

only female but males as well Nevertheless their dogmatic beliefs made the lives of

women miserable as they opposed womenlsquos involvement in the activities outside their

homes whether education political or social (Grigsby 201496)

OlsquoMalley in his UNESCO publication mentions that Taliban oppose girlsacute

education They have used mosques and illegal radio stations for the closure of all girlsacute

schools They have threatened to blow up girlslsquo school in KP As in Afghanistan those

girls who are attending schools and ignored their threats were attacked with acid

(OacuteMalley 201079) Similarly in Swat valley (district of KP) a young school girl

Malala Yousafzai was shot by Taliban gunmen who fortunately survived Taliban claimed

that she was explicitly advocating the girlslsquo education and defying ban on female

education thatlsquos why she was targeted by them She got severe injuries on her head She is

91

still the staunch supporter of girlslsquo education who gained worldwide recognition She

became the young Noble Peace Prize laureate winner for her explicit stand for female

education in a dreadful situation imposed by Taliban (Hussain 2013)

Thus militants have not only destroyed thousands of girlslsquo schools but also

threatened women to leave their jobs and force them to wear hijabs Same threats were

received by the KP woman politician Bushra Gohar (MNA) nonetheless she is

determined regarding her political career and did not bow in front of threats from Taliban

She was adamant in continuing her political career and had no intentions of leaving

politics She defied the threats from Taliban by confidently meeting her constituents and

showed her physical presence publically (Najibullah amp Wazir 2011) Bushra Gohar is

explicitly advocating the rights of women in KP and FATA region She argues that bills

regarding the child marriage and domestic violence should have been passed by the KP

Assembly (Nisa amp Khan 2016)

In 2013 general elections women party workers came out for campaigning and

supporting their partylsquos candidates as well Malik reveals in her interview that Taliban

had threatened ANP male candidates in Mardan Swabi Charsadda and Peshawar Then

women political workers of ANP led the political campaigns of their male party

colleagues (Malik interview 2017)

Women candidates led election campaign for themselves as well They have

visited almost every part of their constituencies to gain support of public despite Taliban

threats Likewise women also came out for casting their votes in certain specific red zone

areas for elections like Mardan Similarly women of the tribal areas were openly

contesting elections in an uncertain situation Badam Zari from Bajour Agency (NA-44

Tribal area-IX) is the first woman who contested elections independently from FATA

She has confidently faced the uncertainty and militancy (Anwaramp Ahmed 2017174)

Scholars posit that initially emergence of Taliban in Swat valley was welcomed by

general public Women of these areas willingly donated their jewellery for the financial

assistance of Taliban Taliban leader Mullah Fazullah on FM radio spread the Islamic

teachings in a manner to gain support of the people His popularity among the public

particularly women was immense Women have convinced their husbands and sons to

work for Taliban They perceived it their contribution to spread Islamic Ideology But

later the situations were completely different Women were mainly targeted by them

They have killed all those women who showed their physical presence publically

Teachers dancers councillors and school girls were affected Though they were not able

92

to resist Talibanlsquos brutalities openly but found alternatives Majority have fled their

residential areas Yet there were other women who stayed in their hometowns and

continued their work despite threats from Taliban In one such incident a local woman

councillor Shaheen Iqbal was threatened by Taliban to leave her job otherwise would be

killed by them She sent her children to other safe areas and stayed alone in her house

She confidently continued her job She adopted different strategies to cope with threats

from Taliban She locked her house and spread dry bushes and leaves outside her house to

deter people from entering the house She carved a hole inside her house a doorway to

her neighbourhood which she used while moving outside Through such strategies she

was able to continue her job in such deteriorated situation (Brohi amp Khattak 201344)

Taliban brutal attitudes towards the public lose their popularity Zakreshi posits

that Taliban are against the women empowerment in all fields They thought women

empowerment symbolises the western influence which would threaten their own norms

and culture and they are going to resist the western influence in their region (Zakreski

2013) Khan argues that Taliban target those women who show their presence in the

public sphere She posits that Taliban called unveiling women as against Islam and

Pukhtun culture which is compatible with Western liberation (KhanK 2010) The wave

of religious extremism has a deep impact on both the rural and urban areas of KP

Everyone is affected by the current storm of terrorism

Scholars argue that Talibanlsquos idiosyncratic perception regarding the religion Islam

and their brutal punishments (beheadings floggings amputations and shootings) against

the ―culprits publicly is for the purpose to terrorize people and to increase their power

(Physicians for Human Rights Report 1998 32)

Sinno posits that Taliban politicise Islam and justify their cruel attitudes in the

name of religion Majority of Pukhtuns are against such repressive acts of Taliban who

considered it against the true image of Islam Taliban commit crimes in the name of Islam

and politics Islam is used by them for their legitimacy (Sinno 201032) Malik endorses

Sinno and postulates that though local Pukhtun culture is against the women

empowerment in all fields however it was hijacked by the militant rhetoric As

mentioned earlier Pukhtuns in the settled areas have educated their daughters and who

show their active presence in the political processes as well Malik is of the opinion that

Pukhtuns of such areas opposed Taliban for their brutal conduct not because of tribal or

clan rivalries but because of emergence of a new class including the landless peasants or

the have nots against the local influential class who have challenged their very status in

93

their society (Malik 201615) Yamane So argues that initially Taliban manipulated the

tribal belt of Pakistan because of the remoteness and inaccessibility of those areas Local

people are against their rule but Taliban have established the unauthorized hurdles for

them They even destabilized the old Pukhtun culture while disrupting and manipulating

the centuries old codes to intimidate and terrorize the locals (So 201124)

Similarly Zia argues that Taliban have also attacked the lady health workers and

issued fatwas against such women In different fatwas Taliban termed it the

responsibility of Muslim men to kidnap such ladies and forcibly marry them They even

declare them as ldquofit for murderrdquo Taliban called these Lady Health workers as working

for wages and also visit different houses which are against the Pukhtun culture Taliban

used radio for the propagation of their teachings Thus it was easy for Taliban to

persuade Pukhtuns easily because of their affinity to their cultural values They have even

killed murdered and kidnapped these women (Zia 2013) In these situations of

uncertainty women public figures find it difficult to work openly The situations for

women political involvement further worsened by the orthodox thinking of the Pukhtun

society Despite their deplorable status in the society yet women show their presence in

the political field There is observable presence of women in politics not only from those

having kinship ties with prominent political families but from the general population as

well

35 POLITICAL ROLE OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

Before we discuss political role of Pukhtun women in politics it is pertinent to

briefly highlight the role of Muslim women in general Despite numerous hurdles

Muslim women are active on the social and political front They struggle to achieve

highest positions in the state politics There were evidences regarding the political

involvement of the Muslim women in the past as well They became role models for the

new generations

Bala (cultural analyst) posits that Muslim women were actively involved in the

creation of Pakistan by supporting their males (Bala 2013131) Similarly during

Khilafat movement when Ali brothers including other prominent leaders were arrested

Abadi Begum (Bi Amma) mother of Ali brothers (Maulana Johar Ali and Maulana

Shaukat Ali) entered the political field and had a powerful appeal towards the Indian

public Bi Amma is one such model in the 1920lsquos Khilafat Movement She had visited

different parts of India for propagation of the movement and strongly opposed the

94

imperial government She addressed mass gatherings behind the curtains in order to

observe her pardah (segregation) which is a basic Islamic doctrine She had also

addressed the All India Muslim League annual meeting in the absence of her sons

Women were enthusiastic and struggled hard for the achievement of an Independent

Sovereign Islamic State Pakistan They were intellectual sincere and courageous They

possessed the leadership qualities (Yasmeen at al 201705)

Similarly Pukhtun women have played their role in politics despite strong

patriarchal norms During 1930-33 in the great Khudai Khitmatgar (Servants of God)

movement of Abdul Ghaffar Khan Pukhtun women were also in the forefront with male

members of the society This was a peaceful movement against the British Imperialism

(Bala 2013131) Due to pardah women participated and showed their presence behind

the walls and above the rooftops to be aware of the movement led by Pukhtun nationalist

Abdul Ghaffar Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan appreciated and encouraged Pukhtun females

by considering them an important part of the society without whom prosperity is

impossible (Banerjee 2000100)

Elder Pukhtun women such as Dur Marjan amp Noor- un- Nisa of Taru Jabba were

vanguards of the movement They led many processions of KK movement Educated

women of the time endeavoured for better education and better life standards of Pukhtun

women Leaders of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement were strong abettor of the

womenlsquos education and had worked for it Pukhtuns appreciate their struggle The

followers of Khudai Khidmatgar movement including Muslims non- Muslims and

women boycotted the British products and their institutions including courts tax offices

schools police and army (Shah 1998 76-77 Stephan 2009 113)

Similarly Frontier Muslim League also worked for the womenlsquos development and

took active steps for their education to enable them for their participation in politics First

womenlsquos branch in NWFP was formed in April 1939 Activities against the government

started in 1940 which led to their participation in 1945-46 elections In these elections

women delegation motivated Pukhtun women to cast their votes in favour of the Muslim

League candidates After the meeting numerous veiled Pakhtun women registered

themselves as a member of the Muslim League (Shah 199878)

Women Muslim League also launched a civil disobedience movement against the

ministry of Congress Women conducted different processions in which they had covered

themselves in veils and actively participated against the Congress Ministry Quaid-i-

Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had appreciated the efforts of Pukhtun women who

95

struggled hard and participated in the achievement of an Independent homeland for the

Muslims (Shah 199878) Women participated in historical political events nevertheless

under the strict observance of religious tenets and cultural codes

Hence women actively played their role in the political affairs of Pakistan Quaid-

i-Azam (Founding Father of Pakistan) formed a Womenlsquos Central Committee Fatima

Jinnah became its president for the purpose of introducing womenlsquos quota in the Muslim

League After the formation of Pakistan Ms Fatima Jinnah (the sister of the founding

father Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah) a woman of great astute became the first

woman of an independent Muslim state to contest the presidential elections against the

military ruler Gen Ayub Khan however she lost the elections because of rigging (Bano

200926)

Muslim women continued advances and had struggled for the political

empowerment of women even after independence through different legal reforms Their

struggle became successful in 1948 when Muslim Personal Law of Sharia was passed

This law recognized property rights of women and enabled them to inherit all forms of

property Then Begum Shaista Ikramullah and Begum Shah Nawaz were the first female

representatives in the first constituent assembly of Pakistan who represented women In

the legislature of 1956 constitution universal suffrage and reservation of special seats for

women were granted on the basis of direct female suffrage (Ali amp Akhtar 2012223)

Further in 1956 and 1962 constitutions 6 seats were reserved for women in the

National Assembly which was considered to be a great development (Bano 200926)

During 1970-77 period after the promulgation of 1973 constitution 10 seats were

reserved for women in the National Assembly for the next 10 years (Mehdi 2015) In

1982 these seats were increased to twenty After three general elections of 1977 1985

and 1988 reservations lapsed in 1988 A significant development in the electoral history

of Pakistan was witnessed in 1988 when Benazir Bhutto won elections and became the

first female Premier of an Islamic country Her government created a separate womenlsquos

ministry called ―Ministry of Women Development and also established many womenlsquos

universities Further womenlsquos protection bill was passed in the regime of General Pervaz

Musharraf According to the bill 10 quota were reserved for women in the Central

Superior Services while 5 quota were reserved for them in all other government

departments which was also approved by the Cabinet In local government women

quotas were increased to 30 however it was reduced to 175 in 2002 later under the

Legal Framework Order (Report 200504)

96

Women activists are struggling for their presence in the political sphere and to

provide them their political rights which is guaranteed by the quota system (seats reserved

for women) in the Assemblies Presently number of seats reserved for women are 60 in

the total of 342 National Assembly seats Thus the number of women contesting

elections for general seats increased by 130 since 2008 general elections Currently 18

women senators are occupying positions through reserved seats in the indirect election of

Senate Similarly in the four provincial assemblies of Pakistan the number of seats

reserved for women are 137 in which only 66 seats are reserved for women in the total

371 seats of Punjab 29 seats are reserved for women in the entire 168 seats of Sindh 11

reserved seats out of the total 51 seats in Baluchistan and 22 reserved seats for women in

the entire 124 seats of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly In the May 2013 election 150

women filed nomination papers for the National assembly and 313 for the provincial

Assemblylsquos seats which are almost double the total figure from the 2008 elections

(Ghosh 201303)

But apart from these developments women in the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP)

left the space and went into the background Few of the Pukhtun women later came to the

forefront and carved their place in the Politics Among them are Zari Sarfaraz (MNA

1962-64 1965-69) Kulsoom Saifullah (MNA March 1977-July 1977 1985-1988 1988-

1990) and Begum Nasim Wali Khan Zari Sarfaraz was an active member of the Musim

League and an astute Pukhtun businesswoman (Amir 2013) Kulsoom Saifullah was a

renowned political figure social activist and a businesswoman as well She was

Pakistanlsquos first female federal minister (Sherazi 2015)

Other prominent Pukhtun women are Bushra Gohar who served as Senior Vice-

president of ANP and now is the ANP central vice-president She became the Member of

Parliament on reserved seats for women in the 2008 general elections Similarly we saw

a great change in the 2013 general elections Dr Meher Taj Roghani Pakistan Tehreek-e-

Insaf (PTI) female candidate and a special assistant to chief minister was elected as a first

woman deputy speaker of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly with a great margin of 40

votes Under 2013 general elections the national assembly of Pakistan had 8 women from

the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP and FATA) while 22 occupied reserved seats in the KP

provincial assembly (Mahmood 2015)

My assessment is that whenever Pukhtun women get an opportunity they prove

their abilities All female members confronted the odds and occupied prestigious places

97

both in their parties and in the government They confidently work in the political sphere

like their male counterparts They work effectively in the promotion of good governance

Women played an active role in the political affairs of Pakistan and raised their voices

against the social economic cultural and political discrepancies Similarly women

political workers have been creating political awareness among females of their

respective areas in the KP province

Though various hurdles still obstructed women of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa from

exercising their electoral rights But it is need of the time to take such measures both at

the central as well as local level to provide them (women) their electoral and other

fundamental rights As we observed that in 2013 general elections the Chief Justice of

Peshawar High Court (PHC) ordered the Election Commission of Pakistan to halt the

results of NA-25 Lakki Marwat and NA-5 Nowshera and conduct re-polling in these two

constituencies where the turn out of the women voters were low (ShahN 2013)

Likewise in 2018 general elections the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) ordered

re-polling in the constituencies of NA-10 Shangla NA-48 North Waziristan of PK-23

Shangla -1 where majority of the women did not cast their votes (ShahA 2018) Women

are still struggling for political representation However they are kept away from the

political process through different measures like unavailability of identity cards or they

are not enrolled as voters

During Gen Musharraf regime Womenlsquos advocacy group became successful in

securing reserved seats for women in the national and provincial assemblies which

empowered women of those areas where women are barred from their political rights In

2013 general elections almost 1150 women contested elections for the general seats of

the National assembly most of whom were independent candidates Women from the

Pukhtun society are struggling hard against the odds They are fighting for their political

rights We saw Badam Zari from Bajaur (KP) who contested elections on a general seat

Though she lost the elections yet became a role model for other women (Saleem 2013)

I argue that such progress is clear indication that the Pukhtun women have the

capacity to prove themselves in every field whenever they get a chance They are now

more aware and educated and have the potential to work for the prosperity and

advancement of their Pukhtun society They struggle hard for the upgrading of women in

different fields especially in the political field more specifically for the women of the

rural Khyber Pukhtunkhwa

98

36 CONCLUSION

Pakistani women and more specifically Pukhtun women are facing hindrances in

different spheres of lives Such obstacles impede their way to success and prosperity

Socio-economic cultural religious barriers are like the invisible chains in their feet

Beside contradictory norms and values represented by Islam and Pukhtunwali they are

interpreted in a manner to justify patriarchal behaviour and structures in Pukhtun society

Pukhtuns are followers of the religion Islam but they also follow their centuries old codes

of conduct Pukhtunwali in which most of the features are against rights of the Pukhtun

women Being an Islamic society Pukhtuns are still probing for an appropriate role of

religion Islam in political and social life They are struggling to find boundaries between

Islam and traditions Such amalgamation of religion and culture further multiplies the

consensus of the followers especially regarding the rights of women Which in turn makes

life of the women vulnerable and exposed to exploitation Pukhtuns use their cultural

codes to benefit males and infringe the rights of women which grant the women

subservient position in the society Regardless of the fact that there are precedents of the

women who showed their resilience and carved out some political space by large women

are exploited in the name of Pukhtunwali and are subject to male dominance and control

However some Pukhtun women dare to challenge these odds and resist control and

subjugation The following chapters will explore one such example where a protagonist

Nasim Wali Khan struggled to achieve political prominence

99

CHAPTER ndash 4

POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

Situations produce leaders and leaders having capabilities to efficiently

manoeuvre a situation retain themselves in leadership position This chapter explores

such relationship between leadership rise and the testing situations More specifically it

explicates the situation which was responsible for the rise and retaining of political

leadership by Nasim Wali Khan Nasim Wali Khan occupied leadership position in the

turbulent situations and retained it with her skills of political manoeuvring However like

other Asian women leaders Nasim Wali faced tough odds from the patriarchal society

she was living in

Before taking the leadership role Nasim Wali Khan was a house wife and had

some rather limited influence over party through her husband The exacting situation

which the immediate family members of Nasim Wali Khan confronted in 1970s

compelled her to enter politics which she never imagined Once she took this arduous task

of leadership Nasim Wali Khan improvised and led her political party out of political

crisis The political crisis of her family and party was created by their arch rival and ruler

of the country i-e Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Nasim Wali as a political leader had to confront the

double jeopardy in those early times First her party was in crises due to the political

victimization of the government and second her personal challenge of confronting a

patriarchal society opposed woman leadership This chapter explores the crises situation

which forced her to join politics her leadership style the strategies she adopted to cope

with hurdles she faced as well as the facilitating factors in her political struggle both

before and after joining politics

SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

41 POLITICAL RESISTANCE TO AN AUTOCRATIC GOVERNMENT OF

ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO

Awami National Party (ANP) is an ethno-nationalist political party that faced

greater challenges throughout its existence Various regimes for different reasons

suppressed the party by persecuting its leaders as well as its workers Its top leaders such

100

as Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) and Khan Abdul Wali Khan faced imprisonment

ban torturelsquo etc Abdul Wali Khan also faced four assassination attempts during his

political career (Marwat 2015 123)

In the 1970 general elections the then National Awami Party (now ANP) won

substantial number of seats in the province assemblies of Baluchistan and erstwhile

NWFP (now Khyber Pukhtunkhwa) NAP secured the largest number of seats i-e 13 seats

in 40 constituencies of erstwhile NWFP and secured majority of 8 seats in 20

constituencies of Baluchistan National Awami Party secured 6 seats in the National

Assembly as well NAP didnlsquot get any support from Sindh and could not get candidate to

contest elections from Punjab nonetheless occupied one seat out of 300 constituencies in

the East Pakistan provincial assembly (Tasneem 2013197)

Abdul Wali Khan leader of National Awami Party from the west wing of

Pakistan secured seats of both the National and Provincial assembly from his home town

Charsadda That was a time when Sheikh Mujeeb-ur- Rehman was anticipated to be the

forthcoming Premier of Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto deemed him a peril to his political

career For this reason Bhutto in pre-elections manoeuvring went to Charsadda in 1971 to

see Abdul Wali Khan and tried to convince him to join in an anti- Mujeeb alliance But

the offer was not accepted by Abdul Wali Khan Due to which ZABhutto threatened

Khan for the severe consequences (Shah 2015)

After the general elections of 1970 Abdul Wali Khan on 23rd

March 1971

presented his full support to Sheikh Mujeeb in the formation of government However

General Yahya Khan didnlsquot allow the transfer of power to Sheikh Mujeeb despite of the

fact he had won majority in the 1970 elections Sheikh Mujeeb and his party was banned

by Yahya Khan which appeared to be a malicious act Such vindictive actions against the

leader of East Pakistan were condemned by NAP and compelled the government to

resolve problems through dialogue (Chandio et al 2011) The support offered by NAP to

Sheikh Mujeeb was not aceptable to the government of West Pakistan as a consequence

Yahya Khan also banned NAP on 26th

November 1971 But when ZA Bhutto formed

the government on 21st December 1971 he removed ban against the NAP and this fair

deed was admired by the NAP leaders by providing unconditional support to the PPP

government However the friendship between NAP and Bhutto did not persist for long

(Shah 2015)

After the secession of East Pakistan NAP formed a coalition government in two

provinces of Pakistan i-e with BNP (Baluchistan National Party) they formed a

101

government in Baluchistan and with the support of JUI (Jamait Ulma -e -Islam) they

formed a government in earstwhile NWFP in 1972 NAP also became the main

opposition party within the National Assembly of Pakistan (Mushtaq2011251) Abdul

Wali Khan became the opposition leader at the national level and became major opponent

of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto ZA Bhutto after gaining power became more authoritarian and

harsh towards all those who opposed him (Wolpert 1993) Therefore his relations

generally with NAP but specifically with Abdul Wali Khan remained strained

After NAP formed her government in Baluchistan Baluchistan became the hub of

NAP because of its ethno-nationalistic credentials PPP government steered by ZA

Bhutto provoked local confrontation in Baluchistan with the support of Balochi Sardars

against the NAP government As a consequence NAP stayed in power only for ten

months (Shah 2015)

PPP government time and again charged NAP for the disintegration of Pakistan

and involvement in violent activities They considered them a threat for the safety and

security of Pakistan The charges became intensified when an arm cache at Iraqi Embassy

was found in Islamabad on 10th

February 1973 Federal Government charged NAP

leaders and Baluch government for involvement in planning a violent secessionist

struggle through these arms They charged the opponents by stating that the confiscated

arms are expected to use by them for the same purpose Print media of Pakistan used this

incident as a proof of secessionism against the JUIP-NAP coalition government in

Baluchistan (Marwat 2015 167)

Abdul Wali Khan rejected Bhuttolsquos accusations against him his party and

colleagues He further clarified that if they ever wanted arms and ammunition for their

political cause they could easily get it from Afghanistan borders through Baluchistan and

NWFP being the border provinces and having their governments He added that it is an

insane act to keep arms and ammunitions at Iraqi embassy in Islamabad (Federal capital)

instead of their own provincial capitals In a joint session of the federal Parliament Abdul

Wali Khan condemned the popularization of fake propaganda which according to Abdul

Wali Khan would defame Pakistan globally (Marwat 2015 167)

The alarming situations further became worsened when on February 14th

1973

Bhutto dismissed the coalition government of BNP and NAP in Baluchistan and bypassed

NAP appointees Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo (Governor) and Attaullah Mengal (chief minister)

of Baluchistan Nawab Akbar Bughti replaced Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo and became

governor of Balochistan As a result NAP-JUI government in erstwhile NWFP also

102

resigned on 16th

February 1973 Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil (Governor of NWFP) also

resigned in protest on the recommendation of Abdul Wali Khan Later Arbab Sikandar

Khan Khalil was replaced by Mohammad Aslam Khatak by the federal government At

the time Mufti Mahmood was the chief minister of erstwhile NWFP Abdul Wali Khan

condemned ZA Bhuttolsquos action against Baluchistan government (Alvi 2016 134)

Z A Bhutto took more oppressive measures against Baluchistan government

General Tikka Khan (Chief of Army Staff) was ordered to start military operation against

the ―miscreants Government ordered to find the guerrilla camps in the Marri Tribal

areas Such brutal actions made the situation more convoluted and increased hatred and

fear among the Baluch against the federal government (Hassan 201654)

Abdul Wali Khan was against submissive and authoritarian rule of Z A Bhutto

Abdul Wali Khan blamed PPP government for provoking Mazdur Kisan Party to be

involved in subversive and violent activities in erstwhile NWFP in 1972 He also charged

federal government for starting conflict between peasants and landlords of NWFP

specifically in Peshawar which was traditionally the support base of NAP Abdul Wali

Khan warned the government that these subversive activities would take the country into

civil war (Marwat 2015 163)

Due to his unwavering opposition to Bhutto Abdul Wali Khan faced death threats

and assassination attempts during Z A Bhutto rule However he narrowly escaped these

attempts The first assassination attempt against Abdul Wali Khan was carried out during

1970 election campaign On 3rd

December 1970 when Abdul Wali Khan was leading a

procession at Lahori Gate (Peshawar) an un -identified person opened fire on Abdul Wali

Khan but he escaped These submissive tendencies further increased the gap between PPP

and NAP (Marwat 2015163)

In order to counter such oppressive acts of Bhuttolsquos government all opposition

parties united and formed an alliance named as United Democratic Front (UDF) on 28th

February 1973 against the Z A Bhuttolsquos oppressive rule The main political parties of

UDF included National Awami Party (NAP) United Pakistan Muslim League (PML)

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP)

Pakistan Democratic Party (PDP) Khaksar Tehrik and Independent Group On March

14th

1973 Pir Pagara of PML was appointed as a president of UDF Nawabzada

Nasrullah Khan and Mufti Mahmood as its vice presidents while Professor Ghafoor

Ahmad became UDF secretary (Ziring 1997393) The agenda of UDF was to ensure

maximum provincial autonomy struggle to bring democracy back and implementation of

103

Islamic teachings and resist the dictatorial policies of ZA Bhutto government All

opposition parties met in a convention held in Rawalpindi on 23rd

March 1973 followed

by a rally (Marwat 2015 173) The convention and rally was attended by Maulana Mufti

Mahmood Pir of Pagara Abdul Wali Khan Maulana Shah Asad Noorani Sardar Shaukat

Hayat Khan Asad Gilani Abdul Wali Khan was accompanied by a group of Pukhtuns

called Pukhtun Zalme led by Ajmal Khattak (Marwat 2015174)

Federal Security Force (FSF) obeyed the orders given by ZABhutto and attacked

this opposition gathering at Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi Consequently many people

(including majority of Pukhtuns) got injured and dozens of them being killed Some of

the NAP leading members including Ajmal Khattak escape to Kabul for security of their

lives PPP blamed Pukhtun Zalme for the massacre Later Hafiz Pirzada (Federal Law

Minister) blamed Pukhtuns that their purpose was to invade Islamabad and Rawalpindi

and wanted to humiliate Punjabis Government justified its operation on the rally by

stating that government had to protect its citizens against the wrongdoers But Abdul

Wali Khan called this charge a conspiracy against Pukhtuns and stated that Pukhtuns

present in the rally were unarmed and they showed their solidarity with Baluch brethren

Bhutto regime took harsh measures against the adversaries by putting the leaders in jails

and torturing them as well (Marwat 2015176)

ZA Bhutto government launched an official campaign to defame Wali Khan and

his party Initially government accused Abdul Wali Khan as an enemy of Islam and

called him a traitor Abdul Wali Khan was blamed to be engaged in activities detrimental

to the state Bomb explosions street violence law and order situation became a routine

matter (Lyon 2008) Bhutto and his government controlled media charged NAP leaders

for the chaos They further blamed that NAP tried to disintegrate Pakistan in collaboration

with the government of Afghanistan (Marwat 2015 123)

Abdul Wali Khan was again imprisoned by ZABhutto government on 8th

February 1975 when he was attending the funeral of Hayat Sherpao the slain leader of

PPP and close associate of Bhutto (Lyon 2008) Bhutto regime blamed NAP for the

assassination of Hayat Sherpao and consequently detained Abdul Wali Khan along with

52 other NAP leading members including Asfandyar Wali Khan Afzal Khan Arbab

Sikandar Khan Haji Bilour (NWFP) Ghous Bakhsh Bazenjo Khair Bakhsh Marri

Attaullah Mangal (Baluchistan) ZABhutto even apprehended the governors of

Baluchistan and NWFP (Noman 2009)

Likewise Z A Bhutto government adopted a strategy to get rid of Abdul Wali

104

Khan and his comrades For this purpose government amended 1962 Political Parties

Act This amendment enabled the government to declare any political party illegal if it

was found involved in unlawful activities This amendment also empowered the

government to first ban a political party and then send reference against the party to

Supreme Court of Pakistan (Marwat 2015 123) Under this amended law ZA Bhutto

took revengeful actions against NAP by banning it on February10th 1975 Such actions

of ruling class are common in Pakistan where opposition is coercively restrained instead

of engaging it politically (Noman 2009)

NAP offices were sealed by the government and the party records and assets were

also confiscated Later they wrecked the records as well (Wolpert 1993249) Abdul

Wali Khan was declared as enemy of Islam He was called a traitor and the agent of Iraq

India Russia and Afghanistan (Wolpert 1993242) There seems to be a systematic effort

on the part of the government to destroy the political career of NAP leaders My interview

respondent and secretary general of ANP(W)Mr Tofaan reveals that censorship was

imposed by ZABhutto on the publications of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Wali Khan

names and the press would publish their names as AW Khan and AG Khan to misguide

the people (Tofaan interview 2016)

Though 1970 general elections provided a unique opportunity to Pakistan ie

democratic transition based in popular politics However the subsequent government of

Z A Bhutto spoiled it through his autocratic style of governance Though Z A Bhutto

was a charismatic educated and prominent political leader from Sindh who governed

Pakistan from 1971 till 1977 (cf Wolpert 1993) But Z A Bhutto after acquiring the

helms of affairs used inexorable measures against those who defied his authority and

questioned his cruel measures Police harassment intimidation incarceration and toucher

were various measures used by Bhutto to deal with his adversaries Z A Bhuttolsquos

repressive actions were not only used against political opponents but included lawyers

journalists and all those who publically confront ZABhutto During his rule there was

widespread political violence political assassinations murders were commonlsquo and

official use of violence and terrorlsquo became widespreadlsquo Speaker of the Baluchistan

Assembly and the opposition members were killed Labour leaders were also main target

of the oppressive rule Assassination attempts were made on Abdul Wali Khan (NWFP

leader) and Asghar Khan (leader of Tehriq-i-Istiqlal) Officials and members of Jammat-i-

Islami were also targeted and killed Street crimes beating guns and goons were

prevalent in Pakistani society Bhutto inflicted fear and terror in the minds of public

105

(Ziring 1997 381-383)

In these crisis situation NAP along with Abdul Wali Khanlsquos family was the main

target of the governmental political oppression Abdul Wali Khan his eldest son among

other top party leaders were incarcerated by ZA Bhutto government on the charges of

treason Abdul Ghaffar Khan (father of Abdul Wali Khan) was also detained by the

government on 2nd

April 1975(Yousafzai 199860) Ghani Khan and Ali Khan were

brothers of Abdul Wali Khan Both of them were non-political one of them was

academician and the other was a poet They were least interested to lead The only male

child was Sangeen Khan the eldest son of Abdul Wali Khan But he was too young (less

than 18 years) to lead a party (Mazari 1999 383) Likewise Abdul Wali Khan cousinslsquo

(sons of Khan Sahib chief minister of west Pakistan) had no interest in politics as well

Leaders of NAP were imprisoned in different categories of jail Mir Ghous Bakhsh

Bizenjo Syed Hadi Naqvi Yusuf Mustikhan Fasihuddin Salar Dr MA Mehboob Lal

Bakhsh Rind Usman Baluch and Karamat Ali (Kaushik 198411) Abdul Wali Khan

Abdul Wahid Khurd Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil Gul Khan Naseer Pervaz Salim Col

Sultan Ahmad Mohammad Afzal Dr Inayatullah Nisar Khan were imprisoned in class

A category jail while Moosa Jan S Mohammad Salim Mohammad Aslam Khan Sardar

Ashrafullah Mohammad Abdullah Malik Amanullah Mohammad Gul Saifullah

Munawar Khan Abdul Qayum Ghulam Hussain Hamid Aziz Muhammad Bakhsh

Muhammad Fateh(Patay Khan) Shar Muhammad Abdul Aziz Jumma Rahim Abdul

Wahab Alif Khan Attaullah Jan Muhammad Aslam Kurd Muhammad Hashim Mengal

and Saadullah among majority NAP members were imprisoned in class B category jail

(Ahmad 197726)

The imprisonment and bar on NAP leaders left a leadership vacuum Despite the

arrest of the main leaders of NAP some members of the defunct NAP prominently

Kaswar Gardezi from Multan (former secretary general of NAP) Majid Mengal

Attaullah Mengal Ghulam Ahmad Bilour (President NAP NWFP) Jennifer Musa and

Hashim Gilzai Mahmood Ali Kasuri Mazhar Ali Khan Abdul Khaliq Khan Mahmooda

Salim Umrao Khan Amirzada Khan and Nasim Wali Khan among other members

endeavoured to find ways for their political survival (Mazari 1999383)

Members of the defunct NAP party decided to appoint a leader able enough to

revive the party aggregate the party followers and struggle for the emancipation of party

leaders However leading NAP in these conditions of political victimization and

oppression was very difficult Nasim Wali Khan being a woman family member came

106

forward and take a strenuous task during convoluted time Though Nasim Wali Khan had

never thought of joining active politics (WaliN interview 2017)

Nonetheless absence of male political successors of Abdul Wali Khan within the

family and unfavourable political situations for party compelled her to lead Therefore to

ensure her familylsquos political survival Nasim Wali Khan took the hard task to lead a

political party choked in crisis Thus her entrance in politics was accidental and necessity

of the time Nasim Wali Khan reveals that

―I came into politics not for the mission but for the need About 5500 people

were arrested after Sherpaolsquos murder It was pure political smack down I

observed that the political consciousness was lost I wanted to maintain that

spirit keep the democratic forces together (Wali N interview 197714)

Besides her own realisation Nasim Wali Khan was further provoked by Bhuttolsquos

statements and actions Nasim Wali Khan states that after taking oppressive action against

Abdul Wali Khan Bhutto claimed that ―he had killed Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his

family politically (Nasim Wali N interview 2017) Nasim Wali argues that this

statement provoked her to join active politics (WaliN interview 2017) After

consultation with Abdul Wali Khan in jail she accepted the leadership position (Afridi

interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan did not repent her decision she stated ―Now I am glad

I came I realize I did the right thing (Wali N interview 197714)

Nasim Wali argues that though she accepted leadership position of the party she

was worried regarding the response of her people Her support base among Pukhtuns of

Pakistan would mean to adopt a socially appropriate behaviour Women in Pukhtun

societies are generally restricted to homes and free mobility of female members of the

society are discouraged Nasim Wali Khan conveyed her apprehensions in these words

―I was afraid in the beginning that they wouldnlsquot accept me When I went for

my first public meeting I was confused because our people were divided

Some said I should come out others said I shouldnlsquot Our young supporters

those in colleges were in favour The older people thought that our opponents

would use it against me In our society a womenlsquos coming out in public is

considered bad It was difficult for the public to accept And that is why I was

afraid of peopleslsquo reactions Three to four times I felt like going back But I

did not lose courage (Wali N interview 1977 18)

Furthermore countrylsquos political circumstances were also unfavourable for the

107

party Thus for the purpose to counter the political crises the imprisoned leaders

suggested to consult a tenacious political figure able enough to revive a party in the

convoluted circumstances (cf Mazari 1999382) Therefore they offered leadership

to anti- Bhutto from Punjab i-e Ghulam Mustafa Khar and Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi

However these leaders refused the offer because they thought that their affiliation

with NAP which was generally mistrusted in Punjab would put their political

leadership at risk in Punjab The leaders of NAP then offered this position to a Baluch

independent candidate Sherbaz Khan Mazari Mazari accepted the leadership of NAP

(Mazari 1999384)

Nasim Wali Khan in consultation with Sherbaz Mazari and other defunct NAP

leaders suggested to form a new political party to confront the government (Marwat

2015201) Consequently on November 6th

1975 a new political party bearing the

name of National Democratic Party (NDP) was officially launched at Islamabad

Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari became its President and Nasim Wali Khan as its Vice-

President (Mazari 1999384) It was in 1975 that the government allowed Nasim

Wali Amir Zada Khan (Mardan based advocate) Haji Ghulam Bilour went to meet

Abdul Wali Khan in Hyderabad jail (WaliN interview 2016) Nasim Wali posits

that Abdul Wali khan never dictated her and the party colleagues from the jail Abdul

Wali Khan was mostly unaware of the countrylsquos political conditions therefore he

gave a free hand to Nasim Wali Khan and other party associates for revival of the

political party However he emphasized that the leaders should take decisions

through consensus (Wali N interview 2017)

The above accounts reveal that crisis situations put parties to test Parties

confronting suppressive regimes get into leadership crisis as well In such testing times

courageous persons are needed to take leadership role In hereditary parties such

leadership comes from within the family and in traditional societies male members take

up the task Politics become a family affair However in the absence of male family

members women of the family may also offer their services It is instructive to notice that

these women leaders take the risk and courageously confront the crises Nasim Wali Khan

had no contemplation towards active politics neither her husband nor the male members

of the family ever expressed their desire towards her involvement in active politics

However Nasim Wali Khan in order to sustain the family hold on the party accepted the

role Her decision was not based on an emotional whim but a rational calculation that her

party was facing an existential threat and she is required to lead it out of the crisis

108

The convoluted situation provided an opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan which she

availed by coming out of the traditional premises of her house Later she manoeuvred the

situation in her favour and courageously confronted all the odds

Like other South Asian woman political leaders the crisis situation provided an

opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan to lead But situation alone was not responsible for her

rise as a political leader Being a member of the politically prominent family Nasim Wali

was not at the mercy of the situation she was politically groomed in Wali Khanlsquos family

However the fact that Nasim Wali knowingly accepted the challenge of leading the party

in crisis and in a patriarchal social settings shows that she was a courageous woman She

could have refused the leadership and played a role of a grieving wife restricted to her

home but she refused to do so

Scholars posit that women of the eminent political families become the

beneficiarieslsquo of the political legacy (Jalazai amp Krook 201008 Iwanaga 2008 2 Mittra

amp Kumar 2004 218) Political training received within the family equip them regarding

political know how and decision- making This attribute further enhances their chances of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Thus females of the elite classes have distinct life experiences and grooming as

compared to females of the general population Their families act as a political training

platform Politically prominent families endow them with crucial knowledge required for

effective political functioning Involvement of parents and spouses in the societal or

national affairs provide basic opportunities to these females for nurturing political skills

reputation and even support base which is known to be their ―Political Apprenticeship

(Cornwall amp Goetz 2005) Such political apprenticeshiplsquo (OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622)

is utilized by women leaders to attain leadership position and later improvise in active

politics As wives and daughters of politicians these women occupy political positions on

behalf of their husbands and fathers (Jensen 2008)

It is pertinent here to reflect again on the political background of Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali was the daughter of Amir Mohammad Khan Hoti who was an active

member of Khudai Khidmatgar movement in British India He even remained the

provincial president of Khudai Khidmatgar movement Later she married with Abdul

Wali Khan a veteran political figure and the son and successor of Ghaffar Khan Ghaffar

Khan was the founder of Khudai Khidmatgar movement and his family was a hub of

political activities before and after partition of British India He led nonviolent resistance

against British imperialism and later spearheaded nationalist politics within Pakistan

109

Being member of such illustrious family Nasim Wali was politically groomed right from

the very beginning She had a great affection for her father and his struggle for the rights

of Pukhtun people from the platform of Khudai Khidmatgar Abdul Wali Khan used to

discuss political matters with Nasim Wali Khan which increased her political awareness

(Khan H interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan mostly accompanied him in his political

visits Such accounts of Nasim Walilsquos training in politics endorses the idea of political

apprenticeship which female of prominent political families go through

Likewise my primary data also endorsed the idea that Nasim Wali received her

earlier training in politics within her family Afridi in his interview argues that strong

political family background facilitated Nasim Wali throughout her political life Name

recognition as being wife of Abdul Wali khan and daughter in law of Bacha khan was

indeed a great support for her However Afridi also appreciates her courage wisdom that

being a Pukhtun woman she was courageous enough to face people confidently (Afridi

interview 2017) Lawangeen Khan (grandson of Nasim Wali) reveals that without a

strong family backing it was impossible for her to take a lead and attain the top

leadership position (KhanL interview 2017) Her family struggle was properly

acknowledged by Nasim Wali Khan throughout her political career In her visit with

Sherbaz Khan Mazari to Lahore on 3rd

December 1975 and addressed District bar

association In her speech she introduced herself in the following words ―you recognize

me as Mrs Abdul Wali Khan but today I am going to introduce myself properly

―I am proud of myself that I am daughter of a martyr I am proud of myself that I

am mother of a mujahid and wife of a mujahid as well Besides I feel honoured

that I am daughter -in -law of that mujahid who has spent all his life behind the

bars for the rights of his people and for his true principles A mujahid who was

never been purchased by anyone nor did he ever bowed before any dictator

(WaliN speech 197511)

In this speech she clearly expressed her relations with her male family members

who were acknowledged by the public She used impressive language to dignify the

males of her family Their struggles and sacrifices were being highlighted before the

audience Likewise Sherbaz Khan Mazari in his address on 3rd

December 1975 in

Lahore acknowledged the sacrifices and political efforts of Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family in

these words

―I can proudly say that Nasim Wali is a person whose father has spent his whole

110

life struggling for the acquisition of independence and justice from the British

imperialist forces and embraced martyrdom She represents the third generation of

her family that is struggling for the similar cause Her father-in-law husband and

son is in jail I acknowledge her courage and determination that despite the

turbulent situation she is still standing before you (Mazari speech 197516)

By adopting such strategy to recall and acknowledge the sacrifices and

endeavours of male members of her family Nasim Wali intended to win over the support

base created by her family Consequently she was able to win public support through

these acknowledgements Therefore unlike new women leaders Nasim Wali was able to

exploit her family support base and retain leadership position

Women political leaders of politically prominent families acquire leadership

position attract sympathy and support of the general masses and proceed their political

parties efficiently (Iwanaga 2008283 OlsquoConnor 2010388) Wijekoon argues that

public have great respect towards eminent political families General masses pay regards

to the struggle and sacrifices given by male members of these families (200560)

My interview respondents also endorsed the importance of family position for

women leaders One such eminent woman politician and current MPA of KP assembly

argues that the standing of family in politics expedite the women members of the family

Public following of the family further helps women attain leadership positions Other

women of the general population strive harder to make a place for themselves in the

political sphere (Ihsan interview 2017)

Arguing in the same line Hussain revealed that in South Asia and Central Asia

entitlementlsquo matters a lot It is used as an additional factor in the success of political

leaders But entitlement of Pukhtun society relates to the sacrifices and struggles of elders

and not to wealth or caste In case of Nasim Wali Khan presence of particular family

entitlement is just because of her ancestorlsquos struggles and sacrifices who went through

ordeals in their political career (Hussain interview 2017)

Belonging to a politically prominent family Nasim Wali Khan had developed her

basic understanding of politics within her family Frequent visits of the political figures

and routine discussion on political matters in her home enabled her to learn politics The

role of her husband in this regard is prominent He would discuss various political affairs

with Nasim Wali and engage her in crucial discussions with his political associates

Through her husband Nasim Wali kept herself informed about different political

111

activities happening around her Such training provided her basis to enter active politics

However after taking leadership role she further polished her political skills

The political affiliation of her family her political apprenticeship within family

and the public regard not only facilitated Nasim Wali to play political role but also

encouraged Nasim Wali Khan in her endeavor against political adversaries Therefore

from the case of Nasim Wali Khan we can conclude that familial political connections

assist women in their career development

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personality and political grooming enabled her to

courageously confront all opposition and escape manipulation at the hands of male

stalwarts of her party She exhibited strong will-power and determination which was

unchallengeable Literature (Bakshi 200101 Roy 201564) states that mostly female

leaders are susceptible to manipulation of their male colleagues of the party Therefore

women are often considered to be less challenging in politics At times this encourages

men colleagues of political parties to choose women as political leaders Campus argues

that ―women leaders are like puppets in the hands of male party members (Campus

2013 46) They can be easily manoeuvred Therefore the nomination of women as

leaders of defunct parties serve two purposes ie women leaders gain public support

during crisis time and they are also available for manipulation at the hands of male

members of the party

Nasim Wali argues that she was also initially rejected by some old party comrades

for her presence in politics However she neglected such dissenting voices within the

party and later proved herself the best candidate for leadership of the time (WaliN

interview 2017) Similarly Afridi reveals that Nasim Wali was not a compromising

leader who can be easily manipulated in the decision -making and in the formulation of

policy by the male party members She worked with determination and continued her

active political role even after the release of Abdul Wali Khan She was not powerless

and couldnlsquot be side- lined even in the presence of male family members She actively

participated in politics and had a strong hold in the party affairs (Afridi interview 2018)

After analysing the leadership of Nasim Wali we observe that initially some old

guards of Khudai Khitmatgar including Ghafoor Khan and Mirdal Khan opposed her

physical presence in politics But Nasim Wali Khan even against their opposition not

only joined the party but led it as well Within the party some members were thinking that

she couldnlsquot be able to lead the party for long in the presence of government oppression

and would accept her failure (WaliN interview 2017) She could easily leave active

112

politics without being charged for it However Nasim Wali argues that she was

determined and had performed her leadership role in a way that her leadership became

acceptable to all (WaliN interview 2017)

My assessment from Nasim Walilsquos case is that although crisis situation provide

an opportunity to females of the prominent political families to lead but such turbulent

situations also proves challenging as well The cooperative empathetic and collaborative

nature of female are deemed to be appropriate in crisis time They have the ability to

struggle for the congregation improvement and advancement of their political parties and

families Saint- Germain posits that women are the true unifier of family and are more

appropriate to grab the political authority after any mishaps with their males and they

have the potential to serve in acrimonious circumstances (Saint-Germain 1993) As

Jalalzai argues that in the severe political uncertainty and defective political institutions

womenlsquos political participation provide harmony which acts as the contributing factor and

support them to acquire leadership position (Jalalzai 2008)

While assessing Nasim Walilsquos political entrance and her political struggle I argue

that primarily after the ban of NAP and imprisonment of party leaders she visited the

houses of party workers to express her solidarity in turbulent times Through these visits

she tried to acquaint them with the crisis situations and encouraged them to endure it with

patience Through such strategy she had successfully congregated old party associates

and supporters and revived former NAP with the new name National Democratic Party

(NDP) The platform of this party enabled Nasim Wali Khan to endeavor for the safe

acquittal of Abdul Wali Khan his associates and supporters who were confined in

Hyderabad jail and she also demanded fresh elections She consolidated the defunct

political party and workers The appointment of Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari as president

of new party (NDP) to confront the political and societal challenges was a good decision

of that time Ahmad argues that Sherbaz Khan Mazari was the close associate of Z A

Bhutto but because of his policies he dissociated from Bhutto and joined hands with the

opposition Nasim Wali in a turbulent situation Mazari was a likeminded person who was

against the military action in East Pakistan and was also against the PPP action in

Baluchistan (Ahmad 2000)

Similarly Nasim Wali Khan served as a link between her husband and party

workers She intelligently availed the opportunities and hardly compromised in her

political career She bravely confronted the oppressive measures taken by government of

the time She was confident and discussed issues impressively with the general masses in

113

her public meetings My interview data reveals that Nasim Wali Khanlsquos struggle

continued for three years and she led different successful rallies and campaigns

throughout the country in which she was able to collect large gatherings of people from

all over Pakistan She opposed all those acts of the government which violated rights of

the public as a consequence she gained support and sympathies of public (KhanH

interview 2017 Yousafzai interview 2017)

Furthermore followers play a very important role for effectiveness of leaders who

can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Turbulent situation was a

challenge to the successful leadership of Nasim Wali Khan Thus acquisition of support

of masses were crucial to confront the testing time Nasim Wali Khan adopt such

appropriate leadership style which enabled her to win support and acceptability of the

general masses Apart from criticism of some old party comrades later she proved herself

the best nominee for the political leadership of the time

Wijekoon argues that the cultural aspect of such societies accumulate ―the

sympathy vote for the women of elite class who are challenging demanding

circumstances in politics (200564) In her visit on 31st October 1976 to the office of NDP

Lahore Nasim Wali Khan was fervently welcomed by the NDP workers After the

recitation of Holy Quran Ahsan Daein (president NDP Lahore) inaugurated the mass

gathering He started a brief emotional address by stating that

―The whole family of Nasim Wali Khan is in jail All male family members

are imprisoned Our honourable sister has embraced the difficulties by

joining politics in these difficult situations Youth of Lahore assure their

support to the respectable sister in her struggle for democracyhellipeveryone

who are opposing the oppressive policies of the government are brutally

targeted but he encouraged them by saying that despite such dreadful

conditions we would obtain our rights (Daein speech 197621)

Nasim Wali Khan was successful in gathering mass support not only in

erstwhile NWFP (now KP) but also in Sindh and Punjab provinces of Pakistan

Public was sympathetic towards her Such support was crucial for her political

struggle and ultimately paved way for her success in politics

Thus in the elections of 1977 due to her efforts NDP made an alliance with the

nine opposition parties in the name of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and jointly

contested elections against Bhutto government Support of masses towards Nasim Wali

114

was evident in these election in which she was succeeded from Swabi and Charsadda and

became the first female parliamentarian of Pakistan to be elected on general seats instead

of reserved (Roy 2014 179)

But in the elections of March 7th

1977 Bhutto succeeded with absolute majority

The opposition accused government for rigging in elections and boycotted the provincial

assemblieslsquo elections PNA started agitations and anti-government rallies against

ZABhutto regime Government took harsh steps against the opposition which further

deteriorated the countrylsquos circumstances (Nasr 1994)

Nasim Wali Khan started her campaign by visiting the whole country She held

public gatherings and processions throughout the country (Yousafzai interview 2017)

During this political contestation on July 5th

1977 General Zia- ul- Haq (the Chief of

Army Staff) imposed Martial Law The Martial Law was welcomed by majority of the

opposition leaders (Amin 2007) because they considered it an ―unwanted but

unavoidable act (Khuhro et al 2013)

After the imposition of Martial Law in July 1977 Gen Zia- ul- Haq in act of

appeasement went to Hyderabad jail to meet Abdul Wali Khan He intended to revoke

Hyderabad Conspiracy Case and release the previous NAP leaders and supporters from

prison Consequently in December 1977 Abdul Wali Khan was released from the jail

and his confiscated properties were returned General Zia declared Abdul Ghaffar Khan

and Abdul Wali Khan as great patriots (Amin 2007)

Nasim Wali thus led a non-violent planned and systematic civilian movement to

overthrow the oppressive regime of ZABhutto (Yousafzai interview 2017) Moreover

political victimization motivated Nasim Wali to struggle against her adversaries Besides

political oppression at that time she was confronted with her identity crises as well

Being a woman and Pukhtun Nasim Wali had to struggle against the patriarchal norms

and values of Pukhtun society

42 IDENTITY CRISES NASIM WALI KHAN BEING A PUKHTUN

WOMAN

It was not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to perform and engage in

public affairs The entire Pukhtun community is supposed to socially organize and act

through the codes of Pukhtunwali Thus social organization and codes of conduct of

Pukhtuns are subject to customary laws These codes are highly biased towards women

Under these codes women are subjected to norms that make them dependent on men and

115

are practically restricted to the four walls of home (Niaz 2011)

Nasim Wali being member of the same Pukhtun community abide by traditions

like any other woman It is pertinent to look into some crucial questions such as what

restrictions Nasim Wali faced from her society during her political career And how she

overcome those hurdles

The centuries old codes of conduct (Pukhtunwali) are the very essence of Pukhtun

society These codes establish a patriarchal social order with women in subservient status

Under this code the lives of women are influenced by the concerned men at an early

stage Saeed argues that women abide by the decision of a father brother and husband

Father exercise authority from education of females to selection of their husbands After

marriage husband and in-laws dominate their lives They could decide every matter

whether related to number of children her role in community and limitation regarding

education or employment Pukhtuns consider such authority crucial for safety and

security of honour and chastity of women Infringement of which brings dreadful

consequences to a society (Saeed 2012101)

Though female leader Nasim Wali Khan challenged the cultural tabooslsquo footed in

patriarchy by joining politics and making gender irrelevant to her struggle She

challenged some of the very primary requirements of the code such as seclusion of men

and women (pardah) She stood against the tides of tough times and was successful

enough to gain public support (Khan L interview 2017) This raises an important

question ie How was it possible to challenge the cultural codes that were considered dear

by the society and still being able to gather public support I argue that Nasim Wali was

not actually challenging cultural norms but tried her level best to bring them in

conformity with the changing times Likewise it is significant to understand that the

characteristics of Pukhtunwali are not firm and static Banerjee posits that concept and

beliefs of Pukhtuns are flexible having the capacity of conciliation and alteration

(Banerjee 2000) Similarly Bartlotti argues that Pukhtunwali as a metaphoric system is

adaptable and can be formed fabricated manipulated and even dismantled (Bartlotti

200014-15) Nasim Walilsquos effort to manipulate some of these norms was in line with the

practices of her father-in-law (Ghafar Khan) who also manipulated some cultural norms

(cf Banerjee 2000)

Though Nasim Wali faced some opposition from her own family members in the

beginning Shahida Waheed a cousin of Nasim Wali and daughter of the Mirdal Khan

(old Khudai Khidmatgar and Abdul Ghaffar Khanlsquos close companion) reveals that

116

challenging the very code of Pukhtunwali ie to come out in the open among male

supporters and workers was not liked by Nasim Walilsquos uncle Nasim Walilsquos uncle was of

the opinion that though women were part of the nationalist struggle of the Pukhtuns their

presence were limited They were only helping during elections and had no part in the

process of making decisions as well as in the party organization Waheed states that

Mirdal Khan considered it against the very code of Pukhtunwali that Nasim Wali being

his family member attended and addressed public gatherings (especially in Mardan) in

his presence But the unflinching support of Abdul Wali Khan helped Nasim Wali to face

such opposition without any fear and exit (Waheed interview 2017)

The above analysis reveals that Nasim Wali was aware of Pukhtun traditions and

would like to deal with unfavourable ones To adopt public life at time when the presence

of Pukhtun women in politics were meagre and not appreciated Nasim Wali was able to

win confidence and support of Pukhtuns Confidence of colleagues empowered her to

take tough decisions courageously which in turn granted her the undisputed leadership of

the party for almost two decades Scheckelhoff argues that support and encouragement of

family are significant for success of these women in their career (Scheckelhoff 2007)

Similarly support from friends and followers further enhance integrity and successes of

women leaders (Bell et al 2005) Tadros postulates that females are lacking important

resources and available time because of gendered specified domestic and reproductive

work He argues that though lives of women seem to be constricted to the private sphere

of houses but it also acquaint women about the power which they use publically in their

adulthood Likewise encouragement and support of family and spouses are

instrumental in upgrading of their political career (Tadros 2014) I argue that though

Pukhtunwali was barrier in Nasim Walilsquos political career but was adjusted with the

requirement of the circumstances This could only be possible with the support of the

family members and the ability to manoeuvre the same to gain desired consequences

Following are some details about how she was able to do so

Status and honour of family is closely related to character and actions of women

in Pukhtun society Bad reputation of a woman will disgrace the whole family which is

intolerable and can lead to terrible consequences (Jamal 2015)

Thatlsquos why femaleslsquo are more sensitive regarding their functions in the society It

is societal obligation to observe Pardah Pardah means to remain in seclusion from the

stranger males Pardah represents three main principles in the life of Muslim women

Obedience to the religious commandments cultural identity related to status kinship and

117

political consciousness Though customs are patriarchal and oppressive in nature but for

women to observe pardah is a way to show their regard towards religious beliefs and its

acceptability Pardah has many facets and choice is that of women according to her status

in society (Papanek 1971521)

The violation of Pardah is not tolerated by Pukhtun society Paktun women are

prohibited to move out in the general public more specifically in the presence of

strangers It is against Pukhtun cultural norms and customs This bring us to the question

of how Nasim Wali joined active political life and showed her presence in rallies

meetings and demonstrations all along when it was prohibited by Pukhtunwali

Ahmed argues that women of the patriarchal societies are more thoughtful about

the functions they perform However we do observe some differences in the lives of

Pukhtun women of tribal and settled areas Women of the orthodox tribal families are not

permitted to move in public places and are restricted within four walls of their houses

But elder females have some relaxation in Pardah While moderate and progressive

Pukhtun families observe their traditions and customs but not in a strict sense as triballsquos

do They are to some extent allowed to move outside four walls of their houses but in Veil

or Sadar and accompanied by servant driver or closest male relatives (Ahmed 2006)

Hussain affirms in his interview that Bacha Khan (the great nationalist leader) did

mobilize Pukhtun women since the commencement of Khudai Khidmatgar movement He

encouraged them to learn and write which motivated them and gave them confidence

Bacha khan worked hard to create awareness among Pukhtun women (Hussain interview

2017) In KK movement majority of Pukhtun women participated on the appeal of Bacha

khan which was a breakthrough for Pukhtun women KK movement brought women an

unprecedented access to public life and relaxation in Pardah Women even attended

meetings and they were present on the streets in groups to meet Bacha Khan (Banerjee

200098) I argue that being member of a progressive family Nasim Wali acted

accordingly She joined politics in an era where there was minimal women participation

in active politics particularly in a traditional and conservative Pukhtun society Women

usually suffered by these patriarchal tendencies But she was aware of her traditions

which was evident from her physical appearance She always covered herself in a long

black or white sadar to show her reverence towards her norms and traditions along with

the fulfilment of her tasks Almost each and every colleague and reporter of the

prominent newspapers of that time appreciated her traditional attire (see also Bondrey

1977 Malik 1976 Mazari 1999)

118

Nasim Wali reveals that she was always conscious about honour and dignity of

her family In her speeches she always mentioned the reasons behind her active

involvement in politics In one of her speech on 3rd

December 1975 in the Lahore Bar

Association she stated that

―Women presence in the large public gatherings outside their home is not

considered a stigma in Punjab neither they considered it bad but in Pukhtun

society we have a different culture The mobility of a woman outside her

house is similar to invite a doomsday (qayamat ko dawaat kay mutaradif

hay) We are backward and uneducated Despite this whenever country

needs sacrifices or whenever dictator arises we are proud that we had

always confronted crises situations large arrays move out of our houses

(WaliN speech 197511-12)

Similarly Sherbaz Khan Mazari argues that ―Nasim Wali Khan was covered with

sadar and she took more trouble to explain that being a Pathan lady she was only

appearing in public because of the compulsion of circumstances Mazari further states

that ―I recall that she even stated that as soon as her husband is released from jail she will

at once withdraw to the sanctity of zannanah(Mazari 1999389-390) Furthermore in

another mass gathering on 31st October 1976 in Lahore while addressing NDP workers in

Lahore office She was warmly welcomed by the workers Malik (1976) states that she

was covered in white sadar Throughout her life she wore traditional Pukhtun dresses

with Black and later white sadar It shows her determination for the achievement of the

task within the cultural and traditional domains (Malik 197621)

In her speeches Nasim Wali asserted time and again that her involvement in

active politics was because of the compulsion of the situation However she would not

challenge the cultural codes but would try her best to act accordingly Whenever she

acted differently she would explain the compulsions publicly Nasim Wali would cover

herself in traditional sadar and wore simple and dull colours She particularly cited an

instance when her husband Wali Khan asked the reason about her simple dress code

Nasim Wali Khan answered that for women who work in the presence of thousands of

men her dress should be simple in order to avoid public gaze and to concentrate on the

worklsquo Thatlsquos why she decided simple attire with traditional white Sadar in public

gatherings (WaliN interview 2017)

My interview respondents posit that in traditional societies women political

119

leaders being part of societies follow the local traditions to gain acceptability among

general public They argue that political triumph is impossible in violation of these very

codes (Ihsan interview 2017 KhanA interview 2017) So Nasim Wali in a traditional

attire observed Pardah the very code of Pukhtunwali (Khan F interview 2017)

Besides her dress Nasim Wali confidently attended meetings with party

supporters in Hujra8 She showed her appearances in public gatherings and rallies which

apparently was to challenge the norms of Pukhtunwali Yousafzai argues that the people

were ―shocked to hear that a woman from Bacha Khan family came in the open and

joined politics Not only that she used to travel with male members of the party and held

rallies against government of the time However the general public were still sympathetic

towards Nasim Wali (Yousafzai interview 2016) It was her ability that she successfully

adopted strategies which enabled her to accumulate the peoplelsquos support and acceptance

while challenging the norms of Pukhtun society

She skilfully used the cultural codes in her favour at the very beginning of her

political struggle Tofan recalls the memories of a rally at Chowk Yadgar Peshawar and

posits that Nasim Wali Khan was very confident that in her initial political speech she

looked into the eyes of her opponents in the party and inspired her followers She

impressively presented her skills of political leadership She took over the public

emotions and would clearly recall that the supporters in the rally including the security

personal couldnlsquot hold back their tears The very words of the speech were

―I am going through a circumstances where there is absence of male family

members to take care My father is dead my husband my brother my son

and all other male family members are in jails There is absence of able

leaders who are willing to take the political responsibilities in these hard

times and to proceed the movement These circumstances impelled me to

come out and show solidarity with my people by taking their responsiblities

in these testing times We will fight together against the oppressive rule of

Bhutto (Tofan interview 2017)

She won public sympathies through her emotional speeches Mayar posits that in

her speeches in Toru and Hoti Nasim Wali tried to realize her people that she being their

sister was passing through times of distress and in such situations it is required from them

to support her (Mayar interview 2017)

8 Hujra Male sitting area where females are prohibited to enter

120

She skilfully elucidated atrocities of Bhutto government towards her family and

party as their only fault is the struggle for rights of our people She asserted that

government is playing a dictatorial role and there is no sign of democracy in our Islamic

and democratic Pakistanlsquo Bhutto government has imprisoned leaders without any reason

A rule of unjust and oppression is prevalent in Pakistan She insisted that they should

stand beside their sister and raise voice against the unjust and exploitative rule of Bhutto

She would ask her supporters to put the chadder on your sisterlsquos headlsquo (Mayar

interview 2017)

These were very well thought strategies of Nasim Wali since Nang and Namus

(honour) are also the main pillars of Pukhtunwali They require protection of female in

Pukhtun society and the first and foremost responsibility of all Pukhtuns Any harm to the

female honour lead to unending feuds Pukhtuns make no compromise on matters related

to female honour and they prefer death over the shameful life Mentioned in one of the

Pakhtu folklore that ―Sweeter to me is death than life which is passed day to day without

honour (Singh et al 2014)

Enevoldsen argues that in Pukhtun folk songs women are portrayed as feeble and

to be protected from any harm by the brothers Brothers act as a source of courage for the

sisters So in the poetic way woman remind it to the people that she has brothers as her

defenders and saviours As mentioned by Enevoldsen that in one of the tapa (Traditional

folk songs) Pukhtun woman convey her massage to her husband in these words ―Brother

less I am certainly not If you wonlsquot defend my honour then my brother will

(Enevoldsen 2004 40)

My interview respondent reveals that in Utmanzai one of the small towns of

Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa shopkeepers brought Parhooni or Sader

(long cloth to cover the whole body) for Nasim Wali as a sign of respect and support

Being woman in distress public were empathetic and supportive to her (Ihsan interview

2017) I argue that she skilfully accumulated support and encouragement of public

towards her political struggle by appealing to their cultural sensitivities Nasim Wali was

aware of the fact that Pashtuns give high value to the tradition of protection to women

particularly sisters Brothers are the symbol of strength for sisters in Pukhtun society and

in any difficult situations brothers are in the forefront to take sisters out of difficulties

Williams amp Best argue that women are considered to be ―submissive physically weak

and by nature they are ―kind emotional soft spoken and have devoted nature (Williams

amp Best 1982) while ―competitiveness aggressiveness and independence are the male

121

attributes (Ridgeway amp Balkwell 1997) Thus Nasim Walilsquos acceptance of her

vulnerability as woman in public and her emotional expressions appealed to the

brotherhood and honour of Pukhtun men won her support

Afridi argues that Pukhtun people thought it their responsibility to stand by the

female of such a family which always struggled for their rights (Afridi interview 2017)

Wijekoon argues that members of patriarchal societies grant their sympathies to women

political figures at time of tribulation because they consider women as ―weak and fragile

(Wijekoon 200564)

Nasim Wali exhibited political victimization of the government before the masses

Nasim Wali explicitly construed her situation to the public and appealed to their

sympathy The public became sympathetic and accepted Nasim Walilsquos leadership for the

obvious reasons presented by her before them The masses also felt the need to get united

and support her at the time of distress (Afridi interview 2017) This is also because

Pukhtuns often get united against a common opponent and more specifically in situations

where the matter is related to the womenfolk

Public reprimand in Pukhtun society for those who choose otherwise and do not

come forward to support women in crisis is very common One of my interview

respondent (Pirzada interview 2017) and the supporter of Nasim Wali Khan states that

public were sympathetic towards Nasim Wali but those (especially males) who showed

silence in such hard situation we gave them bangleslsquo9 This was a matter of Pakhtu

10

(Pirzada interview 2017) Bangles show the weakness and submissiveness of women

folk Sanauddin posits that in South Asia offering bangles to male is synonyms to

challenging their masculinity which is unacceptable to males of the society (2015145)

Arms and weapons are considered to be the jewellery of Pukhtun men which determine

their bravery and courage while bangles finger rings and other ornaments are used to

enhance the beauty of Pukhtun women (Khalil nd89) To defend honour and to protect

themselves from the stigma of being called as coward or dishonoured people came

forward and offered their support to Nasim Wali

However the above account by no means show that Nasim Wali was weak and

vulnerable The very fact that she came out when it was not expected from her and stood

against an autocratic government shows her strength She was only trying to convince her

9 Bangles are the female hand jewellery

10 Pakhtu is not only a language for Pukhtuns but a complete code of conduct The word Pakhtu is often

used for the entire code of Pukhtunwali

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SNo Topic Page No

Abstract i

Acknowledgements iv

INTRODUCTION 1

Research Objectives

Research Questions

14

Significance 14

Methodology 15

Experience of my field Work 18

Limitations of the Study 20

Structure of the thesis 21

Chapter ndash 1

1 THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 23

11 Leaders as Great-Menlsquo 23

12 Charismatic Leadership 24

13 Leadership as a Trait 26

14 Transactional Leadership 27

15 Transformational Leadership 29

16 Situational Leadership 32

17 Leadership Require Skills 37

18 Theoretical Framework 42

19 Conclusion 44

Chapter ndash 2

2 THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

45

Profiles of Women Political Leaders An Over View 47

21 Sirimavo Bandaranaike (Sri Lanka) 47

22 Chandrika Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) 49

23 Indira Gandhi (India) 51

24 Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan) 53

25 Begum Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) 56

26 Sheikh Hasina Wajid (Bangladesh) 58

27 Corazon Aquino (Philippines) 59

28 The Rise of Women Political Leader Critical Analysis 61

29 Conclusion 66

iii

Chapter ndash 3

3 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN 67

Social Stratification of the Pukhtun society 69

Pukhtunwali An Unwritten Code of Conduct 71

Islam and Pukhtunwali 74

Impediments to Women Progress 76

31 Religious and Economic Structures 76

32 Socio- cultural impediments faced by the Pukhtun women 82

33 Political Impediments 87

34 Extremism as an obstacle to Womenlsquos Political Participation 90

35 Political Role of Pakhtun Women 93

36 Conclusion 97

Chapter ndash 4

4 POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE RISE OF

NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

99

Situational Analysis Circumstances surrounding the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as

a Political Leader

99

41 Political Resistance to an Autocratic Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto 99

42 Identity Crises Nasim Wali Khan being a Pakhtun Woman 114

43 Conclusion 123

Chapter ndash 5 124

5 POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP AND WOMEN LEADERSHIP IN A

PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY NASIM WALI KHANrsquoS POLITICAL

STRUGGLE THROUGH ACQUIRED SKILLS

124

51 Political Acumen of Nasim Wali Khan 126

52 Persuasive Oratory Skills of Nasim Wali Khan 134

53 Efficient Decision Making 142

54 Social astuteness of Nasim Wali Khan 149

55 Exceptional Confidence of Nasim Wali Khan 156

56

6

Conclusion

CONCLUSION

162

164

7 Bibliography 169

8 Appendix 207

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All praises to Almighty Allah who enabled me to complete this research work

The odyssey of this research work was not easy to be completed without the guidance

support and contribution of many people First of all my deep gratitude goes to my

research supervisor Dr Muhammad Ayub Jan(Assistant Professor Department of

Political Science University of Peshawar) His intellectual supervision support and help

would have made this work possible I would like to thank Dr Sami Raza and my

colleague Mohammad Sajjad who assisted me at different stages of this research work I

am also grateful to my interview respondents who gave me their precious time from their

busy schedule and shared their personal experiences with me All my interview

respondents have appreciated my work I would like to mention the names of Sir Sami-ur-

Rehman (lawyer) and my elder sister Saima Bashir (lawyer) and Fayaz Khan (lawyer)

who provided me the contact numbers of majority of my interview respondents including

Begum Nasim Wali Khan Sir Latif Afridi Amir Haider Khan Hoti and Farid Tofan

They arranged my interviews with them as well I am also grateful to Sir Hayat Roghani

who made possible my access to the Bacha Khan Markaz library The main part of my

data collection became possible only after I found the old magazines and newspapers in

the Markaz Library

Needless to say this research work could not have been possible without the

support and encouragement of my family members I am happy to express my special

gratitude to my father Bashir Ahmad my elder sister Saima Bashir and my younger

brother Aamir Bashir who stood by me Their priceless help and support encouraged me

to complete my research work They also took care of my children during my research

work My brother accompanied me during interviews and also helped me in the collection

of relevant material I would like to mention the name of my (late) mother Ilfam Bibi

though she is no more with me but still I feel that her prayers are with me in every step of

my life

My greatest debt is to my husband Muhammad Abid who has shown remarkable

support to me I would like to mention the names of my three children Fatima Abid

Owais Karni and Ayesha Abid who never distracted me from my research work rather

they helped each other in their school work for the purpose to minimize my work burden

Without their cooperation and support I could never have spent the years doing the work

I did Their cooperative attitudes are behind every word of this work

1

INTRODUCTION

Societies where patriarchal structures are still intact women are not considered

capable to make decisions and to lead In such societies they continue to experience

significant discrimination related to their participation in public affairs It is partly

because women are thought of as more attentive to the personal relations of family

Therefore they are considered to be best suited at homes In traditional male dominated

societies gender based roles are speficied and men and women are required to obey them

otherwise they will face social censure Mostly in traditional societies women are

considered unfit to give testimony and are forbidden to take any sort of social and

economic responsibility Likewise public spheres are considered to be the maleslsquo

domain Presence of women in the public domain is undesirable Their participation is

considered to be stigma for the honour of family and community The norms and values

of these societies bar women from the matters related to autonomy public responsibility

judgement and leadership Thus women are deprived from various authoritative roles in

the society

Though in traditional societies the status of women is alarming nonetheless

South Asian region saw prominent women political leaders They opted for leadership

positions in crises situations They faced hurdles in their political struggle but confronted

the turbulent situation in a manner which further paved their way to proceed Likewise

Nasim Wali Khan is one among these notable women political leaders from a traditional

society of Pakistan The political family background is considered to be a facilitating

factor for the attaining and retaining of prominent political leadership positions But the

question is how a woman of the traditional society attained and sustained political

leadership position in the presence of such hurdles How she overcame such hurdles

This research addresses such questions It argues that the political background of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos family is not the exclusive contributing factor for achieving the leadership

position One needs to see wheather other factos ie political exigency and leadership

skills have played any role in rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader Moreover the

discussion on the world wide trends in gender inequality is crucial for the purpose to

understand the impediments which obstruct their (women) way to proceed in public

sphere

2

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP GLOBAL TRENDS IN

GENDER INEQUALITY

Leaders are pioneer who inspire and rule the public and as a result of the public

recognitions leaders are granted formal and informal authorities (Heiftz 195113)

Furthermore charisma sincerity courage (moral physical and political) spirit to serve

the public wholeheartedly and make suitable decisions are the inevitable features

possessed by them (Phneah 2013)

There are different views regarding the evasion of women from the political

sphere Some considered social factors like family caring and household chores confined

them to participate actively in the political sphere (Raksasataya 196886 Jensen

200813)

Other considers improper political grooming and training because of the women

traditional role in the society Similarly lack of education and economic resources are the

barriers in the way of women to play and participate in the political field (Welch

198357) Likewise lack of interest and opportunities for them in the political field also

hinder their existence in political domain (Iwanaga 2008 125) There are ethnic and

cultural variances societal norms and economic disparities as well (Flaschenberg

2009211) Apart from socio-cultural hindrances women of the traditional societies face

several religious challenges which obstruct their way to political participation (Islam et

al 201271) Likewise these hindrances are consolidated through structural barriers

inform of discriminatory law

The capacity gaps like lack of communication resources and education are the

impediments for women to become efficient public leaders (True et al 20146-7) UN

General Assembly Resolution on the Women Political Involvement mentions that in

various parts of the world women are generally side-lined from the political sphere

mainly because of the biased social practices attitudes lack of access to health facilities

and gender stereotypes(Perret nd02) All these aspects of womenlsquos life are

interdependent which have a deteriorating effect on the overall political status of the

women (Quinn 1977183)

Gender parity and womenlsquos empowerment is the core debate throughout the world

but the way is still long and arduous Some efforts have been made for the reduction of

gender inequality gaps advancement of the women empowerment and protection of their

rights but still needs more Thus politics is also considered to be one of the most

challenging public spheres for the entrance and participation of women (Community of

3

Democracies report 201602)

According to 2017 IPU- UN Maplsquos edition the number of the countries having

the women head of the state or government show trivial decrease since 2015 from 19 to

17 which shows their solitary position in politics (Rosenbluth et al 201510) Different

researches give the importance of presence of large number of women in parliaments

Such researches focussed their attention towards the womenlsquos problems Women political

engagement is crucial for the gender equality and palpable democracy This would be

feasible for women to be involved in the public decision-making process (UN Women

Report nd) Women contribution in the decision making process would largely benefit

them They are able to perform their function being as active citizens having the value of

their voting behaviour and accepted as effective leaders as well This would have a

positive effect in the advancement of the entire community (Report 2016 01)

Despite the barriers and difficulties women are struggling to improve their

positions and status in political sphere throughout the world According to The Asian

Foundation Report the parliamentary seats held by the women across the globe become

almost double since the last twenty years This was 11 in 1995 but now it has reached

almost 22 in 2015The average of only 16 percent parliamentary seats are occupied by

the women in Asian-Pacific region (Report 201601) Thus data given by Inter-

Parliamentary Union reveals that though the number of women in the national

parliaments throughout the world is sluggish and is increased slightly from 226 (2015)

to 233 (2016) But women as speakers of parliament have boosted notably which is

191 (out of 273 posts 53 are occupied by the women speakers of the parliament) which

is a positive trend but still women status lag behind the gender balance So in all power

structures and in decision making process the gender equality remains slow and power

dominance in different areas lies in the males hands (UN News 2017)

Globally since 2015 there is minimal improvement in the number of women

occupied the executive or parliamentary posts 11 ministerial posts are held by Asian

women which was 106 in 2015 while 257 women government representatives in

Indonesia is on the top and Vietnam experienced decline below 5 (Press release 2017)

Furthermore a number of business and political women leaders arose to challenge

the stereotypes The Asian women political leaders raised and achieved the heights of

success South Korean women President Park Geun-hye is 12th

first female President of

Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen ranked 17th

Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar is on the 26th

position

and chief executive of the government of Singapore owned her investment company and

4

is ranked 30th

Recently we observed that in Japanese political sphere the rise of women

political leader Yuriko Koike became the first elected governor of Tokyo and Renho

Murata occupied the seats as the elected head of the opposition Democratic Party and

afterwards she held the post of a defence minister as well This ranking shows the

standing of Asian Women political leaders in the international political arena Women of

a region are still endeavoring to overcome hurdles to gender equality They are struggling

to break the glass ceiling and taking the political leadership roles but Asialsquos gender gap is

still intimidating (Fensom 2016) The new political leaders offer hope that the so-called

―rice paper ceiling can be successfully challenged without waiting anymore Though

Asialsquos gender gap is still alarming but more and more women are getting political

leadership roles (Fensom 2016)

Though the overall presence of women in the political sphere is not satisfactory

especially in the traditional Asian societies But there were prominent Asian women

political leaders who reached to zenith in their political careers and attained international

recognition for their role in the national and international politics The most notable

among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike Sri lankalsquos first female prime minister in 1960

who served for decades 1960-65 1970-77 and 1994-2000 Then Indira Gandhi the first

Indian women leader and a woman prime minister who also served her country from 1966

to 1977 and again from 1980 till her assassination in 1984 Golda Meir the first female

politician of Israel to occupy the highest office without following a father or husband in

the post and served the country as a fourth prime minister from 1969-74 Likewise

Corazon Aquino the first woman President of Philippines who served from 1986-92

Young female prime minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto who held the post for two terms

from 1988-90 and again from 1993-96 (Jalalzai amp Krook 20105) Chandrika

Kumaranatunga was the first woman President of Sri lanka who remained in power from

1994-2005 The first female prime minister of Bangladesh was Khalida Zia who held the

post from 1991-96 and again from 2001-06 and another female of the same country is

Sheikh Hasina Wajid served the country for two terms from 1996-2001 and from 2009-

present (Chowdhury 20088) Myanmar woman leader Aung San Suu Kui and Philippine

President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo are the admirable addition to the list of eminent

women political leaders

All the above mentioned women have struggled hard for the betterment of their

societies and nations They abide by their culture and traditions and were acknowledged

by their respective societies as well Because of their motivated attitudes and sound

5

policies they have earned the different titles Indra Gandhi earned the title of Durga

Amma and Kali The name of the prominent Hindu goddesses Her sound economic

policies and her efforts to enhance the Indialsquos status in the world granted her the title of

the ldquoEmpress of Indiardquo She was also called as the ldquomother of the nationrdquo as she treated

the nation as her family and nation (Fleschenberg 2009123) Golda Mair gains the title

of ldquoIron ladyrdquo and she was often depicted as the ―straight- talking and strong willed

grandmother of Jewish people (Whipps 2008) Aung San Suu Kui was called as the

―glaring example of the power of the powerless because of her efforts towards the

democracy and struggle for the nation (Liton 2016)

But scholars argue that these women political leaders are the members of the elite

political families and achieved the top political positions because of some mishaps like

imprisonment or assassination of the male members of the family in politics These

mishaps provided those opportunities to enter in the political arena and gain the

sympathies of the public in the respective constituencies (Fleschenberg 2009103)

Though majority of them have had the privileged family background their political

careers were far from being trouble less However their political grooming within their

families enabled them to handle the different obstacles

Moreover the striking feature of the above mentioned notable women leaders are

the skills which enabled them to attain and then retain the political power and support

Thus family political attachment is not the exclusive factor for the emergence and

attainment of political power

Apart from these prominent women political leaders of the region still there are

women in majority areas of the region who are still struggling to achieve remarkable

places in the public sphere In South Asia the status of women in Pakistan is alarming

Pakistan is the 2nd worst country in the world on the basis of gender inequality Ahmed

argues that according to report of the World Economic Forum (2016) published by the

Global Gender Gap Pakistan is on 141 positions in the women economic opportunities

out of 144 countries Pakistan was on the 87th position in the previous years on the basis

of women political empowerment which further degraded to 97th position The ranking of

Pakistan is crumbling every year (Ahmed 2018)

Nonetheless Fleschenberg mentions some Pakistani women parliamentarians who

stood against the odds and gained the prestigious positions both in their parties and in the

national political arena They struggled for the rights and representation of women in

Pakistan (Fleschenberg 2009211 amp166)

6

After 2018 general election in Pakistan during Imran Khan Government four

women ministers are included in the Cabinet with its total strength of 31 Shireen Mizari

(federal minister of Human Rights) Fehmida Mirza (federal minister for Inter-provincial

Coordination) and Zubaida Jalal (minister of Defence Production) and Zartaj Gul

(Minister of State for Climate change) Similarly there is absence of women ministers in

the provincial cabinets of KP and Baluchistan assemblies while one in Punjab (Yasmin

Rashid the provincial minister of primary and secondary healthcare) and two women

ministers (Azra health and population minister and Syeda Shehla Raza a minister of

women development) are serving in the Provincial Assembly of Sindh

Women political participation in the North West region of Pakistan is limited as

compared to other parts of the country As in the 2013 general elections women in most

parts of the KP province were not permitted to cast their votes (Sherazi 2013) But the

election Act of 2017 make it indispensable for the political parties to allot 5 of tickets to

women candidates This Act enables women of the region to be involved in the male

dominated political sphere Likewise more than 2000 women candidate have submitted

their nomination papers Thus considerable number of women have contested elections

for the first time in the political history of Pakistan (Shah 2018)

Similarly in 2018 General Elections party tickets were awarded to almost 105

women candidates across the country while 66 women candidates contested elections

independently This was a slight better situation for women candidates from 2013 where

party tickets were allotted to 74 women candidates while 61 women candidates contested

elections independently (Ali 2018)

Thus in KP 16 women candidates had contested election on general seats of the

National Assembly whereas 34 women had contested for provincial assembly seats Ms

Ali Begum a candidate in NA- 46 (Kurram Agency) is the only women candidate on a

general seat of National Assembly in FATA (Shah W 2018) Though the presence of

women in the political field is a positive step towards their advancement in the society but

still there are barriers which obstruct them from performing their active function

The emergence of meagre number of women political leaders in this region is

because of the diverse religious interpretations and socio- cultural practices The

prevalent ethnic group of the region are Pukhtuns They spend their lives according to the

centuries old code of conduct called Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns also closely identify with

religion Islam (Barth 1969 Ahmad 1980) Islam and Paktunwali are interrelated to each

other but there are some similarities and discrepancies between the two as well

7

(Bertalotte 2000) Socio-cultural practices prevalent in Pukhtun society restrict Pukhtun

women to show their abilities in various spheres of life including politics (Shaheen

nd4)

Apart from the hurdles Pukhtun society has certain historic precedents of women

taking part in political movements and resistance The most notable one is that of Malalai

of Maiwand who stood by her fellow men against the Imperial forces in the second

Anglo-Afghan war She along with other females treated the wounded of war provided

them water and weapons as well Her courage and determination enrolled her in the list of

national heroes (Ewing 2005) Similarly leader of the great Pukhtun nationalist

movement called Khudai Khitmatgars (KK) Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan also motivated

Pukhtun women to leave the four walls of their houses and join the movement His call

was wholeheartedly welcomed by his followers who allowed female members of the

family to participate in KKlsquos struggle (Banerjee 2000101) Ghaffar Khan was a firm

supporter of the women political participation and deemed that the success of the

movement was possible because of the involvement of both the genders of the society

(Wight 2012)

There are some notable Pukhtun women political figures of the North West region

of Pakistan These include Begum Zari Sarfaraz Begum Shireen Wahab Sultan Begum

Shad Begum and Begum Kalsoom Saifullah All these women political leaders performed

their political role in the modest way abide by their traditions (Sabir nd 873)

Besides these politically prominent women the women parliamentarians from

Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have also performed well They have raised their voices from time

to time against all the discriminations against women Though there is a common

perception that these women have not contributed significantly but this perception thrives

because there is lack of cogent academic effort to investigate the activities performance

and achievements of these women leaders

In the recent years women of the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have taken strides

towards change and transformation in the field of politics Some women have established

their political credentials at national level such as Bushra Gohar Rahila Qazi Nighat

Orakzai Dr Mehr Taj Roghani Yasmeen Pir Mohammed Khan and others However all

these Pukhtun women leaders have be preceded by a much well known political figure ie

Begum Nasim Wali Khan She not only preceeded these Pukhtun women leaders but also

inspired them to step in political arena Nasim Wali Khan being an old guard stood

against all odds and carved a space for herself in politics which was long considered a

8

domain of men in this male dominated society In such a way Nasim Wali like other

Pukhtun women leaders resisted conservative values and confronted arduous challenges

and consequently turned out to be role models for others Her success in the elections is

considered to be symbolizing something more than a popular vote for her party it

represents the endorsement of woman as a political leader in the traditional conservative

and patriarchal society She proved herself to be a progressive woman politician and

epitomized a Pakistani Pukhtun Women leader Political endeavor of Nasim Wali Khan

for the rights of the people and democracy are significant The focus of this research

study is the leadership skills and personal struggle of Nasim Wali Khan in attaining and

retaining leadership position among her followers

This study investigates turbulent situations which incited her to join active politics

and her extra ordinary will courage and skills to retain her leadership position for quite

some time It is therefore pertinent to briefly highlight the family background and

political career of Nasim Wali Khan

NASIM WALI KHAN AS WOMAN POLITICAL LEADER A PERSONAL AND

PROFESSIONAL PROFILE

Nasim Wali Khan was born in 1936 at Hoti village in District Mardan of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa province of Pakistan Her father Amir Mohammad Khan was a renowned

activist of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement and close companion of Ghaffar Khan Her

mother Meher Sultana was a housewife from a reputable landlord family Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos parents were from the same family and belonged to Lakhkar Khail sub-tribe

(Hoti) MardanShe ranked third among her six siblings Amina Bibi and Zubaida Bibi are

elder sisters of Nasim Wali Khan whereas two other sisters Parveen Bibi Surayya Bibi

and a brother late Azam Khan Hoti were younger than Nasim Wali Khan The nickname

of Nasim Wali Khan is ―Chamo Zubaida bibi (interview 2017) an elder sister of Nasim

Wali Khan recalls that Nasim Wali Khan was very social from earlier childhood She

helped her mother in her household chores Nasim Wali khan had a great affection

towards her father So whenever her father prepared himself for the processions and

demonstrations Nasim Wali helped him in packing his luggage for different visits of the

Khudai Khitmatgar movement She was very keen of learning It was her determination

and parental support that enabled her to complete her education till matriculation despite

strong opposition from her maternal uncle She completed her tenth grade from the

―Bigarh Ganj Boys schools Mardanrdquo in 1952 Zubaida bibi posits that after the birth of

9

their younger brother Azam Khan1 a person came to congratulate Amir Mohammad

Khan for having a male child after his five daughters and asked for zeeray2 The birth of a

male child in the Pukhtun society is welcomed by money alms giving and aerial firing

However her father replied that at the birth of his five female children he had never asked

for such money then why should he give it to him now Zubaida Bibi states that their

father liked his daughters more than his male child However her mother had a great

affection towards her son They lived in a joint family Amir Mohammad Khan had no

siblings but his cousin shared home with them

Nasim Wali Khan was very cooperative and a good student at school She had the

ability to make good friends at school At her young age educational opportunities in her

area were very limited Education opportunities for females were even more limited

Nevertheless the support of her family enabled Nasim Wali Khan to pursue her study

Later she got admission in a College but due to her marriage to Abdul Wali Khan in

1954 she could not continue her studies (Bibi interview 2017)

Her husband Abdul Wali Khan was a renowned political figure and the son of

influential Nationalist leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan At the time of their marriage Abdul

Wali Khan was a widower with three kids Abdul Wali Khanlsquos first wife Tajo Bibi died

on February 14 1949 when he was in prison She left two daughters Nasreen and Parveen

and a son Asfandyar Wali Khan He was released form prison in 1953 Abdul Wali Khan

married Nasim Wali Khan on November 22nd

1954 and the nikah ceremony was held in

Attock district of Punjab It was because of a ban imposed on her father- in-law Abdul

Ghaffar Khan in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan (WaliN interview 2014)

At the time of marriage she was only 18 years old There was an age difference between

Abdul Wali Khan and Nasim Wali Khan but because of the close ties of her father with

Ghaffar Khan her father was not able to reject the proposal She took responsibility of the

three children of Abdul Wali khan in her very young age and tried to fulfil it

wholeheartedly (Amir 2006) She later became the mother of two kids a daughter called

Gulalai and a son called Sangeen Khan

Abdul Wali Khan was very supportive to her Even after her marriage she was

fond of education which led her to complete her intermediate (FSc) from College of

Home Economics University of Peshawar in 1961 seven years after her marriage It was

1 Azam Khan was also a politician and has served as Federal minister of Communication

2 Money given to someone for sharing good news Zeeray‟ on the birth of a son is common in Pukhtun

Society

10

a time when her own children Gulalai (born 15th

July 1956) was in class 2 and Sangeen

Khan (7th

June 1959- 28th

June 2008) was in playgroup

Before her marriage Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family was already engaged in the

politics of the region Her father Amir Muhammad Khan was a staunch follower of

Abdul Ghaffar Khan who later became her father-in-law (ShahS nd96) Nasim Wali

Khanlsquos father served the Khudai Khitmatgar movement as its Provincial President and

therefore was very close to the family of Ghaffar Khan During 1930s the movement

reached to its zenith and retaliation of the British Imperial forces against the Khudai

Khidmatgar movement also rose to its peak Most of the people were being killed leaders

of the unarmed movement and their close associates were arrested by the British imperial

forces Among them were Nasim Wali Khanlsquos father who also faced the atrocities of

British Imperial Forces After the independence of Pakistan and India in August 1947 the

government of Pakistan in July 1948 declared the Khudai Khidmatgar organization as an

unlawful body Abdul Ghaffar Khan his sons Abdul Wali Khan and Abdul Ghani Khan

the former Chief Minister and brother of Ghaffar Khan Dr Khan Sahib and his son

Ubaidullah Qazi Attaullah Khan and the father of Nasim Wali Khan Amir Muhammad

Khan Hoti were put behind the bars along with thousands of workers (WaliN interview

2016 Tofan interview 2016) Abdul Ghaffar Khan his family and the Khudai

Khitmatgar movement were always the victim of power politics They faced the atrocities

of the British Imperial forces but have encountered the same fate after the independence

of the sub-continent Abdul Ghaffar Khan was popularly named as Frontier Gandhi

because of his close affiliation with leaders of the All India Congress and former USSR

This association of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his son Abdul Wali Khan made their

political life more suspicious to the government of Pakistan who considered India and

USSR as political rivals in time of cold war Throughout their life they faced political

victimization and imprisonment by civil and military establishment of the country (Amir

2006)

Abdul Wali Khan was arrested on 15th

June 1948 from his house and sent to

Haripur jail The police took away everything from his house and all the property

including his living house was confiscated (Amir 2006) But their struggle for the

Pukhtuns autonomy still continued For this purpose in 1957 several leftist and

progressive political parties combined together and a Bangali Socialist Cleric Maulana

Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani in Dhaka formed a political party named National Awami

Party Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai also joined the party for the

11

purpose to unite the Bangalis Balochis and Pukhtuns against the statelsquos discriminatory

policies They struggled hard for the equality and regional autonomy of the different

ethnic groups in Pakistan This was considered to be the only opposition party against the

General Ayublsquos Pro US regime (Siddique 2014 112)

In the Presidential elections of 1965 Maulana Bhashani supported Ayub Khan

against Fatima Jinnah which led to the division of the party in two parts in 1967 One

faction in East Pakistan was led by Maulana Bhashani and reins of other faction of the

party in the west wing was held by Abdul Wali Khan Then in the 1970lsquos general

elections National Awami Party became successful in the provinces of Baluchistan and

NWFP (now KP) NAP got largest seats in NWFP and won full majority in Baluchistan

(Rizwan 2014210)

But the support given by Abdul Wali Khan to Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman was not

acceptable to the West Pakistan which further deteriorated the situation The tough stance

of the West Pakistani authorities created mistrust and the biased attitudes against the

oppositions made the situation from bad to worse (Tasneem 2013197)

In 1975 Abdul Wali Khan including his father son and party colleagues were

imprisoned by Z A Bhutto on the charges of treason primarily because of his ardent

opposition to ZA Bhutto His political party NAP was also banned The political

victimization impelled Nasim Wali Khan to take the responsibilities of the defunct party

and start active politics from the platform of a new political party called National

Democratic Party (NDP) She became the vice president of the party (Verma 2006) She

united the public and started her struggle against the oppressive rule of Z A Bhutto

through the popular politics In 1977 elections when Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)

was formed by the nine opposition parties against the Z A Bhutto Nasim Wali Khan

rose to political prominence Nasim Wali Khan won the 1977 elections from NA -

8Mardan ndashIII and NA-4Peshawar-IV (Election Commission Report 1977) But she

never took an oath because the opposition parties boycotted elections to the provincial

assemblies and had arranged extensive street protests against the ZA Bhutto

government These protests further deteriorated situation of the country and General Zia

Ul Haq deposed Z A Bhutto by declaring Martial Law in July 1977 Zia Ul Haq after

taking over released all the NAP leaders Later Abdul Wali Khan laid the foundation of

a political party i-e Awami National Party as a successor of NAP in 1986 (Verma

200627)

Thus Nasim Wali Khan at the time of distress came to the forefront and occupied

12

the leadership position She challenged the status quo and the oppression of Bhutto

regime She resisted the injustices made by the Bhuttolsquos government against Abdul Wali

Khanlsquos family and political party She became actively involved in national politics and

later was able to win elections She held top positions in the party She held the position

of a provincial president of Awami National Party (ANP) for long in 1975 she became

the elected provincial president of newly formed political party NDP and remained in

office till 2004 which was respected and accepted by the followers She was also elected

thrice a member of NWFP provincial Assembly (Shehzad 2013) She is acknowledged as

being the only Pukhtun woman elected on general seat However she was alienated by

the current ANP leadership in 2005 (Hassan 2012) During her leadership ANP won 13

seats in 1988 23 in 1990 and 32 in 1997 Being courageous woman she never bowed

before oppressive regimes (Qalandar 2014) Nasim Wali Khanlsquos eloquence political

astuteness charisma and respect for local traditions (local attire) enabled her to get the

title of ldquoMor Bibirdquo (esteemed mother) from her followers

Nasim Wali Khan also carried forward the legacy of her esteemed father-in-law

Abdul Ghaffar Khan On various instances she fulfilled the desires of Ghaffar Khan and

followed his path For example Abdul Ghaffar Khan built Markaz-e- Alia at Sardaryab

to serve as a space where he and his followers can carry out their political activities

However this markaz was demolished by Abdul Qayyum Khan (the then chief minister

of NWFP from August 23rd

1947 - April 23rd

1953) Bacha khan had a desire to form

another Markaz a place for the unification of Khudai Khitmatgar supporters This desire

was fulfilled by Nasim Wali Khan The acquisition of land and construction of the

building of Bacha Khan Markaz was completed during her presidency of the party It cost

almost one crore rupees

In another instance a newspaper called Pukhtun Zalme‟ was started by Abdul

Ghaffar Khan which was later banned by the government Following the tradition of her

father-in-law Nasim Wali started Shehbazlsquo newspaper from Bacha Khan Markaz The

main focus of this newspaper was political situations of the country and the struggle of

ANP leaders She remained an editor-in-chief of ―Shehbaz for quite sometime

The struggle of Nasim Wali Khan is also recognized by various organizations She was

awarded ―Benazir Women Excellence Award in 2009 Likewise she was also awarded ―Hunar-e

Hawwa Award in the category of politics in 2016 This award is granted to the prominent and

capable women of the province for their accomplishments and struggle for the betterment of the

society and country (Report 2016)

13

Women political leaders have been demonstrating immense charisma and

attracting millions of followers throughout the world Such popular support adds to their

political clout From these power positions women political leaders influence their nations

in various ways However personal traits extraordinary skills and political acumen are

the striking features exhibited by these women political leaders which enable them to win

popular support and establish themselves as competent women political leaders

Therefore it would be unfair to limit their success in political sphere to mere exploitation

of a leadership opportunity offered by political emergency or family tragedy

Nasim Wali Khan being a case study is chosen to reflect on the above explained

argument Nasim Wali Khan a Pukhtun woman joined active politics and led her people

when her husband and other family members were imprisoned by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in

1970s Though family tragedy impelled her to join active politics and she occupied

political leadership position during the political crisis but her personal qualities such as

political acumen charisma eloquence and social astuteness made her renowned and

admired by her followers With the exception of limited newspaper articles no cogent

research study has so far been conducted on the leadership of Nasim Wali Khan

particularly her rise to power The struggle she made and the strategies which she adopted

while confronting the autocratic rule of Bhutto This research study will explore the

career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader and see how she has struggle

to acquire political leadership position and retain it through her personal attributes and

skills

1 To investigate the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader in

a traditional and Patriarchal Asian society

2 To investigate the importance of family background for women politicians to

acquire political leadership in a traditional Pukhtun society

3 To analyze the situations or circumstances in the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a

political leader

4 To bring on record the acquired political skills of Nasim Wali Khan which

enabled her to occupy leadership position in patriarchal society

14

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

This study aims at exploring the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman

political leader in a traditional male-dominated Asian society It also inquires into the

importance of family background political situation and acquired skills of Nasim Wali

Khan in attaining and retaining leadership position

RESEACRH QUESTIONS

In order to achieve my objectives the study primarily investigates how Nasim

Wali attained and retained leadership position But in more specific ways the study

answers questions such as

How Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader rose to a political leadership

position in the presence of socio- cultural and religious restrictions

To what extent political family background is important for women leaders to

acquire a political position

How situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position

How acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position

SIGNIFICANCE

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos rise to power in the political sphere is a fascinating case of

women struggle for empowerment and political leadership There are few such examples

and limited research studies inspecting such phenomenon Nasim Wali Khan without

violating her culture and traditional norms dealt with the demand of her time sacrifice her

family life and was competent to take the responsibilities to lead her people The

leadership of females is not easily perceived in traditional male-dominated societies and

therefore not generally acknowledged Not only did she continue to express her

determination to lead but to inspire as well

This research study will open new areas for further research studies and added its

share to promote cognizance among the females about the significance of politics in their

lives This research will open new avenues of research in the arena of women political

leadership specifically to their struggles in opposing challenges in traditional patriarchal

societies such as the Pukhtun This research study aims to contribute to the literature on

Pukhtun women by providing insights into the traditional as well as challenging features

of Pukhtun society towards women This will also help us improve our understanding of

15

women as active agents in political sphere and not mere the passive indivduals patronized

by male members of their societies

This study contributes to fill the gap in the previous literatures by analysing the

phenomenal skills exhibited by Asian women political leaders Besides familial ties

favourable situations and political skills are important variables for the acquisition and

retainment of top political leadership positions Main focus of the previous literature

(Fleschenberg 2009 Derich amp Thompson 2013 Jensen 2008)was on the dynastic

political inheritance Earlier literature assumed that politically targeted males provided

opportunities for women of these affected families to rise as political leaders Such

studies do not systematically examine the skills of women political leaders This research

evaluate the subject by relying on how turbulent situations and individual experiences

provides opportunities that empower women of the patriarchal societies to become public

leaders

This study tries to find different strategies adopted by Nasim Wali Khan to

manoeuvre the opportunities available to her for the attainment of leadership position In

this study I used secondary biographical sources of Asian women political leaders and

personal narratives of woman leader (Nasim Wali Khan) Assumptions of previous

theories on the rise of women political leaders will help to construct my own argument

for the research I argue that Asian women political leaders possessed and exhibit

phenomenal political skills and have skilfully manoeuvre the opportunities in their favour

to attain and sustain top political leadership positions In this research I explore how

political familial ties oppositional politics turbulent situations and exceptional skills

paved way for women to become and remain political leaders

METHODOLOGY

This research is about women struggle in traditional male-dominated Asian

societies to attain and retain political leadership positions with a case study of Nasim

Wali Khan Qualitative research methods were used in the collection of data for the

purpose to find the impact of socio-cultural norms and religious practices on womenlsquos

involvement in politics

Qualitative research is helpful in providing the detailed descriptions and analysis

of the quality of human experiences This method is used to ensure thorough

understanding of the subject matter especially when the study is used for the purpose of

in-depth explanation of the different situations Generally qualitative researchers pay

16

more attention to the significance of social and cultural context in all phases of research

from designing a research question collection of data to writing and reporting the

findings as well (Flick 2012)

Snowball or chain referral sampling technique is used for the purpose to provide

basis for the accuracy of findings Similarly selection of informants was shaped by

referrals made among knowledgeable people who are pertinent to this research Biernacki

amp Waldorf consider the method important specifically when the focus of study is a

sensitive issue and relatively private matter They argue that this sampling method is

crucial to contacts with majority of the able abettors who are helpful for finding

appropriate people for study (Biernackiamp Waldorf 1981)

The early researches have provided us with beneficial information regarding the

women political leadership which are focused while answering my research questions

The theoretical framework comprises the theory regarding situational leadership and a

focus on skills required for becoming and sustaining leadership in the traditional Asian

societies The research questions are designed on the basis of the theoretical framework I

have comprehensively stated the research questions and its proposed answers The

research design provides details of the methods for the collection of data access to the

field and also the general experiences of the researcher during the interviews This study

elaborates some of the prominent Asian women political leadership the way they reached

top political leadership positions in the traditional societies These women led the

prominent political parties and were either the Presidents Prime Ministers or strong

opposition leaders However the case study of the Pukhtun woman Nasim Wali Khan

further focuses on the situations around her while she was yet to become a leader and the

required skills she possessed This study further investigates the political opportunities

which were available to her the decisions she made and the opposition she faced in her

political career

Being an inhabitant of the same region and a Pukhtun mother I had an advantage

of making a direct move to reach out to Nasim Wali Khan who is fortunately alive but

very old My identities Pukhtunness and women enabled me to access her easily and

make her talk about her life experiences more openly For all this I personally contacted

Nasim Wali Khan through a phone call first She graciously answered my call and agreed

to see me After my initial interaction with her I asked her if she was willing to interact

again She accepted to see me again Therefore I visited her four times for the research

(April 4th

2014 March 10th

2016 October 23rd

2016May 19th

2017) The venue of

17

these meetings was her home in Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Province

Her home provided us a space where the two of us (women) could interact more

comfortably and forge a bond

The data collection method was semi-structured and unstructured interviews Data

was collected from the 24 interviews with Nasim Wali Khan her family members

friendsclose associates party members (both men and women) intellectuals and

journalists These interviews were conducted in three major districts of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar These three districts are part of

Peshawar valley which has traditionally the most ardent electoral support base of Nasim

Wali Khanlsquos party (ANP) Moreover these areas are easily accessible for me being a

female scholar Mardan is my birth place and Peshawar as my current place of my

residence Hence convenience in accessibility was also one of the reasons for the

selection of Mardan and Peshawar besides Charsadda being the home district of Nasim

Wali Khan As such opinions of the party workers party members colleagues and family

members of Nasim Wali Khan were audio recorded I started my interviews in 2016 and

visited homes and offices of the concerned interviewees All the informants were from the

above mentioned areas In some cases the access to respondents was made possible with

the help of my elder sister who is a lawyer in Mardan session court my colleagues who

were conducting their research theses as well

Similarly participants for this research study were selected on the basis of their

position and role in the political party Informants were selected from different

professional fields however they were either directly related to ANP or had a first-hand

knowledge regarding the ANP and Nasim Wali Khan Nonetheless because of the

division of the ANP into two factions I got ambiguous answers sometimes Sometimes

my informants were not willing to even talk about Nasim Wali Khan To avoid such

situations while introducing myself and my research topic with the interviewees I

avoided using the name of Nasim Wali Khan and I used the general term of women

political leadership Similarly to get answers for my research questions I asked indirect

questions conveying the same meaning instead of the structured interview questions

Overall response of the informants was very positive Most of my interviews lasted for

almost 1 to 2 hours and sometimes it reached to 3 to 4 hours Some of the informants

started sharing their own experiences hurdles they faced their struggles in the political

field and also gave their personal opinions as well

Besides secondary data also comprise a much needed part of answering the

18

questions raised Secondary data was collected from the books journals newspaper

articles and Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personal interviews available online For this research

study I consulted various documents and reports referred to women political leadership

in traditional Pukhtun society

EXPERIENCES OF MY FIELD WORK

Snow ball chain sampling method was applied to provide a basis for validating the

findings Participants were selected from the people who were presumably

knowledgeable regarding the information which I required This was an important stage

in the research process especially when the focus of the study needed crucial information

related to sensitive section (women) of the society Through snow ball chain method we

came across such capable insiders which themselves were helpful in providing me with

important information besides being helpful in locating knowledgeable people for this

study further

Before starting the interviews I collected the contact numbers of the people with

whom I had to conduct interviews My elder sister and younger brother helped me in this

regard I selected the people related to Nasim Wali Khan and prepared a list of the

interviewees Then I made arrangements through my sister (lawyer in Mardan session

court) to search for the professionals who were part of the ANP She made contact with a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan who was also a lawyer in the same court Then I personally

visited Mardan session courts and conducted an interview with him Another informant

was also a senior lawyer and the close party associate of ANP who served ANP since his

young age Both the informants gave a detailed interview lasting for about 1-3 hours

They shared their own life experiences in the political field and their status in the party

They provided in-depth information regarding the situation and circumstances within

which Nasim Wali Khan demonstrated her skills and made a way forward to lead the

party The same relative of Nasim Wali Khan assisted me to call her I conducted four

interviews with Nasim Wali Khan Being a female I was invited to meet her in her room

She met me cordially and tried her best to answer my questions despite being suffering

from asthma There was slight interruptions in our first interaction since she had hearing

difficulty Nonetheless the last three interviews were far better in which she shared her

political experiences and the circumstances openly While conducting the fourth

interview I also conducted two other interviews in her room with her elder sister Zubaida

Bibi and Lawangeen Khan grandson of Nasim Wali Khan Similarly Nasim Wali Khan

in her second interview gave me the contact number of her close party associate Farid

19

Tofan He is currently living in Peshawar Then I made arrangements to interview him

personally He gave me a very informative interview starting from the struggle of Bacha

Khan and later Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political career her struggle skills and also her

achievements He appreciated her a lot The interview with Farid Tofan lasted for about

three to four hours

The next interview was with the senior journalist Rahimullah Yousafzai who gave

me a detailed interview regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political struggle and career I also

approached some academicians and politicians Sometimes it so happened that I managed

two interviews in a single day I also conducted an interview in the provincial legislature

of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa The accessibility to provincial assembly was made possible by

the assistance of one of my college friends whose younger sister was member of the KP

provincial assembly I visited the provincial assembly twice In the first visit I conducted

one interview and waited for another female MPA Yasmeen Pir Mohammad Khan a

relative of Nasim Wali Khan She is among one of the old members of the ANP

Latif Afridi a senior lawyer and politician in Peshawar was contacted with the

help of my sister The interview with him lasted for about 2-3 hours which was very

fruitful He gave me a detailed history of his time spent with the ANP Similarly I had a

couple of visits of Bacha Khan Markaz which is the center of political as well as social

activities of ANP In Bacha Khan Markaz I accessed newspapers from the period of 1980

- 1997 These newspapers provided me with very relevant information I met Wadaan

Khan Khaskar (an old and dedicated worker of ANP) in Bacha Khan Markaz He was

engaged in political activities since 1970lsquos He told us that he was among the workers

who took Bacha Khan on a wheel-chair to the public gatherings in his old age I

interviewed him in which he shared his political experiences happily

My third visit to Bacha Khan Markaz turned crucial when I visited the Markazlsquos

library I started searching the old magazines and newspapers This time I found two

English and majority of Urdu weekly journals from 1975-1977 They were filled with

reports about the efforts of opposition forces during Z A Bhutto regime Detailed reports

about their gatherings public addresses rallies and opinions of different politicians were

present These materials provided me with very relevant and important data

I also visited the offices of The Daily Mahriq newspaper and Dawn newspaper for

the acquisition of written material required for my thesis I searched old Mashriq

newspapers from 1975-1979 and found some articles relevant for my thesis Likewise I

visited Bacha Khan educational institute where I conducted an interview from Pukhtun

20

―intellectual Khadim Hussain who is engaged with ANP since his young age I also

conducted interviews with other prominent party associates journalists and academicians

The experience I gained through my interviews was that most of my respondents

appreciated my efforts to contact and meet them It was comfortable for me to conduct

interviews with the female respondents particularly Most of the informants were satisfied

with the fact that I also come from the same region and this made it easier to

communicate with them Nonetheless I got few refusals as some of the informants in the

prepared list did not give me a time for interview One of them gave me her email address

for the purpose to answer my research questions However I did not receive a reply from

her

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

This research study despite all its endeavours had certain limitations as well

Firstly being a female member of a traditional society it was easy for me to contact any

female political member However it was difficult to find the contacts and then meet with

the male members in their offices regarding research based interviews In order to

overcome this issue I had to take my brother to interview venue Therefore the support of

family is crucial for female researcher in Pukhtun region

Second the case study of Nasim Wali Khan was to some extent challenging as

well Because of the rift among the party members and division of the party in two

factions make it difficult to find the colleagues which were present at that time to provide

relevant and accurate information about her political career and struggle

Third as I have mentioned earlier that because of the rift in the party mostly the

informants were not even willing to talk about her They had even avoided to meet me

when they came to know that the interview was regarding Nasim Wali Khanlsquos political

struggle Thus making it difficult for me to collect relevant data from the concerned

prominent political figures

Fourth Mardan Charsadda and Peshawar are the places with majority of ANP

supporters Nevertheless one thing that I noticed throughout my field work was that

though majority of the people were engaged with ANP since long time they did not

however remember the crucial dates and locations of certain events which I needed

information about Sorting out this information and details took my extra time

Fifth as the study is related to the political leadership of a Pukhtun woman so

contacting the political figures (both malesfemales) was difficult Some of them were not

21

available and because of their tough schedules the meeting with them was a difficult task

Similarly being a mother it was difficult for me as well to leave the children alone at

home and conduct the interviews according to the time given to me by the interviewees

The best suited time for me was morning (school timings) but most of the interviews

which I conducted were in the afternoon Which was difficult for me to manage

Sixth the security reasons were also one of the limitations in this study During

the time while conducting my interviews Charsadda University was targeted by the

terrorists So after that whenever I planned to conduct interview with Nasim Wali Khan

the terrorist attacks of Charsadda would persist in my mind

STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS

Chapter one is introduction In this chapter the research problem and the

comprehensive background of the case study is discussed This chapter provides details of

the methodology used in the research It gives a brief account of the literature which

highlights the women political leadership with respect to their struggles to acquire top

political leadership positions

Chapter two explains the theoretical framework of this study The focus of this

chaptes is the theoretical contestation on the issue in the available A comprehensive

explanation of various theoretical positions is given in this chapter Seven political

leadership theories have been thoroughly discussed I particularly discuss the two major

theoretical positions that are most relevant to my study ie situational theory and the one

emphasizing skills needed for political leadership These theories have been explained

appropriately and are related to the inquiry I am making in this study

Chapter three provides detailed accounts of different Asian women political

leaders These prominent women being the party leaders were either the Presidents Prime

Ministers or oppositional leaders in their respective countries Their biographies are

thoroughly discussed in order to know about their family backgrounds their lifestyle

brought up and the education These women are from the traditional Asian societies who

confronted almost the same situations that were faced by Nasim Wali Khan In light of

the situational and skill theory of leadership their efforts confrontation against the

opponents their stance against the oppressive forces and then their achievements are

highlighted in this chapter These women are credited for being prominent to get the top

leadership positions in their respective countries

Chapter four provides details about Pukhtun society and the status of women in it

22

It covers the diverse beliefs about the origin of Pukhtuns their geographical profile

religious beliefs and their cultural code (Pukhtunwali) This chapter also investigates the

socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun women It also provides a brief

background to the past events where the women were active participants in the struggle

for independence from British colonialism The current socio-economic and political

status of women is also part of the chapter This chapter also highlights the disparity in

the life style of the women of the urban and rural areas The primary focus is on the

attitudes and behaviour of the Pukhtun society towards the women empowerment in

different fields specifically political field

Chapter five is about the emergence of Nasim Wali as a woman political leader It

reflects on her pre leadership life and how it was changed by unfortunate developments

that compelled her to join politics Therefore the chapter highlights the crises situation

responsible for Nasim Wali Khanlsquos active involvement in politics and addressed a crucial

question of how she survived the odds The chapter claims that she courageously stood

against the odds and proved herself The chapter also elaborates on her strategies and

endeavours to sustain the leadership position

Chapter six provides details about crucial political skills possessed by Nasim Wali

Khan This chapter investigates various political skills possessed by Nasim Wali Khan

which facilitated her throughout her political career The skills she possessed are either

inherited or attained through her political experiences The strategies she adopted to win

popular support are also significant This was all done in a skilful manner by Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali also reformed her party and congregated the scattered followers and

party associates She united them all at one platform and endeavoured against an

oppressive regime of ZABhutto Finally the chapter answers the crucial question of how

Nasim Wali was able to retain leadership position through her skills

The final chapter concludes all the earlier analysis and more succinctly states the

contribution of the study by relating to the existing literature

23

CHAPTER ndash 1

THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

Political leadership is a kind of political procedure in which both the political

leader and the followers have a reciprocal conduct for the purpose to influence each other

to bring some change (Day 2014506) However political leadership is more specifically

believed to be in holding a public office or position in government through the support of

masses (Kellerman 1986 xiii) A political leader of a party could be seeking public

office through persuasion and influencing followers Political parties are often used by

influential leaders to make or break governments (Laver and Schofield 1990) Thus

leaders of the national political parties are the main political characters in todaylsquos

parliamentary democracies (Cross and Blais 20121)

One of the central academic inquiries conducted by numerous scholars working

on political leadership is of how leaders rise and sustain their leadership position Various

scholars have put forth different and often contesting theoretical explanations about the

nature rise and retaining of political leadership Following is a brief discussion on these

diverse explanations and how these diverse explanations help us understand the rise and

retaining of party leadership However these explanations are discussed with gender lens

11 LEADERS AS lsquoGREAT ndashMENrsquo

Scottish historian Thomas Carlyle (1841) argues that leaders are great menlsquo

having the qualities which are not adopted and developed but are inborn Such Great

leaders are farsighted and are aware of the people expectations having the ability to guide

and lead their people properly (Itoh 200310Eckmann nd04 Levine 2004163) and

the people born with marvellous qualities are distinguishable from their followers

(Northouse 201619) These scholars focus particularly on the origin family background

education nurturing (Martin et al 196944) personal features inspirations and the

psychological consideration of the individual leaders which enabled them to be great men

(Kawa 2013115)

In the early twentieth century scholars would inquire the great political military

and social leaders and the innate qualities they possess to lead the people (Northouse

201619) and state that the history is formed by the leadership and guidance of great men

(Bass M amp Bass R 200849) Moses a great leader would enable the Jews (his

24

followers) to remain in Egypt Through the leadership of Winston Churchill (a great

leader of Britain) the energies of the Great Britain in 1940 were boosted (Bass and

Stogdill 199037) Such innate qualities of great men make them committed towards their

cause The nations are formed and shaped by the great man with the possession of some

qualities and the greatness is influenced by individual social and historical circumstances

(Waite 20083)

Some scholars have found these explanations weak Grey et al (2004) argue that

scientists have never identified the gene of leadership So the very base of the theory has

no scientific proof to specify the relationship between hereditary factors and the

leadership qualities They further criticized the theory by arguing that only the individuals

of the elite class are genetically superior over the general population This theory is

ignoring the fact that every individual has good or bad characteristics which led to

―prejudice and even ―genocides (Grey et al 200459)

Similarly Lipman-Blumen identified a flaw in this explanation by saying that it

may be possible that not all the great leaders are efficient and capable to solve the

different social problems Further wisdom and honesty of the top leaderlsquos is needed for

the good governance But in this theory it might be possible that the leader became

addicted to power corruption and tyranny (Lipman- Blumen 2014) Interestingly this

theory shows little concern to the gender issue in political leadership but by its very name

the theory represents a gendered approach towards politics

12 CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP

Since late 1980s a dominant argument was forged by scholars who believed that

leaders are necessarily charismatic (Bass 1985 Conger amp Kanungo 1987 Tichy amp

Devanna 1986 Shamir et al 1993) and therefore we must focus on

The personal charisma of an individual to be followed by their people However

this requires the explanation of what actually charismalsquo means Max Weber presented a

more comprehensive definition of ―Charisma for the first time in social sciences For

Weber an individual with heroic and exceptional qualitieslsquo on the basis of which that

individual is different from the general public is charismatic leader Charisma can only be

―tested and ―awakened but cannot be ―taught or ―learned (Weber 1978241 amp 249)

For Weber charismatic leaders are individuals with extra ordinary qualities who acts like

superhumanlsquo or supernaturallsquo Such distinguished individuals with divinely bestowed

special features are obeyed as a leaderlsquo (Weber 1978 241) Similarly Lepsius argues

25

that charismalsquo means ―God gifted remarkable and enchanted personality to guide and

lead the people Such individuals are preferred by the God as their true representatives

(Lepsius 198653) The dominating character remarkable behaviour and the ability of a

charismatic leader make the people to unite for a common cause (Lepsius 198653)

Thus charismatic leaders are committed dedicated and have the magical personalities to

inspire the people towards a vision (Spahr 2016 01) Such leaders are emotional and are

capable to control their own self and influence the emotions of their subordinates easily

(Ashkanasy amp Tse 2000 223)

Culture is also an important variable for the emergence of charismatic leaders

Ahlstrom amp Bruton state that the charismatic leaders in the Western culture are

enthusiastic desirous and risk taking for the attainment of the goal while Eastern Asian

states have the ascetic humble and sensitive leaders (Ahlstrom amp Bruton 2010239)

Scholars working on South Asian leaders have also burrowed from the

Charismatic theory of leadership Hayat mentions the charismatic personality and

leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah who persuaded Muslims of the Sub- Continent to

unite under the banner of ―Islam and start their struggle for their own independent state

(Hayat 200818)

Similarly the charisma of Mohandas Gandhi enabled the people of Indo-Pak

subcontinent to peacefully start struggle for their rights against the British Imperial power

(Guha 201416) Brecher considers Nehru as a charismatic leader who ruled India

immediately after independence and his leadership was accepted by the people as well

(Brecher 2016)

Charismatic leaders operate in diverse political environment from democratic to

authoritarian Mazzoleni et al (2015) add a large number of political leaders to this

category They argue that president Charles De Gaulle and Franklin Roosevelt are the

charismatic leaders of the Western democracies Gandhi and Mandela in the

democratizing countries Stalin Mao and Hitler in totalitarian states Kamal Ataturk and

Fidel Castro in revolutionary authoritarian regimes All these leaders with the charismatic

personalities having the capabilities to inspire the followers and form a history of their

countries (Mazzoleni et al 2015639)

The interdependent relationship of this theory is considered detrimental by

Dunphy and Stace (1994) They argue that the inspiration and dependence of the

followers on the personality style and competence of a leader enable the leader to gain

their trust and create awareness among them But the unavailability of such leaders create

26

a leadership vacuum which make the followers unable to perform efficiently (1994 87)

Similarly instability and impermanency is another drawback of charismatic

leadership (Taylor 201211) The leader will lose the charisma if heshe is unable to

perform extraordinarily in some situation and would vanish from the political scene Thus

it means that charisma is not just an innate personal gift but an aberrantlsquo title to exercise

authority and the charismatic leaders will legally or traditionally transform their authority

in order to retain in the leadership position (Taylor 201212)

Devarachetty (2012) argue that Weber mentions charismatic leaders with divinely

features but afterwards contemporary scholars (see Lindholm 1990 6 Riggio 198746-

47 Toth 1981 xiv) include physical attributes in the charismatic leadership and make it

more masculine These studies have mentioned male leaders while elaborating

charismatic leadership She further adds that women are rarely accredited the title

charismalsquo even though if they possess the attributes of charismatic leadership In

literature of charismatic leadership gender biases still persist Devarachetty posit that

individuals (both men and women) with the possession of charismatic attributes can be

included in charismatic leadership But the prevalent heroiclsquo definition of leadership and

societal allotted gender roleslsquo reflect male domination in the charismatic leadership

(Devarachetty 201219)

13 LEADERSHIP AS A TRAIT

The argument that leaders are great menlsquo evolved (in the early 20th century) into

a proposition that leaders possess traits capabilities qualities motives or patterns of

behaviour (Kirkpatrick amp Locke 199148) and there is need to focus on intellectual

physical and interpersonal features of the leaders in order to study the rise of leaders

During 1920lsquos and 1930lsquos the research on leadership was primarily focused on leadership

traits (Maslanka 200407)

The good attitude of a leader hisher efficiency to take right decision in a right

time and hisher orientation towards the set goals (Martin et al 2006 44) The individual

personality psychology and the available social structure confirm his leadership abilities

The social structure provide him the capacity for leadership while the psychology enables

the individual to utilize the capacity into reality (Whittington 1993 184-185) Thus the

trait theory considered the permanent and consistent personal qualities of an individual to

lead the people in a diverse situations (Zaccaro 2007 07)

Scholars have different views regarding the possession of both physical and

27

psychological traits which make an individual a good leader Some prefer physical traits

such as height (Watt 2011317) physical energy appearance and gender (Aditya amp

House 1997410) other focus on psychological traits such as good oratory and reasoning

skills intelligence integrity and consistency (Roy 2014179) self-confidence and

honesty (Daft 200838 amp57) ambitions of power (Aditya amp House 1997410)

Bolden et al (2003) contends there are no specific and consistent traits identified

by various scholars in different studies Though some leaders possess such traits but those

who lack such traits doesnlsquot mean that they are not the leaders (Bolden et al 20036-7)

Additionally there is no technique to measure these traits and there is no universal

recognized list of traits (Bagad 200854)

Zaccaro criticised the trait theory for neglecting the situational variable which do

effect the traits of the leader A good leader is one whose decisions are compatible to the

existing situation (Zaccaro 200707) Similarly Stogdill (1948) contends that the above

mentioned traits are not effective in the emergence and effectiveness of a leadership and

argues that it is not necessary that a person with such trait become a leader He further

stated that there is no clarity that the same traits are applicable in different situations

(Stogdill 1948 64) Though social situations are the clear manifestation of leadership to

some extent but it may be possible that a leader may be efficient in certain situation

while perform poorly in another (Ghiselli amp Brown 1955 471)

The trait theory is also criticized for the reasons that it adopts gendered approach

towards leadership The trait usually associated with leadership in the above studies are

basically associated with masculinity (Alexander amp Anderson 1993536) Public sphere

is male dominated and are biased towards females (Eagly et al 1995) Women leaders

face more challenges and hurdles while in leadership positions (Eagly et al 1995)

Similarly evaluation of their traits and abilities are also analysed differently Male leaders

with the possession of such traits are praised and appreciated more than their female

counterparts (Alexander and Anderson 1993536)

14 TRANSACTIONAL LEADERSHIP

One very interesting theoretical approach towards leadership is that of

transactional leadership in which both the leaders and the supporters are taken into

consideration Scholars such as Bass (1999) posits that emphasis of the transactional

leadership is on the interconnectivity of both the leader and the followers In transactional

leadership there is a reciprocal ―give and take working affiliation between the leader and

28

the followers (Lai 201102) Such an exchange method has a positive outcome because

the followers perform actively to gain the reward and leader achieved the task by their

efficient efforts (Bass et al 2003209)

Bass proposes that transactional leaders have a clear information about their

followers needs and in return respond to them Transactional leaders give incentives to

the followerlsquos as a reward after the successful accomplishment of the task Bass

categorizes transactional leaders as active managers who give directions as well as

personally participate in their efforts if they are not able to perform well in order to

achieve the goal While passive management refers to the leaders who waits for the

emergence of the problem to take correct action (Bass 199910amp11)

In the transactional leadership bargain and exchange methods are used by the

leaders to establish relationship with the followers in order to accomplish the required

task (Howell and Bruce 1993 899) Scholars consider the features of transactional

leadership more autocratic and in congruity with masculine roles (Hackman et al 1992

Ross amp Offermann 1997)

Politicians are the true transactional leaders who at the time of elections promise

the people not to impose new taxes for the purpose to win the elections (Northouse

2010172) Similarly party leaders legislative and executive leaders and the bargainers

are the transactional leaders (Bass and Stogdill 1990 23)

Keel posits that US presidential elections are good example of transactional

leadership The presidential candidates provide the platform to their people and make

themselves aware of the people demands Then the candidates promise them to solve the

issue according to their wish and will if elected as a president and in turn the American

people cast their votes in favour of that candidate which they seem able to solve their

problems (Keel 200710) Similarly American and French politicians McCarthy and de

Gaulle are also the transactional leaders

In the developing countries majority of head of the states and government are the

transactional leaders (men or women) who came to power not because of their

farsightedness or integrity but because of the military coup or through their party ranks

who promised their people to give them relief in the time of distress Thus the

transactional leaders in most of the countries gain top leadership positions who are just

ordinary in their approach and abilities and their drawbacks make their people to suffer

and they are deprived of their stability prosperity and opportunities (Rotberg 2012161)

Jayasingam et al (2009) discuss the drawback of transactional leadership by

29

stating that the use of coercive power become ineffective and the contingent punishment

pose negative impact on the followers They are not able to perform better in the

disturbed environment always fearful about the loss of their jobs which makes them

passive and unproductive They instead of being working enthusiastically started

worrying about the result and the leader expectations (Jayasingam et al 2009 138)

Howell and Bruce (1993) argue that the transactional leaders motivate the

followers towards the task by promising them of the incentives after the successful

accomplishment of the task which if not fulfilled has an adverse impact on the

performance of the followers and they became dissatisfied (Howell and Bruce 1993

892)

Powell (1990) states that though there is a great difference in the leadership style

of both the men and women They act think and analyse the matters differently But

Powell argues that besides implicit features in both males and females behaviour and

leadership styles it is commonly observed that when acquire top leadership positions

both the genders exhibit same leadership style Both of them adopt similar transactional

(task-oriented) and transformational (relationship-oriented) leadership styles They

instead of behaving differently follow the gudelines of their respective positions (Powell

1990)

15 TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP

Scholars like J M Burns (1978) and Barnard M Bass argue that individual

having the courage and capabilities to influence and persuade the followers for the

accomplishment of the task to achieve remarkable results emerged as leaders (Burns

1978442)

Such individuals are aware of the needs objectives and the goals of their

organization and people and render their assistance for their development These are the

accepted transformational leaders (Bass and Reggio 20063) Transformational leader

persuades and encourages the followers by developing a persuasive vision bring the

vision into reality by concentrating to develop relationships with followers as a coach

mentor and teacher (Kolzow 201443) Similarly intellectuals revolutionary and

ideological heroes and the leaders of the reforms are also transformational leaders (Bass

and Stogdill 199024)

Transformational leaders emerge by the continuous learning and relationship

building Their engagement with the followers enable them to build trust and demonstrate

30

high level of personal integrity Such leaders transform the tasks vision and persuade the

followers to work as a group for the accomplishment of the task Transformational leaders

stimulate the followers to be dedicated and loyal so the achievement of the task become

easy (Kolzow 201444)

Scholars proposed four aspects of transformational leadership They are

intellectual stimulation idealized influence individualized consideration and

inspirational motivation (Bass amp Avolio 1997 Bass 1985) Judge et al (2004) posit that

transformational leaders through their idealized influencelsquo behave in such a proper way

that they are obeyed by the followers They are aware of the people emotions so can

easily convince them towards the common task Through inspirational motivationlsquo a

leader through an idealized vision inspire the people speak optimistically about the

future Then the leaders through intellectual stimulationlsquo take risk make themselves

aware of the people ideas Leaderlsquos communication with followers is the reflection of an

appealing vision which encourage them towards the creativity of their task The last

dimension is the individualized considerationlsquo In this category the leader is aware of the

people needs work for them as a guide and create a relation to be aware of their needs

and concerns (Judge et al 2004755)

Winston posit that positive response for the followers are expected in the

transformational leadership Transformational leaders show concern towards the

followerlsquos needs and treated their followers as co-workers The decisions taken by the

transformational leaders are in the best interest of the followers as well Transformational

leaders provide suitable work environment to the followers and strive for them to feel as a

valued members of the organization (200229-30)

Thus the leaders who are intellectually influential to encourage influence

consider and motivate the followers to such a level in which the actualization and

accomplishment of the task become possible The followers think beyond their self-

interest and work for the betterment of the team organization and for the society as a

whole Transformational leaders motivate the followers to confront the status quo by

adopting new ways for the successful completion of the task (Warrilow 200901)

Gilbert (1998) mentions the great historic events from the eradication of slavery to

the independence of nation state from the dictatorial rule are the examples of

transformational activities Mahatma Gandhi3 Martin Luther king and Nelson Mandela

3 See also Northouse (2010172) and Burns (1995101)

31

are the true transformational leaders who have committed themselves selflessly towards

their societies They have never used power but through their ethical and moral sense

awakened the force of conscience among their people and persuade them to struggle for

their cause peacefully (Gilbert 1998 201-202)

This approach to leadership also exhibits the covering of the gap between male

and female leadership styles The transformational theorists posit that women are more

consistent in their roles and are much closer to the transformational leadership as they are

more closer to the followers through their social contacts which would be helpful for

them to articulate consensus and in turn gain power (Campus 2013nd) Thus the

women leadership is more motivational and inspiring as mentioned in the attributes of

transformational leadership (Martin 2015331)

Scholars state that it is more challenging for the women to rise in the male

dominated organizations These organizations demand the masculine attributes including

assertiveness dominance and independence They further add that women have the

ability to adjust their gender identity with the traditional female attributes They adopt

masculine attributes without altering their own traits(polite and cooperative) Women

possess transformational leadership style because they can adapt themselves according to

the requirement of the situation (Moore amp Gobi 1995) Thus women have more

transformational attributes than their male colleagues (Eagly amp Karau 2002)

Iwanaga postulate that notable women leaders of the developing countries

Benazir Bhutto Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina Wajid Aung San Suui Kyi are the

transformational leaders in the early phase of their political career They have united and

mobilized their people through their unique features against the dictatorial rule in their

respective countries and all of them have gained high respect and unquestionable

obedience from their people which they are able to achieve the desired goals and brought

their countries on the track of democratic governance (Iwanaga 200833)

Thus transformational leaders are aware of the people feelings and imaginations

and can motivate the society towards the long term goals to create consciousness among

them to struggle for the common and purposeful goal (Rhodes et al 201491)

This theory has some limitations Yukl contends the theory by stating that

transformational leaders create a high level of emotional involvement which can exploit

the followers (Yukl 1999 287-288) Such transformational leaders move their followers

towards the illusionary world for the achievement of their task as a result they achieve

less than they lose (White amp Wooten 1986101) Keeley contend the theory by arguing

32

that there is a lack of check and balance There is no proposed way to neutralize the

interest authority and power of the leader to counter their dictatorship and despotism

(199568)

This theory is more concerned about the top leaders who persuade and influence

their followers towards the common task but it may be possible that with the passage of

time the involvement of the leaders makes them distressed and this create a sense of

deprivation in them (Stevens et al 1995125)

16 SITUATIONAL LEADERSHIP

In 1969 Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard introduced the concept of situational

leadership Initially it was introduced as life cycle theory of leadershiplsquo but later in 1972

it was renamed as situational leadership theorylsquo (Esther 201104)

Situational Leadership implies that ―leadership is a matter of situational demands

and the situational factors determine the emergence of a leader (Bass amp Stogdill 1990

38) Moreover specific features of the individual make them suitable leaders only in

specific situations Thus an individual with the ability to adopt such behaviour

appropriate to the current state of affair will take the lead The manifestation of certain

characteristics in specific situations raise an individual to the heights of leadership

position Similarly critical situations also act as a catalyst for the able leaders to ignite

their abilities and assume the leadership position Stogdill mentioned that attributes

features and skills necessary for leaders are determined by the situation in which they

function (Stogdill 194863) The dispositions of traits like determination ego strength

persistence and self-confidence will transcend those individuals to the leadership position

in some situations only (Bass amp Stogdill 197487)

The above theoretical approach focusses on leaders followers and the situations

It also emphasises on leadership based in specific time place and circumstances and

consider these crucial factors for the emergence of great leaders (Bass amp Stogdill

199038 Martin et al 200645) Followers are also a major component in the leadership

process They never act passively but are the active participants Their roles and activities

further determine the effectiveness of leadership Thus leader does not instil leadership by

themselves in situational leadership rather they act as a catalyst for the solution of

different problems In varied intricate situation inter-personal relationship facilitates a

leader to deal accordingly This theory supports the idea that circumstances produced the

leaders of the time (Bass and Stogdill 199038 Stogdill 1948 64ndash65) and the best

33

leaders are those who are well informed about the situation and can perform according to

the circumstances (Northouse 201399 Humphreys et al 2010119)

Northouse (2004) posits an individual leader becomes effective only when heshe

has the knowledge regarding the subordinates and the circumstances and then adopt

appropriate leadership style (p 106)

The situational leaders are able enough to change their style of leadership

according to the changing conditions and demands of the people they lead (Paludi

201325) Different leaders have distinct features useful in different circumstances

according to the need of the group being led by the leader As a leader with highly

motivational military and war related strategic skills are needed at the time of war while

the one who has the abilities to provide food enhanced growth production and the

economic skills are needed at the time of famine (Gill 200636)

Appropriate decisions are required in varied circumstance to deal effectively

which required appropriate leadership style Amanchukwu et al (2015) argue that if a

situation require most aware and skilled member in a group then an authoritarian

leadership style would be the most suitable one Similarly where a leader is dealing with

skilled and experts group members then the same would be expected from the leader

Thus in such situation democratic leadership style would be more effective

(Amanchukwu et al 2015)

Hermann et al (2001) state that critical situation provides good chance to analyse

the political leadership The turbulent situation will determine the emergence of

leadership Crises challenge the normal structures and routines functions of political

sphere They lead to some form of change as well Scholars argue that effective decision-

making and good communication processes are required to deal the crisis situation The

ineffectiveness in these two areas will increase chances of failure (Schafer and Crichlow

2010) Bassetal postulate that adaptive and flexible leadership style is required in

chaotic and crisis situation Similarly they posit autocratic assertive and directive leaders

can ably deal in the turbulent situation (Bass et al 2003215) Consortium of British

Humanitarian Agencies (CBHA) conducted a study in 2010 They have provided skills

critical to deal turbulent situation to provide effective response including effective

decision making critical judgement resilience and personal awarenesslsquo (CBHA20104-

6)

McGlown and Robinson posit that turbulent situation bring challenges from all

directions With the advent of unclear and diverse information further make the situation

34

more intricate Efficient response handling the situation appropriately needs skills of the

leader In such situation leaders have no time for consultation which make the leadership

more challenging Leaders with good decision making skills deal the situation

accordingly which could increase trust and confidence of the followers as well (201170-

75) Similarly good communication skills are also the requirement of the crisis situation

Good communication skills enable the leader to convey intentions regarding the effective

handling of the crisis situation and successful accomplishment of the goal as well (Black

2012143)

Ryan amp Haslam (2005) argue that women are the appropriate choice for

leadership during the crisis situation They called this phenomenon as glass clifflsquo which

means that women are on a brittle glass cliff as their roles in crisis situation have a greater

risk of failure Women are competent to accept the risky demanding task and always run

elections from hard to win constituencies Women donlsquot even hesitate from such risky

tasks Though there is chances of failure more than in favourable circumstances They

further added that mostly men take a lead in favourable conditions while women were

mostly appointed to the failing organizations Ryan et al (2011) postulate that an

interaction exists between performances of an organization with the gender of the leader

They added that in prosperous organizations a think-leader think-malelsquo bias emerges

while in failed organization a think-crisis think-femalelsquo bias occurs (Ryan et al 2011)

Bruckmuumlller and Branscombe (2010) also found that women are more likely to emerge to

organizational leadership in times of emergency than in favourable conditionsWomen

usually contest elections and become successful as well

Ryan amp Haslam (2007) give an explanation for the rise of women to the top

leadership position at the time of crisis They argue that women are considered to be the

symbolic antidote of the crisis situation (Ryan amp Haslam 2007) Similarly women have a

stable unifying and neutral nature which make them best choice during crisis situations

They are accepted as leaders of failed organizations as well as political parties for the

purpose of being the peace negotiation mediation innovations (Skard 2015475) and

reconciliation as well (OlsquoConnor 2010325)

Similarly party leaders are the central political figures in todaylsquos parliamentary

democracies (Cross and Blais 20121) OlsquoBrian argues that majority of the political

parties have male political leaders in leading roles while women in subordinate roles

However when a party fails to perform in the elections women are selected to the

leadership position in these parties OlsquoBrian argues that in crisis situation few able male

35

accept the challenge to lead the party in crisis Mostly political parties in the crisis

situation willingly accept women leadership for the acquisition of public support

(OlsquoBrian 2015)

OlsquoBrien (2015) argues that party needs those competent individuals to take the

lead whose potentiality raise their parties to its zenith Favourable situations and good

performances of the parties would benefitted their leaders in return In such favourable

circumstances males are the active participants to occupy beneficial positions Thus in

favourable circumstances all the organizations including political parties are not willing

to deviate from the status quo and they remain male dominated But Dolan argues that the

crisis situation are challenging and males usually avoid such situations which is more

demanding and threaten their political career Thus in such situations women always

accept the challenges and lead the fail organizations (Dolan 1998)

Indeed Bynander and tlsquo Hart (2008) posit that such poor performances of the

political parties offer greater opportunities for women to attain power Similarly Beckwith

(2013) states that turbulent situation of the party and the absence of competent male

leaders can lead to the emergence of women leadership Thus scholars argue that women

leaders occupy the leadership position in crisis situations when there is a risk of

leadership and organizational failure (Ryan and Haslam 2005 2007) Crisis situations

provide opportunities to the female leadership Women are considered to be less corrupt

and can deal the situation efficiently (Dolan 1998) Thus scholars associated the

emergence of female political leaders with renewal and change (Murray 2010) which is a

visible challenge to the male-dominated status quo Women political leaders are the

compelling force for the unification of the disintegrated political parties or organizations

in crisis situation (McKay 2004)

Tucker postulates that there is a great shift of theories from the Great man to the

situation The fact that successful leadership is no doubt because of their personal features

but the situation of a specific group accentuates the effectiveness of one or another trait

and their bearers at a particular time (Tucker 1977 384) But Masciuli et al (2016)

criticized the statement by stating that is there any specific characteristics favourable

under certain situations Nobody can imagine and even ask that the leader is appropriate

in the current situation and is not suitable in other or that it is the situation of that specific

leader and not of the others Thus there are characteristics which can never be favourable

in any situation (Masciuli et al 2016nd)

In the leadership research (Roy 2014) followers are also an important variable

36

who can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Leadership is of three

kinds laissez faire autocratic and democratic The control of the group behaviour

through an independent and unlimited authority are the autocratic leadership but when

the behaviours are controlled through some motivational forces led to the democratic

leadership and the autonomous characteristics of the group to the extent that the group do

not intervene is the Laissez faire leadership All these forms of leadership have their own

specific situations (Roy 2014183)

As mentioned in the theory that the emergence of a political leader is dependent

on the need and demand of the situation and it is the situation and not the family

connection which produced such appropriate leader Thus in the case of Martin Luther

King Jr Day it was the situation (inequality discrimination and segregation) faced by

the African-Americans are the inspirational elements for the King Jr concerns and

activities (Bass and Stogdill 1990 38) King junior emerged as a leader for the social

cause totally devoted himself for that cause to help his people at the time of distress

(Martin et al 1969 46)

Thus the situational leadership is concerned more about the political situations

rather than a leader as a person This approach elaborates that leaders get their

prominence only by having the skills features and ability to fulfil the needs and demands

of the organization group and people at specific circumstances (Gill 200636) These are

mere the instrument in the wake of social forces who select individuals for the leadership

posts to work for their interest (Vroom amp Jago 200719)

This is clear from the leadership of Woodrow Wilson as circumstances and time

play a great role in his successes and failure The demand of the situation was of the

strong and reformed leadership and Wilson adopted autocratic leadership style suitable to

the circumstances in which he operated and the same leadership skills worked in other

position he held which were suitable for his other positions but such authoritarian style

created certain problems for him as well (Rhodes and T Hart 2014142)

Scholars criticize this theory on the basis of human behaviour This theory is

based on the presumption that the nature of the group such as motivation skill level

leader-follower relations and organizational history is an objective reality which is

important for the leader to know it transparently through scientific analysis However

human behaviour is much more complex and unpredictable than these models suggests

(King amp Lawley 2013391) Similarly Bass amp Stogdill (198139) criticize this approach

for the reason that situation alone is not enough to explain the rise of leadership the

37

personal characteristics as well

Sjoberg (2009) contends this theory by having a confusion in the features suitable

in specific situations She elaborates that it is not possible by saying to the leader that

such situation is not suitable for you to hold the leadership position because it is not the

situation where such type of leadership is required She argues that there are certain

features which are not required by any situation She further argues that this theory has

totally neglected the female leaders though there are certain features which are connected

with the femininity as well (Sjoberg 2009 163)

Sjoberg (2009) argues that situational theory in different circumstances recognizes

the traits related to the masculinity like at the war time strength and in peacetime

rationality is important while some features as interdependence and emotions are related

to the feminism Thus the system is responsible for the selection of a suitable leader

according to the situation (Sjoberg 2009163)

Enloe posits that though the crisis situations provide opportunity to women to

attain top leadership positions but there is no assurance that women may persist such

positions for long and may not roll back as normality returns (Enloe 2004)

Thus the situational theory describes that it is the situation which make the

individual to emerge as a leader having the efficiency and ability to deal and handle the

situation properly Moreover women are more suitable in crisis situations when men

avoid taking risks

17 LEADERSHIP REQUIRE SKILLS

There are various scholars who emphasize on the skills required for leadership

These scholars argue that skills are not inborn but they are developed and employed by

leaders Robert Katz was the first to emphasize on the skills for the rise of leaders Katz

argues that it is important to focus on the attitude and behaviour of a leader and the

required skills that can be learned by leaders in order to be more efficient (Katz 2009

04-06)

Skills are capabilities of the individual which can be learned and developed

through experiences and guidance (Northouse 200740) Leaders can learn from their

experiences through their involvement in activities interaction with the people and

exposure to different events which will increase their skills abilities and knowledge

required for leadership There is a long list of skills deemed necessary by scholars for

efficient political leadership However the most prominent of them are listed below

38

Mintzberg (1983) considers political skill as the disposition of influence through

negotiation persuasion and manipulationlsquo Ferris et al (2005) argue that political skill is

conceptualized as multidimentional with four aspects apparent sincerity social

astuteness networking ability interpersonal influence (Ferris et al 2005) Individuals

with social astuteness spend time with the followers to observe them for the purpose to

understand their true intentions They are highly self-aware and deals with the public in

an inspiring manner (Ferris et al 2007) Social astuteness along with the competency to

handle different situational demands help effective leader Politically skilled leaders

create a conducive and a cooperative environment suitable in turbulent situation

(Ammeter et al 2002764-765)

Interpersonal influence facilitates politically skilled individuals to interact and

influence others easily This skill helps the political leader to change the behaviours of the

public according to the demand of the circumstance in order to accomplish desired goals

successfully Such individuals show flexibility to adapt themselves in changing

circumstances (Ferris et al 2005) Interpersonal relationship is considered as an

opportunity against the threats These relations act as facilitating factors in the formation

of connections and alliances to ensures social identity with the help of which they can

manoeuvre the situation in their favour (Perrewe et al 2000)

Similarly networking ability enable politically skilled individuals to find

companions form coalitions networks and strong useful alliances (Ferris et al 2005)

This ability place them at a vantage point from where they take advantageous position to

take complete benefits of the available opportunities Those individuals with the

networking abilities possess admirable negotiating skill and are capable to manage

conflict Networking ability grant them access to a great deal of information and public

support (Ferris et al 2005) Apparent sincerity is the last aspect of political skill

Individual with sincerity authenticity and integrity are seen as genuine Politically skilled

individual with the ability of apparent sincerity can successfully influence others (Ferris

et al 2007291)

Scholars posit that political skills are related to self-monitoring empathy

extraversion positive affectivity and conscientiousnesslsquo The possession of these skills

make an individual secure and self- confident before work experience and grant

superiority over their work environment and the people whom an individual interact

(Chandan 2012176)

Women political leaders show courage and are outspoken on leading policy issues

39

in their respective countries Though outspoken women often lack support in the religious

and traditional societies But through their courageous actions women leaders in Asia

resist such challenges (Cunningham 20177) and lead different oppositional movements

against the oppressive governments (Shafqat 1996655) Asian women political leaders

have resisted opposition at the cost of their personal lives therefore exhibiting immense

courage (OlsquoConner 2010)

Similarly effective communication skills (Qadri 201617) are the political skills

which exhibit the competence of a leader Conger (199131) argues that spoken words are

useful weapon for influencing and articulating support of the people History gives us a

glimpse of the successes achieved through spoken words In the words of Conger epoch

of regulating by dictates is ending and is supplanted by an era of regulating through

inspiration This era insists credibility of leaders to craft and enunciate a motivational

message to create great intrinsic support Women political leaders possess good

communication skills They have an effective interpersonal negotiating and conflict

resolution skills as well (Collins and Singh 200614) But assertiveness competition

control and independence are the qualities exhibited by male political leaders (Carli amp

Eagli 2011109)

Ruminski amp Hollba emphasize on the importance of good oratory skills for the

success of women leaders They argue that women should have good oratory skills along

with information of the world to be successful in their lives They insist that women

political leaders should move beyond the elementary speech skills of just standing behind

the rostrum to deliver a speech They suggest that women should be effective

communicators and shall be well aware of the day to day happenings around them (2012

190)

Scholars posit that women are more relationship oriented consultative polite and

have inspirational appeal towards the public (Merchant 201230 Eagly 1987 Miller

1976) Women use communication as an instrument to form good social relationship and

increase social connections (Leaper 1991 Mason 1994)

Yukl argue that decision-making is an important skill required from effective

leaders Efficient leaders involve subordinates in decision making and resultantly win the

trust and confidence of the followers (Yukl 2010) Lussier amp Achua argue that attribute

of good decision making enable leaders to attain success in a political career While

suitable decision making is dependent on the awareness regarding confronted situations

which empowers leader to take appropriate option for the solution of the problems

40

through availing opportunities Such leaders efficiently utilized time by thinking

analytically and arrange new directions in a manner that changes they desire are

acceptable in public (Lussier and Achua 201310-11)

Though there is no specific difference in the decision making of both male and

females Literature show that women while taking decisions examine the matter

thoroughly before putting the matter in practice and their approaches are effective while

on the other hand men actually hinder effectiveness (Ciulla 2004289) Thatlsquos why

women are considered to be more practical and realistic than men Women are thought to

be more empirical and reasonable than male counterparts (Jensen 2008 202) Because of

the gendered allotment of domestic roles and reproductive labour and have the deficiency

of resources thus backing of spouses and other family members is persuasive means in

the improvement of womenlsquos political career (Tadros 2014)

Participation of women in decision making process regarding public affairs enable

them to develop their political skills They exhibit their concerns and commitment in

public services (Miranda 20056) Thus Jabeen amp Mubasher appreciate the states where

women are involved in the mainstream politics through some legislative measures which

bring positive changes Involvement of women in the process of decision making

empowers them to confront the patriarchal demeanour prevalent in the traditional

societies They are able to perform their responsibilities well by creating a conducive

environment for other women of their societies (2017302)

It is stated that political skills are the interpersonal skills including persuasion

negotiation compromise intuition and eloquence These skills are acquired through

experience Similarly political families are also a source of political apprenticeshiplsquo

(Cornwall and Goetz 2005) Thus women whose family members are actively engaged

in politics gain politically acumen within family They acquired the skills to deal the

public and situation effectively They also become socialized which enhances their

reputation and connection with the public as well

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo argue that the active involvement of womenlsquos in nationalist

movements also train them politically for the future Women political leaderslsquo affiliation

with the experienced political partners further facilitate them to acquire political skills and

knowledge These political skills facilitate their decision -making power Politically

skilled women leaders form strong social network which further enhances their

confidence collective strength and political awareness (201622)

However for some women leaders family background and involvement in

41

nationalist movements may not bring a change in leadership style but the actual

assumption of power may bring a bigger change in leadership style The former India

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi is a good example of how otherwise shy and silent person

can become a tough leader Indira Gandhi was generally believed to be a very shy person

despite having a political family background and her involvement in Indian Independence

movement with her father This was the reason the old guards of the Congress party

decided to choose her as a prime minister of India The decision was also strategic

because her silent attitude was thought by her male party members to be favourable for

manipulating her They called her a ―Dumb Doll (Green 201303)

But when she became Prime Minister of India she had developed her political

skills significantly and took crucial political decisions formulated effective foreign policy

and worked hard for her people conducted nuclear test to establish Indian hegemony in

South Asian region She was an ambitious pragmatic and farsighted woman political

leader who because of her political skills earned the title of an ―Iron Lady of India Her

journey from a ―Dumb Doll to an ―Iron Lady was full of struggles and difficulties

which she handled skilfully and was remembered as a great political leader (Braga

201301)

The acquired knowledge skills and the adoption of proper style are the crucial

factors for an effective leadership In skills theory considerable focus is on the efforts

struggle and resources for leadership training and development (Amanchukwu 201510)

But in different institutions there is a competition among the actors for top leadership

position Then the individual with personal features as good oratory skills charisma and

the skill to handle the crises situation make them able to gain top leadership position

Once the individual achieve the highest position such individual should use his skills as

ambitious political acumen the ability to use the available opportunities properly to

achieve the different tasks (Bennister 2012 Xiii)

In view of the above discussion it is stated that leadership is a skill that can be

acquired However Day observes that for the utility and development of any

organization the development of the leaderlsquos political skills is important but

unfortunately there is little political skill training for the future leaders which also has a

negative effect on the leaderlsquos performance (Day 2014 519)

My assessment is that political acumen and social astuteness enable individuals to

create interpersonal relations and networking capabilities which facilitate them to emerge

as a leader Afterwards good decision making power confidence and good

42

communications skills further assist them to sustain leadership position

18 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The research question of this study focusses on inquiries such as to what extent

family background is important for women leaders to acquire a political position to what

extent situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position and more

importantly how acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership

position In order to find answers to these inquiries I develop a theoretical framework out

of the above theoretical positions

All the above theories are in one way or the other related and crucial for

explaining the acquisition and retaining of top political leadership positions by women

However the most relevant debates that explain the issue under investigation can be

found in situational and skills theories of leadership However I am looking specifically

into situation and skills that may facilitate or hinder women political leaders to acquire

and sustain leadership positions

Situational theory of leadership explain situations which are responsible for the

emergence of leaders Different situations require different leaders with the ability and

appropriate skills to tackle the circumstances accordingly Women are often allotted top

leadership position in crisis situation (Haslam 2004) This is because women are believed

to possess qualities suitable to handle crisis situations such as empathy collaboration and

efficient communication etc However there is a reason men would allow women to take

leadership positions Men think strategically to offer women leadership during crisis time

which always carry a risk of leadership failure If women leaders do not succeed they get

blamed for the failure (Ryan amp Haslam 2007 Mulcahy amp Linehan 2014) In crisis

situations women leaders have to prove themselves and they often do not have smooth

sailing

Though conflict pushed women to attain leadership roles But such situation

realized them their political skills (strength confidence) which enable them to broaden

their horizons and seek political office Moreover women political leaders gain support

of their male colleagues in their political struggle as well (Tripp 2015)

Scholars are of the view that in crisis situation females of the elite families take

the lead (OlsquoConnor 2010324 Skard 2015154) Women become the beneficiarieslsquo of

their strong political families Their brought up in the political environment prepare them

for leadership positions Such political apprenticeshiplsquo(Cornwall and Goetz 2005

OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622) is used as a stepping stone by women leaders to enter

43

leadership position but later they require more extensive skills and grooming which are

achieved by women leaders through their experience in active politics

Situations are often paradoxical for women leaders They may help women

leaders to rise but they may also put women leaders to test Women find an opportunity of

leadership in crisis situations but once they avail that opportunity they find it quite

challenging It requires them to have more extensive skills to survive the challenge

Situations and leadership skills are tightly connected in leadership context Leaders with

specific skills are often chosen to lead in particular situations Leaders so chosen are then

required to change their style and strategy to adapt to the change in situations This then

require new skills that are more relevant to the changing situation Political acumen

eloquence good decision making social astuteness and the confidence are the acquired

skills which they further polish through their experiences These acquired skills facilitate

women leaders to sustain their leadership positions for long

Leaders must have the capability to encourage and persuade the people in a way

that they then facilitate their leaders for accomplishment of the set goals (Warrilow

200901) Such transformational leaders are aware of the peoplelsquos emotions needs and

give them an idealized vision by talking optimistically about the future (Judge et al

2004755) I argue that such acts are particularly necessary in crisis situation where there

is despondency and the leader has to motivate the followers

Women political leaders are deemed to be transformational because of their

supportive empathetic collaborative interpersonal and participatory attitude (Kellerman

and Rhodes 2007 16ndash17) Likewise women political leaders appreciate the involvement

of subordinates in the process of decision making (Hegelsen 1990) and they are indeed

more interactivelsquo with their followers (Rosener 1990120)

In my data analysis chapters I will discuss the manner in which the crisis situation

affected leadership choices for Pashtun Nationalists associated with National Awami

Party in 1970s I will explain how and why a woman political leader was chosen to lead

the party in crisis situation I will probe the extent to which some particular skills of

Nasim Wali Khan were considered along with other possible strategic reasons in choosing

the leader of the NAP This is particularly important because the literature identify skills

such as social astuteness (Ferris et al 2005) communicative action (Habermas 1984

86) confidence and determination (Bass 199911) interpersonal and decision-making

(Lussier and Achua 201310-11) good oratory and charisma (Bennister 2012 Xiii) are

relevant in crisis situation However after attaining leadership position the challenges are

44

met through more extensive leadership skills demonstrated by leaders

Skills such as ambitiousness political acumen ability to use the available

opportunities (Bennister 2012 xiii) interpersonal or communication (Katz et al 1974)

etc are considered crucial for retaining leadership position Moreover it is important to

look into how these skills are required by women political leaders They partly imparted

by family training (political apprenticeship) and partly by the gradual process of

accumulating political experience The data chapters would highlight how Nasim Wali

Khan acquired and groomed the appropriate skills and how she used them to retain

political leadership Additionally how she inspired her followers in testing times of 1970s

and secured their support to achieve the purpose

19 CONCLUSION

Various theoretical perspectives explained above assist us understanding the issue

of acquisition and continuation of political leadership role by women in traditional

societies These explanations are used to develop our own theoretical framework which

extensively borrows from the premises of situational and skills approaches to leadership

The framework emphasis that (crisis) situations are paradoxical because they provide

women an opportunity to lead but they also put them to test The framework also refers to

relationship between situations and skills It is important to understand that often skills

are dependent upon situations and women political leaders have to acquire groom and

employ particular skills appropriate to the situation This theoretical framework will help

us understanding the emergence of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader and her success

in retaining the political leadership for considerable time

45

CHAPTER ndash 2

THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS AN

EXPLORATION OF WOMENrsquo POLITICAL STRUGGLE

This chapter is an effort to explore career path for the Asian women political

leaders who rose to the top leadership positions Most of the scholars emphasise that

Asian women achieved these positions through their strong family background or

political exigency However this chapter argues that beside family background and

political situation these women leaders demonstrated phenomenal political skills in most

testing political situations and consequently acquired and retained their positions

Therefore it is imperative to study the extra-ordinary struggle of these women political

leaders The analysis presented in this chapter are based on selected case studies

representing Asian Women leaders The career path of these leaders is explored to

substantiate the claims made by this study

Women political leaders have undoubtedly left a discernible mark in world

politics They have done so by shaping political and economic reforms within their

respective countries and also by shaping international relations through distinctive foreign

policy decisions Currently there are 22 women in the world who have occupied the most

prestigious top political leadership positons in their respective countries Among them 18

are elected through popular elections and 4 are appointed Among 178 head of the states

15 are women 13 are presidents and 2 are queens Women have occupied the position of

president or prime minister in more than 70 countries of the world many of those have

been in Asia and Europe (Adamczyk 2016) Women political leadership is not an

aberration in South America South and in the Southeast Asia (Kent 2015)

Scholars would particularly refer to Asia when it comes to women political

leadership Asia has been much more generous in allowing women to reach to top

political positions Nitin would call Asia a heavenlsquo for the women leading their way to

success in politics Sri Lanka India Pakistan Bangladesh South Korea Philippines

Thailand and Mongolia are the countries with elected women heads of the states This

means that half (4 billion) of the Asian population are living in countries with women

heads which makes it number one continentlsquo in the world with women political leaders

(Nitin 201303) In 1960 Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first Sri Lankan woman prime

minister who achieved leadership position Afterwards Golda Meir(Israel) Indira

46

Gandhi(India) Chandrika Kumaranatunga(Sri Lanka) Corazon Aquino and Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo (Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Sheikh Hasina Wajid and

Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Pratibha Patil(India) Roza

Otunbayeva(Kyrgyzstan) and Yingluck Shinawatra(Thailand) also became prominent

women political leaders in their respective countries Interestingly most of these women

leaders hail from the Muslim dominant countries (Szczepanski 201501) There is

considerable academic interest in the contribution of women political leaders around the

world However there is comparatively less academic interest in how these women

acquired leadership positions

Asian women political leaders are all popularly elected having influential families

with popular family dynasties in politics (Fleschenberg 200924-15) and they are directly

involved in the social activities and power structure of their countries (Abidi 201319)

Scholars argue that the emergence of these women leaders does not seem to modify the

male-dominated nature of Asian societies Rather it verifies the power of a name and the

perseverance of political dynasties (Herath 2015 03 Akhtar et al 2014 07 Mydans

201004) social class and caste system (Roy 201560)

Most of the women political leaders in Asia who have occupied highest public

offices came from the politically illustrious families Therefore various scholars (see

above) would conclude that the success of acquiring political leadership is determined

primarily by family background Such an understanding often undermines the abilities

and struggles of women political leaders who acquire and retain top political positions In

this chapter an effort is made to reflect on how women political leaders acquire and

retain leadership positions not only through the backing of their already influential

families but also through their extra ordinary struggle In order to do so we have explored

the biographies of selected political leaders from Asia to investigate their career path We

undoubtedly claim that family background facilitated these women in acquiring top

leadership positions however their personal character and skills were more instrumental

in acquiring and retaining top positions Moreover the situation in which they took

leadership provided a context within which opportunities were availed and personal

character and skills were demonstrated These women leaders were able to prove that

besides taking care of their household they can also serve respective countries in face of

all odds They are hardworking ambitious and (politically) skilled to carry out sound

domestic and foreign policies

The way women political leaders exploited situations and skills to reach to the top

47

positions are the main focus of this chapter It intends to do so by exploring the selective

profiles and career path of these women leaders The family backgrounds their

biographies and struggle of some of the top women political leaders of Asia are discussed

to identify important factors that lead women to top positions and facilitate them to stay

on those top positions In this chapter a profile sketch of these women leaders are brought

under consideration and then analyse how their situation and skills facilitated them to

acquire and retain the power for an extended period of time

PROFILES OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS AN OVER VIEW

21 SIRIMAVO BANDARANAIKE (SRI LANKA)

Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first female Prime Minister of Sri Lanka She was

born in Ratnapura District on 17th

April 1916 Her father Barns Ratwatte Disave was a

reputed senator and from a prominent Sinhalese family These families have also served

in the British colonial rule and adopted English first names However they were the

staunch observers of Buddhism Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the eldest among her six

siblings and at eight years she was sent to Convent School for best education After her

education she started social welfare programmes for the purpose to help needy and poor

people of her country She provided them food medicines and arranged clinics for them

as well Such considerations towards her people enabled her to gain good reputation

among the Sinhalese peasantry (Rettie 2010)

She was married to Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (1899-1959) on

10th

October 1940 who was an Oxford educated lawyer and the minister of local

government and health (1947-51) in the ruling United National Party Srimavo

Bandranaike persuaded her husband for resigning from the ruling United National Party

and the government After two years in 1951 he founded his own political party Sri

Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with the policies of democratic socialism and Sinhalese

resurgence After eight years of Sri Lanka independence Mr Bandaranaike became

Prime Minister in April 1956(Perera 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike held the party leadership and became the president of

the SLFP after Mr Bandaranaike assassination by the Buddhist monk on 25th

September

1959 She gained public support and sympathies and proved herself as an undefeatable

politician who worked as an undisputed leaders of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and had

the reins of the party for forty years (Epasinghe 201501)

48

Mrs Bandaranaike became the modern World first woman Premier in 1960 from

the Asian continent and served her country three times (1960-65 1970-77 1994-2000) as

a prime minister (Iwanaga 2008 272 Jalazai 200492 Banerjee 2008140) and

remained the opposition leader during 1965-70 and 1989-94(Jeyaraj 201001)

Generally in the Asian region females have subordinate position to their males

and have little or no stand in the public life but Srimavo Bandranaike proved herself both

nationally and internationally as an eminent woman political leader who continued her

husband policies of socialism at home She had nationalized all the foreign oil companies

and all the government businesses were transferred to the State owned bank of Ceylon

(now Sri Lanka) She had also established new Peoplelsquos Bank During her regime Soviet

aid was utilized for the industrialization process of her country brought education

reforms for the Buddhist Sinhalese and neutralismnon-alignment movement was adopted

as well by her government (Raj 201202)

But Sirimavo Bandaranaike also faced different problems communal riots

administrative turmoil and financial problems during her premiership Her period of

office was one of the mounting financial difficulty Due to these reasons she was

defeated in 1965 elections but got prominence in the next elections of 1970lsquos (Jones

201553)

Mrs Bandaranaike faced severe criticism from her opponents because of her

personal and political life In 1962 her political opponents tried to overthrow her

government jobless youth raised against her government for their grievances in 1971 and

in 1980 her civic rights were withdrawn SLFP headquarters was closed and threats were

given by the political opponents but she faced all the troubles and conspiracies

courageously and Mrs Bandaranaike gained more and more popularity through her bold

and consistent approach She gave new constitution changed the name of the country

from Ceylon to Sri Lanka and declared it a Republic in 1972 foreign owned estates were

nationalized by her government and placed the land limits to fifty acres by the Land

Reform Commission Sirimavo Bandaranaike died on 10th

October 2000(Perera

201202)

She got sympathies of the public initially by making emotional speeches during

the election campaign through which she earned the title of weeping widowlsquo But later

her present mind dedications towards her political career enabled her to make sound

domestic and foreign policies and she adopted tough stance against the insurgents who

tried to destroy the peace and prosperity of the Sri Lankan nation

49

22 CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGA (SRI LANKA)

Former prime minister and then the first ever woman president of Sri Lanka

Chandrika Kumaratunga was born on 24th

June 1945 She recieved her primary education

from Convent school Colombo and then went to Paris for higher studies where she

studied political science and adopted Mao Zedong and North Korean socialist radicalism

(Omer ampSprings 2013191)

Chandrika had the privilege to be the daughter of former premiers of Sri Lanka

Her father Solomon Bandaranaike served the country as a Prime minster from 1956-1959

and her mother Srimavo Bandaranaike who succeeded after the assassination of her

husband became prime minister in 1959 got the recognition as the Worldlsquos first female

premier (Burns 199502) Srimavo wanted her son Anura to be her political successor he

was the first choice of her mother but he declined and was succeeded by the Chandrika

She left her socialistic policies and adopted capitalism and free market policies (Jackson

1999 223) Chandrika Kumaratunga got married with the Sri Lankan movie star and a

radical left wing politician Vijay Kumaratunga in 1978 who was also assassinated by the

Sinhalese fascists in 1988(Burns 199502) After her marriage Chandrika Kumaratunga

left her fatherlsquos party SLFP and joined husbandlsquos party Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya

(SLMP) in 1984 She became the Vice President of the newly formed political party

Nonetheless after the assassination of her husband she acquired leadership position in the

party Under her leadership she formed United Socialist Alliance with the Lanka Sama

Samaja Party Nava Sama Samaja Party and Communist Party of Sri Lanka At the time

she was consistently receiving death threats and was narrowly escaped from an

assassination attempt as well Therefore in 1988 she left Sri Lanka and took refuge in

United Kingdom The SLMP was divided into two groups during her absence and she

was expelled from her party leadership (Silva 2017)

She returned to Sri Lanka in 1991 and became actively involved in the political

field through the platform of SLFP In May 1993 Mrs Kumaratunga was elected as a

chief minister of the Western province and became the first women in Sri Lanka who

headed the local government (Jackson 1999223)

But when Tamil Tiger suicide bomber attacked and killed Sri Lankan President

Premadasa on 1st May 1993 he was replaced by Dingiri Banda Wijitunge President

Wijitunge called for early elections in August 1994 in which Chandrika led the nine party

parliamentary alliance and became the prime minister of Sri Lanka(August- November

1994) by defeating the seventeen years rule of United National Party (Mendis 2006162)

50

During that time the separatists Liberation movement by the Tamil Tigers were in

full swing in the years following the presidential elections contested by Chandrika and the

separatists had started a civil war against the government During her election campaigns

Chandrika promised for peace process and the settlement of all disputes with the

Separatists Tamil Tigers This mandate helped her to be an elected President in 1995-

2005(Dahlburg 199401) then in 1998 she was again elected as president to serve for the

second time (Sharma 200467) However in 1999 an attempt of her assassination was

made by the Tamil separatists in which she narrowly escaped but was greatly wounded

(Uyangoda 2001210)

During Chandrika presidency she appointed her mother Sirimavo Bandaranaike

as Prime Minister (Pandey 200546) and ruled the parliamentary democracy till the death

of Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 2000 (Watson et al 2003209)

Being a President of Sri Lanka Chandrika tried to solve the problems with the

separatist group and held different rounds of peace talks with the separatists (Lakhsman et

al 200092) For such purpose President Chandrika Kumaratunga called for the hundred

days cease fire between the Separatists group and the government But after expiration of

the term the separatist group started violent activities She offered full autonomy to the

Tamil minority of her country which was welcomed by the minority but was rejected by

the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as they did not agree with the condition of

surrendering before the government with having a strong grip on the region (Carter 2010

404)

In December 2001 once again the United National Party came into power and

Ranil Wickremasinghe (the political opponent of Chandrika Kumaratunga) became prime

minister while Chandrika Kumaratunga remained in office of a President till November

2003 which created difficult relationship In February 2004 President dissolved the

parliament and called for new elections in April 2004 while the presidential election was

held in November 2005 in which Mahinda Rajapaksa became successful and became the

President replacing Chandrika Kumaratunga (Omer amp Springs 2013192)

According to the Sri Lankan constitution a person holding the office of a president

for two terms are not allowed to contest elections for third time So Chandrika

Kumaratunga tried to pass the party leadership by giving the reins of the party SLFP to

her brother till her own children were not able to hold the reins of power (Herath

200294)

51

23 INDIRA GANDHI (INDIA)

Indian first female Premier Indira Gandhi was born in Allahabad on November

19 1917 in an aristocratic and politically prominent family of Nehrulsquos Her grandfather

Motilal Nehru was a Nationalist leader and her father Jawaharlal Nehru a prominent

Indian Independence leader and the first Prime Minister of India (Frank 200213)

Indira was brought up in a political environment where she met politically

prominent figures influenced by her father Her initial studies was from different Indian

and non- Indian schools and sometimes from the private tutors In 1934 she started her

studies in Visva Bharatic Academy where the headmaster was a well -known writer

Rabindranath Tagore who taught her Philosophy and arts She then got admission at

Bristol England in a progressive School She started her graduation at Somerville

College Oxford in 1937(Flatt 2012184) and finally completed her higher studies from

Oxford (England) and Switzerland (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi 2013125)

After her graduation from Oxford in 1941 she returned to India She married to a

Parsi politician Feroze Gandhi in 1942 who was studying in London School of

Economics at the time when Indira Gandhi was in Oxford Indira Gandhi was actively

engaged in the Indian independence movement against the British Imperial power

because of which she was imprisoned by the British troops immediately after her

marriage from September 11th

1942-May 13th

1943 at Naini Central Jail Allahabad

(Thelikorala 201102)

In 1953 she became a member of the Congress working committee which was the

Indialsquos ruling party and she had also worked for the women interest while serving in the

women department of the Congress Party She had visited different parts of the country to

educate women of India about their fundamental rights and duties In 1959 she was the

only female and fourth president of the Indian National Congress Party (Flatt 2012185)

Indira Gandhi also served in Jawarharlal Nehru government after independence during

1947-65 and gained much power within the government (Jayakar 201204)

Then she became an elected member of the Rajya Sabha and held the post of the

Minister of Information and Broadcasting in the cabinet of Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964

after the demise of her father In 1966-1977 she was appointed as a Prime Minister of

India after the Shastrilsquos sudden death with the support of the K Kamaraj who was

President of the Congress party at that time She had won the elections of 1971 and

introduced different economic policies for the increased productivity of agriculture and

52

side by side she was also involved in the global politics as well In the 1970lsquos secessionist

conflict of East Pakistan she helped and supported them in their struggle of independence

against Pakistan to become an independent state of Bangladesh (Chacko 2012) During

her Premiership India exploded her first nuclear bomb which empowered India to protect

herself against foreign aggression and to create Indialsquos hegemony in South Asian region

as well (Flatt 2012187)

But in June 1975 because of the election irregularities in the 1971 elections and

violation of the election laws Allahabad High court ruled against her to vacate the post of

premier and banned her for six years from taking part in politics In response of such

ruling President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad had declared state of emergency on the advice of

Indira Gandhi Her government ban the media imprisoned her opponents limited the

fundamental rights of people and used police force against the strikes and protests of her

adversaries While on the other side her son Sanjay Gandhi had started the sterilization

programme for the control of Indian rapidly growing population Public rose against her

dictatorial rule and she announced the date for the next general elections in 1977On

March 23 1977 emergency was uplifted but she badly lost in the 1977 general elections

(Green 201303)

In 1980 elections were held for the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament) Indira

Gandhi and her Party again won the elections and all the cases against her were

withdrawn She became Prime Minister of India once again from 1980-84 but she faced

severe challenges including separatistlsquos movement by Sikhs community in Northern

Punjab who revolted against her government But they were badly crushed by the

Indiralsquos government through military operation named as ―Operation Blue Star against

the separatists within premises of the Sikhs Golden Temple Thousands of civilian lost

their lives in this revolt and she herself was shot dead on 31st October 1984 by two of her

Sikh bodyguard in revenge of the Golden Temple episode (Nadeau amp Rayamajhi

2013126)

Indira Gandhi served the nation in two phases 1967-1974 which were favourable

years of her charismatic leadership and she gained much popular support for her good

policies while the next phase 1975-1984 was considered to be the power centralization by

her who violently treated her opponents which gave her the image of dictator and

authoritarian leader Braga praised Indira Gandhi by stating that during her premiership

Indian literacy rate was increased to 30 and the poverty rate was decreased to 45 from

65 Her efforts and sound agricultural policies for the revival of agricultural sector

53

raised the production of different food items to 25 which brought Green Revolution in

India (Braga 2013) Such agricultural policies were the efforts by her government to

handle the inflation Through her sound economic policies she nationalized the Indian

Banks Indira also created diplomatic relations with United States and USSR through her

socialist policies India became the nuclear power of the region during her premiership

Her policies enabled India to be self ndash sufficient to such extent as to no longer dependent

on foreign aids (Aswathy 2013nd) Through her power and abilities she is compared

with Durga (Indian nation goddess) who has the power to stand against all odds (Braga

2013)

24 BENAZIR BHUTTO (PAKISTAN)

Benazir Bhutto was the first Muslim woman Prime Minister of a Muslim country

Pakistan She was born in Karachi (Pakistan) on 21st June 1953 and passed away on 27

th

Dec 2007 She received her early education from Karachi Convent of Jesus and Mary

School run by Irish Catholic nuns and then went for graduation to Harvard University

where she completed her graduation in Law at Lady Margaret Hall College Benazir

Bhutto obtained her diploma in Foreign Affairs from Oxford University (Buruma 1989)

Then in 1976 she became the First Pakistani student elected as a president of the Oxford

Union Debating Society in UK (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013274)

Benazir Bhutto was the daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto He was from the

wealthiest landowning families of Pakistan an Oxford educated lawyer former Prime

Minister of Pakistan and the founder of the popular political party Pakistan Peoplelsquos Party

in 1967(Hussain 200801) Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto got support of the people under the

banner of Islamic Socialism and ruled the county for seven years from 1970-1977 He

tried to overcome the main problems of Pakistan which was poverty socio-economic

imbalance and the dominance of the elite class in the socio-political system of Pakistan

but later he himself was in need of the elites support Some of his intimidating policies for

the suppression of the political opponents corruption and fraud ended his regime through

military coup by Zia-ul Haq (Dolek 200804) Likewise mother of Benazir Bhutto

Nusrat Ispahani was the daughter of the Iranian businessman Benazir Bhutto was the

eldest among her three siblings On Feb 17 1987 she married with Asif Ali Zardari Asif

Ali Zardari is the son of a landownerbusinessman friend of ZA Bhutto Hakim Ali

Zardari The couple was blessed with three children Bilawal Bakhtawar and Asifa

(Hussain 200802)

54

Benazir Bhutto was nurtured in a political environment by her father Z A Bhutto

General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law on 5th

July 1977 which was the

third martial law in Pakistanlsquos history Army chief promised for the elections to be

commenced within ninety days but later he didnlsquot fulfil his promise and postponed the

elections on the ground of accountability of the corrupt politicians As a result of

accountability process Z A Bhutto was trialled on charges of conspiracy and the killing

of Ahmad Raza Kasuri and was later executed on 4th

April 1979 Z A Bhutto wife

Nusrat Bhutto and his daughter Benazir Bhutto were placed under house arrest (ShahH

201304)

Imprisonment and then the demise of Z A Bhutto and the murder of her two

brothers made Benazir more enthusiastic responsible and active in the political affairs of

Pakistan but her life was full of difficulties facing time of exile house arrest then reached

to peak and gained power which was followed by her dismissals She returned to Pakistan

in 1977 after completing her education from Harvard and Oxford She was warmly

welcomed by the people of Pakistan and gave her the title of the daughter of Pakistanlsquo

(Dolek 200804) She earned the popular support which led her triumph over the military

ruler and through her inborn abilities she was able to retain such popularity (Chitkara

199667)

She followed the footprints of her father in politics and continued struggling for

the restoration of democracy against the General Zia-ul-Haq military rule For the

purpose to restore the democracy in Pakistan she launched a movement named

Movement for the Restoration of Democracylsquo in 1981 with the support of nine other

political parties Her efforts were for the restoration of 1973 constitution parliamentary

elections for the purpose to transfer power to the democratically elected government and

to uplift the martial law As a result she was imprisoned till 1984 (ShahH 201304) The

period between1979-1984 Benazir faced house arrests imprisonment and self- exile to

UK in 1986Then in 1986 she returned to Pakistan and started her campaign for office

She was recalled as the political opponent of General Zia (Eoan 2007 02)

The excessive international pressure on Zia regime for the restoration of

democracy made Zia announcing the election date in November 16th

1988 on non- party

basis This elections were challenged by Benazir Bhutto in the Court of Justice but before

any judgement Zia ndashul Haq died in a plane crash on 17th

August 1988 Ghulam Ishaq

Khan became the President of Pakistan and he held the general elections on 16th

and 19th

November 1988 which was won by Benazir Bhutto party On 2nd

December 1988 she

55

became the first youngest (35 years old) Muslim woman Prime Minister of an Islamic

country Pakistan (Khuhro amp Soomro 2013275)

Benazir had occupied the post of Prime Minister from 1988-1990 and then from

1993-1996 She was the parliamentary opposition leader from 1990-1993 and from 1997-

1998 She spent almost seven years (1999-2007) in self ndash exile and was assassinated in

2007 (OlsquoConner 2010382) Benazir Bhutto held twice the position of Prime Minister

though she never managed to complete her terms but was a significant political figure in

Pakistani politics (Iwanaga 2008 37)

Bhutto in her biography intended that her struggle paved the way to change the

traditional aspects of our society the common perception regarding the Asian women

gender role is to perform the family responsibilities Benazir Bhutto stated that she faced

the same challenges in the traditional society of Pakistan as an ordinary women faced

when criticized by the clergy She worked for democracy liberty and social justice in

Pakistan Benazir Bhutto brought some reforms in the early year of her government and

made the press free gave the people their basic right of speech and thoughts and made

Pakistan free from all sorts of exploitation (Khan et al 2015203)

McCarthy contends that later Bhutto turned against her promises and worked for

the consolidation of her political power rather than struggle for the betterment of people

She relied on the support of elite class instead of public Similarly she tried to settle the

problems with India and Afghanistan through negotiations without taking the military in

confidence which created great resentment in armed forces Her close ties with the West

and US for the foreign aid gave her a political breakdown and her government was

dismissed in August 1990 on the charges of bargaining for personal gains and there was a

political competition and the humiliation of the opponents (McCartney 2011170)

But Benazir Bhutto was again re-elected in 1993President Farooq Laghari had

good relations with Benazir and promised her to freely work without the interference of a

president She faced severe problems like in 1994-95 Mohajir Quami Movement(MQM)

led the Mohajir Nationalism in Sindh and was involved in violent acts which the

government of Benazir responded aggressively (Shah 199778) Similarly financial

condition of Pakistan was bad that country was close to bankruptcy She led Social

Action Programme (SAP) to provide better life facilities to the people Her government

received foreign aid but most of it was utilized for the electricity generation Her

government choose to support US led Afghan Taliban both financially and military

(Tucker 2010209) This policy made the military legitimized institution to interfere in

56

the politics of Pakistan Her government was again terminated in 1997 on the basis of

corruption and maladministration (Naden 201169)

She went into exile for the second time in 2007 After political negotiations with

the President Musharraf she returned to Pakistan On her very return she survived from an

attack on her life She faced second attack on her life in a procession gathered in

Rawalpindi but she could not survive from this attack and died on 27th

December 2007

Benazir Bhutto was a courageous and brave woman and always took risk for her life and

fought against dictators (Brown 200810) Though her life was full of troubles struggles

successes and dismissals but throughout her life she faced the difficult situation

courageously and worked for the rights education and better life standards of people She

struggled hard against the dictatorial military rule of General Zia-ul Haq and led a

movement for the restoration of Democracy (MRD) and brought an end to the 11 years

rule of a military regime (Shah H 201301)

25 BEGUM KHALIDA ZIA (BANGLADESH)

Bangladesh Prime Minister Khalida Zia was born in a business family in

Jalpaiguri (North Eastern part of the Bangladesh) on August 15th

1945 She married Zia-

ur- Rehman (b1935-d1981) in 1960 at fifteen years of age Zia-ur- Rehman was serving

in the Pakistan army as a captain at the time of her marriage She had completed her

studies at the college level three years later after her marriage Then they were being

transferred to West Pakistan for the Zia- ur- Rehman commitment in the 1965 war of

Pakistan and India to command the East Pakistan Regiment in the war (Gerlach

2013120) and later in 1967 the family returned to East part of Pakistan (now

Bangladesh) When the liberation war was started by Eastern part of Pakistan the country

was divided into eleven different zones and Zia-ur- Rehman was the general in charge of

one zone He led the Mukhti Bahini Battalion and fought against Pakistan became

victorious and Bangladesh emerged as an independent state on the map of the world in

1971 After the Sheikh Mujeeblsquos assassination in 1975 he became the Chief of Army and

a dominant figure of Army (editors of American Heritage 2005865) General Zia-ur-

Rehman became the countylsquos first military dictator who occupied the post of countrylsquos

Presidency from 1977-1980 During Zia-ur-Rehman presidency Khalida Zia acted as a

typical house wife and remained away from politics (Gerlach 2013121)

But the situation after the assassination of her husband in 1981paved the way for

the politically inexperienced Khalida Zia towards political leadership (Hudson 199740)

57

There were three candidates for the BNP presidency and in 1984 she became the leader of

her husbandlsquos party Bangladesh National Party (BNP) which was a sign of popular

support for her (Hudson 199739)

The women in Bangladesh who fought against the military dictator were two

noteworthy Begums Begum Khalida Zia and Begum Hasina Wajid In 1990 their

struggles became fruitful and they brought an end to the military rule of Ershad for the

second time (Foley 2013222) Then under the supervision of the interim government

elections were held in 1991 which was considered to be the first ever democratic elections

after the Bangladesh independence The leader of Bangladesh National Party (BNP)

Begum Khalida Zia became an elected prime minister of Bangladesh and the rival party

Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina Wajid occupied the opposition benches Khalida

Zia brought certain changes in the constitution and replaced presidential form of

government into parliamentary form with prime minister having the vast executive

powers Human rights situation became improved in the country by eliminating the

restriction on the fundamental rights of the people (Askwik 199595)

Her government made laws regarding compulsory education for female and the

bill related to the death penalty for the crimes against the children and women was also

introduced in February 14th

1995 in the parliament (Ahmed 2004231) The military ruler

Ershad was imprisoned on the corruption charges Her official visits to Saudi Arabia and

China in 1991 were for the purpose of technical and economic cooperation Likewise her

visit to India in 1992 was for the purpose to resolved water sharing problem During a

visit Bangladesh signed nine hundred and ninety nine years lease agreement of Teen

Bigha Corridor with India She also made official visits to Pakistan Iran and Burma led

her country close to the neighbouring and other countries of the World (Ahmed 2004

232) Her foreign policy moves around good relations with China and Pakistan to counter

the threats from the outside World especially from India (Singh 2010284)

She held the post of Prime Minister of Bangladesh from 1991-1996 and then from

2001-2006 Again under the supervision of a caretaker government elections were held

on 1st October 2001 in which BNP led the four party alliance won two-third majority in

the Parliament and Khalida Zia became the prime minister on 10th

October

2001(International business publication 201135) Awami League throughout the BNP

government boycotted and then returned to the parliament regarding different issues and

criticized the sound economic and foreign policies of the BNP government Law and

order situation became worst during 2005 when extremist Islamist group attacked

58

different government buildings and killed number of people but were suppressed by the

government and peace was restored (International business publication 201136)

Though Khalida Zia was an inexperienced political leader but after achieving the

post of Premier she developed her skills and was able to cope with the new situation She

tried to solve different issues with the neighbouring countries Her close relations with the

different countries were the clear indication of her sound and friendly foreign policy

Such efforts make Bangladesh able to defend herself against any aggression

26 SHEIKH HASINA WAJID (BANGLADESH)

Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman father of the Bangladeshi nation became the first

Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1975 He was assassinated on August 10th

1975 along

with his family members (Mitra et al 200623) His daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajid

survived the assassination attempt because she was in Germany at the time of her fatherlsquos

assassination Sheikh Hasina Wajid (daughter of the founding father) remained in exile

for six years But she returned to Bangladesh and actively participated in countrylsquos

politics After the assassination of all her family members political succession of her

family was passed to Hasina Wajid In 1981 she was elected as the President of Awami

League (Stange et al 2011 669) In 1986 she became the opposition leader by winning

three constituencies in the Bangladeshi Parliament Then in 1991 she became an

oppositional leader with the government leader Khalida Zia During this tenure Khalida

Zia initiated twelfth amendment in the constitution for the prime ministerial form of

government in the country (Chakrabarti 2013483)

Sheikh Hasina Wajid struggled for the fair democratic government by demanding

the resignation of the corrupt politicians to conduct general elections in 1996 under the

supervision of the caretaker government These elections were won by Awami league a

political party led by Sheikh Hasina Wajid She was able to form a coalition government

and she took an oath of the tenth Prime minister of Bangladesh on May 10th

1996She

remained in office from 1996-2001(Whyte 200036) She had served the country twice as

a prime minister from1996- 2001 and from 2009mdashpresent (Stange et al 2011669) Her

electoral victory paved the way for democracy after twenty one yearlsquos long struggle

against the oppressive corrupt rule and after the continuous imposition of martial laws

(Chitkara 1998313)

In December 1996 Ganges water sharing treaty was signed with India by Sheikh

Hasina She was enthusiastic to work for the improvement and development of her

59

country (International Business Publication 201138) Then in 1997 a peace accord

named Chittagong Hill tract was signed by her government and then in 1998 opened

Bangabandhu Bridge across the Jamuna River which linked the eastern and western part

of the country Her policies are related to create friendly relations with other countries

(Shrestha 2002237)

Later in the 2001 elections her party was defeated and she became an opposition

leader The elections were to be held in 2007 but later the schedule was changed and the

elections become delayed Sheikh Hasina Wajid was arrested on the charges of bribery

and some other charges Then in 2008 elections Awami League formed a grand alliance

with fourteen other political parties and won an absolute majority Sheikh Hasina Wajid

again took the responsibility of the country as a prime minister in January 2009(Foley

2013222)

This time she is more enthusiastic The first initiative took by her government is

the formation of a committee for the restoration of the original constitution Her

government also announced the women development and education policies in 2010

Women development policies ensures the equal property rights for the women and

specified forty percent quota for women in different government jobs including

parliament and local bodies While in the education policy they make free primary

education compulsory and the emphasis would be more on the scientific and

technological education She also took initiatives to solve all her problems with the

opponent BNP for the betterment and progress of the country (Mastoor 200923)

Her government also signed an accord in 2011 on the four-decade old border

dispute with India According to the accord demarcation of the boundaries of both the

countries and the exchange of their occupied area of about seven thousand acres and fifty

thousand people are to be return During her rule government tribunal was formed to

investigate the members of the Bangladesh Islamist party Jammat-i- Islami was charged

with the war crimes because of their cooperation with Pakistan during the liberation war

of 1971(Chopra 2015211)

27 CORAZON AQUINO (PHILIPPINES)

The first female Filipino leader Corazon Aquino being ascended to the highest

post of Presidency was born in 1933 and died of Cancer in 2009 She was the daughter of

a Jose Cojuangco sugar baron and have owned a family bank Her father was also a

member of the National Assembly of Philippines Both of her grandfathers were also the

60

respected senators Her initial schooling was at Manila Later after the family moved to

USA in 1946 where she completed her education She had been graduated from Mount St

Vincent College in New York City in 1954 and had married with a young politician of

Philippines Benigno Aquino She had supported her husband in his political career but

lived her life as a simple housewife with five children (Magill 199986)

Marcos won the elections and became the elected president of Philippines in 1965

and in 1969 But he imposed Martial law (1972-1986) which deteriorated the socio-

economic and political situation of the country and raised many problems (Quimpo

2012nd) He also treated the opponents brutally Senator Beningo Jr was among his

political opponents who remained a senator from 1967-72(Powers et al 201123)

Beningo and his companions faced imprisonment (September 1972-May 1980) and had

faced forced exile for three years On his return in August 1983 he was assassinated at

Manila airport which further intensify the already turbulent situations (Magill 199986)

Popular uprising against the dictatorial rule of Marcos pressurized him to conduct

legislative elections held in 1984 where the opposition minority became successful This

success further boosted the energies of the opposition to continue their struggle against

the dictator Later worst economic conditions of the country and the foreign pressure

compelled Marcos to conduct Presidential elections in February 1986 These elections

were won by Corazon Aquino (the widow of Senator Beningo) She held the post of

Presidency from 1986-1992(Gin 2004168)

She was a courageous women who had started a revolution through Peoplelsquos

Power against the dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 who had murdered her husband

senator Benigno S Aquino in 1983(Julio 2012201) Though she gained power after the

assassination of her husband but she was inexperienced politicians and was targeted by

her political rivals time and again These criticisms further increased her image as a

morally good political leader who always work for the welfare of their people instead of

her personal interests (Thompson 2013156) It was possible only because of her courage

which brought twenty years dictatorship of Marcos to an end and raised the flag of

democracy in chaotic economically and politically unstable Philippines (Maynard

198703)

Though she was inexperienced politician simple house wife but was backed and

supported by the Catholic Church bishops the businessmen and civil society groups for

her morality and her fair struggle for democracy and justice This noble mission was

started by her husband but was followed by her They monitored the elections and

61

marched against the dictator which resulted the Marcos to escape to US Corazon Aquino

became the first female elected President of Philippines She formed a commission to

draft the constitution with a strong President and guaranteed full civil rights (Thompson

2015208-209)

Aquino worked for the stabilization of economy by bringing back wealth of the

country embezzled by Marcos Her policies regarding good governance security human

rights and security of the people of Philippines and regained the military support are the

work of a true leader Current President Benigno Noynoy S Aquino III is the son of

President Corazon Aquino She was from the elitist class staunch Catholic Time and

situation made her to enter into politics and united her people against the dictatorial rule

of Marcos who struggled hard for the restoration of democracy (Coronel 2009 04)

She retired from public office in June 1992 but continued her struggle for the

Filipinos She raised her voice against the President Joseph Estrada in 2001 on the basis

of fraudulent presidential elections President Arroyo demanded his resignation but never

actively participated in the politics again for the purpose to provide chances to the young

blood (McKee amp Wallerstein 200903)

28 THE RISE OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADER CRITICAL ANALYSIS

The above mentioned women reached to top leadership positions in countries

where women are far from achieving political equality and their rights (Lithgow

200001) However ironically women politicians of the Northeast Southeast and South

Asia also led many governments and the opposition movements In Pakistan Sri Lanka

Bangladesh India and Philippines women are predominant in politics and have occupied

top leadership posts as presidents and prime ministers several times in their respective

countries The most notable among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika

Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) Corazon C Aquino and Gloria Macapagal-

Arroyo(Philippines) Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan) Indira Gandhi amp Sonia Gandhi(India)

Aung San Suu Kyi(Burma) Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia) Wan Azizah Wan Ismail

(Malaysia) Begum Khalida Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wajid(Bangladesh)

Mostly the political victimization and crisis situations of family and country excel

these women in public domain and motivate them to endeavour for the rights and

prosperity of public Further Fleschenberg argues that they are the elected representatives

of their people but are the descendent from socially and politically influential families and

ruling dynasties (Fleschenberg 200924-25) It is often assumed that their political legacy

62

grant them top leadership positions of party leadership prime ministers presidents and

opposition leaders (Derich ampThompson 201330Jalalzai 2004) These women political

leaders have ably led the political parties of their husbands and fathers Basu argues that

they are either the daughters of the founding fathers or the influential figures of their

respective countries They arewere the privileged political ladies whose parents or

husbands served the country as prime ministers or former politicians (Basu 200506)

They skilfully led their political parties and united the dispirited public and had

articulated their hopes and ably gained their support as well

Though these women political leaders laid the foundation of dynastic model of

democracy they became the successors of the political positions of the slaying male

members of their families and set a pattern for the future females to occupy the political

positions in the same hereditary manner (Tuminez 201208 Altson 2014203 Jensen

2008 15 )

Being the successors of the political victimized male they benefitted by gaining

the sympathies and support of their people Derich and Thompson mentioned Srimavo

Bandaranaike prominence as weeping widowlsquo and mother of the orphan childrenlsquo

(Derich amp Thompson 201321) Srimavo Bandaranaike got sympathies of public through

a political narrative highlighting the achievements and sacrifices made by her husband

and her own ordeals in response to the death threats at the death of her husband (Jensen

200816)

But their skills and strategies to manipulate the situations in a manner to create a

suitable environment in the patriarchal and traditional societieslsquo further facilitated them in

political struggle Scholars posit that the education of these women leaders such as Indira

Gandhi Benazir Bhutto and Chandrika Kumaratunga from the reputed colleges and

universities the social strata and their privileged class as compared to the general

population also facilitated them in their rise to top leaderships (Jalazai amp Krook 201008

Deeba amp Wilson 201380) These privileges further increased their probabilities of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Though mostly women political leaders are inexperienced politicians performing

the typical traditional role as mothers and homemakers and they are considered to be

symbolic leaders who can be easily influenced and controlled by the male party members

as compared to the established male leaders (Bakshi 200101) But these suppositions are

nullified by the women political leaders as they prove themselves strong (Skard

2015155) They demonstrate political acumen and ability to improvise through fast

63

learning (Bakshi 200101) Scholars have also referred to their intelligence ethics

(Derichs amp Thompson 2013) efficiency (Alston 2014 235) trustworthiness and honesty

and risk taking in tumultuous political environment as compared to their male associates

(Skard 2015156) The effectiveness of a political leader lies in their sincerity honesty

and trustworthiness Women politicians demonstrate these characteristics (Davidson

200470)

Thus skills characteristics and qualities demonstrated by Asian women leaders

such as both Corazon Aquino and Srimavo Bandaraika were politically inexperienced but

their supporters considered them to be very ethical morally upright and reliable leaders

with illustrious political history of public welfare (Thompson 2013156)

Women political leaders from South Asia have taken the charge of the

disorganized political parties when the later were in bad shape Each of the six women

leaders (Indira Gandhi Srimavo amp Chandrika Bandaranaika Khalida Zia Sheikh Hasina

Wajid and Benazir Bhutto) reorganized their parties in a much better way This shows

their ability as leaders in their own right (Gupta 2014191) Such politically skilled

leaders are aware of the feeling emotions and requirements of their people by creating

friendly environment and are able to influence their people with the help of their skills to

handle the difficult situation with ease (Braddy amp Campbell 201401) They recognized

themselves as true leaders of their people which make them able to remain in power

(Fernandes 201472)

Women politicians are able enough to impart a message of power strength and

decisiveness (Campus 201306) Women leaders are not just the compromising leaders

but they are strong enough to have adopted sound policies and took strong actions against

those who sabotage their respective governments

For a politically skilled leader social relationship is needed for the purpose to get

the support of their people to achieve the objectives (Ferris et al 2007293-295) Women

politicians through their former socialization and political skills formed their relationship

across different constituencies and influenced their public in general to create a

relationship with them in such a manner that they started including them in their struggle

to achieve the desired goals (Klenke 201156) This is also because women are believed

to have good communication skills (Mirza amp Jabeen 2011270 Lussier and Achua

201310-11) Scholars have praised Benazir Bhutto political wisdom courage eloquent

endurance (Hossain 201101) and commitment towards peoplelsquos welfare and

determination for the achievement of the set goals Benazir Bhutto is credited as being

64

an effective and democratic leader because of her political skills as perseverance and

determination (Shah B 2014)

Similarly writers appraised Srimavo Bandaranaike courage political skills

dedication capacity to learn and toughness (De Silva 200001) She was a modest

trusteed and powerful member of her cabinet (Richardson 2005308) While Indira

Gandhi earned the title of an Iron Lady of Indialsquo because of her tough actions against

the odds (Thelikorala 201101) With such exceptional skills attributes and

determination these women leaders became a role model and example for other women

folk (Mydens 201005)

Similarly apart for political skills socialization and circumstances are important

determinants for the emergence and amelioration of these political leaders Socialization

provided the force and skill to gain political power (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009 Halder

200433) The grooming of Benazir Bhutto was totally for the political leadershipBenazir

was brought up to be her father political heir As an elder child of her family she got

special attention Z A Bhutto took Benazir to attend his political meeting and

conferences (Skard 2015125) Similarly Indira Gandhi was also trained for politics the

fact that other ladies were able to hold their own in the tumultuous situation must be

regarded as a tribute to their resilience as politicians (Dixit 200845)

Political socialization for Srimavo Bandranaike Khalida Zia and Corazon Aquino

started after the assassination of their husbands They came to the forefront and achieved

the leadership of their political parties founded by their consorts and then occupied the

top leadership position of their countries as well (Jalalzai amp Krook 201009)

Apart from skills the circumstancesituation are also helpful in the emergence of

these women leaders to the top political leadership positions and got political successes

(Jalalzai ampKrook 201009 Halder 200433) Scholars postulates that the place time and

circumstances facilitates the rise of a great leader (Bass et al 198138 Martin et al

200645) and situational leadership demands the compatible leadership style to the

involvement and capacity of their followers (Northouse 2013 99) The above mentioned

women political leaders emerged in an uncertain chaotic situations They sought political

power in dramatic situation created by military coup murder or sudden death of a leader

or opposition by authoritarian forces Women leaders led peaceful movement against

autocratic and military rulers (OlsquoConner 2010384) and women are highly vulnerable in

conflict situations whether household related conflict or violence community or local

tensions armed conflict and civil war(Mwagiru nd01)

65

Political unrest the demand for change and the unpopular regimes are helpful in

providing opportunities to the women to take the leadership position (Skard 2015154)

Authoritarian military rule has curtailed democratic processes in some South Asian

countries which opened ways for the empowerment of discriminated groups including

women (Shaheed nd07) These women got prominent leadership position through

democratic revolution in Asia Uncertain situation in their countries provide chances to

the women politicians to hold the top political leadership positions as they are thought to

be more honest moral and selfless advocates of the cause of their assassinated martyred

father or husband (Shehabuddin 201472)

But all these women have their own experiences and have their own distinct style

for configuring the influences and events (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) The emergence of

Benazir Bhutto (Lithgow 200005) Khalida Zia Hasina Wajid (Foley 2013222) and

Corazon Aquino have revolted against the dictatorial rule in their own ways

They faced different situations such as house arrest exile threats and the

assassination attempts However they survived and proved themselves as the substantiate

leaders of the people because of their persistency in hard times (Shehabuddin 201472)

which paved the way for democracy and provide the fundamental rights of the people

Srimavo Bandranaike Chandrika Kumaratunga (Martin amp Borrelli 199745) and Indira

Gandhi faced different problems before and even after their commencement to top

leadership positions from the secessionistseparatists group Similarly Benazir Bhutto

also faced resistance from the conservativereligious parties like Jamat-i-Islami JUI

clerics supporting by the ulemas of Saudi Arabia issuing fatwas against the women rule

A series of violent acts and agitation started to destabilize the new elected government

but Benazir Bhutto called it the consequences of the election results by those who faced

defeat and are backed by military (Ispahani 201556) These women leaders have resisted

militarism desire to become equally represented in democracies (Pandey 200517) raised

their voices against military dictators

All the above mentioned women political leaders after gaining top leadership

position stood courageously against all odds and critical situations (Jensen 200819) and

despite the numerous hurdles and constraints these women made their way to advance to

top leadership positions They also achieved remarkable progresses by learning leadership

skills like their male counterparts (Foley 2013230)

Women leaders after gaining power in critical situations proved themselves as

survivors Indira Gandhi appeared as a champion of democracy and steadfast leader who

66

would not bow before any one For this reason she was given the title Durga4mother

(Hindus Goddess) However Indira Gandhi was also given the title of Kalilsquo5because of

her oppressive measures against her opponents (Panday 200552)

These women leaders are the pioneer of advancing the positive political change in

traditional societies such a change is important to create an atmosphere for the women to

be equally suitable to run the political office These women mobilised politicians and

traditional leaders to accept women in the parliaments and endure higher self-esteem and

confidence (Kumari 2014) Through their experience women political leaders improved

their decision-making skills They brought necessary changes within their countries in

spite of the unfriendly social and political environment Their political leadership have

transformed general perception regarding the status of women as weak inferior and

innocent to strong intelligent and capable leaders Their leadership enables women

voices to be more influential and prominent within governance processes (Kumari 2014)

29 CONCLUSION

Strong social and politically influential family ties facilitated the above mentioned

women politicians to acquire political leadership However their own political skills and

the ability to use the situation in which they rose to power are also an important

contributing factors They have the unbeatable courage patience intelligence moral and

ethical characters which enabled them to occupy the top leadership positions and also to

retain them They won the support and trust of their followers in general over a period of

time and this ensured their stay in power Such popular support is evident from the fact

that different titles were extended to them such as goddesslsquo (Indira Gandhi) motherlsquo

and daughterlsquo (Benazir Bhutto) Therefore we can conclude that women political leaders

in Asia acquired top political positions and retained them (such as Prime Minister

President) primarily through their consistent struggle and extraordinary talent They also

retained those positions for a period of time Such examples also served to inspire more

women to get into politics and acquire leadership positions in their respective countries

4 Durga The righteous Hindu Goddess who got success on slaughtering the demon riding on her lion

5 Kali Black one she is also the Hindulsquos Goddess considered as a symbol of destruction and fury who also

fought against demons and evils According to their sacred book when Durga loses control or when faces

dreadful enemy Kali is born from Durga anger and embody her furore Kali generally threatened order and

stability She is the goddess of Fierce Her worshippers considered her as a mother of sympathy

67

CHAPTER ndash 3

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

It is pertinent to analyse the socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun

women in order to understand the struggle of Nasim Wali Khan This will put her case in

a proper context as well The economic political and social status of women in Pukhtun

society assist us comprehend the structural conditions in which these women live and

struggle Their situations acquaint us about the hindrances which are still obstructing the

way of these women In this chapter history customs traditions behaviours and attitudes

of the Pukhtun men towards women are discussed for the purpose to identify the main

hindrances confronted by Pukhtun women in various fields of life including politics

Though there are some exceptions where Pukhtun women gained political prominence

however the overall conditions are discouraging towards women political participation

Majority of the Pukhtuns inhabit areas constituting parts of Pakistan and

Afghanistan The triangular shaped area of about 250 000 square miles between the

Central Asia South Asia and the Iranian Plateau of Sijistan starts from Dir in the North

moves along the Indus turns West wards towards Dera Ismail Khan in the South where it

is connected with Sharigh Degar Loralai Harnai Quetta Pishin Chaman and Qandahar

and extends towards Herat From this place it moves into the foothills of Hindukush in

the North-East and again annexed to Dir (Caroe 1958 XVIII) The larger part of Khyber

Pukhtunkhwa (province of Pakistan) and 34th

South East region of Afghanistan consisted

of this area This mountainous area is divided between Pakistan and Afghanistan They

form the Worldlsquos largest group of tribesmen The demographic details of Pukhtuns are

obscure because of their residence in remote areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan

Particularly their number in Afghanistan is not known because no official census is done

in Afghanistan recently However various estimates show that Pukhtuns are over 30

million (Barry 2013 20)

Pukhtun population is not limited to Pak-Afghan borderland There is

considerable population of Pukhtuns in urban areas of Pakistan such as Karachi and

Islamabad as well Pukhtuns also live as diaspora in Europe and USA for quite some

time They have substantial presence in Middle East as labourers and businessmenA

small minority of Pukhtuns is also present in India and Bangladesh as well

Pukhtuns throughout the world have some common features most notably their

68

language locally known as Pukhtu or Pashto language unwritten code of conduct

(Pukhtunwali) and their strict adherence to Sunni Islam but with exceptions of Shias of

Kurram agency and some other areas (Danver 2013559) There are different

explanations regarding the origin of Pukhtuns Pukhtuns consider themselves the

descendants of a mythical figure called Qais Abdur Rashid who is believed to have

travelled from Hindu Kush to Arabia and accepted Islam directly at the hands of the Holy

Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and died in 662CE (Christensen 1988144 Dyndo

200707)

However some scholars argue that Pukhtuns are a race born out of the

intermarriages of Aryans with foreign invaders in Pak-Afghan borderland Pre-Islamic

Pukhtun culture dates back to 330 BCE (Khan 2015) Others claim that Pukhtuns are the

descendant of Afghana (grandson of King Saul of Israel) who ruled during 11 century

BCE the lost tribe of Israel (Danver 2013 559) A Pukhtun scholar Pareshan Khattak

opposes all the early theories related to the origin of Pukhtuns He argues that the absence

of proper historic precedents regarding the above mentioned theories make them

ambiguous He argues that Pukhtuns have their own specific identity through which they

are recognized with Since their known origin Pukhtuns have been distinctive and

therefore cannot be relating to other ethnicities or nations They are neither Aryans nor

Mongols Pukhtuns is an ancient nation with centuries old civilization (Khattak 2005)

Pareshan Khattak further argues that historically Pukhtuns lived in close proximity

with different nations they have adopted some characteristics still observed in form of

Pukhtunwali Khattak illustrates that if we analyse the Aryans nation we observed that

they respected their elders They didnlsquot follow the inherited monarchy Similarly their

social system is based on Tribalism Tribal system made the Aryans united as a nation

against the invaders They were hospitable They honoured their guests and offered them

good meal Khattak argues that all these features are present in Pukhtunwali as well

However still Pukhtuns are identified as a distinct nation who followed their own codes

of conduct in the form of Pukhtunwali since their inception (Khattak 2005194)

I argue that despite different theories regarding their origin Pukhtuns have a

strong sense of solidarity towards each other and they consider themselves as the

descendants of a single forefather who lived somewhere in Afghanistan Thus belief in

common ancestry makes them united through an organized social order This is often

typical of tribal societies which trace their lineage to a patriarchal head with blood ties

connecting the entire tribe Following is a detail of their social and political existence

69

SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF THE PUKHTUN SOCIETY

Segmentary lineage system forms the very basic structure of the society There is

hierarchy of social groupings in such societies Such grouping started from the local level

moving upward through several levels and forms the entire ethnic group The relationship

is based on shared values culture and kinship Pukhtuns are highly concerned with the

origin genealogies and descent (Caroe 1958) Barfield argues that prime loyalty of

Pukhtuns is towards their kin village tribe and ethnic group generally termed as qawm

(Barfield 201018)

Family forms the very base of the Pukhtunslsquo hierarchical structure Kul (family) is

usually used for enlarged family while Koranai and Tabar is used for smaller family Kul

is sometimes used for referring to a group of families closely related to each other They

have maintained their individuality and identity (Kilcullen200974) These extended

families united together in smaller groups forming lineage (Plarganey) which united

together in kinship groups are called clans (Khels) These multiple kin groups form a tribe

(qawm) They usually united against the common rivals who threatened their existence

(Munoz 201004)

Tribes (qawm) are usually comprised of number of groups and sub-groups

(Khels) There are numerous subdivisions who occupied specific areas close to each

other Tribe is basically a social organization which is based on lineage and locality They

share common ancestry language culture and history (Kakar 1979 Moghaddam et al

2012807)

Likewise Barth provides specifics of the traditional arrangements of Pukhtuns

organizations He posits that Pukhtuns present in the central belt of the barren hills are

engaged in mixed agriculture (Barth 1969118) Mostly tribesmen are descendants of the

common predecessors Pukhtuns are organized in patrilineal segmentary lineage system

(Barth 1969118) These levels of organization exist within the Pashtun tribal system

Tribal society maintained peculiar mannerism values norms and traditions (Kilcullen

200974) In other words Lindholm called such social structure an ―acephalous

patrilineal segmentary system This means that they lack institutionalized leadership and

hierarchy as well (1982 xxiv)

Barth argues that Pukhtuns living in the plains valleys of Pakistan are mostly

arduous agriculturist with having artificial irrigation system They are the land owners

while the villagers serve them in the lands as their tenants Pukhtun population living in

70

the towns are traders administrators craftsmen and labourers as well Likewise some

Pukhtuns are living a pastoral life politically organized as tribes Barth states that

politically Pukhtuns are segmentary organization of the Pukhtun descent group In some

areas they are living without an institutionalised leadership while in some areas having a

quasi-feudal system with subject to bureaucratic administration (Barth 1969118)

I argue that recently their socio-economic organization has changed considerably

Different classes according to the wealth property and authority have emerged among

them All these classes are engaged in different professionsworks which determine their

position in their society The proprietorship of wealth and land gave powerful status to

Pukhtuns in their society Alam (2012 315) posits that in Pukhtun tribal areas affluent

and powerful elites are the Maliks They are actually the chief of their tribes who enjoyed

highest status in their respective tribes while in settled areas they are called as Khanans

(Swat areas) Nawabans (Mardan) and similar names granted to them according to their

status in the society So the status and engagement of work in Pukhtun society is based

on the distribution and possession of wealth and land The landless or small landholders

are engaged in farm related activities while the one with possession of large lands are

landlords to farmers (Alam 2012 315)

Poor people of the tribe serve rich in their homes as their servants (Khitmatgaran)

and in fields as their tenants Holy groups of the Pukhtun tribesmen as Mian Sayyids and

also land owners are on top of the hierarchy Then other groups as Mullahs (who perform

the religious duties have a marginal involvement in political affairs of Pukhtun society)

shopkeepers goldsmith tailors carpenters shepherds barbers butchers musicians and

dancers are placed in lower categories People of all these categories are politically

socially and economically dependent on the landlord families (Ahmed 2006 19-20)

Similarly women of high social status are partly visible in public places whereas

more specifically women of elite class in the villages are confined to the four walls of

their houses and not permitted to move outside freely Female of poor families mostly

help their males in fields and also perform household chores at homes of the wealthy

Pukhtun families (Alam 2012 315) Nevertheless this is changing with the passage of

time Major changes occurred after 1970lsquos Considerable number of Pukhtuns went to

Gulf States for earning The remittances they sent home have brought changes in

economic and social structures of Pukhtuns The number of landholders have increased

considerably which led to the transformation of social stratification (Rafiq 201778)

Undoubtedly Pukhtuns living in any part of the world have a great respect

71

towards Pukhtunwali they follow the code variently Pukhtuns have always considered

the code (Pukhtunwali) an ideal conduct and have been trying to observe and follow it by

for centuries

PUKHTUNWALI AN UNWRITTEN CODE OF CONDUCT

Pukhtunwali is a flexible code of conduct which is not static but dynamic and

negotiable It covers political socio- economic and religious aspects of life These

attributes are closely associated by Pukhtuns with their Pukhtun identity These are not

attributes themselves but a complex form of concepts of justice and honour which is

derived from Pukhtuns specific value orientations These value orientations are

autonomy equality bravery individuality and aggressiveness collectively named as

Pukhtunwali (Krbek amp Pollitt 197715) Rehman states that Pukhtunwali is centurieslsquo old

unwritten code of conduct followed by Pukhtuns at the cost of their lives (Shams-ur-

Rehman 2015299) Thus different features of Pukhtunwali are still followed and

respected by Pukhtuns

One of the features of Pukhtunwali is Jirga which is considered to be the very

cause of its flexibility where issues and disputes are discussed and resolved (Taj 2011)

Another feature of Pukhtunwali is Melmastia (hospitality) for which Pukhtuns are

characterized with (Lindholm 1982211) Melma means guest They are honoured and

respected by Pukhtuns Once under the roof of Pukhtuns they are treated as guests and

served well with good food place and shelter (Ali 201302) Barth argues that these

informal institutions are the facilitating factors for Pukhtuns to maintain their common

values and specific identity within a segmentary population (Barth 1969123)

Similarly if an individual is an asylum seeker and wants protection of his life

from his foes such guests will be given every possible protection against his enemies

(Lindholm 1982211 Taj 201102) This is termed as Panah or protection (Saigol

201350) Likewise if the culprit seek mercy at the house of the victims Nanawati

(shelter) is granted to them (Harnden 201425)

Badal (revenge) is another code of conduct (Lindholm 1982211) which should

be taken at any cost Responsibility of revenge ran deep in the blood of Pukhtuns

(Easwaran 199917) Miakheil argues that Pukhtuns never forget to take a revenge

though sometimes it may defer for some purpose as according to the Pakhtu proverb

―Ka cheeri Pukhtun khapal badal sal kala pas ham wakhle no beya ham-e-bera

karay dardquo

72

Translation if a Pukhtun took his revenge after hundred years he still seems to be in a

hurry (Miakheil 20035)

So revenge is taken against the wrongdoers otherwise such family or individuals

lose prestige in the society To protect themselves from such stigma Pukhtuns involve

themselves in unending blood feuds (Miakheil 20035) Thus revenge is the liability on

the shoulders of an affected family or tribe which should be taken in any way by any

generation This code of conduct (Badal) even destroys the lives of more than one

generations

Mostly Pukhtuns prefer to live in joint family system which enhances their family

solidarity and welfare Such communal life is a source of their economic security and

social integrity But with the passage of time this joint family system is changed into an

individualistic pattern especially in an educated and well off section of the society

Similarly Pukhtun society is following the aggregate culture Altson states that Pukhtuns

have a composite and aggregate culture They avoid individualism They are interrelated

with one another (Altson 2014) So tribal culture and Pukhtunwali are reformulated in

terms of mutual responsibility and solidarity Nationally the notion of tribal independence

is termed as Pukhtun autonomy which makes them united against any aggression

(Verkaaik 201270) Thus Pukhtuns work for the welfare of group instead of individual

Likewise honour of the group and of the individuals is bound together Protection of

honour is responsibility of the whole Pukhtun community which is to be protected at any

cost more specifically against those who tried to infringe it (Altson 2014)

Similarly Sharam (shame) Peghore (taunt) are also important codes of Pukhtun

culture and any harm to life property and respect of women family culture ethnicity

community and nationality is attached to Nang (honour) and couldnlsquot ignore in any

situation (Khattak et al 200102) Ghairat (courage) Tor Nang Namus (honour of

women) and Pardah (segregation of gender) are also features of Pukhtunwali (Barth

1969122) in order to protect their females against anyone It is stated that feature of

ghairat is central to Pukhtun culture It gives them the spirit of pride zeal autonomy

courage and self- assertion related to being a Pukhtun and doing Pakhtu Ghairat is close

to their hearts and in case of insult or challenge they never hesitate to take even the lives

of others or sacrifice themselves Otherwise they earn the title of beghairat (without

honour) It is stigma to them and are considered as weak and impotent Thus ghairat

compels Pukhtun to defend the honour of his family and tribe at any cost According to

the Pukhtu proverb ―a Pukhtun will throw himself in the fire for the sake of his honourrdquo

73

(Culver 2008 74)

Similarly protection of Namus is mandatory act on part of Pukhtuns The

responsibility lies on each end every member of the Pukhtun community to protect

Namus of family village and society Protection of females land (also Motherland) and

property are termed as Namus Those individuals who either leave the place or to fight for

his honour and are better able to protect their Namus should earn Ezzat (honour) But if

anyone fails to do so would have no ezzat in the society It is stated that it is worthwhile

to die instead of living without honour As mentioned in the proverb

ldquoMal me da Sara Jar Sha aw Sar me da Namus na Jar shardquo means I will sacrifice

my wealth for my head and will sacrifice my life for my Namus (Miakhel

20033)

Protection of women land (also Motherland) and property are considered as the

foremost duty of Pukhtuns Likewise Pukhtun protect and defend their females against

any mishap which destroys the very image of family tribe and even Pukhtun community

Otherwise women have to pay price of the family honour in different forms as swara6

pardah (seclusion of women) honour killing and restriction on their free movement

(Altson 2014) Violation of any of these codes could not be tolerated Any violations

against them would lead to bloodshed Likewise Torah (bravery) and Imandari (truth)

are the codes present in blood of Pukhtuns (Ali 201304)

Mashartia (respect for elders) saritob which is manliness (Ahmed 200616)

Siyali (equality) Qawm (Tribal or Ethnicity) Qawmi Taroon (Tribal binding) Hamsaya

(neighbour or outsider living within a village or family) are also crucial codes of conduct

Jirga (assembly of male elders) has the responsibility to supervise and implement these

codes (Barth 195967) Jirga is a meeting of the reputable people of Pukhtun community

that has the authority to settle the dispute in a manner acceptable to both the sides

(Shams-ur-Rehman 2015298) Thus Pukhtunwali covers almost every aspect of life

whether economic religious social and political So being an ideal Pukhtun observance

of these codes along with true faith in Islam is crucial

6 For the settlement of disputes sometimes the aggrieved party receive compensation in the form of diyat(

payment or acceptance of blood money) Qisas(eye for an eye etc) or Swara Swara is a custom in which the

female of a culprit family is given to the aggrieved family It is a constant reminder for the end of the

conflict

74

ISLAM AND PUKHTUNWALI

Pukhtuns have greater affection towards Pukhtunwali and religion Islam They

consider both the same (Minhaj-ul-Hasan 2015215) Majority of Pukhtuns are Sunni

Muslims Great Pukhtun poet Rehman Baba strongly respond to those who consider

Islam and Pukhtunwali as different Rehman Baba replied

―You keep on considering Pashto and Islam as two different things whereas in my

opinion if God were to be a human being He surely would have been a

Pakhtoonrdquo (Singh et al 2014nd)

Religion is significantly visible in their acts and behaviour Barth argues that

Pukhtun society has the influence of both Islam and Pukhtun ethnic values Pukhtunwali

is followed along with Sharia law (Barth 1981) Pukhtuns consider themselves as

genuine Muslims as they have not gone through late conversion They claim that their

ancestor Qais Abdur Rashid became the first disciple of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) at

that time when most of Arabs were infidels (Christensen 1988 144) Undoubtedly

Pukhtuns are the believers of Islam Pukhtuns believe that they have accepted the religion

Islam collectively Islam is the dominating factor in the formation of their social structure

and ideology They also follow Islamic law (Shariah) Although there are slight

differences in the dialects customs and traditions of every Pukhtun tribe but shared

social norms Thus Pukhtuns are abiding by two types of codes Islamic law and

Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201263)

Glatzer (1998) states that it is ingrained in the mind of Pukhtuns that Islam and

Pukhtunwali are one and same things Their codes are engraved in their historical context

and traditions Such codes are practiced by Pukhtuns of both Afghanistan and Pakistan

Honour shame and fight for the right cause (Jihad) have resonance in Islam Similarly

fighting without a just cause is prohibited by both Islam and Pukhtunwali Pukhtuns call

the warriors as Mujahideen and pitiable displaced peoples as Muhajerin Pukhtuns used

these terminologies even today which reminds us the exodus of the Prophet (PBUH) to

Madina Similarly the ongoing war in Afghanistan against the foreign troops is

considered as jihad by Pukhtuns and martyr in the war is entitled as Shaheed (Glatzer

19989-10)

Pukhtuns meticulously observe religious rituals like fasting Prayers Zakat

(money or other daily items granted to poor) Hajj (Pilgrimage) and Jihad (holy war

75

against the infidels) Similarly Pukhtuns considered that their identity is with the

observance of Pukhtunwali It is a matter related to honour and their integrity is in the

practice of Pukhtunwali Thus they thought themselves both as Muslims following the

Islamic laws and Pukhtuns by practicing Pukhtunwali as similar things Pukhtuns prefer

religion for modelling an ideal life They considered religion ―a moral code and is the

Allah‟s will for the amelioration of humanityrdquo but followed Pukhtunwali while taking

decisions regarding the communal matters (Kaker 200303) So it is commonly observed

that in the implementation of their decisions they grant secondary status to the religion

Thus religion comes in contradiction with customs Islam not only govern their lives but

grant them an Islamic identity of being a Muslim Both customary laws and Islam are

truly observed in the same manner but a great difference is seen in its implementation

(Naz et al 201265)

I argue that Pukhtuns have amalgamated both Islam and Pukhtunwali in a manner

which benefitted males of the society Different features of Pukhtunwali grant subjugated

position to women and in turn restrict their lives Likewise the interpretation of the

Quranic verses by the religious scholars further grant dominating status to males in

various matters These are some of the factors which make females of the traditional

societies more vulnerable Pukhtun women confront different challenges in society which

obstruct their way to a relatively better standard of life as well as towards their success

No doubt Pukhtuns consider themselves as true Muslims abiding by the Islamic rules and

having similarities in their code of conduct as well as in Islam But there are some

observable differences in both Islam and Pukhtunwali which increase hurdles for women

in their way to successful life

Pukhtunwali governs various aspects (ideological social cultural and political) of

Pukhtun lives most notably while dealing with the rights of Pukhtun women Mostly

customary laws formed by patriarchal social organization are followed Islam occupies

more ideological place while the dominating position is that of their customary laws Both

(Customary laws and Islam) are truly observed in the same manner but a great difference

is seen in its implementation (Naz et al 201265) Pessala argues that though Islam is

intermingled in Pukhtunwali but is different in many ways (2012 01) Islam provides

protection liberty and rights to women being as a mother sister wife and a daughter

Islam granted them property and inheritance rights but totally neglected by the Pukhtun

society which make them subservient to the male members of the family Pukhtun society

is being monopolized by male members (Qadeer 20151268) In Pukhtunwali women are

76

deprived of the rights of property and inheritance (Naz et al 201269) The right of Zar

(gold) Zan (women) and Zameen (land) are male possessions in Pukhtun society (Naz et

al 2012 70) Likewise majority of females are deprived of education They are also not

allowed to engage in economic activities outside their houses Pukhtuns consider houses

as the true moral and religious place for their women (Naz et al 201204) Females of

the Pukhtun society are bound by their customs and even sacrifice their lives for safety of

their family honour and security of their family male members The above situation

makes lives of the Pukhtun women more deplorable They faced different religious

socio-cultural economic and political hindrances which impedes their way to progress

IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMEN PROGRESS

31 RELIGIOUS AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES

The religious practices and cultural norms are often justified through selective

reading of religious text which create hindrances in the way of women political

participation and empowerment Such interpretations favour the patriarchal notion and

subjugate women of the society Similarly use of religion by different sections of the

society to promote their interests creates more problems

Saleem states that religion and patriarchy go side by side in patriarchal societies

Lives of women are controlled by religious beliefs They even face discrimination in the

name of religion Restrictions are imposed on them in the name of religious and societal

norms like wearing the veil and minimum visibility in public places and many more

(Saleem 20067) So the diversity between the theological and living Islam increases

burden for women Fatima Mernissi (leading feminist writer) argues that early Muslim

scholars have interpreted the sacred text according to their own interest They have

misguided the people and manipulated Islam She further states that Hadiths were

elaborated in a manner that benefitted males and subjugated women (Mernissi

1995119) So wide discrepancies are visible regarding the status of women in religion

traditions and later the actual situation as well (Kaushik 1993 XII)

Likewise Critelli discusses situation in the tribal belt of Pakistan She posits that

Pashtun women living in these areas are suffering due to absence of state laws Seven

Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have a special status in legal and

administrative system of Pakistan Mostly affairs in these areas are run by local council

of elders with nominal interference from the state People of such areas run their affairs

through their old tribal customs of Pashtunwali Rather women in the settled areas have

77

the protection of police and judiciary which is not available to women in these areas

(Critelli 2010239) People of these areas follow both Sharia laws and customary laws for

their personal issues Their policies toward women are implausible and inconsistent

(Critelli 2010) It is stated that ldquoPukhtuna nim Quran mani nim Pukhtunwalirdquo (Pukhtuns

half use Quran and half Pukhtunwali) (Christensen 1988145)

Naz argues that Islam has a dominated role in the ideology and social structure of

Pukhtuns They abide by the Islamic law but also follow Pukhtunwali throughout the

course of their social and religious life (Naz 2011) Islam is closely related to the

Pukhtun identity which is used by local national and regional political domains

Therefore Banerjee states that religious leaders used Islam for the unification of

Pukhtuns in crises She credited the ideology based on both Islam and Pukhtunwali

behind the success of KK movement This proves that Islam and Pukhtun customs move

beyond the living Islam and is used in the political and social reform movements as well

(Banerjee 2000160) Christensen argues that Islamic teachings are blended with the

Pukhtun identity to attract masses of the region and gain their support (Christensen

1988) In todaylsquos world religion is the prime force to impel and mobilize the public

(Huntington 1993192) Thus leaders through religiously legitimated appeal made an

attempt to mobilize people for political actions But in case of conflict they further

persuade them for correctness of their conduct through religious connotation

(Christensen 1988145) Likewise theological and intellectual rhetoric creates sectarian

demarcation between different religious groups Different groups and sects have their

own interpretation of Islamic doctrines This is because of the absence of single centrally

acceptable religious authority who left a vacuum of interpretation which in turn provides

basis for various doctrines (Gaier 20102)

Christensen endorses the argument of Gaier (2010) and states that political

conflict occurs when different religious groups gave different interpretation of Islam

Some religious preachers combine state authority with the religious legitimation They

have their own yardsticks for the recognition of a good Muslim and identified those as the

good subject who accepted their authority Thus through the measures of repression and

rewards the state managed to gain support of the number of religious personalities who

together promoted the version of Islam (Christensen 1988145)

The difference between theological Islam and practical Islam is because of the

diversity among the religious elites as well Jan amp Aman argue that the presence of varied

religious political parties like Jamaat- e- Islami Jammiyyat- ulama- e- Islam militant

78

elements like Taliban and Tehrik- e- Nifaz- e ndashShariat- e- Muhammadi(TNSM) have

assimilated Islamic principles with the local customs to get legitimacy Pukhtun cultural

elements such as honourlsquo (Jan amp Aman 201522) and Pardahlsquo (Khan A 200720) have

been interpreted by giving them religious connotation

Such interpretation creates hurdles for women particularly in the KP (erstwhile

NWFP) and Baluchistan provinces and results in their absence from public life Even

though there are notable differences in the status of women of urban and rural areas

Majority of women population in rural areas are denied of their basic fundamental rights

while urban women get a slightly better deal Urban women have better access to

education and job opportunities because of their access to resources They are therefore

unwilling to accept a subjugated role under the traditional patriarchal system (Saleem

2006 5-6)

Similarly Saigol argues that religion is used by the upper class to achieve sustain

and increase their power By using these measures they can easily reach to hegemonic

ascendancy within the state and society (Saigol 200938) The diverse interpretations of

Islam by the state and religious elites regarding women and their participation in politics

create difficulties in their lives which make them dependent in every walk of their lives

(Critelli 2010)

Shaheed argues that different strata of the society in Pakistan are using religion to

protect their own interest (Shaheed 2009) As religious preachers and parties have a

significant influence especially in the rural areas People of such areas grant them great

reverence Therefore the upper class used them in their own favour as well Like in 1970

when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power through his manifesto of Islamic socialism

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto also used Islam against his opponents as an important ground to

political alternatives This was welcomed by the general public which was the

abolishment of large scale holding of private properties But it was a threat to the power

base of landlords throughout the country The economic transformation and market

reforms of the government through socialism led to the decline of traditional power of the

landlords across the country The dilemma of a decline of such power was faced by the

local khans of the KP province as well These landlords made an alliance with the

traditional mullahs (religious leaders) and local imams (prayer leaders) to issue fatwa

(religious decree) against the abolishment of private property and declared it as Un-

Islamic They further declared the socialist policies of the government as a threat to Islam

and to call for jihad against it Such measures were taken by the landowners to secure

79

their property from being nationalised Instead they supported Nizam-e-Mustafa (System

of Mohammad) campaign against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rule This led to the decline of

Bhutto rule while military leader Gen Zial-ul- Haq promised to enforce Shariah

(Orakzai 201138) So religion was used by the upper strata of the country to favour

their own interest

Qasir posits that Zialsquos Islamisation program was focused on the social role of

urban female The slogan of Zia ideology ldquoChaddar (veil) and ldquoChardivari(home)

(Qasir 1992 118) believed in the confinement of women within their houses So Islam is

used by the leaders to pave the way for politico-religious forces and to assert hegemonic

control over the political discourse (Shaheed 20096) During Zia- ul- Haq regime the

Islamic political ideology of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) was followed He mixed religion with

politics for the purpose to gain legitimacy and acquired political allies to prolong the rule

(Chengappa 2004 1-2)

Scholars argue that such religious parties always opposed the liberation of women

They are even against the womenlsquos political participation and their presence in public life

In one such instance when Jammat- e- Islami (JI) launched a campaign against the

womenlsquos involvement in the National Parliament (Awanamp Kokab 2016846) they called

it as against Islam if a woman would lead the Islamic country Therefore they had

opposed Benazir Bhutto to be an elected Prime Minister of Pakistan Ulema perceived her

leadership as pernicious to society and would damage the Islamic ideals regarding the

family (Haeri 1993200) As Islamic scholars argue that a ―nation that would hand over

its leadership to a woman would not enjoy welfare and prosperity Pakistan would suffer

if it was governed by a womanrdquo ldquoWomen should stay at home The religious scholars

argue that there are many men in her party Why don‟t they come forward(Sekine

201429)

Saleem argues that Islamization process had a deep impact on women of the

whole country but specifically of the North West Frontier Province (now KP) the already

patriarchal society Power and influence of these political parties began to increase and

women began to live in fear of discrimination and subjugation in the name of religion

(Saleem 20068) Similarly Mullahs (religious leaders) have a powerful impact in the

rural areas They have interpreted some of the verses of Holy Quran in a manner which

have a glimpse against the womenlsquos equality and political participation Unfortunately

common Pashtun men followed their dictates (Jamal 2015 24)

Khan argues that a major transition in societal mind-set became evident when

80

religious political parties formed government in KP and Baluchistan in 2002 The

religious partylsquos alliance Muttahida Majlis-e-lsquoAmal (MMA) became victorious in 2002

elections and formed a government (2002-2008) by using Islamic rhetoric during

electoral politics in Pukhtun regions (Khan J 2014 302) Religious parties had won

majority in the Provincial Assembly of KP due to the outburst of religious upheaval

They have also started campaign of Islamization in Pakistan which had its deep impacts

on the KP (Saleem 20068-9) Jahangir (human rights activist and an advocate of the

Supreme Court of Pakistan) states that religion is used for political purposes to sustain the

insecure governments or to conceal the crucial issues of economic and social justice from

the public (Jahangir 2000)

Khan states that religious affiliation acts as a determinant in restricting the women

from politics In our society majority of women face restriction and opposition in

political field on the plea that religion does not allow them to mingle with opposite sex

openly Likewise religion is used as an effective tool against women political activists in

the area It strictly prohibits women from political involvement either as political

candidate voters or even joining campaigns or other electoral activities (KhanA

20075)

Sherazi posits that women were not allowed to cast their votes in different districts

of KP Most notably in Buner district women were barred from casting their votes in the

constituency of provincial assembly PK-78 and in Sorey Union Council of Buner PK-78

Same situation was faced by women in the provincial assembly seat PK-94 of the Lower

Dir Likewise in the Amankot village of Swat district a Jirga was organized by the

village elders political workers and candidates for the purpose to ban women from

casting their votes in 2013 elections (Sherazi 2013)

Similar Boone (2015) endorses the argument and posits that political

empowerment of women were thwarted by religious groups and political parties in

Hangu lower and Upper Dir Likewise in 2013 elections women were again deprived of

their electoral rights in the name of local customs and traditions while the local

authorities grew into organized anti-women movement (Boone 2015)

Besides minimal presence of femaleslsquo in the political field women of the society

are economically dependent as well Amna Latif argues that under representation of

women in politics is because of male dominance over the economic and other power

resources (Latif 2009428) Islam guaranteed parity between males and females The

misinterpretation of Islamic rules by men make it biased against women Such

81

interpretations cause male-domination in a society and grant women of such societies

subjugated positions (Shahid 2007125) Similarly the amalgamation of cultural norms

with the religious interpretation make women more dependent Cultural norms of the

society encourage separation and isolation of women often justified through religion

connotation (Shaheed 2009)

I argue that the gender stereotyping through the cultural beliefs increased the

problems of women more specifically of the pukhtun society They are still facing

problems like unemployment illiteracy exclusion from property and decision- making

process which minimize their role in the societal matters as well One of the cause for

their minimal presence in the political field is their economic dependence as well

Naz et al (2012) argues that traditionally Pukhtuns have ambiguous norms for

female inheritance Property and other assets are distributed among family members

Property is pondered to be a symbol of authority and power and is related with males of

the society Thus there is an observable difference in religious practices and cultural

traditions of the area Sharia has allocated property and inheritance rights to both the

genders (Naz et al 201269)

Khan posits that the significance of Zar (gold) Zan (women) and Zamin (land) are

the main principles of Pukhtunwali and very base of the local ideology The concept of

family property and private ownership provide dominance to male members in terms of

inheritance which is a base of patriarchy Mostly males have been given the inheritance

and property rights while Pukhtun women are denied of such rights (Khan N 201212)

According to Pukhtunwali women are not entitled to own lands independently Their

shares in properties are seized by concerned males of the family This makes them

economically dependent on their males Such economic dependence further subjugates

them in the family as well as in the society

Thus deprivation of women in the economic field is also one of the causes of their

exclusion from politics Their economic status is not encouraging Alam argues that

women of rural areas are involved in home management embroidery sewing and

agriculture activities such as livestock amp poultry etc (Alam 2012313) While women in

the urban areas have access to some income generated professions like teaching

medicines and recently their engagement in beauty salons Absence or inadequacy of

financial resources has a negative impact on their decision- making powers (Aderinwale

1997) Mahbub ndashul- Haq posits that cultural values have isolated women from economic

activities (Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Center 2000) Their main responsibility

82

is to perform the household chores Their role is neither paid nor recognized Similarly

males are considered to be the bread earners and are responsible for the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) So males are provider and protectors of the family while

females are passive members Majority of the women are not allowed to do jobs as well

(Awan and Kokab 2016 05) Thus deprivation and violence against women is prevalent

in patriarchal societies (Agathangelou 2002)

Similarly Perveen7 states that the diversity of opinion between customs religion

and state laws is not limited to the Tribal belt only But KP and FATA region are the most

volatile areas for the human rights activists as well Women activists have been criticized

for their work by arguing that they are propagating the western agenda She discussed one

incident that in Kohistan district of KP province a religious cleric Maulvi Abdul Haleem

warned female NGO workers in his sermon on 4 May 2012 He threatened them not to

work in the district otherwise they would be forcibly married with the locals He further

asserted that these women workers are influencing their native women in the name of

education employment and empowerment He added that all these acts are un-Islamic

and against the local customs and practices as well (Perveen 201339)

The above stated discussion demonstrates that discrepencies in the political and

economic fields are deeply prevalent within the Pukhtun society which further subjugate

them Furthermore these problem have adverse consequences in rural areas where lives

are mostly traditionally driven Such traditions assign more power to males who got more

privileges in the field of politics and power The blatant exploitation of religion by

encouraging the socio-cultural restrictions such as discriminatory customs and traditions

patriarchal setup of society and economic dependence are the bases for the minimal role

of women in the field of politics

32 SOCIO-CULTURAL IMPEDIMENTS FACED BY THE PUKHTUN

WOMEN

Socio-cultural values and practices are found in every social organization The

abidance of such practices enable the individuals to live in peace and harmony These

practices cover every field of life including social economic religious and political as

well But in Pukhtun society these practices are mainly male dominated which increase

problems of women in Pukhtun society Scholars argue that different norms of the

Pukhtun society restrict women in their own way These practices make the life of women

7 Founder Director of creative anger by Rakhshi - A Social Enterprise

83

more dependent and miserable In Pukhtun patriarchal society separate spheres are

allocated for both males and females (Moghadam 1992) Women of the Pukhtun society

live according to the prevalent cultural values and social norms (Jamal 201519) The

observance of the prevailing norms and values make lives of these women more

deplorable

Mann (20053) argues that males adopt aggressive and violent behaviour whereas

females have passive and submissive attitude to protect honour of the family Choo

(2006588) posits that women are considered to take the burden of cultural representation

and are symbolic bearers of traditions honour and national identity

Though in Pukhtun society both genders are bound to Pakhtu the word Pakhto‟

is not only a language but is a symbol of beliefs attitudes integrity and cultural identity

of Pukhtuns Since childhood Pukhtuns are aware of their gender limitations There is a

clear demarcation of their responsibilities and duties as well Grima Benedicte posits that

hujra (men space) gun turban gherat (Honour) saritob (manliness) hospitality

granting an exile badal (revenge) are menlsquos Pakhtu while shame modesty tears gherat

purdah and endurance of hardship are considered to be women Pakhtu (Grima 1992 01)

But Namus (honour) Tarburwali (agnatic rivalry) is usually used in terms of enemy

(Christensen 1988147)

Different features of Pukhtunwali rely more on the protection of women Pardah

(an important feature of Pukhtunwali) should be observed by both Pukhtun men and

women (Fazal 201341) Different practices like Vulvar (bride money) swara Tor and

pardah in Pukhtun society make the lives of women vulnerable Vulvar (bride money) is

one such practice prevalent in Pukhtun society According to the custom males of the

bride took money from bridegroom or his family Family of bride considers it beneficial

for a girl But it has socio-psychological consequences which are faced by girlslsquo

throughout their lives Through this custom males of the society consider females as their

movable properties Vulvar further degrades women They remained submissive as they

are considered to be purchased like any other commodity The purchased brides have no

significance domestically as well (Khan N 20125)

Similarly swara is another prevalent custom of Pukhtun society Swara is an

alternative to eradicate the vendetta among tribes or even families According to the

custom girl from the culprit family or tribe is given as compensation to aggrieved party

Swara is an old custom deep rooted in Pukhtun society Local Pukhtuns followed the

custom on the plea that through this custom sacrifice of a girl can save life of the whole

84

family or tribe (Ali 2018) The sacrifice of a girl is for seeking apology and forgiveness

from the culprits Girls are the victims of such practices who have to pay price of crime

committed by males of the family or tribe As mentioned in one of the Pakhtu song

Khowenday chay keenee roonra staee roonra che keenee khowenday swaray kay

warkaweena

Translation ldquoWhen sisters get together they kudos their brotherslsquo but when brothers

meet they give their sisters away as Swara (Minallah 20061-2)

Another most prevalent custom is Tor Literal meaning of Tor is black but in

Pukhtun context it means adultery or illicit relations It is a crime the punishment of

which is execution Anyone who is suspicious of illicit relations have been killed by the

family of an involved female (KhanN 20127) But Khan argues that sometimes this

custom is used against the enemies as a reprisal Tor is used against female of the

opponent family by propagating her illicit relations Without investigating the charges

women became the victim of suspicions as well Women of these societies are

disempowered who can neither defend themselves nor can escape execution (KhanN

20127)

One ancient custom in Pukhtun society is Ghag (call someone) It is also a

prevalent custom of Pukhtun society in which man declares his intentions to marry a

particular woman Different methods are used for Ghag One simple method is that

messenger is sent to the house of a woman to convey proposal of a man Secondly a man

who wished to marry shoot a gun from the nearby mosque and announced the name of a

particular girl The worst consequence of Ghag is that girl and her family suffered

throughout life They lost their respect as name of a particular girl is announced

publically Sometimes it may happen that men have no intentions of marrying a girl

whose name is announced publically In such cases women being victim of such

practices (unless release from the claim) are denied to be married by anyone else just to

protect themselves from feuds While those who resist Ghag have faced dire

consequences (Kari 2016) According to unofficial report almost 20 girls have

committed suicide being bound by the custom Ghag In one such incident Asma Rani a

third year medical student was shot dead She was killed by rejecting the marriage

proposal from the married person and a father of two kids Though it is still unclear if

Ghag was invoked before the murder but the circumstances are strikingly similar (Khan

2018)

85

Recently a bill was presented by Sitara Ayaz (Provincial Minister for Social

Welfare and Women Development) in the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly Elimination

of Custom of Ghag Bill 2012 was passed unanimously by the Assembly for eradication of

a custom called ghag The violators have to face seven yearslsquo imprisonment or Rs500

000 fine or both (Ashfaq 2013) I argue that though it is a positive step taken by the

female MPA towards protection of Pukhtun females from the prevailing customs But its

fair implementation is also important for the security and progress of Pukhtun women

Similarly Pardah is also an important custom of Pukhtun society The embedded

value of Pardah is visible in construction of houses as well Residential areas with

multiple entrances and high walls are believed to represents pardah Houses are private

domain and unrelated men are prohibited to enter Similarly hujra is malelsquos area where

females avoid entering (Ahmed 200650) So women have a place inside home while

outer world is for men This dissociation of private and public spheres between both

genders in Pukhtun society is justified as honour of family tribe and whole society which

is possible only with the protection of their females So in patriarchal societies fate of

females is in the hands of male members of concerned families (Naz et al 201216)

Scholars argue that responsibility of family honour lies on womanlsquos shoulders

whose modesty dignity chastity and honour are above all other matters If any act of

female gains bad reputation her whole family is defamed Such defamation becomes the

basis of peighore (taunt) Bloodshed and feuds are initiated for the purpose to regain lost

honour of a family In some cases such vendettas continue for centuries A woman

responsible for damaging honour of a family through her wrong acts also loses her life

(Naz et al 201216) So Pardah is pondered to be the most admirable manner for the

safety and security of femalelsquos honour and reputation which is related to the honour of

family and tribe as well (Rzehak 201110)

Despite observance of pardah in strict sense there is a great difference in the lives

of women of tribal and settled areas In Orthodox tribal families women strictly observe

pardah and have to remain within four walls of their houses Their main responsibility is

to perform household chores Males are the protectors and providers of the whole family

(Joseph et al 2005723) Barth posits that male of the family is authoritative to give his

decision regarding the fate of the family They have the right to keep family united or to

expel members of the family (wife by divorcing her and children through disinheriting)

Male member also controls the social assimilation of their family members even restricts

wife to meet her close relatives and controls the property as well (Barth 1959 22)

86

Most of the families of Pukhtunslsquo live in joint family system which leads to

patriarchy because of the central role played by family and household (Lindholm 1982)

Thus gender segregation is the patriarchal gender role which mostly confined women

within houses (Barth 1959) Further in a patriarchal society females are recognized by

male members of their family however in most cases they can even hide their names

from the strangers because of the fear of earning bad repute to the family Women instead

of mentioning their names if required usually mention names of their male relatives

(Alam 2012316)

But Pukhtunwali is not static In urban areas most of the females do not adhere

strictly to the traditions and customs like in tribal areas Women are allowed to move

outside their houses but in veil or sadar and are ushered by a servant driver or other

closest male relative (Ahmed 200649) Similarly they are also allowed for education

and are permitted to do work of their own choices However the situation is opposite for

females of the tribal areas (Alam 2012316)

Similarly relaxation in Pardah is being observed by older women of both the

tribal and settled areas Older women have more mobility a greater access to resources

and have more decision-making powers within the household as compared to younger

women (Lindholm 1996) They are able to move outside spend a socialized life by

visiting houses of relatives and neighbours and inform themselves about happenings

around them (Grima 1992 48 amp 96)

Likewise motherlsquo being a female has given great prestige and honour in family

clan and even tribe Their orders are being respected because of great cultural value of the

concept of motherlsquo It is obligatory on the whole tribe to respect and honour elders So

any harm or insult of mother could lead to blood feuds and are not forgiven by Pukhtuns

at any cost (Shah 1998 69) Elder women of family tribe or clan is a source of creating a

good relationship among people They can bind family members with one another and

represent their families while conducting Gham-Khadi Elder women also attend marriage

as well as funeral of the Pukhtun people both in the land lord rich families and in poorest

families (Ahmed 2006 43 83 amp128) Thus Barth argues that age and gender are the two

crucial factors in the division and distribution of family resources power and labour

(Barth 1959)

Despite their regards towards mother women in general are forced to live

according to Pukhtunwali (Naz et al 201264) Particularly under Pukhtunwali code the

involvement of women in political sphere is considered to be a threat to the prestige and

87

honour of a family and tribe Domain of politics is for men Umer et al (2016) argue that

politics is considered to be the male domain and have no space for women in this field

Women in the political field brought them in direct contact with strangers that contradict

Pukhtunwali Pukhtun women are considered to be Pukhtunslsquo honour and they opposed

their physical presence publically Thus socio-cultural values do not permit women of

Pukhtun society to join political sphere (Umer et al 2016149)

The perceived threats to honour restricts womanlsquos role in the politics This implies

that social and cultural values are intertwined with political role in Pukhtun society The

political social and economic empowerment of women is envisaged as a challenge to

menlsquos authority So it is difficult to accept women in the superior or managerial role

(Khan A 200705) Therefore women find it difficult to play an active role in public

sphere These challenges also favour male domination in different fields including

politics (Umer et al 2016149)

Naz et al (2012 65 amp 70) argue that Pukhtunwali and gender segregated socio-

cultural setup are perceived factors behind the division of private and public spheres in

Pukhtun society These factors further increased the problem of gender discrimination in

politics and political empowerment

Religious extremism (Elashi 2014 01) honour boundedness strict observance of

Pardah (Orbala 201202) societal attitudes and cultural norms are the main hurdles for

the Pukhtun female to be in politics (Naz et al 2012 65 amp 70)

33 POLITICAL IMPEDIMENTS

The above mentioned socio-cultural features of Pukhtun society indirectly affect

women participation in politics However apart from these hurdles there are some direct

influences which hinder womenlsquos role in politics For example lack of social and

economic power vis-agrave-vis men directly affect womenlsquos political role

Hanif considers that the economic dependence of women has a negative effect on

their decision-making powers in the family community and in the political parties

Unavailability of economic resources further degrades womenlsquos status and political

leadership position (Hanif 200926) Similarly Awan argues that possession of power

political affiliations and economic resources are very important to be visible in the

political arena But the economic dependence and limited mobility of women of

patriarchal societies face hardship to form mass political networking (Awan 201605)

Hanif endorses the argument of Awan and adds that politics is a political process which

88

needs public interaction This interaction is possible through public appearances and

mobility but cultural norms are against free mobility and mix gathering of Pukhtun

females with general public (Hanif 200926)

However I argue that there are evidences of visibility of some Pukhtun women in

the political sphere who are considered to break the cultural barriers and show their

presence in the male dominated political arena Nonetheless as a matter of fact these

women are from the politically active landowning families where women get more

opportunities and training to facilitate their way into politics Thus women of the

politically prominent families become advantageous and find their way into politics But

the case for general women population is quite different Women in the general

population are mostly powerless their lack of interest in the political affairs burden of

excessive workload (household) unfriendly political environment lack of confidence and

experience in the political field also discourage these women to enter the arena of politics

Iwanaga argues that in patriarchal societies mostly men contest elections while

number of female candidates are less She states that lack of opportunities interest and

minimal female participation during elections are the factors for their nominal presence in

political sphere Similarly she states that apart from contesting elections lack of

experience resources and self-esteem are the factors behind womanlsquos hesitation of

contesting elections She argues that the biased norms and beliefs of males are responsible

for creating such situation (Iwanaga 2008 125) Likewise Hanochi endorses Iwanaga

(2008) and posits that minimal political participation and political activism of patriarchal

societies make them politically ignorant of their issues She further adds that their lack of

interest in the public life is not because of their work load but they prefer domestic

territories for themselves which she claims to be the main cause of their political

backwardness Hanochi argues that such demeanour contributes to the formation of two

different spheres of activities private and public Women of the patriarchal societies

actively perform private and domestic responsibilities while public activities as

community leadership and politics are regarded as the domain of men (Hanochi 2001

114-115) Shvedova shared similar views as Iwanaga and Seiko She argues that such

attitudes favoured men and thus political arena is manipulated by them Men are behind

the formulation of different rules for the political sphere Presence of men made political

model further marginalized womanlsquos presence in the political sphere (Shvedova

200534)

Mahmood posits that political empowerment of women is not an end in itself but

89

means to provoke the society for social and political empowerment which would further

stimulate the overall development of society (Mahmood 2004151) Ali argues that

violence against women even in the political field is executed by males for the purpose to

maintain their power and bolster the hierarchical structures The very base of such

structure is the exploitation of marginalized groups High profile political assassinations

and biased attitudes of the political parties against women are to deprive them of the

decision making processes Similarly inaccessibility of the funds for their

constituencies and derogatory remarks also worsen troubles for women political figures

(Ali 2014)

Furthermore women political figures perform their political functions within the

boundaries directed by the political party leaders party associates voters and the media

as well (Rosenbluth et al 201534) Similarly political parties hesitate on part of women

political participation because of their weak political activism and passive vote bank So

political parties use women political participants for the representative functions at

political meetings mass gatherings and political campaigns as well Thus women

political wings in different political parties are for the purpose to perform these

representative functions and have no authority in the decision-making processes within

the political parties (Awan 20163)

Mehdi is critical of the agendas presented by different political parties He argues

that majority of the political parties have no agenda regarding the equality of women in

politics Their presence is taken for granted In the electoral process women on the

reserved seats increase their chances to success Reserved seats though induct women in

the political arena yet they are dependent on the male colleagues and are acceptable as

an extension of male political figures Such electoral system maintains the gender status-

quo instead of challenging it (Mehdi 2015)

Similarly unfriendly political environment for women also creates problems for

them As it is not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to play their role in the political

fields women in rural areas are forbidden to cast their votes and attend mass gathering

Abbas argues that it is almost impossible to take women out of their houses for the public

gatherings Public gatherings are also dominated by males of the society where presence

of women is negligible Men talk on behalf of the women political workers and leaders

Those women who show their presence on the occasion are even unable to talk about

their rights This shows manipulation of women by men in the political sphere as well

(Abbass 2016)

90

Furthermore lives of those women who are better able to achieve the political

positions are still bound by their gender related roles and status Different factors bound

women of these societies to their traditional functions and resist them to join the political

field which is considered to be maleslsquo domain Richard argues that the patriarchal ideals

are creating obstacles for women in the political field Males of these areas consider them

a threat to their dominance in view of the fact that previously women in these areas have

proved themselves in the male dominated political field and had led campaigns on

different occasions (Richard 2010236) Currently the militancy further make lives of

women vulnerable

34 EXTREMISM AS AN OBSTACLE TO WOMENrsquoS POLITICAL

PARTICIPATION

Social and political situation for Pukhtun women is already grim It got further

worsened with the increasing influence of Taliban in these areas Presence of Taliban or

their supporters in some areas is one of the largest threats to the empowerment of Pukhtun

women They have created the environment of terror by blasting the girlslsquo schools

kidnapping and torturing all those who try to defy their rules Their terrorist activities

have deep impact on the lives of general population Such devastating actions make the

lives of women more deplorable

Unfortunately the influence of Taliban especially in KP province poses a serious

threat to the advancement and prosperity of women Militants targeted different practices

and actions which they considered to be against Islamic beliefs Grigsby points out that

their main targets were music schools and even government offices Their target was not

only female but males as well Nevertheless their dogmatic beliefs made the lives of

women miserable as they opposed womenlsquos involvement in the activities outside their

homes whether education political or social (Grigsby 201496)

OlsquoMalley in his UNESCO publication mentions that Taliban oppose girlsacute

education They have used mosques and illegal radio stations for the closure of all girlsacute

schools They have threatened to blow up girlslsquo school in KP As in Afghanistan those

girls who are attending schools and ignored their threats were attacked with acid

(OacuteMalley 201079) Similarly in Swat valley (district of KP) a young school girl

Malala Yousafzai was shot by Taliban gunmen who fortunately survived Taliban claimed

that she was explicitly advocating the girlslsquo education and defying ban on female

education thatlsquos why she was targeted by them She got severe injuries on her head She is

91

still the staunch supporter of girlslsquo education who gained worldwide recognition She

became the young Noble Peace Prize laureate winner for her explicit stand for female

education in a dreadful situation imposed by Taliban (Hussain 2013)

Thus militants have not only destroyed thousands of girlslsquo schools but also

threatened women to leave their jobs and force them to wear hijabs Same threats were

received by the KP woman politician Bushra Gohar (MNA) nonetheless she is

determined regarding her political career and did not bow in front of threats from Taliban

She was adamant in continuing her political career and had no intentions of leaving

politics She defied the threats from Taliban by confidently meeting her constituents and

showed her physical presence publically (Najibullah amp Wazir 2011) Bushra Gohar is

explicitly advocating the rights of women in KP and FATA region She argues that bills

regarding the child marriage and domestic violence should have been passed by the KP

Assembly (Nisa amp Khan 2016)

In 2013 general elections women party workers came out for campaigning and

supporting their partylsquos candidates as well Malik reveals in her interview that Taliban

had threatened ANP male candidates in Mardan Swabi Charsadda and Peshawar Then

women political workers of ANP led the political campaigns of their male party

colleagues (Malik interview 2017)

Women candidates led election campaign for themselves as well They have

visited almost every part of their constituencies to gain support of public despite Taliban

threats Likewise women also came out for casting their votes in certain specific red zone

areas for elections like Mardan Similarly women of the tribal areas were openly

contesting elections in an uncertain situation Badam Zari from Bajour Agency (NA-44

Tribal area-IX) is the first woman who contested elections independently from FATA

She has confidently faced the uncertainty and militancy (Anwaramp Ahmed 2017174)

Scholars posit that initially emergence of Taliban in Swat valley was welcomed by

general public Women of these areas willingly donated their jewellery for the financial

assistance of Taliban Taliban leader Mullah Fazullah on FM radio spread the Islamic

teachings in a manner to gain support of the people His popularity among the public

particularly women was immense Women have convinced their husbands and sons to

work for Taliban They perceived it their contribution to spread Islamic Ideology But

later the situations were completely different Women were mainly targeted by them

They have killed all those women who showed their physical presence publically

Teachers dancers councillors and school girls were affected Though they were not able

92

to resist Talibanlsquos brutalities openly but found alternatives Majority have fled their

residential areas Yet there were other women who stayed in their hometowns and

continued their work despite threats from Taliban In one such incident a local woman

councillor Shaheen Iqbal was threatened by Taliban to leave her job otherwise would be

killed by them She sent her children to other safe areas and stayed alone in her house

She confidently continued her job She adopted different strategies to cope with threats

from Taliban She locked her house and spread dry bushes and leaves outside her house to

deter people from entering the house She carved a hole inside her house a doorway to

her neighbourhood which she used while moving outside Through such strategies she

was able to continue her job in such deteriorated situation (Brohi amp Khattak 201344)

Taliban brutal attitudes towards the public lose their popularity Zakreshi posits

that Taliban are against the women empowerment in all fields They thought women

empowerment symbolises the western influence which would threaten their own norms

and culture and they are going to resist the western influence in their region (Zakreski

2013) Khan argues that Taliban target those women who show their presence in the

public sphere She posits that Taliban called unveiling women as against Islam and

Pukhtun culture which is compatible with Western liberation (KhanK 2010) The wave

of religious extremism has a deep impact on both the rural and urban areas of KP

Everyone is affected by the current storm of terrorism

Scholars argue that Talibanlsquos idiosyncratic perception regarding the religion Islam

and their brutal punishments (beheadings floggings amputations and shootings) against

the ―culprits publicly is for the purpose to terrorize people and to increase their power

(Physicians for Human Rights Report 1998 32)

Sinno posits that Taliban politicise Islam and justify their cruel attitudes in the

name of religion Majority of Pukhtuns are against such repressive acts of Taliban who

considered it against the true image of Islam Taliban commit crimes in the name of Islam

and politics Islam is used by them for their legitimacy (Sinno 201032) Malik endorses

Sinno and postulates that though local Pukhtun culture is against the women

empowerment in all fields however it was hijacked by the militant rhetoric As

mentioned earlier Pukhtuns in the settled areas have educated their daughters and who

show their active presence in the political processes as well Malik is of the opinion that

Pukhtuns of such areas opposed Taliban for their brutal conduct not because of tribal or

clan rivalries but because of emergence of a new class including the landless peasants or

the have nots against the local influential class who have challenged their very status in

93

their society (Malik 201615) Yamane So argues that initially Taliban manipulated the

tribal belt of Pakistan because of the remoteness and inaccessibility of those areas Local

people are against their rule but Taliban have established the unauthorized hurdles for

them They even destabilized the old Pukhtun culture while disrupting and manipulating

the centuries old codes to intimidate and terrorize the locals (So 201124)

Similarly Zia argues that Taliban have also attacked the lady health workers and

issued fatwas against such women In different fatwas Taliban termed it the

responsibility of Muslim men to kidnap such ladies and forcibly marry them They even

declare them as ldquofit for murderrdquo Taliban called these Lady Health workers as working

for wages and also visit different houses which are against the Pukhtun culture Taliban

used radio for the propagation of their teachings Thus it was easy for Taliban to

persuade Pukhtuns easily because of their affinity to their cultural values They have even

killed murdered and kidnapped these women (Zia 2013) In these situations of

uncertainty women public figures find it difficult to work openly The situations for

women political involvement further worsened by the orthodox thinking of the Pukhtun

society Despite their deplorable status in the society yet women show their presence in

the political field There is observable presence of women in politics not only from those

having kinship ties with prominent political families but from the general population as

well

35 POLITICAL ROLE OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

Before we discuss political role of Pukhtun women in politics it is pertinent to

briefly highlight the role of Muslim women in general Despite numerous hurdles

Muslim women are active on the social and political front They struggle to achieve

highest positions in the state politics There were evidences regarding the political

involvement of the Muslim women in the past as well They became role models for the

new generations

Bala (cultural analyst) posits that Muslim women were actively involved in the

creation of Pakistan by supporting their males (Bala 2013131) Similarly during

Khilafat movement when Ali brothers including other prominent leaders were arrested

Abadi Begum (Bi Amma) mother of Ali brothers (Maulana Johar Ali and Maulana

Shaukat Ali) entered the political field and had a powerful appeal towards the Indian

public Bi Amma is one such model in the 1920lsquos Khilafat Movement She had visited

different parts of India for propagation of the movement and strongly opposed the

94

imperial government She addressed mass gatherings behind the curtains in order to

observe her pardah (segregation) which is a basic Islamic doctrine She had also

addressed the All India Muslim League annual meeting in the absence of her sons

Women were enthusiastic and struggled hard for the achievement of an Independent

Sovereign Islamic State Pakistan They were intellectual sincere and courageous They

possessed the leadership qualities (Yasmeen at al 201705)

Similarly Pukhtun women have played their role in politics despite strong

patriarchal norms During 1930-33 in the great Khudai Khitmatgar (Servants of God)

movement of Abdul Ghaffar Khan Pukhtun women were also in the forefront with male

members of the society This was a peaceful movement against the British Imperialism

(Bala 2013131) Due to pardah women participated and showed their presence behind

the walls and above the rooftops to be aware of the movement led by Pukhtun nationalist

Abdul Ghaffar Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan appreciated and encouraged Pukhtun females

by considering them an important part of the society without whom prosperity is

impossible (Banerjee 2000100)

Elder Pukhtun women such as Dur Marjan amp Noor- un- Nisa of Taru Jabba were

vanguards of the movement They led many processions of KK movement Educated

women of the time endeavoured for better education and better life standards of Pukhtun

women Leaders of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement were strong abettor of the

womenlsquos education and had worked for it Pukhtuns appreciate their struggle The

followers of Khudai Khidmatgar movement including Muslims non- Muslims and

women boycotted the British products and their institutions including courts tax offices

schools police and army (Shah 1998 76-77 Stephan 2009 113)

Similarly Frontier Muslim League also worked for the womenlsquos development and

took active steps for their education to enable them for their participation in politics First

womenlsquos branch in NWFP was formed in April 1939 Activities against the government

started in 1940 which led to their participation in 1945-46 elections In these elections

women delegation motivated Pukhtun women to cast their votes in favour of the Muslim

League candidates After the meeting numerous veiled Pakhtun women registered

themselves as a member of the Muslim League (Shah 199878)

Women Muslim League also launched a civil disobedience movement against the

ministry of Congress Women conducted different processions in which they had covered

themselves in veils and actively participated against the Congress Ministry Quaid-i-

Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had appreciated the efforts of Pukhtun women who

95

struggled hard and participated in the achievement of an Independent homeland for the

Muslims (Shah 199878) Women participated in historical political events nevertheless

under the strict observance of religious tenets and cultural codes

Hence women actively played their role in the political affairs of Pakistan Quaid-

i-Azam (Founding Father of Pakistan) formed a Womenlsquos Central Committee Fatima

Jinnah became its president for the purpose of introducing womenlsquos quota in the Muslim

League After the formation of Pakistan Ms Fatima Jinnah (the sister of the founding

father Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah) a woman of great astute became the first

woman of an independent Muslim state to contest the presidential elections against the

military ruler Gen Ayub Khan however she lost the elections because of rigging (Bano

200926)

Muslim women continued advances and had struggled for the political

empowerment of women even after independence through different legal reforms Their

struggle became successful in 1948 when Muslim Personal Law of Sharia was passed

This law recognized property rights of women and enabled them to inherit all forms of

property Then Begum Shaista Ikramullah and Begum Shah Nawaz were the first female

representatives in the first constituent assembly of Pakistan who represented women In

the legislature of 1956 constitution universal suffrage and reservation of special seats for

women were granted on the basis of direct female suffrage (Ali amp Akhtar 2012223)

Further in 1956 and 1962 constitutions 6 seats were reserved for women in the

National Assembly which was considered to be a great development (Bano 200926)

During 1970-77 period after the promulgation of 1973 constitution 10 seats were

reserved for women in the National Assembly for the next 10 years (Mehdi 2015) In

1982 these seats were increased to twenty After three general elections of 1977 1985

and 1988 reservations lapsed in 1988 A significant development in the electoral history

of Pakistan was witnessed in 1988 when Benazir Bhutto won elections and became the

first female Premier of an Islamic country Her government created a separate womenlsquos

ministry called ―Ministry of Women Development and also established many womenlsquos

universities Further womenlsquos protection bill was passed in the regime of General Pervaz

Musharraf According to the bill 10 quota were reserved for women in the Central

Superior Services while 5 quota were reserved for them in all other government

departments which was also approved by the Cabinet In local government women

quotas were increased to 30 however it was reduced to 175 in 2002 later under the

Legal Framework Order (Report 200504)

96

Women activists are struggling for their presence in the political sphere and to

provide them their political rights which is guaranteed by the quota system (seats reserved

for women) in the Assemblies Presently number of seats reserved for women are 60 in

the total of 342 National Assembly seats Thus the number of women contesting

elections for general seats increased by 130 since 2008 general elections Currently 18

women senators are occupying positions through reserved seats in the indirect election of

Senate Similarly in the four provincial assemblies of Pakistan the number of seats

reserved for women are 137 in which only 66 seats are reserved for women in the total

371 seats of Punjab 29 seats are reserved for women in the entire 168 seats of Sindh 11

reserved seats out of the total 51 seats in Baluchistan and 22 reserved seats for women in

the entire 124 seats of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly In the May 2013 election 150

women filed nomination papers for the National assembly and 313 for the provincial

Assemblylsquos seats which are almost double the total figure from the 2008 elections

(Ghosh 201303)

But apart from these developments women in the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP)

left the space and went into the background Few of the Pukhtun women later came to the

forefront and carved their place in the Politics Among them are Zari Sarfaraz (MNA

1962-64 1965-69) Kulsoom Saifullah (MNA March 1977-July 1977 1985-1988 1988-

1990) and Begum Nasim Wali Khan Zari Sarfaraz was an active member of the Musim

League and an astute Pukhtun businesswoman (Amir 2013) Kulsoom Saifullah was a

renowned political figure social activist and a businesswoman as well She was

Pakistanlsquos first female federal minister (Sherazi 2015)

Other prominent Pukhtun women are Bushra Gohar who served as Senior Vice-

president of ANP and now is the ANP central vice-president She became the Member of

Parliament on reserved seats for women in the 2008 general elections Similarly we saw

a great change in the 2013 general elections Dr Meher Taj Roghani Pakistan Tehreek-e-

Insaf (PTI) female candidate and a special assistant to chief minister was elected as a first

woman deputy speaker of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly with a great margin of 40

votes Under 2013 general elections the national assembly of Pakistan had 8 women from

the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP and FATA) while 22 occupied reserved seats in the KP

provincial assembly (Mahmood 2015)

My assessment is that whenever Pukhtun women get an opportunity they prove

their abilities All female members confronted the odds and occupied prestigious places

97

both in their parties and in the government They confidently work in the political sphere

like their male counterparts They work effectively in the promotion of good governance

Women played an active role in the political affairs of Pakistan and raised their voices

against the social economic cultural and political discrepancies Similarly women

political workers have been creating political awareness among females of their

respective areas in the KP province

Though various hurdles still obstructed women of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa from

exercising their electoral rights But it is need of the time to take such measures both at

the central as well as local level to provide them (women) their electoral and other

fundamental rights As we observed that in 2013 general elections the Chief Justice of

Peshawar High Court (PHC) ordered the Election Commission of Pakistan to halt the

results of NA-25 Lakki Marwat and NA-5 Nowshera and conduct re-polling in these two

constituencies where the turn out of the women voters were low (ShahN 2013)

Likewise in 2018 general elections the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) ordered

re-polling in the constituencies of NA-10 Shangla NA-48 North Waziristan of PK-23

Shangla -1 where majority of the women did not cast their votes (ShahA 2018) Women

are still struggling for political representation However they are kept away from the

political process through different measures like unavailability of identity cards or they

are not enrolled as voters

During Gen Musharraf regime Womenlsquos advocacy group became successful in

securing reserved seats for women in the national and provincial assemblies which

empowered women of those areas where women are barred from their political rights In

2013 general elections almost 1150 women contested elections for the general seats of

the National assembly most of whom were independent candidates Women from the

Pukhtun society are struggling hard against the odds They are fighting for their political

rights We saw Badam Zari from Bajaur (KP) who contested elections on a general seat

Though she lost the elections yet became a role model for other women (Saleem 2013)

I argue that such progress is clear indication that the Pukhtun women have the

capacity to prove themselves in every field whenever they get a chance They are now

more aware and educated and have the potential to work for the prosperity and

advancement of their Pukhtun society They struggle hard for the upgrading of women in

different fields especially in the political field more specifically for the women of the

rural Khyber Pukhtunkhwa

98

36 CONCLUSION

Pakistani women and more specifically Pukhtun women are facing hindrances in

different spheres of lives Such obstacles impede their way to success and prosperity

Socio-economic cultural religious barriers are like the invisible chains in their feet

Beside contradictory norms and values represented by Islam and Pukhtunwali they are

interpreted in a manner to justify patriarchal behaviour and structures in Pukhtun society

Pukhtuns are followers of the religion Islam but they also follow their centuries old codes

of conduct Pukhtunwali in which most of the features are against rights of the Pukhtun

women Being an Islamic society Pukhtuns are still probing for an appropriate role of

religion Islam in political and social life They are struggling to find boundaries between

Islam and traditions Such amalgamation of religion and culture further multiplies the

consensus of the followers especially regarding the rights of women Which in turn makes

life of the women vulnerable and exposed to exploitation Pukhtuns use their cultural

codes to benefit males and infringe the rights of women which grant the women

subservient position in the society Regardless of the fact that there are precedents of the

women who showed their resilience and carved out some political space by large women

are exploited in the name of Pukhtunwali and are subject to male dominance and control

However some Pukhtun women dare to challenge these odds and resist control and

subjugation The following chapters will explore one such example where a protagonist

Nasim Wali Khan struggled to achieve political prominence

99

CHAPTER ndash 4

POLITICAL OPPRESSION VICTIMIZATION AND THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

Situations produce leaders and leaders having capabilities to efficiently

manoeuvre a situation retain themselves in leadership position This chapter explores

such relationship between leadership rise and the testing situations More specifically it

explicates the situation which was responsible for the rise and retaining of political

leadership by Nasim Wali Khan Nasim Wali Khan occupied leadership position in the

turbulent situations and retained it with her skills of political manoeuvring However like

other Asian women leaders Nasim Wali faced tough odds from the patriarchal society

she was living in

Before taking the leadership role Nasim Wali Khan was a house wife and had

some rather limited influence over party through her husband The exacting situation

which the immediate family members of Nasim Wali Khan confronted in 1970s

compelled her to enter politics which she never imagined Once she took this arduous task

of leadership Nasim Wali Khan improvised and led her political party out of political

crisis The political crisis of her family and party was created by their arch rival and ruler

of the country i-e Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Nasim Wali as a political leader had to confront the

double jeopardy in those early times First her party was in crises due to the political

victimization of the government and second her personal challenge of confronting a

patriarchal society opposed woman leadership This chapter explores the crises situation

which forced her to join politics her leadership style the strategies she adopted to cope

with hurdles she faced as well as the facilitating factors in her political struggle both

before and after joining politics

SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING THE

EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

41 POLITICAL RESISTANCE TO AN AUTOCRATIC GOVERNMENT OF

ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO

Awami National Party (ANP) is an ethno-nationalist political party that faced

greater challenges throughout its existence Various regimes for different reasons

suppressed the party by persecuting its leaders as well as its workers Its top leaders such

100

as Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) and Khan Abdul Wali Khan faced imprisonment

ban torturelsquo etc Abdul Wali Khan also faced four assassination attempts during his

political career (Marwat 2015 123)

In the 1970 general elections the then National Awami Party (now ANP) won

substantial number of seats in the province assemblies of Baluchistan and erstwhile

NWFP (now Khyber Pukhtunkhwa) NAP secured the largest number of seats i-e 13 seats

in 40 constituencies of erstwhile NWFP and secured majority of 8 seats in 20

constituencies of Baluchistan National Awami Party secured 6 seats in the National

Assembly as well NAP didnlsquot get any support from Sindh and could not get candidate to

contest elections from Punjab nonetheless occupied one seat out of 300 constituencies in

the East Pakistan provincial assembly (Tasneem 2013197)

Abdul Wali Khan leader of National Awami Party from the west wing of

Pakistan secured seats of both the National and Provincial assembly from his home town

Charsadda That was a time when Sheikh Mujeeb-ur- Rehman was anticipated to be the

forthcoming Premier of Pakistan Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto deemed him a peril to his political

career For this reason Bhutto in pre-elections manoeuvring went to Charsadda in 1971 to

see Abdul Wali Khan and tried to convince him to join in an anti- Mujeeb alliance But

the offer was not accepted by Abdul Wali Khan Due to which ZABhutto threatened

Khan for the severe consequences (Shah 2015)

After the general elections of 1970 Abdul Wali Khan on 23rd

March 1971

presented his full support to Sheikh Mujeeb in the formation of government However

General Yahya Khan didnlsquot allow the transfer of power to Sheikh Mujeeb despite of the

fact he had won majority in the 1970 elections Sheikh Mujeeb and his party was banned

by Yahya Khan which appeared to be a malicious act Such vindictive actions against the

leader of East Pakistan were condemned by NAP and compelled the government to

resolve problems through dialogue (Chandio et al 2011) The support offered by NAP to

Sheikh Mujeeb was not aceptable to the government of West Pakistan as a consequence

Yahya Khan also banned NAP on 26th

November 1971 But when ZA Bhutto formed

the government on 21st December 1971 he removed ban against the NAP and this fair

deed was admired by the NAP leaders by providing unconditional support to the PPP

government However the friendship between NAP and Bhutto did not persist for long

(Shah 2015)

After the secession of East Pakistan NAP formed a coalition government in two

provinces of Pakistan i-e with BNP (Baluchistan National Party) they formed a

101

government in Baluchistan and with the support of JUI (Jamait Ulma -e -Islam) they

formed a government in earstwhile NWFP in 1972 NAP also became the main

opposition party within the National Assembly of Pakistan (Mushtaq2011251) Abdul

Wali Khan became the opposition leader at the national level and became major opponent

of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto ZA Bhutto after gaining power became more authoritarian and

harsh towards all those who opposed him (Wolpert 1993) Therefore his relations

generally with NAP but specifically with Abdul Wali Khan remained strained

After NAP formed her government in Baluchistan Baluchistan became the hub of

NAP because of its ethno-nationalistic credentials PPP government steered by ZA

Bhutto provoked local confrontation in Baluchistan with the support of Balochi Sardars

against the NAP government As a consequence NAP stayed in power only for ten

months (Shah 2015)

PPP government time and again charged NAP for the disintegration of Pakistan

and involvement in violent activities They considered them a threat for the safety and

security of Pakistan The charges became intensified when an arm cache at Iraqi Embassy

was found in Islamabad on 10th

February 1973 Federal Government charged NAP

leaders and Baluch government for involvement in planning a violent secessionist

struggle through these arms They charged the opponents by stating that the confiscated

arms are expected to use by them for the same purpose Print media of Pakistan used this

incident as a proof of secessionism against the JUIP-NAP coalition government in

Baluchistan (Marwat 2015 167)

Abdul Wali Khan rejected Bhuttolsquos accusations against him his party and

colleagues He further clarified that if they ever wanted arms and ammunition for their

political cause they could easily get it from Afghanistan borders through Baluchistan and

NWFP being the border provinces and having their governments He added that it is an

insane act to keep arms and ammunitions at Iraqi embassy in Islamabad (Federal capital)

instead of their own provincial capitals In a joint session of the federal Parliament Abdul

Wali Khan condemned the popularization of fake propaganda which according to Abdul

Wali Khan would defame Pakistan globally (Marwat 2015 167)

The alarming situations further became worsened when on February 14th

1973

Bhutto dismissed the coalition government of BNP and NAP in Baluchistan and bypassed

NAP appointees Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo (Governor) and Attaullah Mengal (chief minister)

of Baluchistan Nawab Akbar Bughti replaced Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo and became

governor of Balochistan As a result NAP-JUI government in erstwhile NWFP also

102

resigned on 16th

February 1973 Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil (Governor of NWFP) also

resigned in protest on the recommendation of Abdul Wali Khan Later Arbab Sikandar

Khan Khalil was replaced by Mohammad Aslam Khatak by the federal government At

the time Mufti Mahmood was the chief minister of erstwhile NWFP Abdul Wali Khan

condemned ZA Bhuttolsquos action against Baluchistan government (Alvi 2016 134)

Z A Bhutto took more oppressive measures against Baluchistan government

General Tikka Khan (Chief of Army Staff) was ordered to start military operation against

the ―miscreants Government ordered to find the guerrilla camps in the Marri Tribal

areas Such brutal actions made the situation more convoluted and increased hatred and

fear among the Baluch against the federal government (Hassan 201654)

Abdul Wali Khan was against submissive and authoritarian rule of Z A Bhutto

Abdul Wali Khan blamed PPP government for provoking Mazdur Kisan Party to be

involved in subversive and violent activities in erstwhile NWFP in 1972 He also charged

federal government for starting conflict between peasants and landlords of NWFP

specifically in Peshawar which was traditionally the support base of NAP Abdul Wali

Khan warned the government that these subversive activities would take the country into

civil war (Marwat 2015 163)

Due to his unwavering opposition to Bhutto Abdul Wali Khan faced death threats

and assassination attempts during Z A Bhutto rule However he narrowly escaped these

attempts The first assassination attempt against Abdul Wali Khan was carried out during

1970 election campaign On 3rd

December 1970 when Abdul Wali Khan was leading a

procession at Lahori Gate (Peshawar) an un -identified person opened fire on Abdul Wali

Khan but he escaped These submissive tendencies further increased the gap between PPP

and NAP (Marwat 2015163)

In order to counter such oppressive acts of Bhuttolsquos government all opposition

parties united and formed an alliance named as United Democratic Front (UDF) on 28th

February 1973 against the Z A Bhuttolsquos oppressive rule The main political parties of

UDF included National Awami Party (NAP) United Pakistan Muslim League (PML)

Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP)

Pakistan Democratic Party (PDP) Khaksar Tehrik and Independent Group On March

14th

1973 Pir Pagara of PML was appointed as a president of UDF Nawabzada

Nasrullah Khan and Mufti Mahmood as its vice presidents while Professor Ghafoor

Ahmad became UDF secretary (Ziring 1997393) The agenda of UDF was to ensure

maximum provincial autonomy struggle to bring democracy back and implementation of

103

Islamic teachings and resist the dictatorial policies of ZA Bhutto government All

opposition parties met in a convention held in Rawalpindi on 23rd

March 1973 followed

by a rally (Marwat 2015 173) The convention and rally was attended by Maulana Mufti

Mahmood Pir of Pagara Abdul Wali Khan Maulana Shah Asad Noorani Sardar Shaukat

Hayat Khan Asad Gilani Abdul Wali Khan was accompanied by a group of Pukhtuns

called Pukhtun Zalme led by Ajmal Khattak (Marwat 2015174)

Federal Security Force (FSF) obeyed the orders given by ZABhutto and attacked

this opposition gathering at Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi Consequently many people

(including majority of Pukhtuns) got injured and dozens of them being killed Some of

the NAP leading members including Ajmal Khattak escape to Kabul for security of their

lives PPP blamed Pukhtun Zalme for the massacre Later Hafiz Pirzada (Federal Law

Minister) blamed Pukhtuns that their purpose was to invade Islamabad and Rawalpindi

and wanted to humiliate Punjabis Government justified its operation on the rally by

stating that government had to protect its citizens against the wrongdoers But Abdul

Wali Khan called this charge a conspiracy against Pukhtuns and stated that Pukhtuns

present in the rally were unarmed and they showed their solidarity with Baluch brethren

Bhutto regime took harsh measures against the adversaries by putting the leaders in jails

and torturing them as well (Marwat 2015176)

ZA Bhutto government launched an official campaign to defame Wali Khan and

his party Initially government accused Abdul Wali Khan as an enemy of Islam and

called him a traitor Abdul Wali Khan was blamed to be engaged in activities detrimental

to the state Bomb explosions street violence law and order situation became a routine

matter (Lyon 2008) Bhutto and his government controlled media charged NAP leaders

for the chaos They further blamed that NAP tried to disintegrate Pakistan in collaboration

with the government of Afghanistan (Marwat 2015 123)

Abdul Wali Khan was again imprisoned by ZABhutto government on 8th

February 1975 when he was attending the funeral of Hayat Sherpao the slain leader of

PPP and close associate of Bhutto (Lyon 2008) Bhutto regime blamed NAP for the

assassination of Hayat Sherpao and consequently detained Abdul Wali Khan along with

52 other NAP leading members including Asfandyar Wali Khan Afzal Khan Arbab

Sikandar Khan Haji Bilour (NWFP) Ghous Bakhsh Bazenjo Khair Bakhsh Marri

Attaullah Mangal (Baluchistan) ZABhutto even apprehended the governors of

Baluchistan and NWFP (Noman 2009)

Likewise Z A Bhutto government adopted a strategy to get rid of Abdul Wali

104

Khan and his comrades For this purpose government amended 1962 Political Parties

Act This amendment enabled the government to declare any political party illegal if it

was found involved in unlawful activities This amendment also empowered the

government to first ban a political party and then send reference against the party to

Supreme Court of Pakistan (Marwat 2015 123) Under this amended law ZA Bhutto

took revengeful actions against NAP by banning it on February10th 1975 Such actions

of ruling class are common in Pakistan where opposition is coercively restrained instead

of engaging it politically (Noman 2009)

NAP offices were sealed by the government and the party records and assets were

also confiscated Later they wrecked the records as well (Wolpert 1993249) Abdul

Wali Khan was declared as enemy of Islam He was called a traitor and the agent of Iraq

India Russia and Afghanistan (Wolpert 1993242) There seems to be a systematic effort

on the part of the government to destroy the political career of NAP leaders My interview

respondent and secretary general of ANP(W)Mr Tofaan reveals that censorship was

imposed by ZABhutto on the publications of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Wali Khan

names and the press would publish their names as AW Khan and AG Khan to misguide

the people (Tofaan interview 2016)

Though 1970 general elections provided a unique opportunity to Pakistan ie

democratic transition based in popular politics However the subsequent government of

Z A Bhutto spoiled it through his autocratic style of governance Though Z A Bhutto

was a charismatic educated and prominent political leader from Sindh who governed

Pakistan from 1971 till 1977 (cf Wolpert 1993) But Z A Bhutto after acquiring the

helms of affairs used inexorable measures against those who defied his authority and

questioned his cruel measures Police harassment intimidation incarceration and toucher

were various measures used by Bhutto to deal with his adversaries Z A Bhuttolsquos

repressive actions were not only used against political opponents but included lawyers

journalists and all those who publically confront ZABhutto During his rule there was

widespread political violence political assassinations murders were commonlsquo and

official use of violence and terrorlsquo became widespreadlsquo Speaker of the Baluchistan

Assembly and the opposition members were killed Labour leaders were also main target

of the oppressive rule Assassination attempts were made on Abdul Wali Khan (NWFP

leader) and Asghar Khan (leader of Tehriq-i-Istiqlal) Officials and members of Jammat-i-

Islami were also targeted and killed Street crimes beating guns and goons were

prevalent in Pakistani society Bhutto inflicted fear and terror in the minds of public

105

(Ziring 1997 381-383)

In these crisis situation NAP along with Abdul Wali Khanlsquos family was the main

target of the governmental political oppression Abdul Wali Khan his eldest son among

other top party leaders were incarcerated by ZA Bhutto government on the charges of

treason Abdul Ghaffar Khan (father of Abdul Wali Khan) was also detained by the

government on 2nd

April 1975(Yousafzai 199860) Ghani Khan and Ali Khan were

brothers of Abdul Wali Khan Both of them were non-political one of them was

academician and the other was a poet They were least interested to lead The only male

child was Sangeen Khan the eldest son of Abdul Wali Khan But he was too young (less

than 18 years) to lead a party (Mazari 1999 383) Likewise Abdul Wali Khan cousinslsquo

(sons of Khan Sahib chief minister of west Pakistan) had no interest in politics as well

Leaders of NAP were imprisoned in different categories of jail Mir Ghous Bakhsh

Bizenjo Syed Hadi Naqvi Yusuf Mustikhan Fasihuddin Salar Dr MA Mehboob Lal

Bakhsh Rind Usman Baluch and Karamat Ali (Kaushik 198411) Abdul Wali Khan

Abdul Wahid Khurd Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil Gul Khan Naseer Pervaz Salim Col

Sultan Ahmad Mohammad Afzal Dr Inayatullah Nisar Khan were imprisoned in class

A category jail while Moosa Jan S Mohammad Salim Mohammad Aslam Khan Sardar

Ashrafullah Mohammad Abdullah Malik Amanullah Mohammad Gul Saifullah

Munawar Khan Abdul Qayum Ghulam Hussain Hamid Aziz Muhammad Bakhsh

Muhammad Fateh(Patay Khan) Shar Muhammad Abdul Aziz Jumma Rahim Abdul

Wahab Alif Khan Attaullah Jan Muhammad Aslam Kurd Muhammad Hashim Mengal

and Saadullah among majority NAP members were imprisoned in class B category jail

(Ahmad 197726)

The imprisonment and bar on NAP leaders left a leadership vacuum Despite the

arrest of the main leaders of NAP some members of the defunct NAP prominently

Kaswar Gardezi from Multan (former secretary general of NAP) Majid Mengal

Attaullah Mengal Ghulam Ahmad Bilour (President NAP NWFP) Jennifer Musa and

Hashim Gilzai Mahmood Ali Kasuri Mazhar Ali Khan Abdul Khaliq Khan Mahmooda

Salim Umrao Khan Amirzada Khan and Nasim Wali Khan among other members

endeavoured to find ways for their political survival (Mazari 1999383)

Members of the defunct NAP party decided to appoint a leader able enough to

revive the party aggregate the party followers and struggle for the emancipation of party

leaders However leading NAP in these conditions of political victimization and

oppression was very difficult Nasim Wali Khan being a woman family member came

106

forward and take a strenuous task during convoluted time Though Nasim Wali Khan had

never thought of joining active politics (WaliN interview 2017)

Nonetheless absence of male political successors of Abdul Wali Khan within the

family and unfavourable political situations for party compelled her to lead Therefore to

ensure her familylsquos political survival Nasim Wali Khan took the hard task to lead a

political party choked in crisis Thus her entrance in politics was accidental and necessity

of the time Nasim Wali Khan reveals that

―I came into politics not for the mission but for the need About 5500 people

were arrested after Sherpaolsquos murder It was pure political smack down I

observed that the political consciousness was lost I wanted to maintain that

spirit keep the democratic forces together (Wali N interview 197714)

Besides her own realisation Nasim Wali Khan was further provoked by Bhuttolsquos

statements and actions Nasim Wali Khan states that after taking oppressive action against

Abdul Wali Khan Bhutto claimed that ―he had killed Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his

family politically (Nasim Wali N interview 2017) Nasim Wali argues that this

statement provoked her to join active politics (WaliN interview 2017) After

consultation with Abdul Wali Khan in jail she accepted the leadership position (Afridi

interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan did not repent her decision she stated ―Now I am glad

I came I realize I did the right thing (Wali N interview 197714)

Nasim Wali argues that though she accepted leadership position of the party she

was worried regarding the response of her people Her support base among Pukhtuns of

Pakistan would mean to adopt a socially appropriate behaviour Women in Pukhtun

societies are generally restricted to homes and free mobility of female members of the

society are discouraged Nasim Wali Khan conveyed her apprehensions in these words

―I was afraid in the beginning that they wouldnlsquot accept me When I went for

my first public meeting I was confused because our people were divided

Some said I should come out others said I shouldnlsquot Our young supporters

those in colleges were in favour The older people thought that our opponents

would use it against me In our society a womenlsquos coming out in public is

considered bad It was difficult for the public to accept And that is why I was

afraid of peopleslsquo reactions Three to four times I felt like going back But I

did not lose courage (Wali N interview 1977 18)

Furthermore countrylsquos political circumstances were also unfavourable for the

107

party Thus for the purpose to counter the political crises the imprisoned leaders

suggested to consult a tenacious political figure able enough to revive a party in the

convoluted circumstances (cf Mazari 1999382) Therefore they offered leadership

to anti- Bhutto from Punjab i-e Ghulam Mustafa Khar and Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi

However these leaders refused the offer because they thought that their affiliation

with NAP which was generally mistrusted in Punjab would put their political

leadership at risk in Punjab The leaders of NAP then offered this position to a Baluch

independent candidate Sherbaz Khan Mazari Mazari accepted the leadership of NAP

(Mazari 1999384)

Nasim Wali Khan in consultation with Sherbaz Mazari and other defunct NAP

leaders suggested to form a new political party to confront the government (Marwat

2015201) Consequently on November 6th

1975 a new political party bearing the

name of National Democratic Party (NDP) was officially launched at Islamabad

Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari became its President and Nasim Wali Khan as its Vice-

President (Mazari 1999384) It was in 1975 that the government allowed Nasim

Wali Amir Zada Khan (Mardan based advocate) Haji Ghulam Bilour went to meet

Abdul Wali Khan in Hyderabad jail (WaliN interview 2016) Nasim Wali posits

that Abdul Wali khan never dictated her and the party colleagues from the jail Abdul

Wali Khan was mostly unaware of the countrylsquos political conditions therefore he

gave a free hand to Nasim Wali Khan and other party associates for revival of the

political party However he emphasized that the leaders should take decisions

through consensus (Wali N interview 2017)

The above accounts reveal that crisis situations put parties to test Parties

confronting suppressive regimes get into leadership crisis as well In such testing times

courageous persons are needed to take leadership role In hereditary parties such

leadership comes from within the family and in traditional societies male members take

up the task Politics become a family affair However in the absence of male family

members women of the family may also offer their services It is instructive to notice that

these women leaders take the risk and courageously confront the crises Nasim Wali Khan

had no contemplation towards active politics neither her husband nor the male members

of the family ever expressed their desire towards her involvement in active politics

However Nasim Wali Khan in order to sustain the family hold on the party accepted the

role Her decision was not based on an emotional whim but a rational calculation that her

party was facing an existential threat and she is required to lead it out of the crisis

108

The convoluted situation provided an opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan which she

availed by coming out of the traditional premises of her house Later she manoeuvred the

situation in her favour and courageously confronted all the odds

Like other South Asian woman political leaders the crisis situation provided an

opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan to lead But situation alone was not responsible for her

rise as a political leader Being a member of the politically prominent family Nasim Wali

was not at the mercy of the situation she was politically groomed in Wali Khanlsquos family

However the fact that Nasim Wali knowingly accepted the challenge of leading the party

in crisis and in a patriarchal social settings shows that she was a courageous woman She

could have refused the leadership and played a role of a grieving wife restricted to her

home but she refused to do so

Scholars posit that women of the eminent political families become the

beneficiarieslsquo of the political legacy (Jalazai amp Krook 201008 Iwanaga 2008 2 Mittra

amp Kumar 2004 218) Political training received within the family equip them regarding

political know how and decision- making This attribute further enhances their chances of

success and leadership (Fleschenberg 2008 02 amp 39)

Thus females of the elite classes have distinct life experiences and grooming as

compared to females of the general population Their families act as a political training

platform Politically prominent families endow them with crucial knowledge required for

effective political functioning Involvement of parents and spouses in the societal or

national affairs provide basic opportunities to these females for nurturing political skills

reputation and even support base which is known to be their ―Political Apprenticeship

(Cornwall amp Goetz 2005) Such political apprenticeshiplsquo (OlsquoNeil amp Domingo 201622)

is utilized by women leaders to attain leadership position and later improvise in active

politics As wives and daughters of politicians these women occupy political positions on

behalf of their husbands and fathers (Jensen 2008)

It is pertinent here to reflect again on the political background of Nasim Wali

Khan Nasim Wali was the daughter of Amir Mohammad Khan Hoti who was an active

member of Khudai Khidmatgar movement in British India He even remained the

provincial president of Khudai Khidmatgar movement Later she married with Abdul

Wali Khan a veteran political figure and the son and successor of Ghaffar Khan Ghaffar

Khan was the founder of Khudai Khidmatgar movement and his family was a hub of

political activities before and after partition of British India He led nonviolent resistance

against British imperialism and later spearheaded nationalist politics within Pakistan

109

Being member of such illustrious family Nasim Wali was politically groomed right from

the very beginning She had a great affection for her father and his struggle for the rights

of Pukhtun people from the platform of Khudai Khidmatgar Abdul Wali Khan used to

discuss political matters with Nasim Wali Khan which increased her political awareness

(Khan H interview 2017) Nasim Wali Khan mostly accompanied him in his political

visits Such accounts of Nasim Walilsquos training in politics endorses the idea of political

apprenticeship which female of prominent political families go through

Likewise my primary data also endorsed the idea that Nasim Wali received her

earlier training in politics within her family Afridi in his interview argues that strong

political family background facilitated Nasim Wali throughout her political life Name

recognition as being wife of Abdul Wali khan and daughter in law of Bacha khan was

indeed a great support for her However Afridi also appreciates her courage wisdom that

being a Pukhtun woman she was courageous enough to face people confidently (Afridi

interview 2017) Lawangeen Khan (grandson of Nasim Wali) reveals that without a

strong family backing it was impossible for her to take a lead and attain the top

leadership position (KhanL interview 2017) Her family struggle was properly

acknowledged by Nasim Wali Khan throughout her political career In her visit with

Sherbaz Khan Mazari to Lahore on 3rd

December 1975 and addressed District bar

association In her speech she introduced herself in the following words ―you recognize

me as Mrs Abdul Wali Khan but today I am going to introduce myself properly

―I am proud of myself that I am daughter of a martyr I am proud of myself that I

am mother of a mujahid and wife of a mujahid as well Besides I feel honoured

that I am daughter -in -law of that mujahid who has spent all his life behind the

bars for the rights of his people and for his true principles A mujahid who was

never been purchased by anyone nor did he ever bowed before any dictator

(WaliN speech 197511)

In this speech she clearly expressed her relations with her male family members

who were acknowledged by the public She used impressive language to dignify the

males of her family Their struggles and sacrifices were being highlighted before the

audience Likewise Sherbaz Khan Mazari in his address on 3rd

December 1975 in

Lahore acknowledged the sacrifices and political efforts of Nasim Wali Khanlsquos family in

these words

―I can proudly say that Nasim Wali is a person whose father has spent his whole

110

life struggling for the acquisition of independence and justice from the British

imperialist forces and embraced martyrdom She represents the third generation of

her family that is struggling for the similar cause Her father-in-law husband and

son is in jail I acknowledge her courage and determination that despite the

turbulent situation she is still standing before you (Mazari speech 197516)

By adopting such strategy to recall and acknowledge the sacrifices and

endeavours of male members of her family Nasim Wali intended to win over the support

base created by her family Consequently she was able to win public support through

these acknowledgements Therefore unlike new women leaders Nasim Wali was able to

exploit her family support base and retain leadership position

Women political leaders of politically prominent families acquire leadership

position attract sympathy and support of the general masses and proceed their political

parties efficiently (Iwanaga 2008283 OlsquoConnor 2010388) Wijekoon argues that

public have great respect towards eminent political families General masses pay regards

to the struggle and sacrifices given by male members of these families (200560)

My interview respondents also endorsed the importance of family position for

women leaders One such eminent woman politician and current MPA of KP assembly

argues that the standing of family in politics expedite the women members of the family

Public following of the family further helps women attain leadership positions Other

women of the general population strive harder to make a place for themselves in the

political sphere (Ihsan interview 2017)

Arguing in the same line Hussain revealed that in South Asia and Central Asia

entitlementlsquo matters a lot It is used as an additional factor in the success of political

leaders But entitlement of Pukhtun society relates to the sacrifices and struggles of elders

and not to wealth or caste In case of Nasim Wali Khan presence of particular family

entitlement is just because of her ancestorlsquos struggles and sacrifices who went through

ordeals in their political career (Hussain interview 2017)

Belonging to a politically prominent family Nasim Wali Khan had developed her

basic understanding of politics within her family Frequent visits of the political figures

and routine discussion on political matters in her home enabled her to learn politics The

role of her husband in this regard is prominent He would discuss various political affairs

with Nasim Wali and engage her in crucial discussions with his political associates

Through her husband Nasim Wali kept herself informed about different political

111

activities happening around her Such training provided her basis to enter active politics

However after taking leadership role she further polished her political skills

The political affiliation of her family her political apprenticeship within family

and the public regard not only facilitated Nasim Wali to play political role but also

encouraged Nasim Wali Khan in her endeavor against political adversaries Therefore

from the case of Nasim Wali Khan we can conclude that familial political connections

assist women in their career development

Nasim Wali Khanlsquos personality and political grooming enabled her to

courageously confront all opposition and escape manipulation at the hands of male

stalwarts of her party She exhibited strong will-power and determination which was

unchallengeable Literature (Bakshi 200101 Roy 201564) states that mostly female

leaders are susceptible to manipulation of their male colleagues of the party Therefore

women are often considered to be less challenging in politics At times this encourages

men colleagues of political parties to choose women as political leaders Campus argues

that ―women leaders are like puppets in the hands of male party members (Campus

2013 46) They can be easily manoeuvred Therefore the nomination of women as

leaders of defunct parties serve two purposes ie women leaders gain public support

during crisis time and they are also available for manipulation at the hands of male

members of the party

Nasim Wali argues that she was also initially rejected by some old party comrades

for her presence in politics However she neglected such dissenting voices within the

party and later proved herself the best candidate for leadership of the time (WaliN

interview 2017) Similarly Afridi reveals that Nasim Wali was not a compromising

leader who can be easily manipulated in the decision -making and in the formulation of

policy by the male party members She worked with determination and continued her

active political role even after the release of Abdul Wali Khan She was not powerless

and couldnlsquot be side- lined even in the presence of male family members She actively

participated in politics and had a strong hold in the party affairs (Afridi interview 2018)

After analysing the leadership of Nasim Wali we observe that initially some old

guards of Khudai Khitmatgar including Ghafoor Khan and Mirdal Khan opposed her

physical presence in politics But Nasim Wali Khan even against their opposition not

only joined the party but led it as well Within the party some members were thinking that

she couldnlsquot be able to lead the party for long in the presence of government oppression

and would accept her failure (WaliN interview 2017) She could easily leave active

112

politics without being charged for it However Nasim Wali argues that she was

determined and had performed her leadership role in a way that her leadership became

acceptable to all (WaliN interview 2017)

My assessment from Nasim Walilsquos case is that although crisis situation provide

an opportunity to females of the prominent political families to lead but such turbulent

situations also proves challenging as well The cooperative empathetic and collaborative

nature of female are deemed to be appropriate in crisis time They have the ability to

struggle for the congregation improvement and advancement of their political parties and

families Saint- Germain posits that women are the true unifier of family and are more

appropriate to grab the political authority after any mishaps with their males and they

have the potential to serve in acrimonious circumstances (Saint-Germain 1993) As

Jalalzai argues that in the severe political uncertainty and defective political institutions

womenlsquos political participation provide harmony which acts as the contributing factor and

support them to acquire leadership position (Jalalzai 2008)

While assessing Nasim Walilsquos political entrance and her political struggle I argue

that primarily after the ban of NAP and imprisonment of party leaders she visited the

houses of party workers to express her solidarity in turbulent times Through these visits

she tried to acquaint them with the crisis situations and encouraged them to endure it with

patience Through such strategy she had successfully congregated old party associates

and supporters and revived former NAP with the new name National Democratic Party

(NDP) The platform of this party enabled Nasim Wali Khan to endeavor for the safe

acquittal of Abdul Wali Khan his associates and supporters who were confined in

Hyderabad jail and she also demanded fresh elections She consolidated the defunct

political party and workers The appointment of Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari as president

of new party (NDP) to confront the political and societal challenges was a good decision

of that time Ahmad argues that Sherbaz Khan Mazari was the close associate of Z A

Bhutto but because of his policies he dissociated from Bhutto and joined hands with the

opposition Nasim Wali in a turbulent situation Mazari was a likeminded person who was

against the military action in East Pakistan and was also against the PPP action in

Baluchistan (Ahmad 2000)

Similarly Nasim Wali Khan served as a link between her husband and party

workers She intelligently availed the opportunities and hardly compromised in her

political career She bravely confronted the oppressive measures taken by government of

the time She was confident and discussed issues impressively with the general masses in

113

her public meetings My interview data reveals that Nasim Wali Khanlsquos struggle

continued for three years and she led different successful rallies and campaigns

throughout the country in which she was able to collect large gatherings of people from

all over Pakistan She opposed all those acts of the government which violated rights of

the public as a consequence she gained support and sympathies of public (KhanH

interview 2017 Yousafzai interview 2017)

Furthermore followers play a very important role for effectiveness of leaders who

can accept follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time Turbulent situation was a

challenge to the successful leadership of Nasim Wali Khan Thus acquisition of support

of masses were crucial to confront the testing time Nasim Wali Khan adopt such

appropriate leadership style which enabled her to win support and acceptability of the

general masses Apart from criticism of some old party comrades later she proved herself

the best nominee for the political leadership of the time

Wijekoon argues that the cultural aspect of such societies accumulate ―the

sympathy vote for the women of elite class who are challenging demanding

circumstances in politics (200564) In her visit on 31st October 1976 to the office of NDP

Lahore Nasim Wali Khan was fervently welcomed by the NDP workers After the

recitation of Holy Quran Ahsan Daein (president NDP Lahore) inaugurated the mass

gathering He started a brief emotional address by stating that

―The whole family of Nasim Wali Khan is in jail All male family members

are imprisoned Our honourable sister has embraced the difficulties by

joining politics in these difficult situations Youth of Lahore assure their

support to the respectable sister in her struggle for democracyhellipeveryone

who are opposing the oppressive policies of the government are brutally

targeted but he encouraged them by saying that despite such dreadful

conditions we would obtain our rights (Daein speech 197621)

Nasim Wali Khan was successful in gathering mass support not only in

erstwhile NWFP (now KP) but also in Sindh and Punjab provinces of Pakistan

Public was sympathetic towards her Such support was crucial for her political

struggle and ultimately paved way for her success in politics

Thus in the elections of 1977 due to her efforts NDP made an alliance with the

nine opposition parties in the name of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and jointly

contested elections against Bhutto government Support of masses towards Nasim Wali

114

was evident in these election in which she was succeeded from Swabi and Charsadda and

became the first female parliamentarian of Pakistan to be elected on general seats instead

of reserved (Roy 2014 179)

But in the elections of March 7th

1977 Bhutto succeeded with absolute majority

The opposition accused government for rigging in elections and boycotted the provincial

assemblieslsquo elections PNA started agitations and anti-government rallies against

ZABhutto regime Government took harsh steps against the opposition which further

deteriorated the countrylsquos circumstances (Nasr 1994)

Nasim Wali Khan started her campaign by visiting the whole country She held

public gatherings and processions throughout the country (Yousafzai interview 2017)

During this political contestation on July 5th

1977 General Zia- ul- Haq (the Chief of

Army Staff) imposed Martial Law The Martial Law was welcomed by majority of the

opposition leaders (Amin 2007) because they considered it an ―unwanted but

unavoidable act (Khuhro et al 2013)

After the imposition of Martial Law in July 1977 Gen Zia- ul- Haq in act of

appeasement went to Hyderabad jail to meet Abdul Wali Khan He intended to revoke

Hyderabad Conspiracy Case and release the previous NAP leaders and supporters from

prison Consequently in December 1977 Abdul Wali Khan was released from the jail

and his confiscated properties were returned General Zia declared Abdul Ghaffar Khan

and Abdul Wali Khan as great patriots (Amin 2007)

Nasim Wali thus led a non-violent planned and systematic civilian movement to

overthrow the oppressive regime of ZABhutto (Yousafzai interview 2017) Moreover

political victimization motivated Nasim Wali to struggle against her adversaries Besides

political oppression at that time she was confronted with her identity crises as well

Being a woman and Pukhtun Nasim Wali had to struggle against the patriarchal norms

and values of Pukhtun society

42 IDENTITY CRISES NASIM WALI KHAN BEING A PUKHTUN

WOMAN

It was not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to perform and engage in

public affairs The entire Pukhtun community is supposed to socially organize and act

through the codes of Pukhtunwali Thus social organization and codes of conduct of

Pukhtuns are subject to customary laws These codes are highly biased towards women

Under these codes women are subjected to norms that make them dependent on men and

115

are practically restricted to the four walls of home (Niaz 2011)

Nasim Wali being member of the same Pukhtun community abide by traditions

like any other woman It is pertinent to look into some crucial questions such as what

restrictions Nasim Wali faced from her society during her political career And how she

overcome those hurdles

The centuries old codes of conduct (Pukhtunwali) are the very essence of Pukhtun

society These codes establish a patriarchal social order with women in subservient status

Under this code the lives of women are influenced by the concerned men at an early

stage Saeed argues that women abide by the decision of a father brother and husband

Father exercise authority from education of females to selection of their husbands After

marriage husband and in-laws dominate their lives They could decide every matter

whether related to number of children her role in community and limitation regarding

education or employment Pukhtuns consider such authority crucial for safety and

security of honour and chastity of women Infringement of which brings dreadful

consequences to a society (Saeed 2012101)

Though female leader Nasim Wali Khan challenged the cultural tabooslsquo footed in

patriarchy by joining politics and making gender irrelevant to her struggle She

challenged some of the very primary requirements of the code such as seclusion of men

and women (pardah) She stood against the tides of tough times and was successful

enough to gain public support (Khan L interview 2017) This raises an important

question ie How was it possible to challenge the cultural codes that were considered dear

by the society and still being able to gather public support I argue that Nasim Wali was

not actually challenging cultural norms but tried her level best to bring them in

conformity with the changing times Likewise it is significant to understand that the

characteristics of Pukhtunwali are not firm and static Banerjee posits that concept and

beliefs of Pukhtuns are flexible having the capacity of conciliation and alteration

(Banerjee 2000) Similarly Bartlotti argues that Pukhtunwali as a metaphoric system is

adaptable and can be formed fabricated manipulated and even dismantled (Bartlotti

200014-15) Nasim Walilsquos effort to manipulate some of these norms was in line with the

practices of her father-in-law (Ghafar Khan) who also manipulated some cultural norms

(cf Banerjee 2000)

Though Nasim Wali faced some opposition from her own family members in the

beginning Shahida Waheed a cousin of Nasim Wali and daughter of the Mirdal Khan

(old Khudai Khidmatgar and Abdul Ghaffar Khanlsquos close companion) reveals that

116

challenging the very code of Pukhtunwali ie to come out in the open among male

supporters and workers was not liked by Nasim Walilsquos uncle Nasim Walilsquos uncle was of

the opinion that though women were part of the nationalist struggle of the Pukhtuns their

presence were limited They were only helping during elections and had no part in the

process of making decisions as well as in the party organization Waheed states that

Mirdal Khan considered it against the very code of Pukhtunwali that Nasim Wali being

his family member attended and addressed public gatherings (especially in Mardan) in

his presence But the unflinching support of Abdul Wali Khan helped Nasim Wali to face

such opposition without any fear and exit (Waheed interview 2017)

The above analysis reveals that Nasim Wali was aware of Pukhtun traditions and

would like to deal with unfavourable ones To adopt public life at time when the presence

of Pukhtun women in politics were meagre and not appreciated Nasim Wali was able to

win confidence and support of Pukhtuns Confidence of colleagues empowered her to

take tough decisions courageously which in turn granted her the undisputed leadership of

the party for almost two decades Scheckelhoff argues that support and encouragement of

family are significant for success of these women in their career (Scheckelhoff 2007)

Similarly support from friends and followers further enhance integrity and successes of

women leaders (Bell et al 2005) Tadros postulates that females are lacking important

resources and available time because of gendered specified domestic and reproductive

work He argues that though lives of women seem to be constricted to the private sphere

of houses but it also acquaint women about the power which they use publically in their

adulthood Likewise encouragement and support of family and spouses are

instrumental in upgrading of their political career (Tadros 2014) I argue that though

Pukhtunwali was barrier in Nasim Walilsquos political career but was adjusted with the

requirement of the circumstances This could only be possible with the support of the

family members and the ability to manoeuvre the same to gain desired consequences

Following are some details about how she was able to do so

Status and honour of family is closely related to character and actions of women

in Pukhtun society Bad reputation of a woman will disgrace the whole family which is

intolerable and can lead to terrible consequences (Jamal 2015)

Thatlsquos why femaleslsquo are more sensitive regarding their functions in the society It

is societal obligation to observe Pardah Pardah means to remain in seclusion from the

stranger males Pardah represents three main principles in the life of Muslim women

Obedience to the religious commandments cultural identity related to status kinship and

117

political consciousness Though customs are patriarchal and oppressive in nature but for

women to observe pardah is a way to show their regard towards religious beliefs and its

acceptability Pardah has many facets and choice is that of women according to her status

in society (Papanek 1971521)

The violation of Pardah is not tolerated by Pukhtun society Paktun women are

prohibited to move out in the general public more specifically in the presence of

strangers It is against Pukhtun cultural norms and customs This bring us to the question

of how Nasim Wali joined active political life and showed her presence in rallies

meetings and demonstrations all along when it was prohibited by Pukhtunwali

Ahmed argues that women of the patriarchal societies are more thoughtful about

the functions they perform However we do observe some differences in the lives of

Pukhtun women of tribal and settled areas Women of the orthodox tribal families are not

permitted to move in public places and are restricted within four walls of their houses

But elder females have some relaxation in Pardah While moderate and progressive

Pukhtun families observe their traditions and customs but not in a strict sense as triballsquos

do They are to some extent allowed to move outside four walls of their houses but in Veil

or Sadar and accompanied by servant driver or closest male relatives (Ahmed 2006)

Hussain affirms in his interview that Bacha Khan (the great nationalist leader) did

mobilize Pukhtun women since the commencement of Khudai Khidmatgar movement He

encouraged them to learn and write which motivated them and gave them confidence

Bacha khan worked hard to create awareness among Pukhtun women (Hussain interview

2017) In KK movement majority of Pukhtun women participated on the appeal of Bacha

khan which was a breakthrough for Pukhtun women KK movement brought women an

unprecedented access to public life and relaxation in Pardah Women even attended

meetings and they were present on the streets in groups to meet Bacha Khan (Banerjee

200098) I argue that being member of a progressive family Nasim Wali acted

accordingly She joined politics in an era where there was minimal women participation

in active politics particularly in a traditional and conservative Pukhtun society Women

usually suffered by these patriarchal tendencies But she was aware of her traditions

which was evident from her physical appearance She always covered herself in a long

black or white sadar to show her reverence towards her norms and traditions along with

the fulfilment of her tasks Almost each and every colleague and reporter of the

prominent newspapers of that time appreciated her traditional attire (see also Bondrey

1977 Malik 1976 Mazari 1999)

118

Nasim Wali reveals that she was always conscious about honour and dignity of

her family In her speeches she always mentioned the reasons behind her active

involvement in politics In one of her speech on 3rd

December 1975 in the Lahore Bar

Association she stated that

―Women presence in the large public gatherings outside their home is not

considered a stigma in Punjab neither they considered it bad but in Pukhtun

society we have a different culture The mobility of a woman outside her

house is similar to invite a doomsday (qayamat ko dawaat kay mutaradif

hay) We are backward and uneducated Despite this whenever country

needs sacrifices or whenever dictator arises we are proud that we had

always confronted crises situations large arrays move out of our houses

(WaliN speech 197511-12)

Similarly Sherbaz Khan Mazari argues that ―Nasim Wali Khan was covered with

sadar and she took more trouble to explain that being a Pathan lady she was only

appearing in public because of the compulsion of circumstances Mazari further states

that ―I recall that she even stated that as soon as her husband is released from jail she will

at once withdraw to the sanctity of zannanah(Mazari 1999389-390) Furthermore in

another mass gathering on 31st October 1976 in Lahore while addressing NDP workers in

Lahore office She was warmly welcomed by the workers Malik (1976) states that she

was covered in white sadar Throughout her life she wore traditional Pukhtun dresses

with Black and later white sadar It shows her determination for the achievement of the

task within the cultural and traditional domains (Malik 197621)

In her speeches Nasim Wali asserted time and again that her involvement in

active politics was because of the compulsion of the situation However she would not

challenge the cultural codes but would try her best to act accordingly Whenever she

acted differently she would explain the compulsions publicly Nasim Wali would cover

herself in traditional sadar and wore simple and dull colours She particularly cited an

instance when her husband Wali Khan asked the reason about her simple dress code

Nasim Wali Khan answered that for women who work in the presence of thousands of

men her dress should be simple in order to avoid public gaze and to concentrate on the

worklsquo Thatlsquos why she decided simple attire with traditional white Sadar in public

gatherings (WaliN interview 2017)

My interview respondents posit that in traditional societies women political

119

leaders being part of societies follow the local traditions to gain acceptability among

general public They argue that political triumph is impossible in violation of these very

codes (Ihsan interview 2017 KhanA interview 2017) So Nasim Wali in a traditional

attire observed Pardah the very code of Pukhtunwali (Khan F interview 2017)

Besides her dress Nasim Wali confidently attended meetings with party

supporters in Hujra8 She showed her appearances in public gatherings and rallies which

apparently was to challenge the norms of Pukhtunwali Yousafzai argues that the people

were ―shocked to hear that a woman from Bacha Khan family came in the open and

joined politics Not only that she used to travel with male members of the party and held

rallies against government of the time However the general public were still sympathetic

towards Nasim Wali (Yousafzai interview 2016) It was her ability that she successfully

adopted strategies which enabled her to accumulate the peoplelsquos support and acceptance

while challenging the norms of Pukhtun society

She skilfully used the cultural codes in her favour at the very beginning of her

political struggle Tofan recalls the memories of a rally at Chowk Yadgar Peshawar and

posits that Nasim Wali Khan was very confident that in her initial political speech she

looked into the eyes of her opponents in the party and inspired her followers She

impressively presented her skills of political leadership She took over the public

emotions and would clearly recall that the supporters in the rally including the security

personal couldnlsquot hold back their tears The very words of the speech were

―I am going through a circumstances where there is absence of male family

members to take care My father is dead my husband my brother my son

and all other male family members are in jails There is absence of able

leaders who are willing to take the political responsibilities in these hard

times and to proceed the movement These circumstances impelled me to

come out and show solidarity with my people by taking their responsiblities

in these testing times We will fight together against the oppressive rule of

Bhutto (Tofan interview 2017)

She won public sympathies through her emotional speeches Mayar posits that in

her speeches in Toru and Hoti Nasim Wali tried to realize her people that she being their

sister was passing through times of distress and in such situations it is required from them

to support her (Mayar interview 2017)

8 Hujra Male sitting area where females are prohibited to enter

120

She skilfully elucidated atrocities of Bhutto government towards her family and

party as their only fault is the struggle for rights of our people She asserted that

government is playing a dictatorial role and there is no sign of democracy in our Islamic

and democratic Pakistanlsquo Bhutto government has imprisoned leaders without any reason

A rule of unjust and oppression is prevalent in Pakistan She insisted that they should

stand beside their sister and raise voice against the unjust and exploitative rule of Bhutto

She would ask her supporters to put the chadder on your sisterlsquos headlsquo (Mayar

interview 2017)

These were very well thought strategies of Nasim Wali since Nang and Namus

(honour) are also the main pillars of Pukhtunwali They require protection of female in

Pukhtun society and the first and foremost responsibility of all Pukhtuns Any harm to the

female honour lead to unending feuds Pukhtuns make no compromise on matters related

to female honour and they prefer death over the shameful life Mentioned in one of the

Pakhtu folklore that ―Sweeter to me is death than life which is passed day to day without

honour (Singh et al 2014)

Enevoldsen argues that in Pukhtun folk songs women are portrayed as feeble and

to be protected from any harm by the brothers Brothers act as a source of courage for the

sisters So in the poetic way woman remind it to the people that she has brothers as her

defenders and saviours As mentioned by Enevoldsen that in one of the tapa (Traditional

folk songs) Pukhtun woman convey her massage to her husband in these words ―Brother

less I am certainly not If you wonlsquot defend my honour then my brother will

(Enevoldsen 2004 40)

My interview respondent reveals that in Utmanzai one of the small towns of

Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa shopkeepers brought Parhooni or Sader

(long cloth to cover the whole body) for Nasim Wali as a sign of respect and support

Being woman in distress public were empathetic and supportive to her (Ihsan interview

2017) I argue that she skilfully accumulated support and encouragement of public

towards her political struggle by appealing to their cultural sensitivities Nasim Wali was

aware of the fact that Pashtuns give high value to the tradition of protection to women

particularly sisters Brothers are the symbol of strength for sisters in Pukhtun society and

in any difficult situations brothers are in the forefront to take sisters out of difficulties

Williams amp Best argue that women are considered to be ―submissive physically weak

and by nature they are ―kind emotional soft spoken and have devoted nature (Williams

amp Best 1982) while ―competitiveness aggressiveness and independence are the male

121

attributes (Ridgeway amp Balkwell 1997) Thus Nasim Walilsquos acceptance of her

vulnerability as woman in public and her emotional expressions appealed to the

brotherhood and honour of Pukhtun men won her support

Afridi argues that Pukhtun people thought it their responsibility to stand by the

female of such a family which always struggled for their rights (Afridi interview 2017)

Wijekoon argues that members of patriarchal societies grant their sympathies to women

political figures at time of tribulation because they consider women as ―weak and fragile

(Wijekoon 200564)

Nasim Wali exhibited political victimization of the government before the masses

Nasim Wali explicitly construed her situation to the public and appealed to their

sympathy The public became sympathetic and accepted Nasim Walilsquos leadership for the

obvious reasons presented by her before them The masses also felt the need to get united

and support her at the time of distress (Afridi interview 2017) This is also because

Pukhtuns often get united against a common opponent and more specifically in situations

where the matter is related to the womenfolk

Public reprimand in Pukhtun society for those who choose otherwise and do not

come forward to support women in crisis is very common One of my interview

respondent (Pirzada interview 2017) and the supporter of Nasim Wali Khan states that

public were sympathetic towards Nasim Wali but those (especially males) who showed

silence in such hard situation we gave them bangleslsquo9 This was a matter of Pakhtu

10

(Pirzada interview 2017) Bangles show the weakness and submissiveness of women

folk Sanauddin posits that in South Asia offering bangles to male is synonyms to

challenging their masculinity which is unacceptable to males of the society (2015145)

Arms and weapons are considered to be the jewellery of Pukhtun men which determine

their bravery and courage while bangles finger rings and other ornaments are used to

enhance the beauty of Pukhtun women (Khalil nd89) To defend honour and to protect

themselves from the stigma of being called as coward or dishonoured people came

forward and offered their support to Nasim Wali

However the above account by no means show that Nasim Wali was weak and

vulnerable The very fact that she came out when it was not expected from her and stood

against an autocratic government shows her strength She was only trying to convince her

9 Bangles are the female hand jewellery

10 Pakhtu is not only a language for Pukhtuns but a complete code of conduct The word Pakhtu is often

used for the entire code of Pukhtunwali