Wh-Relative Clauses in Tagalog fileang nom guro teacher ng gen isda sh] ‘market where the teacher...
Transcript of Wh-Relative Clauses in Tagalog fileang nom guro teacher ng gen isda sh] ‘market where the teacher...
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Wh-Relative Clauses in Tagalog
Henrison Hsieh
McGill University
SEALS 28Wenzao Ursuline University of Languages
May 17–19, 2018
1 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Table of Contents
Introduction
BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics
Kung Relative Clause Basics
Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions
Summary and Conclusion
2 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Introduction
I 2 relative clause strategies in Tagalog (Austronesian)I Distinguished by element mediating between head and
modifier
(1) [bata]=ngchild=lk
[uminomdrank.av
nggen
tubigwater
]
‘child who drank water’ Linker RC
(2) [palengke]market
kungkung
[saanwhere
bumilibought.av
angnom
guroteacher
nggen
isdafish
]
‘market where the teacher bought fish’ Kung RC
Linker Kung
Linker na/=ng Complementizer kungNo overt relative pronoun Overt wh-elementWell-studied Understudied
3 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Introduction
I 2 relative clause strategies in Tagalog (Austronesian)I Distinguished by element mediating between head and
modifier
(1) [bata]=ngchild=lk
[uminomdrank.av
nggen
tubigwater
]
‘child who drank water’ Linker RC
(2) [palengke]market
kungkung
[saanwhere
bumilibought.av
angnom
guroteacher
nggen
isdafish
]
‘market where the teacher bought fish’ Kung RC
Linker Kung
Linker na/=ng Complementizer kungNo overt relative pronoun Overt wh-elementWell-studied Understudied
3 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Introduction
I 2 relative clause strategies in Tagalog (Austronesian)I Distinguished by element mediating between head and
modifier
(1) [bata]=ngchild=lk
[uminomdrank.av
nggen
tubigwater
]
‘child who drank water’ Linker RC
(2) [palengke]market
kungkung
[saanwhere
bumilibought.av
angnom
guroteacher
nggen
isdafish
]
‘market where the teacher bought fish’ Kung RC
Linker Kung
Linker na/=ng Complementizer kungNo overt relative pronoun Overt wh-elementWell-studied Understudied
3 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Introduction: Goals
I Relatively understudied area of Tagalog syntax
I Initial detailed investigation into the behavior and distributionof relative clauses formed using the kung strategy
I Findings:I Linker Strategy and Kung Strategy are syntactically distinct
strategies for relativization (contra Otsuka and Tanaka, 2016)I Fairly complex restrictions on what may be targeted by the
kung strategy
4 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Table of Contents
Introduction
BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics
Kung Relative Clause Basics
Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions
Summary and Conclusion
5 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
General Background
Word Order
I Verb initial language
I Elements may appear preverbally with various clausaloperations
(3) Pumuntawent.av
sinom
SaraSara
saobl
opisina.office
‘Sara went to the office.’ Verb-initial sentence
(4) Sinom
SaraSara
ayay
pumuntawent.av
saobl
opisina.office
‘As for Sara, she went to the office.’ Ay -topicalization
6 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
General Background
Case Marking
I ang (Nominative)Syntactically prominent clausal dependent
I ng (Genitive)Non-nominative core arguments (also possessors)
I sa (Oblique)“Peripheral” arguments and adjuncts
(5) Kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’
7 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
General Background
Voice
I Case marking correlates with verbal morphology (=voice)
(6) K¡um¿ain¡av¿ate
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Agent Voice
(7) K¡in¿ain¡pv¿ate
nggen
lalakiman
angnom
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Patient Voice
(8) K¡in¿ain-an¡pfv¿eat-lv
nggen
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
angnom
plato.plate
‘The man ate a mango from the plate.’ Locative Voice
8 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Linker Relative Clause Basics
Possible Positions to Target
Austronesian Extraction RestrictionOnly the nominative position can be targeted
(9) Kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence
(10) a. lalaki=ngman=lk
[kumainate.av
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina]kitchen
‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’
b. *mangga=ngmango=lk
[kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
saobl
kusina]kitchen
(Intended: ‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’)
c. *kusina=ngkitchen=lk
[kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)
9 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Linker Relative Clause Basics
Possible Positions to Target
Austronesian Extraction RestrictionOnly the nominative position can be targeted
(9) Kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’ Baseline Sentence
(10) a. lalaki=ngman=lk
[kumainate.av
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina]kitchen
‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’
b. *mangga=ngmango=lk
[kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
saobl
kusina]kitchen
(Intended: ‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’)
c. *kusina=ngkitchen=lk
[kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)
9 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Linker Relative Clause Basics
Possible Positions to Target
I Relativizing other positions requires a change in voice
(11) Kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
angnom
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate the mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence
(12) a.?? lalaki=ngman=lk
[kinainate.pv
angnom
manggamango
saobl
kusina]kitchen
(Intended: ‘man who ate the mango in the kitchen’)
b. mangga=ngmango=lk
[kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
saobl
kusina]kitchen
‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’
c. *kusina=ngkitchen=lk
[kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
angnom
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate the mango’)
10 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Linker Relative Clause Basics
Possible Positions to Target
I Relativizing other positions requires a change in voice
(11) Kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
angnom
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate the mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence
(12) a.?? lalaki=ngman=lk
[kinainate.pv
angnom
manggamango
saobl
kusina]kitchen
(Intended: ‘man who ate the mango in the kitchen’)
b. mangga=ngmango=lk
[kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
saobl
kusina]kitchen
‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’
c. *kusina=ngkitchen=lk
[kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
angnom
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate the mango’)
10 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Linker Relative Clause Basics
Word Order
I Basic word order is head-initial, and the head may be omittedI Relative clause head may also appear after or within the RC
modifier (Aldridge, 2003, 2017)
(13) a. angnom
(mangga=ng)mango=lk
[kinainate.pv
nggen
lalaki]man
‘the {mango/one} that the man ate’Head-initial/Headless
b. angnom
[kinainate.pv
nggen
lalaki]=ngman=lk
manggamango
‘the mango that the man ate’ Head-final
c. angnom
[kinain=gate.pv=lk
manggamango
nggen
lalaki]man
‘the mango that the man ate’ Head-internal
11 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Linker Relative Clause Basics
Interim Summary
Linker RC Kung RC
Rel. Pronoun None/Not overtCan target Only NominativeWord order Relatively free
12 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Table of Contents
Introduction
BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics
Kung Relative Clause Basics
Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions
Summary and Conclusion
13 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Kung Relative Clause Basics
I Targets non-DP positions (neither ang - nor ng -marked)I Overt wh-element corresponds to the role of the targeted
position
(14) Kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence
(15) kusinakitchen
kungkung
[saanwhere
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’
(16) *kusinakitchen
kungkung
[anowhat
(ang)nom
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)
14 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Kung Relative Clause Basics
I Targets non-DP positions (neither ang - nor ng -marked)I Overt wh-element corresponds to the role of the targeted
position
(14) Kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence
(15) kusinakitchen
kungkung
[saanwhere
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’
(16) *kusinakitchen
kungkung
[anowhat
(ang)nom
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)
14 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Word Order
I Unlike Linker RCs, kung RCs exhibit no word order flexibilityI Only the head-initial word order is possibleI Below are a few attempts, a more exhaustive list of
possibilities is left out for reasons of space
(17) angnom
*(kusina)kitchen
kungkung
[saanwhere
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’
(18) *angnom
kungkung
[saanwhere
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga](=ng)mango=lk
kusinakitchen
(19) *angnom
[saanwhere
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
kungkung
kusinakitchen
(Intended: ‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’)
15 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Table of Contents
Introduction
BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics
Kung Relative Clause Basics
Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions
Summary and Conclusion
16 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Restriction to non-DPs
Necessary Condition
Morphological non-DP-hood is a necessary condition for targets ofkung relativization; No ang - or ng -marked positions may betargeted by kung relativization
17 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Restriction to non-DPs
I Only targets non-DP positions; i.e., neither ang - norng -marked (Otsuka and Tanaka, 2016)
(20) Kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence
(21) * lalakiman=lk
kungkung
[sinowho
kumainate.av
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina]kitchen
(Intended: ‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’)
(22) *manggamango
kungkung
[anowhat
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
saobl
kusina]kitchen
(Intended: ‘mango that the man ate in the kitchen’)
(23) kusinakitchen
kungkung
[saanwhere
kumainate.av
angnom
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’
18 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Restriction to non-DPs
I Same positions may be targeted with different voice marking...
(24) Kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
angnom
manggamango
saobl
kusina.kitchen
‘The man ate a mango in the kitchen.’Baseline Sentence
(25) kusinakitchen
kungkung
[saanwhere
kinainate.pv
nggen
lalakiman
angnom
mangga]mango
‘kitchen where the man ate a mango’
19 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Restriction to non-DPs
I ...but not if the relevant position becomes ang -marked viavoice morphology
(26) K¡in¿ain-an¡pfv¿eat-lv
nggen
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
angnom
plato.plate
‘The man ate a mango from the plate.’
(27) *platoplate
kungkung
[saan/anowhere/what
k¡in¿ain-an¡pfv¿eat-lv
nggen
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘plate that the man ate a mango from’)
(28) plato=ngplate=lk
[k¡in¿ain-an¡pfv¿eat-lv
nggen
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
‘plate that the man ate a mango from’(Grammatical Linker RC)
20 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Restriction to non-DPs
I ...but not if the relevant position becomes ang -marked viavoice morphology
(26) K¡in¿ain-an¡pfv¿eat-lv
nggen
lalakiman
nggen
manggamango
angnom
plato.plate
‘The man ate a mango from the plate.’
(27) *platoplate
kungkung
[saan/anowhere/what
k¡in¿ain-an¡pfv¿eat-lv
nggen
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
(Intended: ‘plate that the man ate a mango from’)
(28) plato=ngplate=lk
[k¡in¿ain-an¡pfv¿eat-lv
nggen
lalakiman
nggen
mangga]mango
‘plate that the man ate a mango from’(Grammatical Linker RC)
20 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Further Restrictions
Adjuncts vs Arguments
I Adjunct/Argument status does not determine targetability forrelativization
I Locative argument of naglagay ‘put (AV)’ is also relativizedusing a kung RC
(29) Naglagayput.av
sinom
GinaGina
nggen
peramoney
*(saobl
lamesa).table
‘Gina put some money on the table.’
(30) lamesatable
kungkung
[saanwhere
naglagayput.av
sinom
GinaGina
nggen
pera]money
‘table where Gina put some money’
(31) * lamesa=ngtable=lk
[naglagayput.av
sinom
GinaGina
nggen
pera]money
(Intended: ‘table where Gina put some money’)Ungrammatical Linker RC
21 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Further Restrictions
Adjuncts vs Arguments
I Adjunct/Argument status does not determine targetability forrelativization
I Locative argument of naglagay ‘put (AV)’ is also relativizedusing a kung RC
(29) Naglagayput.av
sinom
GinaGina
nggen
peramoney
*(saobl
lamesa).table
‘Gina put some money on the table.’
(30) lamesatable
kungkung
[saanwhere
naglagayput.av
sinom
GinaGina
nggen
pera]money
‘table where Gina put some money’
(31) * lamesa=ngtable=lk
[naglagayput.av
sinom
GinaGina
nggen
pera]money
(Intended: ‘table where Gina put some money’)Ungrammatical Linker RC
21 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Further Restrictions
Semantic Restrictions
I Commonly, reasons and times may also be relativized with thekung strategy
I (Note lack of oblique marker sa)
(32) Umalisleft.av
sinom
MariaMaria
dahilbecause
masamabad
angnom
pakiramdamfeeling
niya.3sg.gen
‘Maria left because she was feeling unwell.’ Baseline
(33) angnom
dahilanreason
kungkung
[bakitwhy
umalisleft.av
sinom
Maria]Maria
‘the reason why Maria left’22 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Further Restrictions
Semantic Restrictions
I Commonly, reasons and times may also be relativized with thekung strategy
(34) Angnom
lahatall
ayay
maaarican
natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk
maangkinpossess.pv
saobl
susunodfollowing
nalk
taon.year
‘Everything can be ours in the next year.’ Baseline
(35) angnom
panahontime
kungkung
[kailanwhen
angnom
lahatall
ayay
maaarican
natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk
maangkin]possess.pv
‘The time when we can have everything’(modified from Sabbagh, 2013)
23 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Further Restrictions
Semantic Restrictions
I In contrast, there is some variation for the acceptability ofkung RCs targeting humans/individuals
I Currently unclear to what extent the variation is byconstruction or by speaker
24 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Further Restrictions
Semantic Restrictions
I Recipient argument of ibinigay ‘gave (CV)’ cannot use thekung strategy
(36) Ibinigaygave.cv
nigen
TinaTina
angnom
regalogift
saobl
babae.woman
‘Tina gave the gift to the woman.’ Baseline
(37) *angnom
babaewoman
kungkung
[{kanino/saan}who.obl/where
ibinigaygave.cv
nigen
TinaTina
angnom
regalo]gift
(Intended: ‘the woman who Tina gave the gift to’)
25 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Further Restrictions
Semantic Restrictions
I Source argument of natuto ‘learned (PV)’ can use the kungstrategy (at least for some speakers)
(38) Natutolearned.pv
sinom
JulianJulian
nggen
IlokanoIlokano
kayobl
Bb.Ms.
deladela
Cruz.Cruz
‘Julian learned Ilokano from Ms. dela Cruz.’ Baseline
(39) ?angnom
gurowoman
kungkung
[kaninowho.obl
natutolearned.pv
sinom
JulianJulian
nggen
Ilokano]Ilokano
‘the teacher who Julian learned Ilokano from’
26 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
More Morphosyntactic Restrictions
No Complex Wh-Elements
I Kung Relative Clauses cannot be formed with complexwh-elements
(40) Nag-usapspoke.av
angnom
mgapl
guroteacher
tungkolabout
saobl
giyera.war
‘The teachers spoke about the war.’ Baseline
(41) *angnom
giyerawar
kungkung
[(tungkol)about
saanwhat.obl
nag-usapspoke.av
angnom
mgapl
guro]teacher
(Intended: ‘the war that the teachers spoke about’)
27 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
More Morphosyntactic Restrictions
No Complex Wh-Elements
I Kung Relative Clauses cannot be formed with complexwh-elements
(42) Bumilibought.av
sinom
KikoKiko
nggen
sapatosshoe
parafor
saobl
bata.child
‘Kiko bought shoes for the child.’ Baseline
(43) *angnom
batachild
kungkung
[(para)for
kaninowho.obl
bumilibought.av
sinom
KikoKiko
nggen
sapatos]shoe
(Intended: ‘the child for whom Kiko bought shoes’)
28 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
More Morphosyntactic Restrictions
No Complex Wh-Elements
I Often, these relative clauses are constructed using the linkerstrategy with the corresponding voice form
(44) angnom
giyera=ngwar=lk
[pinag-usapanspoke.rfv
nggen
mgapl
guro]teacher
‘the war that the teachers spoke about’
(45) angnom
bata=ngchild=lk
[binilhanbought.lv
nigen
KikoKiko
nggen
sapatos]shoe
‘the child for whom Kiko bought shoes’
29 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Table of Contents
Introduction
BackgroundGeneral BackgroundLinker Relative Clause Basics
Kung Relative Clause Basics
Restrictions on Kung Relative ClausesRestriction to non-DPsFurther RestrictionsMore Morphosyntactic Restrictions
Summary and Conclusion
30 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Summary
Linker RC Kung RC
Rel. Pronoun None/Not overt OvertCan target Only Nominative (See below)Word order Relatively free Rigid
Valid Kung RC Targets
I Non-DPs,
I resulting in simplex wh-phrases,
I that do not denote individuals/entities (...sometimes)
31 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Conclusions and Further Work
I Kung RCs and Linker RCs exhibit a number of differencesthat suggest that these are syntactically distinct constructions(contra Otsuka and Tanaka, 2016), in particular:
I word orderI restrictions on application
I More work is needed to ascertain what can and cannot berelativized with the kung strategy
32 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Thank You!Salamat Po!
33 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Bibliography
Aldridge, Edith. 2003. Remnant movement in Tagalog relativeclause formation. Linguistic Inquiry 34:631–640.
Aldridge, Edith. 2017. Internally and externally headed relativeclauses in Tagalog. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics2:41.1–33.
Otsuka, Yuko, and Nozomi Tanaka. 2016. Tagalog oblique relativeclauses. Paper presented at the 23rd Annual Meeting of theAustronesian Formal Linguistics Association (AFLA 23), TokyoUniversity of Foreign Studies.
Sabbagh, Joseph. 2013. Word order and prosodic-structureconstraints in Tagalog. Syntax 17:40–89.
34 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Apparently Similar Constructions?
I Worth Noting: kung also introduces a number of other typesof CPs which have overt wh-elements: embedded questions,free relatives
I At least for embedded questions, we do not find the samerestrictions as kung RCs
35 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Apparently Similar Constructions?
I Ang -marked targets
(46) Tinanongasked.pv
ko1sg.gen
kungkung
[sinowho
angnom
kumainate.av
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina].kitchen
‘I asked who ate the mango in the kitchen.’
(47) * lalakiman=lk
kungkung
[sinowho
(ang)nom
kumainate.av
nggen
manggamango
saobl
kusina]kitchen
(Intended: ‘man who ate mango in the kitchen’)36 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Apparently Similar Constructions?
I Oblique Human Targets
(48) Tinanongasked.pv
ko1sg.gen
kungkung
[kaninowho.obl
ibinigaygave.cv
nigen
TinaTina
angnom
regalo].gift
‘I asked who Tina gave the gift to.’
(49) *angnom
babaewoman
kungkung
[{kanino/saan}who.obl/where
ibinigaygave.cv
nigen
TinaTina
angnom
regalo]gift
(Intended: ‘the woman who Tina gave the gift to’) 37 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Apparently Similar Constructions?
I Complex wh-elements
(50) Tinanongasked.pv
ko1sg.gen
kungkung
[parafor
kaninowho.obl
bumilibought.av
sinom
KikoKiko
nggen
sapatos]shoe
‘I asked who Kiko bought shoes for.’
(51) *angnom
batachild
kungkung
[(para)for
kaninowho.obl
bumilibought.av
sinom
KikoKiko
nggen
sapatos]shoe
(Intended: ‘the child for whom Kiko bought shoes’)38 / 39
Introduction Background Kung RC Basics Kung RC Restrictions Summary and Conclusion References
Apparently Similar Constructions?
I Kung RC may contain another instance of inversionI Emdedded wh-questions cannot
(52)*?Tinanongasked.pv
ko1sg.gen
kungkung
[kailanwhen
angnom
lahatall
ayay
maaarican
natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk
maangkin]possess.pv
‘I asked when everything can be ours.’
(53) angnom
panahontime
kungkung
[kailanwhen
angnom
lahatall
ayay
maaarican
natin=g1pl.incl.gen=lk
maangkin]possess.pv
‘The time when we can have everything’(modified from Sabbagh, 2013)
39 / 39