1

Affinities and differences in the transition to democracy in Poland, East Germany, Czech Republic and Spain

Curse 2011-2012 – Featured by :

Castro Romero, Anselmo

Corral Villar, Manoli

Garcia Lopez, Aida

Pardo Eimil, Eugenio

Rasser, Brunhilde

Rey Mancebo, Javier

Villaverde Pedreira, Pilar

Viña Iglesias, Dolores

2

Introduction.

A study as ambitious as the in-depth analysis of the democratization processes of the different countries that make up the MTN workshop, with the exception of Italy, requires a task that goes beyond the temporal limits and group members capability who has done the job.

We believe a better approximation to analyse relevant aspects of the democratization process, which could give a full idea of the process and allowing the individualized work of the team members.

The approaches chosen in the form of work items have been:

The history of repressive violence,

The educational system,

The trade unions role,

The Church role,

The Forces Armed role,

The CIA role, and

The Arts and the Dictatorships.

Only two countries, Poland and Spain could be a full comparison in all aspects, being able to appreciate the differences and similarities between both processes of transition to democracy. That is why these countries have greater weight in all the chapters that we divided the work.

Czech Republic and the former GDR German offer less potential for comparison and therefore its weight in each one of the chapters is relatively minor, except for the first chapter on the repressive violence before to the processes of democratization initiatives. Also in the sixth chapter on the role of the CIA, is given a broad view of the movements of the CIA, in all the countries covers by the study and in the second chapter contains an analysis of the educational system that extends to all countries studied.

3

The study conclusions and key facts.

It’s not easy to establish similarities in the transition process to democracy in countries diverse and distant (in time and in space) as Spain, Poland, Czech Republic and East Germany.

However, it’s possible identify some common features, which we quote below.

1. There’s a big influence of the USSR, as dominant and neighbouring power of Czech Republic, Poland and East Germany, in their democratic processes. We dare to say that without the “Perestroika" of Gorbachev, the fall of the Berlin’s Wall in 1989 and legalization of Solidarity Union, wouldn’t have occurred, nor the "Velvet Revolution" would have made.

2. There is enough literature about events in Poland and Spain, with common actors in both countries: the Church, the Army and the external influence of the US, through the CIA.

3. The role played by the Church in Spain and Poland was very different. While in Spain most of the clergy supported the "status quo" of Franco, in Poland the Church powered the reformist tide.

4. The Army’s role in Spain and Poland was support to the dictatorship regime, although in Spain were more active including a state coup.

5. Trade unions in Poland and in Spain were social movements of opposition, being a reference constant in the struggle for democracy. Solidarity is an extreme example of transformation of a union in a political party.

6. Abundance of "songwriters" in Spain that was "exported" to other countries. A remarkable fact is the song “l’ Estaca “ of Lluís Llach, -catalan songwriter-, whose melody were adopted in Poland as a resistance hymn against the regime of Jaruzelski.

4

Work Index Chapters.

Chapter 1.

A history of violence clashes: the Riot of Berlin, the suppression of the "Prague Spring" and the events of Ferrol in the 72.

Chapter 2.

Educational system’s comparative in the process of the transition to democracy in Poland, East Germany, Czech Republic and Spain.

Chapter 3.

Influence of Unions, and more specifically of trade unions in the shipyards, in the process. Affinities and differences between Ferrol and Gdansk

Chapter 4.

The Catholic Church influence on the democracy processes in Spain and Poland.

Chapter 5.

Armed Forces influence before and during the democratic transition in Poland and Spain.

Chapter 6.

Outside Factors the democratic process. The CIA involvement.

Chapter 7. Art in dictatorships: painting, cinema, theatre, the singer-songwriters in Spain.

5

Capítulo 1.

A history of violence clashes: the Riot of Berlin, the suppression of the "Prague Spring" and the events of Ferrol in the 72.

1.1 INTRODUCTION

To speak about of the process of transition to democracy of the Eastern bloc means to go back until the end of the Second World War as it had a before and an after. The before began when the countries which were occupied by Nazi Germany became liberated.

Germany, the big loser had declared his unconditional surrender 9 weeks before official ending of the war (18th May 1945). Already well before, during the Yalta Conference, held during the war February 1945, the heads of governments of the United States of America, the United kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ( Franklin D. Roosevelt, Churchill and Josef Stalin – the Big Three) decided on the segmentation of East Europe’s territories.

The conference was the consecution of a set of meetings beginning with the conference in Casablanca in January 1943 and took place at the former emperor palace of Yalta (Crime).

The agreements of Yalta were polemical even before the final Potsdam Declaration . Churchill and Roosevelt were accused (after the dead of Roosevelt) for not accepting an international control of the countries liberated by the URRSS. In addition to it , none other government was neither consulted nor notified about the decisions which were taken by the URRSS . It was the initial of “ The Cold War”.

The Potsdam Conference passed following agreements for Germany: disarmament, denazification and redevelopment in collaboration with Germany as the Big Three deemed it as requisite for future global peace and security.

After the war Germany was divided into four zones, each of the four victorious powers, Great Britain, France, the USA and the URRSS occupied and administrated one of the zones.

Germany had to dispense lots of his eastern territories to Poland as: Pomerania, Silesia, East Brandenburg and the southern 2/3 of East Prussia. Austria had to pass territories to Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Down to the present day these borders are established

AND THE IRON CURTAIN DROPPED

Before that, the countries of Eastern Europe behind the “iron curtain” suffered from dictatorship, controlled by military forces (the army) and so-called secret police (Stasi in GDR) and terror.

The aspects of the communist regime were certainly like all dictatorships, repressive; neither liberty of the press nor freedom of speech. Even though “loyalties of the regime” were recompensed and sports and culture were highly promoted and supported by the governments. Finally it was not astonishing that the repressed and disappointed people revolted against their regimes.

6

1.2 THE BACKGROUND OF THE UPRISING

Main importance in the history of the uprising of 17 June 1953 had the SED (Socialist Unity Party of Germany), who presided as General Secretary and First Secretary WalterUlbricht. Since its founding in 1946, and since the founding of the GDR in 1949, she dominated as most members of both party politics in the GDR as well as all state institutions and shaped the political, economic, social and cultural developments.

The first step of the party that led directly related to the uprising of June 1953, in July 1952, the Second Party Conference and the decisions that were taken on this. There was talk of building socialism- and true to the Soviet model. Farmers with more than 100 hectares of land were expropriated, introduced the entire industry and ultimately the whole society was nationalized, planned economy. But was subsequently led to an uprising, the targeted “increase productivity” which was supposedly “the most important prerequisite for social development”. Thus, regardless of the workers the standards increased by 10%, which was the main reason for the misery. These changes led to arguments already beginning in 1953 with the working class, and it came only in some cases of strikes, demonstrations and violent attacks on officials of the SED or the FDGB (Free German Trade Union Confederation).

The death of Soviet dictator Josef Stalin in March 1953 resulted in East Germany during the year, as in their model of the URSS, far-reaching reforms, which brought the discontinuation of forced collectivization, the promotion of private enterprise and the rule of law with him. This new course came too late to overcome the crisis, in which the working class was, and had even a majority accelerating effect on this. This new course has been founded, but that included some concessions from the existing standard continues to increase for the workers. This fact, and probably also the timid self-criticism of the government to have made some mistakes earlier, led finally to the workers´ uprising.

1.2.1 THE PROTEST ON 16 JUNE 1953

On 16 June, appeared in the organ of FDGB Board, an article of the secretary Otto Lehmann, in which he expressed concerns about increasing the norm. In it was written that the increase “in its entirety right” and that was it, “increases n the labor standards by en average of 10% until 30 June 1953 with all the force out” was. It should be noted that the FGDB was a genuine Trade Union, representing the workers and their interests, it seemed just as another subcontractor of SED. This increased basically hostely words, especially because they came from the pen of a Trade Union official, the bitterness and disappointment of the East Berlin workers encouraged them in their intention to protest against the increasing norm. For example, some of hundred construction workers started in the Friedrichshain district, a spontaneous demonstration supported by more and more construction workers. Soon a large protest march was formed, which marched in the direction of the FDGB Board. Because of this, however, they didn´t founded nobody there , the demonstrators decided to present their claims equal to the Prime Minister Otto Grotewohl and therefore they turned to the so-called House of Ministries. When they arrived, their number had risen to about 10.000.

Meanwhile, the SED district administration had sent the day the proposal of political office, to reverse the standard increase in view of the extreme situation. They hoped to halt the strike by this act clearly accommodation by a stop. The SED party leadership shared this opinion and agreed to the demand one of the demonstrators. When this was communicated to them, the

7

workers demanded the resign of Grotewohl and Ulbricht. Then, spontaneous orator rose from the rank of the workers new economic demands such a price reductions, but above all political, such as the government resignation and the holding of free elections.

With the gradual dissolution of the demonstration succeeded the striker nor a sound truck of the SED to take possession by force, with which the population of East Berlin it to a general strike the following day, the 17th June 1953 calling. This appeal reached until late afternoon, large parts of the population in East Germany.

1.2.2 THE UPRISING

The strike of the previous day was followed in the early morning hours, several thousand people, who come despite the pouring rain on the Strausberger Platz. That wasn´t the only demonstration, from the outskirts of Berlin over the course of the morning, strike workers in various parades in the city center of East Berlin, joined by but also students, housewives, pensioners, businessmen, employees, and many more. At about 9.00 clock in main streets, especially in the government district of Berlin, tens of thousands of people gather to protest against the East German government. Unlike the day before, were now increasing loud political demands. There were scuffles with the police and encroachment on state institutions. In several buildings, including the House of Ministries, the People´s Police Station in Columbia House, put the strikers fire. The anger and discontent of the people erupted in the destruction of many propaganda posters of the SED, and even the red flag on the Brandenburger Gate was taken down by the protesters and tore great jubilate among the participants. Several party offices were attacked and beaten officials.

The SED seemed to have lost all control, and the only way to defuse the situation: the Soviet Union.

At 13.00 clock by the military commander of the Soviet sector of Berlin, Major General Dibrowa state of emergency was imposed over East Berlin. All demonstrations and other “crowed three persons” were banned and imposed a curfew from 21.00 clock. In order to confirm this, they were determined to maintain by all means to control and supreme authority in their sphere of interest, the expatriate Soviet Marshal Vasily Sokolowsky, the Soviet Chief of General Staff the Army, in the crisis area. They believed, so can stifle the revolt. But they were wrong. With Soviet tanks crossed now, and with them also armed soldiers, but this could not deter the rebels completely. Soon there were among the demonstrators, the first dead and wounded. Nevertheless, it was stamped on the Soviet tanks with crude weapons, they were pelted with stones and they tried to damage them by breaking off the radio antennas. These attacks against the superior power, however, remained the exception. Still, it took a long time, until the Soviets were able to finally suppress the people´s police, together with the uprising. At 21.00 clock, streets were cleared and occupied East Berlin, the junctions of the city with Soviet soldiers

But not only in Berlin, also in other parts of the GDR, was the population on 17 June on the road. These riots broke out after the workers had their strike by East Berlin colleagues learned them before and expressed solidarity with them. It came in the demonstrations outside Berlin often more radical, so in some cities, shops were looted and members of the people´s police were killed. Even prisons were stormed and free prisoners – political and partly non-political.

8

The great uprising of 17th June 1953 on the same day still largely suppressed, this is probably events was certainly. The demands of the 17th June 1953 should, however, only 37 years later to come into force.

1.2.3 THE UPRISING IN FACTS AND FIGURES

According to the State Security Service of the GDR during the uprising were 25 people killed and 378 injured. The real number may well be somewhat higher; Western estimates call 50 to 569 victims. According to the latest reports at least 125 people were killed, of whom 48 were executed summarily. These include beach legally shot at least 18 Soviet soldiers who refused fire on the demonstrators.

1.2.4 THE CONSEQUENCES

The uprising clearly demonstrated that the URRSS was built by the communist dictatorship only a result of armed violence and terror, and could be maintained only by this means.

But this was not the end. With severity against the leaders of the demonstrations has been taken. Nearly 1.400 people were arrested. But we went even further: On the afternoon of 18th June announced the Soviet Commandant of Berlin, the East was legal shooting of West Berliners Willi Götting, who had been allegedly involved actively in the riots.

On 21st June were taken back to labor standards to the level before the 04/01/1953 and the pay cuts reversed. In October 1953 the government reduced the prices of almost all goods in the HO (trade organization) stores by 10 to 25 percent. Thanks to these measures improved the situation of GDR´s population. Nevertheless, still thousands fled to the West. 331.00 people fled in 1953, 1954 252.00 people and 1955 still 184.000.

The west (especially France and Great Britain) reacted cautiously to the events of the 17th June 1953 as the won´t anger the URRSS. The BDR (Federal Republic of Germany) put forward to know the dissatisfied of the population in the GDR but they were surprised about the suddenly uprising. Neither took part against the politics in the GDR about the cruel treatment after the uprising. Therefore, they were much criticized.

1.3 THE PRAGUE SPRING OF 1968

The Prague Spring is the term used to refer in effect to the spring of 1968 in Czechoslovakia but his sadly and tragic end took really place on 20th of August in 1968 when Czech was invaded by the Warsaw Pact force under the Soviet command.

The process of fight and resistance against the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia and the reforms was not an isolated process of the international context. The economic competition between the countries of the U.S.S.R., the division into the files of the upper-class, consequence of the economic crisis, and the power of fight and also the confrontation of workers and students, are key facts to understand what The Prague Spring means.

9

1.3.1 THE BACKGROUND

In the 50s, Antonin Novotny leaded as the 1st Secretary of the party Czechoslovakia which was considered as one of the most monolithic state into the communist regimes of the eastern bloc, exercising an iron control over the society, based on censorship and suppression. But things began to change early 60s. In 1963 Czechoslovakia underwent an economic downturn and Novotny was not able to re-establish the balance. The workers’ salaries decreased day by day and the workers remained in poor housing and led the most basics of lifestyles. In 1967 there was open criticism of Antonin Novotny and a deep crisis between the party leaders was obviously. The general support of the population for the so-called “Process of reforms” leaded by the opposite’s forced Novotny to admit his rout. In March 1968, Novotny resigned his presidency and was replaced by Dubcek.

The increase of mobilizations in support of the reforms not only forced the party leaders to accelerate the reforms, it’s also had international consequences and a solidarity movement from the near Poland was born.

In April, Dubcek launched an “Action Programme” of liberalizations, which included increasing freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and freedom of movement, with economic emphasis on consumer goods and the possibility of a multiparty government. The programme was based on the view that “Socialism cannot mean only liberation of the working people from the domination of exploiting class relations, but must make more provisions for a fuller life of the personality than any bourgeois democracy. It would limit the power of the secret police and provide for the federalization of the CSSR into two equal nations. The programme also covered foreign policy, including both the maintenance of good relations with Western countries and cooperation with the Soviet Union and other Eastern Bloc nations. It spoke of a ten year transition through which democratic elections would be made possible and a new form of democratic socialism would replace the status quo, a “socialism with a human face”.

This drive was generally welcome. The students, poets and others of fine arts were the most actives regards the reforms which were a very welcome decision for everybody and specially for students and poets which began soon to make use of the new liberty demanding to get free of Soviet leadership. On 27th June Ludvik Vaculik, a leading author and journalist, published a manifesto titled “The Two Thousend Words” as one of the most outstanding literary works. It expressed concern about conservative elements within the KSC and so-called “foreign” forces.

Several clubs, assemblies and parties were established like:

- Club 231 - Club neutral - Workshop of independent writers - Club of critical thinkers - Organization to protect human rights - Organization to prepare of socialist parties of Czechoslovakia

These clubs and assemblies and their work hasten the approximation to the West what awoke the suspect of Moscow. The Soviets tried to stop, or limit the change in CSSR through a series of negotiations. At the same time they prepared a military manoeuvres so-called “Operation Danubio” through the Warsaw Pact along the borders of Czechoslovakia.

Vaclav Havel, the architect of Czech Republic remembers his experience of this time followings: “It had been a very good time for me. Ones could breathe and speck free since the last 20

10

years. Of course, we run into politic troubles tightly linked to this time but I think that nobody who had lived that can forget it forever. The occupation of the troops of the Warsaw Pact throws out an amazing thing, how could a disarmed population to put into check the attack of several powerful armies. The resistance during a week of the population against the invaders, these complete resistances was a phenomenon an I could contribute a little on it”.

On the night of 20th – 21st of August 1968, Eastern Bloc armies from four Warsaw Pact countries – the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Poland and Hungary – invaded the CSSR.

That night, 200.00 troops and 2.00 tanks entered the country. They first occupied the Ruzyne International Airport, where air deployment of more troops (estimated 350.000/400.000) was arranged. The Czechoslovak forces were confined to their barracks, which were surrounded until the threat of a counter-attack was assuaged. By the morning of 21st August Czechoslovakia was occupied.

At difference to the events in Hungary in 1956, the Soviet troops encountered in Czechoslovakia a nonviolence resistance, based on pacific actions of no-cooperation, coordinated by members of the party and even that the resistance was sometimes heroic, the leadership of the mobilizations’ were the same who had govern the country during the last 20 years. Alexander Dubcek called upon his people not to resist. Nevertheless, there was scattered resistance in the streets. Road signs in towns were removed or paint over- except for those indicating the way to Moscow. Many small villages renamed themselves “Dubcek” or “Svoboda”; thus, without navigational equipment, the invaders were often confused.

The generalized resistance caused the Soviet Union to abandon its original plan to oust the First Secretary Dubcek, who had been arrested on the night of 20th August was taken to Moscow for negotiations. But instead of negotiations, there, he and several leaders signed were put into Soviet jails and under heavy psychological pressure from Soviet politicians, the Moscow Protocol and it was agreed that Dubcek would remain in office and a programme of moderate reform would continue.

When Czechoslovakians heard about the Moscow Agreement many were outraged. They felt their leaders had sold them out. Demoralization began to set in. Gradually the clandestine printing press and radio stations were found by the Soviets and closed down. Throughout the next few month scattered dissent continued in the form of factory resolutions, demonstrations and the occupation of university buildings by the students.

In April 1969, Dubcek was replaced as first secretary by Gustáv Husák, and a period of “normalization” began.

Until 1989 there were Soviet troops stationed in Czechoslovakia and Husák govern exactly how Moscow dictated. He reversed Dubcek´s reforms, purged the party of its liberal members, and dismissed from public office professional and intellectual elites who openly expressed disagreement with the political transformation. Husák worked to reinstate the power of the police authorities. The only significant change that survived was the federalization of the country, which created the Czech Socialist Republic and Slovak Socialist Republic in 1969.

In 1989, Dubcek became chairman of the federal assembly. He died by a street accident in November 1992. In January Czechoslovakia was dissolved and the new President of the Czech Republic was Vaclav Havel.

11

1.4 FERROL SHIPYARDS DISTURBS 1972

The events in Ferrol were similar to the uprising 1953 in Berlin and the Prague Spring in 1968. Also in Ferrol, the suppression of Franco Dictatorship over the worker class was the key for the disturbs in a town where mostly of the workers class works on shipyards.

Early 1972, the first consequences of the international economic crisis, as well as the first steps for the industrial rationalization became evident in Ferrol. The workers of BAZAN, one of the big shipyards, were on mobilizations’ since a few month to get increasing of salaries, reduction of day’s journey to 42 hours a week and a month of holidays , the 100% of salary in case of illness or accident; retirement at 60 years of age getting 100% of salary wages; readmission of the dismissed on account of political reason and a place for assembly meetings.

These kinds of claims, normally, are negotiated between the employer´s organization and the traders union in democracy but not so under dictatorship.

On 10th of march 1972, after founded closed the doors of the factory BAZAN , the more than 4.000 workers turns in a pacifically manifestation to the centre of Ferrol in order to explain to the citizen what’s happened with the factory and looking for solidarity.

During the manifestation, just when they arrived at the Pias Bridge, near where the other big shipyards, ASTANO was situated, they were stopped by an army police company. In the course of the face to face between both (police and workers), the police fired over the crowd of workers with the result of two dead workers (Amador Rey and Daniel Niebla) and more than 40 wounded, as well as, numerous arrested, among were Pillado, Riobó, Amor Deus and other leaders. In the following days the solidarity with the BAZAN workers became evident in Ferrl area and over all Galicia; the strikes spread to other factories and the population replied giving signs of support to the families affected. Streets were controlled by the police.

Finally, at 21st of March, the doors of the factory were opened again, but the workers had to work under police vigilance and missing to 150 companions, some of them links of traders union, which had been dismissed. The fight could end but the fortitude of the worker movement remained obvious.

The Spain Square, symbol of dictator’s generosity, stood now in association with the memory of suppression.

A key figure, decisive for the struggle was, at that time, the General Captain of Ferrol, Juan Romero Manso. He was who had hindered worsened the outcome of the situation.

The tragic journey, with the dead workers still on the Pias Bridge, Juan Romero took a decision which had branded his future life. In spite of that the capacity of the police was almost exceeded, the Admiral refused to use military force. He listened to J.M. Riobó who achieved arrive to the Headquarter of General Captaincy where was received by the Admiral who was in company of the General Staff. He promised, without any doubt, not to bring military force into the streets but he observed if he would receive contra orders from Madrid he was obliged to obey being a military.

The historian Enrique Barrera had reconstructed the episode. The translation appeared in his book about the transition in Ferrol was accepted as valid by Romero Manson sons.

Documents recently disqualificated, showed clearly the process after the decision taken by Romero that morning. Consults between the General Staff of Ferrol concluded that on 10th of

12

March 1972 the military force control must bee necessary. The position of Romero remained clear. He had taken possession as General Captain in April 1970 and ceased in December 1973.

The persons who’s covered his post for the next years showed out all sorts of difficulties lived in Ferrol and in Spain generally: from pro-Franco Admirals and opposite to the restoration of democracy like De la Guardia y Oya to intellectuals like Alvarez – Arenas Pacheco. Therefore, sometimes it is not necessary leave Ferrol to know the history of Spain.

1.5 CONCLUSION

In Spain and in the eastern bloc countries, the painful road to democracy was a briar patch, paved with those who lost their life because the battled for freedom and human living conditions, in the political underground or in fierce fighting.

Only the force of military could smash the national uprising in the specific countries but the state authorities in the various types of dictatorships never could silence the voice of the people in compliance with their desire to struggle for freedom.

All dictatorships in the past and nowadays have a common feature: Military force exercises power over the own people and repression of the own people.

“ To clip the wings of freedom means to clip the wings of human rights”.

13

Chapter 2.

Educational system’s comparative in the process of the transition to democracy in Poland, East Germany, Czech Republic and Spain.

2.1 Spain educational system in the democracy transition.

The educational system in the Spanish transition is the continuation of the educational system at the end of the government of General Franco. During the transition paves the way for an education in the constitutional framework.

2.1.1 Education in the first stage of the dictatorship.

In Spain, it is important to know how the education in Franco’s regime was in order to understand the situation during the transition.

Education in the early years of the Franco’s dictatorship only interested as a vehicle to transmit ideology, during this period are proliferating decrees and ministerial orders with a single idea: Education must be catholic and patriotic.

Catholic teaching is based on three premises:

- Education must agree to morality and Catholic dogma. - The Catholic religion is compulsory at all levels of education. - The Catholic Church has the right to inspect the teaching in all centres of education.

The State leaves the educational task in the hands of the Church; there was a total hegemony of religious schools and a mishandling of the public school.

Education became politicized through a doctrinal guidance in all matters and reading authors opposed to the regime was forbidden.

The subjects such as:”Formación del Espíritu Nacional” and “Educación Fisica” are created under the direct supervision of the “Frente de Juventudes” (FJ). The subject of “Enseñanzas del Hogar” was under the control of “Sección Femenina”; all these subjects were taught from 1941 until the transition to democracy in 1977, in all educational institutions of any degree of education from the primary to the University including, by trainers selected and trained by the falangists in the (FJ).

Teachers in the first stage of education needed to obtain the certificate of “instructor elemental de Organizaciones Juveniles” and women needed the certificate provided by “Escuelas del Hogar de la Falange”; a rigid control was exercised in the ideology of teaching staff, those teachers that did not obey the rules could be punished by the regime.

There was a total break with the educational policy of the Republic which proclaimed the only school, free and compulsory in the primary education, the freedom of expression and the secularism of the teaching; we lost all the advances gained in the Republic as a renewal of teaching methods and improving the level of education.

During the dictatorship, the State remained authoritarian and repressive mechanisms, it is important to put on record the prohibition of coeducation and finally increased the elitism and discrimination in education, manifesting with the existence of a "twin-track" education system: one for the elites of high school and another for the most disadvantaged classes.

2.1.2 Education in the final stage of the dictatorship.

With the beginning of the so-called "economic development" drew the first steps towards a certain modernization.

14

Between 1960 and 1963 increased the number of University students (this was an important point to put pressure to the regime).

In 1970, the General Education Law (LGE) was enacted by the Minister Villar Palasí, which marked an important effort in the modernization of the education system, introduced free, and compulsory Basic General Education (EGB), which comprised eight years of study from 6 to 13 years, and replaced the primary education and the elementary high school.

The General Education Law will regulate all forms of teaching and its alternatives:

- Education for adults, which are allowed to complete the different educational levels for those people who could not do it in time.

- The specialized education, which includes the teachings of Arts and languages, which were not included in levels, cycles and degrees of the regulating system

- Distance teaching (UNED).

- Special education, for students with special educational needs. A critical analysis of the problems in this field is checked in the "white book of education".

In the General Education Law, we can consider two phases: until 1973, when Villar Palasí ceased as Minister, and from that date until the death of Franco, who closed the history of the dictatorship. It can be said that this ministerial proposal as innovative, was not accompanied by sufficient economic support to be able to carry out fully.

2.1.3 Education in the democratic transition.

After the death of Franco in November 1975, began the period of transition; in December of that year, Carlos Robles, Minister of education and science carried out an assessment of the General Education Law.

In June 1977, we were called to the elections and Adolfo Suárez was elected as President, which acquired as a first commitment to draw up a Constitution.

The President, Suárez, named Íñigo Cavero, specialist in law, as Minister of education of his government, his first job was to introduce the general lines which would mark the education in the context of the Constitution.

The 1978 Constitution was implemented within a framework of political consensus. In the field of education there was more agreement among political parties and, in its article 27, the right to education of all Spaniards and also the freedom of education were established.

In the following months were approved several projects of decentralization in education, transferring the management of teaching to the autonomous communities. At the end of the 1970s and despite the educational crisis, the well-known "Moncloa pacts" referred to the need for investment in education.

Felipe González reached the Government following the elections of 1982, and one of the tasks that should be done in the field of education was the adjustment of democratic principles and participation present in the Spanish Constitution. This caused a succession of educational laws during his term, in short a total of 4. In 1985, was presented the “Ley Orgánica del Derecho a la Educación” (LODE); in this law were faithfully set rights to education that were collected in the Constitution.

This Law is replaced in 1990 by the LOGSE, trying to respond to the new reality of Spain. Free and compulsory schooling was extended until the age of 16, and teaching is conceived according to the capacity of the students.

The LOGSE has been in force until shortly, just until the year 2006, when was born the "organic law of education" (LOE), which currently governs the educational system in Spain.

15

2.2. Educational systems of Poland, the Czech Republic and the German Democratic Republic in the transition to democracy. Poland, Czech Republic and German Democratic Republic (GDR) belonged to the Communist field from 1945 until 1989, taking an educational system, public and controlled closely by the Communist Party. Private schools were not allowed. The subject of religion was forbidden in schools and there was a single plan of studies with the same schedule for all of them.

Schooling took into account the coeducation even in physical education class.

The reading of authors, whose doctrine was in disagreement with the Communist Party, was not permitted.

In 1989 the Soviet Union disappeared. Poland achieved independence in the same year. The GDR was reunified with West Germany in 1990 and the Czech Republic was constituted in 1993 separating from Slovakia, occurred in all of them a transition to democracy in the educational systems.

The Constitution of Germany, Poland and the Czech Republic provide the fundamental principles on which the educational systems of these countries are based.

2.2.1. The educational system in Poland. The old educational system from communism and the new system gradually introduced since 1990 remained, coexisting both during the transition.

A thorough reform of the educational system in Poland was carried out in 1999. In this reform the structure of schools, the program, the evaluation systems, the minimum levels required and the process of training of future teachers were changed.

The Polish educational system is composed of basic schools, secondary schools; upper secondary schools which include institutes, schools of technical education and vocational training and university education centres.

Education is compulsory and free until the age of 18 years old, in public schools.

The different levels of education are:

Pre-primary education (from 3 to 6 years of age). This education is carried out in kindergartens and is not compulsory.

Children from 6 years old, are enrolled in courses called "0" where they learn basic skills of reading, writing, concepts and simple mathematical operations.

Basic/Primary education (from 7 to 13 years of age). This education lasts for six years. Completed basic education, students undergo a verification of their skills and knowledge, whose results have only informative character.

Secondary education grade teaching I (from 13 to 16 years of age). Completed basic education, students go to school of secondary education “Gymnazium”, being compulsory to enrol in the nearest school to their home.

The compulsory studies of Basic education and Secondary education grade I last nine years.

Secondary education grade teaching II has three options:

-The Institute lasts three courses, and provides a general formation.

-The vocational technical school which lasts four years.

-The vocational school which lasts from two or three years.

The teaching imparted in the Institute or at the technical secondary school end with an examination of validation. Students obtain a certificate of departure, and they will have access

16

to the labour market or, in the case of having passed the exam successfully, will provide a title for university studies.

The Polish system of vocational training differs in its organization of the dual system applied in other European countries. Vocational training is organized on school working days and is part of the system of secondary education. Practical works in companies hardly exist and the possibilities of acquiring practical knowledge are very limited.

Higher education may be University studies or other types of higher education. Studies can continue in a University Centre to be passed the validation test. Depending on the type of Centre, the profile of the studies and their duration, you can get: Title of diploma (three years of career) and title of degree (five or six years of career).

2.2.2. Structure of the educational system in the Czech Republic.

The New laws of 1990 and a much more liberal approach by the administration of the State have made possible a natural evolution of the system, getting an extension of the educational offerings: new types of schools have emerged and has been developed, above all, the level of post-secondary. In this way the Czech school system is as follows:

Pre-school education is for children from 3 to 6 years and it is not compulsory in this country.

Basic education / primary, lasts for nine years, is compulsory, and is classified on two levels:

-Primary level (covers 5 years)

-First secondary level (covers 4 years)

Both levels are taught in some schools while in others the lower secondary level and the higher secondary are compacted.

The next level is the higher secondary education, which is not compulsory, lasts 3 to 4 years and to access to it is necessary condition have overcome basic education.

There are four types of upper secondary education:

-The general secondary school or "Gymnazium" (4 years)

-Technical secondary school

-Vocational secondary school

-Technical secondary school / integrated Professional

When the students have just studied in higher secondary education they do a review of knowledge ("Maturita") and to be approved is complete the secondary cycle.

Students that pass the level of upper secondary education can enter in higher education: University or non-University.

The durability of the studies depends on the type and degree that they want to achieve.

2.2.3. The German educational system. On 3 October 1990, joined German Democratic Republic to the Federal Republic of Germany and as result curricula that existed previously in the GDR disappear.

Since that time, GDR obeyed the West German legal framework for the educational system, here was a different situation with the rest of the Eastern European States.

A double process took place: on the one hand, dissolved the Socialist educational system and, on the other hand foreign educational structures were adopted. The speed with which the process was carried out has been described as accelerated and therefore the results can be considered problematic.

17

The German education system differs greatly from other countries and is quite complicated to understand.

We will try to decipher and do it something more understandable.

The 16 Federated States or Länder have jurisdiction in the field of education and culture. In this way, the Government provides the General rules and States are responsible for implementing them. Both Institutions, State and federal, pursue common objectives. For this purpose, the Ministers of education of the 16 States meet regularly to discuss matters, at the same time that a State Commission coordinates the policy of education among States.

The compulsory school in Germany is from 6 years up to the ninth or tenth course, depends on the State, and a maximum up to 18 years of age.

All the German educational system is public, including the University, do not pay any fees.

The different levels of education are:

Pre-school education: It begins in "kindergarten" from 3 up to 6 years of age.

Basic school / Primary, public education in Germany is free from primary school (Grundschule) ranging from 6 to 10 or 12 years depending on the Länder.

Secondary School, according to the efficiency of the student in the first four years of school, teachers advise parents the kind of school better secondary education for their children, they can choose:

-Hauptschule or basic school: students receive basic general education. At the end of the Hauptschule usually students are directed towards vocational training that enables them to develop a profession, an activity in industry or in agriculture. Lasts from 5 to 6 years.

-Realschule (secondary professional): is situated between the primary school and high schools or Gymnasium. Transmits a general formation more enlarged than the teaching of the Hauptschule. It ends with a medium degree, which allows extending studies, for example: in technical vocational schools or in secondary technical schools. They can also access to the upper level high school Gymnasium (level II). It lasts six years.

-Gymnasium (Institute of Bachelor): generally lasts 9 years. This length allows a general deep formation.

The higher secondary level (level II) is studied during the last two years and concludes with the Abitur examination (of analogous significance to selectivity in Spain). Passed this examination, the student can access to a university or college.

In some way the system is flexible.

According to the academic efficiency of the students during the first two years of the secondary school (5th and 6th year), there is a possibility of changing to another different school from the chosen one.

In recent years, have become very common "Gesamtschule", schools are composed by the three already named types.

18

Educational system’s comparative chart during the dictatorship in Spain and

the communist world’s countries: GDR, Poland and the Czech Republic.

Private

School

Co-

Education

Religious

Education

Censorship Education System Control

Spain Yes No Yes Yes Church Falange- Party

Communist

Countries

Scope

No Yes No Yes Communist

Party

Educational system’s comparative chart in age, during the transition to

democracy in Spain, Germany, Poland and Czech Republic.

Spain Germany Poland Czech R.

Pre-primary 3 - 6

3 - 6 3 - 7 3 - 5

Compulsory

Educ.

Primary

6 - 12 6 - 10 7 - 13 6 - 10

Lower

Secondary

12 -16 10 -16 13 - 16 11 - 15

Post-

Compulsory

Upper

Secondary

16 - 18 16 - 20 15 – 18/19

High School 16 - 18 16 – 18/19 16 - 19 15 - 19

19

Educ.

Vocational

Training

16 - 18 16 - 18 16 - 19 15- 17/18/19

Higher

Educ.

Non University

18 - 20 19 - 22 20-22/23

University 18 - 23 19 - 22 19 - 24 20-23/24

20

Chapter 3.

Influence of Unions, and more specifically trade unions in the shipyards, in the process to democracy. Ferrol and Gdansk: Affinities and differences.

3.1. Trade unions as actors in the process of transition to democracy.

Trade unions are actors of change in civil society, because they are intended to improve it. Therefore they have been present in the processes of transition to democracy from regimes without freedom, because these processes represent an improvement of the living conditions in all aspects of its members.

As Dan Gallin, responsible for Global Labour Institute, in his work for the Research Institute for the Social development of the United Nations (UNRISD) of 1999 says:

"The unions have always maintained the idea that the defence of the interests of its members, in the long term, requires them to work for the well-being of the people and society as whole (including concepts such as political and social democracy, civil and democratic rights, the eradication of poverty, equality, the rule of law)"

We are interested in the study on the transition to democracy, analyse the impact of trade union movements in two countries where his role has been key: Spain and Poland and not because unions might not exist in the other remaining countries in our study, in particular the former Czechoslovakia had a trade union tradition than the rest of Communist countries, drowned by the country's Communist integration process and the GDR maintained their previous Division unions, but not had as much impact on the process of political change to democracy.

3.2. The role of trade unions in the process of democratic transition in Spain.

3.2.1 Preliminary idea.

As believe the majority of historians, the first opposition movement to Franco's regime begins in 1962, as a result of a wave of strikes, extended throughout the country.

In this year are creating the so-called “Comisiones Obreras” (CCOO), which as we shall see, play an important role during the following years.

3.2.2 Trade unions in Spain at the transition time.

There is no doubt about the role of the Spanish trade unions, in the process of transition to democracy as a force in opposition to the Franco regime. As say Andrés Bilbao, Professor of Sociology from the Complutense University of Madrid in his work "The political transition and the unions":

"Until 1976-1977, unions were illegal organizations. Four years before its legalization had taken place the 1001 tria, which ended with severe prison sentences. In a short period of time, there were important changes in the legal status of trade unions. No doubt its legalisation allowed its consolidation as mass organizations. Even in the earliest moments of the transition trade unions were playing an important political role above their capabilities according to their organizational capacity". 3.2.3 Trade Union currents. During the hiding years various Spanish Trade Union forces were setting up. The most significant were:

21

CCOO (Comisiones Obreras). Born in the 1960s, and is formed in labour disputes and strikes, as assembly movements driven by the PCE (Communist Party of Spain) and ground Christian movements, they take a strategy of penetration in factories based on occupy the positions in the official unions of Franco’s regime company-based. It is the main Union force of transition and with a clear domination in industry and construction. UGT (Workers General Union). Trade Union Organization of great historical tradition linked to the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Party), first marxist oriented, led towards socialism. At the time of the transition, he chooses a strategy different from CCOO, staying out of the official unions and boycotting them. The trade union movement was supported by the ICFTU (International Confederation of free trade unions), where he received financial support and international credibility. He tried to promote the unity of Socialist unions in Spain to counterbalance the Communist dominance, creating the ACE (Alliance of Association) with SOV (solidarity of Basque workers) and CNT (National Confederation of labour). USO (Workers Union). It is the most important force behind CCOO in the Franco’s regime. He was born at the beginning of the 1960s. With socialist roots, part of a Christian, self-governing and autonomous tradition (in the sense of independence from political parties). It focuses on trade unionism as a global commitment against capitalist society in the cultural, economic and political field. It disappears as option radical in the first part of the transition and after leaving defeated in the struggle for the Socialist Trade Union space, fades gradually to have a current that opts to join the UGT in 1978 and another that will to CCOO in 1980. SU and CSUT (Unitary Trade Union and Unified Trade Union Confederation of workers). The first linked to the ORT (revolutionary workers organization) and the second to the PT (Labour Party). Both are created after the break-up with CCOO produced in the congress of Barcelona of July/1976. They constitute the bigger force of radical unionism and at the same time more volatile, they will disappear after the collapse in 1980 of the political parties that fuelled. CNT (National Confederation of labour). Reconstituted in Barcelona in February 1976. It continues the libertarian tradition of the historic CNT. It was not developed by internal ideological tensions (culminating in its refunding as CGT in 1984), also by lack of a generation of leaders solid and expert in the real trade union problems and police harassment subjected in Catalonia. Except for its leading role of some specific conflicts has not left of marginalization role in the process of transition. USO, CSUT and CNT we can frame them in so-called radical unionism, which explains to some extent his disappearance of the trade Union scene, achieved the democratic stability. As reflected in an article in the Advisory and Social Studies Centre (CAES), in Madrid, referring to radical unionism: "The absence of an own project, the coincidence in the main categories with the majority left and the installation in a kind of tactical parasitism, explaining the total disappearance of some of its most important currents (SU-CSUT) and the marginality of others (LCR-MC) or the switch of radical leaders which will progressively, accessing to the board of CCOO leadership positions to make from them almost the same role as called -reformers leaders-." At the end of the 1960s and until its legalization the Spanish trade union movement is dominated by CCOO and UGT, with clear dominance in the industrial sectors and construction companies.

22

3.2.4 Influence democratic unions at the end of the Franco regime. Franco's regime, tried to react to the emergence of these trade union movements with an attempt to reform the structures of the official trade union movement (the so-called vertical unions), being launched in the year 1971, a new Trade Union law. Manuel Redero and Tomás Pérez, in his article published in the magazine AYER, of the Association of Contemporary History, says about this reforming attempt and its consequences in the trade union movement: "Precisely coinciding with the limited attempt to reform the structures of official trade unionism which launched the Trade Union law, and during the last two years of the life of the regime - with almost 1,200 and 900 strikes -, the confliction labour increase more frequently, taking on a political dimension and sometimes a strong radicalization “due to the narrow legal channels that the regime has open, it becomes in some provinces, regions or localities in a general strike. This expansion of conflict, which had been combined a strong, not only in the field of enterprises - with suspension of employment and salary, disciplinary records and sending off workers, but also by the criminal path - with arrests and prosecutions, confirmed the inability of the official trade union organization to channel trade union affairs, driving it into a deep crisis that exacerbate still further when the unitary and democratic candidates obtain a great triumph in the first phase of trade union elections, completed before June 30, 1975. It was remarkable that at the end of the dictatorship, democratic unions, notably CCOO, had become a great social power; the more broad and popular based movement with which the anti-Franco opposition had to delegitimize the regime, push to the crisis and seek to impose a break with him". It is clear, trade union movements, collaborated in an efficient and decisive way in the fall of the regime and were active in the process of the change to democracy.

3.3 The role of trade unions in the process of democratic transition in Poland.

3.3.1 Preliminary.

A first opposition movement to the regime occurs from the year 1976, also as a result of strikes of the population for economic reasons. As points out Bogustawa Dobek-Ostrowska, in his work "The democratic transition in Spain and Poland (comparative analysis)":

"The first opposition organizations began to emerge during the Gierek era, supported by the climate of economic demands of the population, causing strikes and rallies during 1976." Political power reacted with strong reprisals against protesters and strikes organizers. At this point in the circles of intellectuals of anti-Communist orientation, came the idea of creating an organization that focuses on help to repressed persons or their families. "In these circumstances the first oppositional force was created in the Soviet bloc - KOR (Workers Defence Committee)."

3.3.2 Trade unions in Poland.

There is unanimity in considering the transition to democracy in Poland as a phenomenon linked to the role of the Trade Union Solidarity, its ability to carry out strikes and strong support in the population, constituted a strong movement of opposition to the Communist regime.

However solidarity mixed contradictory ideas and was more a political movement that Trade Union. As indicated by Carmen González, Professor of Science Policy of the UNED:

"Solidarity mixed pro-democracy or liberal elements of opposition to the regime, in the sense of demand for political freedoms, with a very strong religious character who is obviously anti-

23

liberal, as it was also his attitude in the economic field. Solidarity not proposed, in the early 1980s, introduced market reforms in the socialist economy".

3.3.3 Solidaridad Trade Union (Solidarnosc).

As we have previously pointed out, in Poland early opposition movements to the regime occur from the year 1976, also as a result of strikes of the population for economic reasons. In these circumstances the defence of workers (KOR) movements are created.

As a non-governmental trade union solidarity was born on 1980 within the Gdansk shipyard, but soon acquired a character of massive front opposed to the regime of the Polish Communist Party (PZPR).

The labour claims pass into the background level, becoming an organization with capability to negotiate with the establishment, starting to negotiate political and legal aspects, assuming partially and without recognizing it, the role of a political party. However its effect on the daily life of the polish people is not up to their expectations and loses part of its initial strength.

The martial law of 1981, with the jailing of the leaders of the Trade Union, accentuates the clandestine nature and your bet by the social movement of opposition to the regime and in 1989 once legalized, stands for elections as a party although in their statutes included the labour union role.

The complex nature of Solidarity, as a mixture of Trade Union and social movement, reflected in an interesting dissertation of Professor of International Journalism at the University "Antonio de Nebrija", Mercedes Herrero, entitled "Role of Solidarity in the process of transition democratic en Poland".

3.4 Trade unions of the naval shipyards in Spain and Poland.

One aspect that we are interested in noting in this work, within the influence of trade unions in the process of democratic transition in Spain and Poland, is the role played by trade unions in the shipyards.

3.4.1 Preliminary Considerations.

During the 1960s and early 1970s, an increase in shipbuilding is produced globally, covered in the boom oil transport that is suspended in 1974 with the oil crisis,.

Shipbuilding is an intensive hand-work manufacturing with great support by auxiliary industry, which makes there are large concentrations of workers in manufacturing workplaces gathered by shipyards. Therefore claims of economic improvements and better working conditions are followed by large numbers of workers.

Both Ferrol and Gdansk shipyards have strike movements of importance, that end up in a violent and tragic - way with deaths and numerous detainees-by reprisals from Franco and Communist regimes and that help to reaffirm the nature of movements of opposition from trade unions.

Trade Union leaders of both shipyards, will have an important role in political and Trade Union in the years to come.

3.4.2 The events of 1972 in Ferrol.

The chronicle of the events of 1972 in Ferrol, is collected in point 1.4 of Chapter 1 of this study, according to the version of journalist Alfredo Iglesias, published the alternative web Rebellion (www.rebelion.org).

24

Beyond the narrative of the facts and it is reflected as a chronicle in that paragraph, we are interested stress that the conflict ended in a bloody way and that this meant for unions and in particular for CC.OO., the recognition of their role of movement of opposition to the Franco regime.

3.4.3 Events in Gdansk in 1970-71.

In the journalistic format of the site Libcom (www.libcom.org), collect the account of the worker uprising of 1970-71 in Gdansk, Alex Aspden in their collaboration on the web with the title: "1970-71 Uprising in Poland":

“On the morning of December 14 1970, thousands of workers from the Gdansk shipyards downed tools and began marching into the city. Their objective was the local regional office of the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), the party that had ruled the People's Republic of Poland since 1952. The protestors were met by police units and fighting between the two sides lasted into the evening.

The strike in Gdansk had been prompted by an announcement by the government that it was to increase the prices of key consumer goods - such as clothing, coal and food - to deal with Poland's worsening economic situation. Industrial output was lagging far behind Western Europe, agriculture was doing poorly, and there was a major lack of new housing for workers. Aside from the already dire situation that the state of the economy had left many workers in, the proposed price increases would have meant a reduction of 45% in real wages.

Following the march on the PZPR office in Gdansk, the urban area comprising the three port cities of Gdansk, Gdynia and Sopot (known as the Trojmiasto) was placed under a telecommunications block, cutting them off from the rest of the country. The next day saw the strike spread, with workers at Gdansk Harbour and the Gdansk Ship Renovation Yard also stopping work. By the 16th almost all of Gdansk was on strike. A strike committee comprising of workers from each striking shipyard was formed, and many areas of the shipyards were occupied. A march on the PZPR offices was again organized, and during heavy fighting with the police it was burned to the ground by strikers.

Upon hearing of the fighting in Gdansk, Wladyslaw Gomulka, first secretary of the PZPR ordered the army to surround the Trojmiasto and authorised the use of firearms against protestors. On December 17, having surrounded the harbour at Gdynia, troops fired on a large group of workers, returning to the shipyard, killing or wounded several hundreds of workers. Officially 45 dead and more than 1,200 wounded.

Given the seriousness of the facts was applied the martial law and the strikers forced to conclude the strike. "This made in turn brought the replacement of Gomulka by Gierek at the head of the PZPR and economic measures were postponed".

The uprising of 1970 showed Polish workers that had demanded changes to the regime, which through collective action improvements could be and it paved the way for the future struggles.

3.5. Conclusions of trade unions role in the process of transition to democracy in Spain and Poland.

Affinities:

They emerge as clandestine movements and set up in the workers strikes by labours and economic improvements.

25

His confrontation with authorities sometimes ends in a violent and tragic way, gives to their leaders respect and notoriety.

During the transition, they operate more like opposition movement and less as Labour Union.

They were a question-less partners in the process by the overthrow of the dictatorial regimes.

Differences:

UGT unties from the PSOE party and CCOO accentuated its radical nature of class union.

Solidarity has led to a political party.

26

Chapter 4.

4.1. The Spanish Catholic Church in the transition from Franco

4.1.1. Introduction

The Spanish political transition has been only the transit of an authoritarian regime to a democratic regime. This fact in itself important, we must add the task of reconciling a nation fractured by civil war, which involved the overthrow of a democratic regime and the establishment of an authoritarian regime. These historical facts have been present in the decisions of policy makers in the transition (government and opposition) and in all of Spanish society.

The Franco regime since 1936 was supported by the basic trinity were: Army, National Falange Movement and the Catholic Church.

But of the three organizations that supported the dictatorship, the church was the one that played a greater role, international support and legitimacy that the Holy See gave the military uprising served as a criterion of performance for most organizations Christian and for national bishoprics throughout Europe as widely branched structure, the church served as a form of social control of behavior of the Spanish population, and as a means of disseminating ideas "national", and finally, the Catholic hierarchy endorsed by their actions and positioning the action of the dictatorship until the nineteen seventies.

The Catholic Church happened to be the ideologue of the Franco regime to be priests and religious prisoners in Zamora, a situation unheard of in a confessional state until 1978.

The Church had a notable role in the period immediately preceding the beginning of the political transition in the period known as "pre-transition". Different circumstances, took her to star or appear as the star of various acts of opposition to Franco, which produced the aforementioned surreal situation of prison Concordat of Zamora.

4.1.2. The religious policy in the Second Republic

After the Civil War, the Church was prepared to reap the fruits sown and proceeded to recovery since the Republican legislation had been stolen. The Church, rather than the National Movement or the Falange, was the real means of social control and framework of Franco.

For this service, the Church regained its social and ideological role, both in the formation of new generations, education during the Franco regime was directly linked with church structures.

This perfect marriage between the Church and the Franco regime found its culmination in the Concordat of 195312, which articulated a policy instrument to the end of the dictatorship relations with the Holy See and the Spanish Catholic hierarchy.

4.1.3. The separation of Church - State

From this situation and developed a wide promiscuity and Church Franco spent in less than a decade to what became known as "right-wing anti-clericalism" clearly summarized in the slogan shouting against the President of the Spanish Episcopal Conference-EEC-" Tarancón the wall! "Why the Church distanced itself from the Crusaders who had legitimized the moral? To try to explain this process of disengagement of national Catholicism by the Church have applied different interpretations:

27

a. The momentum of the Church based

On the one hand, the separation would be the result of social transformation, economic, political and cultural among Christian groups of lay people and secular would have occurred between the late fifties and early sixties. The creation of the ACE in 1947 and the formation of specialized groups of lay apostolate, the Catholic Action Workers' Brotherhood (HOAC) and the Young Christian Workers (YCW), would be on the basis of this development, which would have produced the mismatch between what they thought an influential part of Catholic social bases and what did the church hierarchy, this thesis is based on the "Crisis of Catholic Action," by the Catholic hierarchy cut breakthrough trends on the dictatorship from early sixties nesting in these groups of lay apostolate.

Regarding the hierarchy, it also underwent a profound change. In 1966, the prelates gathered in the newly formed EEC, under the presidency of Cardinal Quiroga, issued the document "The Church and the temporal order in light of the Council" which had a narrow image of the church and dogmatic changes council agreements and refused the need to review some temporary issues. In March 1972, and due to the choice of Tarancón as president of the EEC, GE issued a document classified "Situation of the Spanish Church after the Sixteenth Plenary Meeting of the EC". The Permanent Commission of the EEC would be controlled by 10 bishops progressive conservative versus 7.

b. The Second Vatican Council

Other authors provide for the release as a result of aggiornamiento that fruit of Vatican II took place in the Church. So the changes that occurred within the EEC from the late sixties would respond to the need for accommodation of the Spanish Church to the new dictates theological but also political, as contained in various Vatican documents.

The council produced, the division of the Spanish hierarchy, in two halves, the Church of the Cross and the Peace, which would have remained until the end of Francoism, or several segments, as noted by Damian Gonzalez and Manuel Ortiz, a Franco's conservative core and small, a large segment, almost a majority, a conservative but apolitical inclination undergoing regime depending on whether this was a guarantee for the maintenance of the situation and the reform wing, a majority group, moderate with a strong social commitment, and another, smaller and more radicalized.

c. Montini, Dadaglio and Tarancón

The transformation of the EEC to have a greater spirit of reconciliation, according to that suggested by the Holy See, now occupied by Monsignor Montini, Paul VI, introduces the element personalism, voluntarism in historical interpretation of the causes that led to the estrangement of the Church of the dictatorship.

Thus, making clear distance from the inauguration of Bishop Tarancón as president of the EEC, is due to the unmistakable attitude of the characters directly involved: Paul VI acting through the Nuncio in Spain Luigi Dadaglio or Tarancón.

However, this papal authority amending majorities likely to release, could not make the dictatorship to give up the "privilege of filing" as well directly asked in a letter to Franco Paul VI in 1968, forwarding Franco Montini opening negotiations for the signing of new concordat, which never occurred and that led to the maintenance of said privilege in the hands of Franco until his death.

28

4.1.4. Secularization of society

Changing the position of the Church with regard to the system would be the result of the changes that had occurred in previous years in Spanish society, a lower degree of ruralization and economic development, the Church would have been evicted from their traditional social spaces of influence, and the release was the way the Church was in line with "the times" to try to continue to hold power as a major social actor dissemination of ethical and moral codes.

Between 1973 and 1978, according to data provided by Rafael Diaz Salazar, religious practice in Spain fell across the board. If in 1973, 13% was the Spanish who came to Mass every Sunday and some weekdays in 1978 that figure fell to 5%, the same circumstance suffered Sunday attendance at church service which fell from 55% in 1973 up to 35%, on the contrary, failure to attend any religious ceremony rose from 13% in 1973 to 15% five years later.

Among young people the transformation was more pronounced and if in 1968 was 53% of young people attending Sunday Mass, in 1975 only 25.3% carried out the practice, increasing the number of those who never went from the 15% to 23.2%.

The process of estrangement from the Catholic Church was also evident through the process of secularization of priests that took place in the sixties and seventies. Between 1960 and 1990, 3,270 were secularized priests, noting the time after the conclusion of the Joint Assembly, of which, 16% of those surveyed at the same school also secularized. The answer to that process is complex, firstly it meant opening the Second Vatican Council allowed a development of the priests and deacons previously unknown, on the other the Spanish hierarchy, despite the internal changes operated in it, remained as traditional keys.

This process was accompanied by a reduction process of "vocations", from 1,033 seminarians ordained in 1956 to only 281 in 1971, which deserves a detailed study on the relationship between the "vocation" and that the Church Catholic in the fifties was the only institution that imparted quality education and also gave financial support to seminary students and even his family, thus sending workshop to study the children might well be a familiar strategy of economic support and social advancement. Both processes were combined "the progressive aging of the clergy without the possibility of replacement."

4.1.5. The concordat agreements (1976-1979) and the 1978 Constitution

After the intense role that the Church had been in previous years, when the start of political reform, the Church seemed to disappear, and so, at least in the public arena, but by no means behind the scenes, in the that the Church continued starring in the political arena and adapting the new reality formed as a result of the Political Reform Act, to their needs.

In July 1976, shortly after Adolfo Suárez was appointed Prime Minister by the King proceeded to the signing of the first under the reorganization which replaced the much-worn Concordat of 1953. In the agreement the Head of State to express waiver of the "privilege of presentation" and the Church, in turn, to the "ecclesiastical law", however, picked up this first agreement in its preamble reconcile political doctrine includes: independence of the Church and State; collaboration between both institutions, and recognizing the right to religious freedom.

The other four mentioned agreements were signed on January 3, 1979 and sought: legal, economic, educational and cultural affairs and religious assistance in the Armed Forces and military service and religious clerics.

29

This state of affairs dramatically conditioned the design and scope in religious matters was the 1978 Constitution where if explicitly renounced the confessionalism of the State and to a clear defense of the democratic system, however, also required the explicit recognition Church in the statute.

Establishing a legal framework for relations between Church and State as ambiguous, may have been beneficial to the Church, although Spain was no longer continued to hold religious spaces of social power that had always been in education, health and to guide ethical and moral behavior of citizens, since Spanish society has been hampered by the constant interference of the Church in matters regulated ceased producing a clumsy and confused, the teaching of religion in classrooms, the financing of the Church, the existence of religious symbols in documents and official bodies, etc..

4.1.6. Conclusions

The Church of the sixties and seventies never left the promiscuity he had with the regime from the "Crusade", continued to receive financial aid to international and national agreements had been established for maintenance by the dictatorship, did not resign at any time to exercise ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and never denounced as "hated" Concordat of 1953. Its nest she sat on the couches institutional attorneys seats in Parliament, Council of the Realm, etc.., And most of the churches of the country continued to call until the death of Franco in the care of his soul, for all that, the "decoupling" of the Catholic Church was on the dictatorship.

What is not to deny or minimize the action towards the end of the dictatorship many priests and religious clerics made and that some cost the prison, threats or exile, or that the Church of Goma and Pla y Deniel were the same as that of Tarancón. The decoupling of the dictatorship that is presented by historians and some of its protagonists as the moment of rupture with the regime that served to justify thirty years of collaboration with the regime in acts such as taking confession, lest they die without peace of God, condemned to death, there was such a transformation was only part of a formal part of their authorities and wider sections of the priesthood and the faithful, but in essence the pillars of national Catholicism remained until death the dictator. If this change had a major impact both historical and historiographical was not for the relevance of it but by the rigidity of a dictatorship "anachronistic", which meant that time is not discurriese, and that everything will remain as the founding moment, and during the Crusade.

Despite this hostility of the regime and its minions and religious media served to legitimize the Church as an institution opposition to the regime among the various opposition groups and made to appear as a defender of democratic values (that if the institution) and freedoms, including religious (but with some qualifications), which allowed its adaptation to modern times with the monarchy and the Suarez government were taking place.

4.2. The role of the Catholic Church and Pope John Paul II in the democratic transition in Poland

In the late twentieth century the world had revolved around a bipolarity, changes dramatically because the USSR is no longer considered as a powerful rival to U.S. In 1989 the impossible happened. A political order established for decades, with unparalleled appearance of solidity, slumped over a few months in the region usually known as Eastern Europe. But most surprising is that this transformation was not limited to a single country but affected six sovereign states.

30

Poland has been considered one of the first nations of Central and Eastern Europe initiators of change for the transformation of the communist system to a democratic process. This event could not have been done if the collapse of the Soviet Union had not been consummated.

In Poland all its democratic transition took place peacefully without reaching the end of a civil war or fatal consequences.

Poland not only wanted a democracy represented by the expression of political rights and civic participation but people had the power to prosecute its own economic and social welfare.

In the political transition should also recognize the significant role played by the Catholic Church and Pope John Paul II to achieve successful transformation from a socialist system to a democratic system.

Poland, in the early 70's, suffered a major deterioration in the economy that affected the political order because the Polish population blamed the Soviet control of deterioration in their living standards. Therefore, during this time, Gomulka had to give up his post as prime minister Eduard Gierek. When Gierek was in power, they were articulated two major forces: on the one hand, a clandestine unions subsequently acquired great importance to the figure of Lech Walesa and the other, the Catholic Church, most influential social force acting on the public light under the action of Cardinal Wyszinski which raised the flag for the rights of the population. This is how the Catholic Church has evolved to become a defender of human rights institutions for the Polish population.

In particular, the Catholic Church in Poland was seen as the result of historical development of a strategy religious, moral and intellectual leaders of the Polish Communists. Was seen as a victim of political problems, but when there arose a national transformation, became a mediator for differences between the groups with the power and population.

The Catholic religion in Poland was further consolidated when the pope Karol Wojtyla was recognized in the Vatican as Pope John Paul II. The Poles were proud that a citizen of Krakow was an international leader in the Catholic religion. As John Paul II had suffered like many Polish foreign dominations such as the might of Nazi Germany and the USSR, gave priority to finalize definitely totalitarianism and especially totalitarianism that was living in Poland. The Pope had recognized better than many other panic of authoritarianism and interventionism, which is why we supported the Solidarity movement of Lech Walesa in 1980 with the result that you recognize their role in defense of the movement against the Communists, who later achieve the overthrow of this regime and the establishment of a democracy.

John Paul II was the interpreter who went on the revolution of consciousness in 1989 with the aim of confirming the moral basis in the creation of a post-communist democracy. It is for this reason that John Paul II confirmed their unconditional support to the democratic revolution of the opponents of communism in Poland, to conduct a welfare within the political community, in the free and responsible participation of citizens in political affairs considering the respect and promotion of human rights.

On the other hand, it is important to note that not all the population of Poland was Catholic, but yielded to her because they shared a common characteristic which was to dismiss communism in Poland for a democracy in which elections take free and sovereign. That is why it was a great number of individuals who joined this cause regardless of religion and race which were very well thought out what you wanted.

31

Thus in this way that for 1989, and with difficulty, the Solidarity movement was legalized recognizing religious freedom, they proceeded to the reorganization of the presidency of the nation and establishing a multiparty system for future elections. Thus is born in June 1989 a new state where election was held, the results were the unquestionable triumph of Solidarity and the birth of the Republic of Poland characterized by having a change in the institutional system and a new constitution that originates from the change of political system to another.

The Catholic Church and Pope John Paul II had to become a means for the Solidarity movement reached its aim: to dismiss communism for democracy through the dissemination of ideas with political awareness coupled with the human rights issue.

John Paul II and the Catholic Church had praised democracy as a form of government most likely to give effect to the principles of Catholic social morality such as personalism (human rights principle) common good (the principle of community), subsidiarity ( free association) and solidarity (such as civic friendship).

Pope John Paul II through Catholicism contributed to the formation of a Polish national who defend their freedom in all aspects as well as promote the existence of reasons to forget communism as a form of repression to the execution of their rights and obligations as a citizen has free and sovereign.

32

Chapter 5.

Armed Forces influence before and during the democratic transition in Poland and Spain. 5.1 Some information about the armed forces role.

In Spain the role of the army, must be placed in those countries, where the armed forces have played an important role in the processes of social and political change. As Alejandro Muñoz Alonso, in the "Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas" says: "The Spanish history of the last two hundred years must place into a scheme well known and studied, the countries in which the armed forces have played a key role in the processes of political and social change." "As it is well known, this role has been to accelerate the process of change while in others has materialized in a brake of that same process". In the centuries XIX and XX has been constant and abusive the military presence in the Spanish political and social life. However this approach is not applicable to the whole of the countries of Eastern Europe. Carmen González in an article in the "Journal of political studies", entitled "Democratic transitions in Eastern Europe." (A comparative analysis): "The armies of the area - Poland excluding - lack interventionist tradition, and during the transition phase did not give any sample of own political will." Despite the political control and the use of military service as a phase of ideological training to young people, the armies were manifestly liabilities in political life. The dictatorships in southern Europe, the national armies had a strong and often dominant political weight however in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe the political influence of the military forces was weak." We will analyse the role of the forces armed in Spain and Poland. 5.2 The Army’s role in Spain.

To this section we follow the work of Michael Alpert, of the University of Westminster, "the role of the Army (1931-1991)", reflected in publications of the "IV Congress of History of Defence", and organized by the University Institute Gutiérrez Mellado, held in Madrid, in November 2009.

5.2.1 After the Civil War.

The main effect of the civil war, was to create a much more united military than in the Republic period and the army had an immense loyalty to Franco. The generals belongs to group called the "Africanists" and the lower scales of forces armed were dominated and occupied at permanently way by the so-called "acting ensigns", This group occupied the place of a young officer who had died in the war.

About this point we collect a study of the Dra. Beatriz Frieyro de Lara, "Transition in the Spanish army in 1975: the institutional model to the plural model", presented in the "II International Congress history of transition in Spain, the beginnings of the democratization process", in November 2005, in the city of Almeria. The Dra. Frieyro de Lara, focuses on the mentality military of this army:

"Let us now look at how in this army, backbone of the Franco’s regime, reproduce the elements of an institutional organization according to the models of military culture."

33

In the institutional model are much important certain values and standards as the Duty

and the Homeland. The military are followers of a vocation which acquire with some degree of self sacrifice, and think that their mission is saving and their values higher than those of the rest of society that are ideologically strongly distanced.

Undoubtedly, during the nearly forty years that remains in our country the dictatorship military general Franco, the position of the military, their mentality with regard to civil society and even their ability to participate as an institution in the political life of the nation, was evolving. But we start from the fact that the outcome of the events in 1939 determines a kind of particular army in which prevail the values of the generation of military triumphant in the civil war(the Africanists), more specifically your particular Homeland concept and their way of conceiving the moral military.

Highlighted the presence of “acting ensigns”, who throughout the war becoming something more than 29,000, it is estimated that around 10,000 would y remain in the army when it ends, becoming officers of active scale. They came from middle class families, largely in rural areas; his basic training received between 17 and 20 years, during the war and immediate post-war.

This group has an accentuated conservative nature, anti-communist, anti- liberal, and strongly nationalist. The subsequent imposition of the Franco regime will seek that such values are maintained and are instilled not only to the military family but to the whole of society. They will be the Africanists, which constitute the core of the conspirators who headed the military uprising and the subsequent civil war, that, as a group winner, attempt to impose their mentality during the dictatorship. "Even in 1975 the majority source of the official group are acting ensigns".

A mutual social distancing between army and society occurs during the 40 years of Franco’s regime still relevant in late 1975.

The DRA. Frieyro de Lara says about the social isolation of the army at this time: "This historic social distancing has its justification in very diverse reasons. Political reasons, the use of the military as a guarantor of public order or the deep

development that reaches with Franco the idea of the internal enemy. Economic reasons, the policy of low salaries offset by certain social benefits that

facilitated life to these families, as military housing, military schools, supermarkets, entertainment venues, and so on, that they share with other military families out of civil society and cooperating, in addition to isolation, strong corporatism of the members of the armed forces.

Social reasons, the policy of transfers which requires the military and their families’

continuous changes of residence place. This high rate of mobility explains the territorial uprooting of the military and contributes to identification not only with the idea of the unitary and uniform Spain explained above, but also with the military institution itself.

And, finally, should be cited the ideological reasons that are specified in the values of the

Group of Africanists triumphant in the civil war and the subsequent imposition of a military dictatorship in the country. We believe that all this has determined the isolation social and institutional of this group of professionals of the defence. "The result was a deep popular ignorance about the armies and their members, only surpassed by great distrust which elicited in people."

On the other hand, a report by the German army in 1940, emphasis that the strength of the Spanish army in armament was outdated: missing nearly everything from boots to fuel, tanks and heavy artillery and the Navy and Aviation had large gaps in ships and planes, all this

34

combined with the lack of knowledge of modern warfare tactics, this lacks don’t help to act in a European conflict, with guarantees of success.

In later years the military aggregates of other European countries including England, emphasized the lack of resources and the excessive age of commanders and NATO should take action on the matter.

In summary, Spain maintained a large, poorly equipped and trained army and whose commanders should already be in the reserve, with a conservative mentality in their values and ever more distant from the society to watch through the control of public security and military justice.

5.2.2 The reorganization of the armed forces.

In 1953 Spain signed bilateral agreements with United States involving a permanent American military presence in Spanish territory and this will lead to a modernization and improving of the equipment and capability of the armed forces in the coming years.

Despite the enormous investment in material equipment ($521 million), little has been done in the other major problem of armies: overstaffing, which stood at about 25000 heads and officers, perhaps remains in the memory, the great discontent caused by Azaña reform, which had produced many grievances 25 years before, within the army.

The reorganization of the armed forces with the creation of the Immediate force intervention (IFI) with its divisions vault, mechanized and motorized, at the same time that reserved the duty of being the warranty of the Franco’s’ regime, with the creation of the territorial defence force (DOT) was introduced in the 1960s.

5.2.3 The last years of Franco.

The process of Burgos in 1970, with a military tribunal which imposed death sentences on civilian citizens, marked the beginning of disagreements between the military in relation to his role in Spanish society.

The death of Admiral Carrero Blanco in 1973, meant the loss of hope of those soldiers who still sought to protect the status quo existing in a Spain without Franco.

Yet the strength of 2000 heads of the civil war, led to the suppression of the Democratic Union Military (UDM), while they criticized the loss of values of a society away from the crusade ideology.

“Blue” Generals command some strategic divisions, as the Vault Division or Brigade paratrooper division and were ready to act in case of a possible military coup. 5.2.4 The army in the Transition. The first Government of Transition, appointed to general Gutiérrez Mellado, Vice-President and Minister of Defence. Military jurisdiction over civilians was abolished in 1976, which meant no politicization of the army and a professionalization of its mission. The Ministry of defence grouped the three military ministries and accentuated the political relevance loss of the forced armies and a few months later named Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún was established in 1977 Minister of defence, he was the first civilian to command of the army, from 1938. Also in 1977, the Communist Party was legalized. All of this brought a profound unease in certain sectors of the Army (resignation of the Minister of marine, operation Galaxy, etc.), unrest that culminated with the promulgation by the

35

Government, the law of basic defence criteria and the military organization of July 1980, where the command chain in the army was placed under the orders of the Defence Minister. There were conspiracy movements, in a moment of extreme weakness of the Suarez Government, culminating in the coup attempt in February 23, 1981. 5.2.5 The events of February 23. We have supported in the information from the Wikipedia entry "Coup Spain 1981", to describe in a brief manner the coup of February 23. In summary the military coup of February 23, was an assault to the Congress of deputies in the investiture session of the candidate to the Presidency (Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo), which guaranteed the assistance of all parliament’s members and Ministers. In this assault will merge supporters of a hard military coup (General Milans del Bosch) and other more soft-liner (Army General), man’s confidant of the King. According to the layout plan, Colonel Tejero, under the command of a group of civil guards, he breaks into Congress keeping abductees to parliament’s members. The lack of support from the King and some of the important general captains makes fail the coup and on the morning of the 24th, parliament’s members are freed and arrested Milan del Bosch and Tejero. 5.2.6 After the 23 F. After the failed coup, in January of 1982, all commanders of the military leadership are renewed and in August of the same year the Reserve Active Act, intended to give a dignified exit, to all those army officers who couldn’t ascend before his retirement. The professionalization process of the armed forces receives another boost with the Serra reform (1984), that acknowledged the army had no internal enemies but its mission is full international integration. This process ends with the Spain entry into NATO in 1989. Today the Spanish army is strongly professionalized with good strength in technology and sophisticated weapon system and a solid military career, men and women, with permanent vocation and involved in military operations within NATO as Bosnia, Afghanistan, etc. 5.3 The Army’s role in Poland.

The role of The Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland (Wojsko Polskie), is related to its history as a nation and the armed conflicts in which the polish people were committed, in search of its independence and against foreign invasions.

For this chapter, we have taken as a source, the "Army in Poland" Wikipedia entry.

5.3.1 The Second World War.

The origin of the Second World War, takes place with the German and Russian invasion of Poland. Poland entered into the conflict as part of the Allied forces, and was forced to surrender.

The evolution of the conflict causes the creation first, of a Polish Army abroad (Poland West Forces), with loyalty to the Polish regime in exile and then some forces that supported the Soviet Union, after the open confrontation between Russia and Germany, after the German invasion of Russian territory (Poland East Forces).

36

On the other hand as result of internal resistance to the German occupation were created the so-called Polish Interior forces who maintained a struggle of sabotage and urban guerrilla warfare against the occupying forces.

Once the conflict is over, these forces are reunited and returned to re-emerge as Polish armed forces.

5.3.2 The Communist Era.

The current military forces have an operating origin, as defenders of the interests of the so-called People’s Republic of Poland (1945-1989), and the endowment in equipment that it receives from the Soviet Union.

In the middle of the year 1945, and after the end of the Second World War, the People's Army of Poland as part of the Soviet strategy, enters to form part of the so-called Warsaw Pact, the replica of the Communist countries bloc, to the creation by the western part of the NATO.

In practice, the Warsaw Pact was an instrument of control of the Soviet Union on the socialist States of Eastern Europe, in order to prevent they leave their doctrine.

In 1968, the Polish troops took part in the invasion of Czechoslovakia, as members of the Warsaw Pact, to crush the popular movement against the Communist regime, known as the Prague Spring.

Until the fall of the Communist regime in 1989, the prestige of the Polish military, was deteriorating, that was used by the Communist Government to put down, in a violently way, the protests against the communist system of the Polish people.

Deserve special mention Poznan riots in 1956, demonstration against the Polish Communist regime in the metallurgical and capital equipment Ciegelsky enterprise, workers demanding better economic and labour conditions. The confrontation between demonstrators and army, resulted in dead (more than 70) and numerous wounded and arrested.

Also in 1970, in the shipyards of Gdansk and for similar reasons, there was another violent crackdown with deaths (officially 45), with large numbers of wounded and detainees.

Between 1981 and 1982 the Government of general Jaruzelsky enacted martial law and during the protests by the law implementation, incidents occurred with casualties (more than 90), these incidents were undermining the low credibility of the army, seen by Polish people as an occupying army.

5.3.3 The transition to democracy.

The agreements of 1989 put away Jaruzelsky from power, and the first free elections in Poland, mark the start of the progressive modernization of the Polish armed forces, with a reduction of troops and the loss of their repressive role. The dissolution of the Warsaw Pact also helped in the process of no politicization of the army.

The integration of Poland into NATO in 1999 has set the course to follow in the process of transformation of the Polish armed forces and their integration in the implementation of military projects and external actions such as the Afghanistan, reaffirm its role as professional forces of the Republic Army of Poland.

37

5.4 Conclusions of the role of the army in the process of transition to democracy in Spain and Poland

Affinities

Before the transition they are repressive movements for Franco and Communist orthodoxy.

Once accomplished the political transition, they reinforce in his role of modernization and troop reductions and its professionalization which culminates with the entry into NATO.

Differences

The Spanish army keeping in maintain the Franco regime without Franco that culminated in the coup attempt of the 23F.

The Polish Army was involved in violent reprisals against the civilian population with large numbers of victims.

38

Chapter 6.

External factors to the process. Participation of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).

The existing documentation relative to the external factors, as it is the case of Central of American Intelligence, the CIA, is very different.

Abundant in the case of the Spanish Transition as well as in the case of Poland, she is nevertheless, very little with respect to the Czech Republic and Eastern Germany.

We are going to analyze each one of the cases.

6.1 The Spanish Transition.

Contrary to which it is created, the Spanish transition to the democracy been has directed, we would even say manipulated, by external forces and, concretely by the United States, by means of a strategy designed by the CIA in order to understand this question it is precise to reproduce some details that the writer Alberto Grimaldos relates in his book “the CIA in Spain”.

Also, at this moment, it is relevant to introduce a well-known one of Spanish Army, the general and attached director of CIA, Vernon Walters.

6.1.1 Vernon Walters.

Been born in New York in 1917, Vernon Walters study in France and England, and quickly learn to speak French, Spanish and Italian. In 1941 one gets ready in the army and in September of this year, after the Japanese attack to the American base of Pearl Harbour, it enters the School of Infantry where it obtains the second lieutenant degree. It in center synchronizes its studies with a course of Training of Military Espionage, in Camp Ritchie. He participates in several campaigns in North Africa, where he knows the future King of Morocco Hassan II, and after the disembarkation allied in Italy Clark becomes assistant of the general lieutenant, head of the V Army. When the war finishes, it has degree of the commander and it is already clear that it develops its race within the American secret services.

In 1951 the lieutenant colonel Vernon Walters accompanies to Eisenhower in her visit Europe, and he is surprised of the degree of existing hostility between the countries of NATO against Spain. In if book “discreet Missions”, Vernon Walters says:

“When I arrived at Europe in 1951, with general Eisenhower, to establish the control of the Organization of the Treaty of the North Atlantic, a hostility against Spain in many European was perceived clearly, mainly the Socialists. The then minister of French Defense, M. Jules Moch, said to Eisenhower who in no case was due to have in consideration the possibility that Spain participated in the defense of Europe against the Soviets, and that could not be allowed that Spain collaborated in no sense with NATO. Eisenhower, somewhat irritated, asked Moch: “If the Russians came near to Paris, after to have conquered Western Germany, and were seven Spanish divisions available, you would reject them?”. In honor to the truth, I must say that that activity of exclusion of Spain it wasn’t shared by the military of the countries of NATO, in case even had a socialist government, because these military knew the true dimensions of the problem to defend Europe of a Soviet attack”. After this trip, Vernon Walters was destined to the Headquarters of the Allied in Europe. As assistant of president Eisenhower travels to Spain with him in 1959, which is described in the following section.

39

Later, it travels to Brazil, where one ties to him with the coup d'etat of Castelo Branco against president Joao Goulart, who finishes successful. As it says Vernon Walters in his book “a basically hostile regime to the United States was replaced by much more friendly other. I am convinced that if had not been revolution, in Brazil it would have happened just like in Cuba”

Is compensated with the promotion to general of brigade and destined to Vietnam and France. In 1969 it accompanies to Nixon in its visit Europe. In Paris it establishes negotiations with the Vietnamese Communists and participates, with Henry Kissinger in the negotiations with the Chinese government.

In 1972 Nixon it names attached director him of the CIA, position in which remains until 1976.

In those four years, diverse events are developed in which the CIA it takes part directly: the overthrow of Salvador Allende, the occupation of the Western Sahara by Morocco, the South African invasion of Angola and the murder of the Chilean politician Orlando Letelier in the United States.

6.1.2 Visit from Eisenhower to Spain, in 1959.

Vernon Walters comes with the President Eisenhower to Spain in 1959 and say “I had the luck to stay with them (to Eisenhower and Nixon) and to do of interpreters in the conversations with the Spanish authorities”. It remembers with affection the Spanish dictator: “Franco it offered an official dinner to president Eisenhower in the Palacio de Oriente. Affectionate toasts were pronounced during the dinner and, soon, a good concert with five violin players was celebrated”.

6.1.3 Visit to general Franco in 1971.

In 1971 American President Richard Nixon orders to Vernon Walters to visit Spain with the target of have a meeting with the General Franco. Nixon is very worried about how the things could happen after the death of the dictator, and the unfortunate consequences that could be derived for the American bases if the transition were not by the correct map courses.

It is necessary to remember that the 26 of September of 1953 Spain signed the agreements of cooperation with the United States, in which Spain yielded the Americans, for joint use, the bases of Torrejón, Morón, Rota and Zaragoza. In return, Spain received the support of the United States in the world, after the isolation decided by the UN against Spain after II the World war. In 1949 the UN cancel its previous recommendation of isolation and in 1951 the envoy of the American Administration, admiral Sherman, initiates in Madrid the negotiations for a bilateral treaty, that will be signed, since it has indicated itself, in 1953.

Vernon Walters says that Nixon realized the strategic importance of Spain, and shows its preoccupation to him by the future of the country after the death of the dictator. “Spain was of vital importance for the West, and the President did not want that there a chaotic situation or of anarchy was created”, it says Walters in its book. Nixon also says that she hopes that the prince stood out to Franco after the death of the generalissimo. Nixon believed who this one would be an ideal solution, that would give rise a pacific one and ordered transition.

Nixon orders to Walters, finally, who you glimpsed alone with Franco and tries to find out the measures that the dictator has taken stops after his death. Walters comment:” to say that these instructions shook to me he would be to say little”.

40

Let us see what Alberto Grimaldos in his book counts on the visit:

“The first problem that finds the “ambassador flying” of Nixon is the one of being able to see alone with Franco, without the embassy of the United States in Madrid nor the own Spanish Ministry of Foreign Office mediate in the subject. And in addition, he is not far from easy to have to speak to a man of its own death. Not even to somebody as cold as the head of the Spanish State. In the end, he is the own Spanish Ministry of Foreign Office, Gregorio Lopez Bravo, who facilitates the encounter to him. Franco has a special sense of smell and an cleverness to move in those situations and immediately realizes of which it is the reason for the visit. It says to Walters who already have made the opportune decisions so that, when its Captainship “gets to lack”, “everything is tied well and tied”. As he already declared in his speech of 1969, during the act of designation of Juan Carlos de Borbón successor like King. It assures the North American general that the succession will take place of controlled form. The prince is the only alternative and the Army will support to him. It says to him that diverse institutions have been created to assure one ordered succession and insists on transmitting Nixon “who the order and the stability in Spain is guaranteed by the opportune measures that I am adopting. And it adds: “My true monument is not that cross in the Valle de los Caídos, but the Spanish middle-class”.

Anyway, Vernon Walters does not know very clearly that those explanations are sufficient to remain calm and to be able to conclude therefore the mission that has entrusted to him. He considers that his president has trusted a delicate work to him that, in fact, he demands that he does something more than to speak with general Franco. With the pretext to be of permission in Madrid, it visits “several friends of the Spanish Armed Forces that occupies positions nails in the control structure. And all of them show clearly to him that they will give of the State. The phases of this operation included/understood from the target designation to occupy, to the domiciliary warning to all the involved heads and officials, its support to the elevation of prince Juan Carlos to the throne, after the death of Franco. In addition, they express “its belief in that there will be disorders nor no political disagreement in the nation.”

6.1.4 The Spanish secret services and the CIA

Walters visit next admiral Carrero Blanco, and he is put in contact with the futures responsible for the new information service, the SECED, whose first head will be San Martin, the military man later implied in the Coup D'Etat of 23-F of 1981. They decide that the SECED, created in March of 1972, will collaborate with the American secret services to take ahead a series of operations destined to guarantee a succession ordered to the democracy.

One of the members of the SECED, soon general Fernandez Monzón, thinks that “To the North Americans to only we interested them in our strategic position”. Fruit of the collaboration between the secret services of both countries, a series of operations is developed to have controlled the situation when it dies Frank.

Lucero Operation.

It has like target the defense of all the vital civil facilities considered to assure the normal unfolding and fulfillment the actions of the provisional government, during the relief in the headquarters of government.

Diana Operation.

The second operation, Diana operation, is planned by the General Staff of the Army, with

41

The target t to anticipate the necessary performances in case of an emptiness of executive power, and it is developed in accordance with the Statutory law of the State, that determines the paper of the army like guarantor of territorial integrity and the legal ordering. By this text article 8 of the Constitution of 1978 is inspired, that arrives to them written up the “parents” from the Constitution. Peculiarly, this operation continues effective until the 23 of February of 1981, and general Milan del Bosch and colonel Tejero tried to hide behind this text to give the Coup D'Etat.

Alborada Operation.

Thus they call it in the Real House, and in the SECED she is well-known like Operation Transit. His target is determine what the King must do at any moment. From how more warm narrowing the hand to him to Giscard d' Estaing, to the coldness whereupon Augusto Pinochet must greet itself to the Chilean dictator. Grimaldos says that “the Transition is handled, at any moment, from Washington and from within of the regime, so that the update of the Franco’s regime is not overflowed. The coordinated action of the company and the SECED look for to impose the controlled reform and to prevent the rupture at all costs”.

6.1.5 Congress of Suresnes.

Another subject in which the implication of the SECED is absolute is the socialist congress of Suresnes, in 1971. The SECED issues the passports that González and his supporters allow to Felipe to go to the congress. The officials of the SECED Jose Faura and Juan Maria Peñaranda have an important paper in these events. According to colonel Arturo Vinuesa, “first of them one of guardian angels of the PSOE is considered as. It seems that, personally, he caused the attendance of Felipe González to the congress of Suresnes in 1974”. If he were thus, later those angels obtained his compensates when the PSOE reached the power, arriving at the highest positions of the military service. Both rose to be general degree in the army, and Jose Faura Martin arrives until the top from the roster, general lieutenant and head of the General Staff of the Army, in 1994, with Felipe González like president of the Government.

It says Fernandez Monzón: “Felipe González is the main product of the Transition. It knew how the things were taking place and was in agreement with them…

“Through Ministry of the Presidency of the Spanish Government, we contacted with Heinemann, minister of the Presidency of Germany. And he, as well, transmitted to Willy Brandt to him, president of the Socialist International, our support so that he gave the patent him to the renewed sector of the PSOE… This operation left perfect, to a great extent thanks to the preclear intelligence of Felipe González, without a doubt the most important man of the Transition and the one that better included/understood it. It did not have any doubt that there was to conserve the Monarchy.”

6.1.6 The Carrero Blanco’s Murder.

The 20 of December of 1973 the President of the Spanish Government, Admiral Carrero Blanco, leaves his house and goes of to mass to the next Church of San Francisco De Borja, located in front the American embassy.

When leaving mass, it raises its official vehicle and one goes to its office. Handling is one that makes every day. To he arrives to number 104 of the Claudio Coello street, takes place an explosion of such magnitude that elevates the car over the building, more than 20 meters of height, and it throws it to an inner terrace. Carrero, its driver and an escort dies.

42

The murder is work of ETA commando is no doubt, although several indications aim at that she was not the only involved organization. The commando was more than 6 months in Madrid watching to Carrero, from a bus-stop that is practically before the American embassy. Has not noticed anything? Is not noticed of the activities of monitoring, nor of the derived ones from the construction of the tunnel?

One of the authors of the attack, Jose Ignacio Perez Beotegui “Wilson”, declares the police, to the being arrested in 1975, who the data on Carrero provides a person to them with whom they meet in the Mindanao Hotel, in Madrid and that is the one who says to them that she goes every day to mass to the same church. Wilson does not know the person who gives the data them.

In the book Ogro Operation, of Eva Forest, one says “the material executors of the attack recognize that they do not know how has gotten at ETA the precise information on the passages from the admiral: We limited ourselves to verify what they requested to us, but the route we do not know it. Now, which yes is truth is that in Madrid, like in other cities of Spain, there are informers, is an information service and just like arrived the one from Carrero Blanco can arrive any political report”

The designated judge to take the case, Luis of Torre Arredondo, affirms in an interview in Interviú the 28 of March of 1984 that “the CIA knew that they were going to kill to Carrero”

Manuel Campo Vidal, in his book “Information and secret services in the attack to President White Carrero” say: “agreeing with the previous discussion to the entrance of Spain in NATO, the news of agency TASS blames the CIA have collaborated with ETA for the elimination of White Carrero, because it was against to the entrance of Spain in the Atlantic organism of defense”

In “confidential Telegram” 700, sent at the beginning of January of 1971 from the EEUU embassy in Madrid to the Secretary of State William Pierce Rogers, it is indicated that: “The best result than can arise from this situation would be that Carrero Blanco disappears of scene (with possible substitution by Ten general Alegría or Castañón)

Eduardo Martin Pozuelo writes in La Vanguardia, in August, 24th of 2005: “The North American analysts considered to Carrero a bitter gray reactionary, more pro-Franco than Franco itself. The information of Intelligence that wrote on him, their surroundings and its political attitude do not draw to Carrero only like an anti-american, ultracatholic, ferocious personage antimasón, anchored in the past, but that they painted it rather as a hindrance for the development of the North American interests in Spain and for the modernization of our country”

The day before the attack, Carrero interviews for more than 4 hours with Henry Kissinger. The details from that interview are not known.

Writer Pilar Urbano, in its book “the price of the Throne”, is in favor also of the theory that it involves to the CIA in the attack. It says that the explosive is not the habitual one of ETA, that is of American origin, military. In chapter 6 of the mentioned book, it relates that judge Arredondo says that “ETA was the hand executor of the CIA”. In another section, comments the declarations of the general prosecutor Herrero Tejedor, In the sense that in addition to the ETA, there have been other instances that have taken part in the operation

Pedro Canales and Enrique Montánchez, journalists of “the Reason”, affirm that, after 30 years of the murder, they have had access to secret documents of the government that support the

43

participation of the CIA in the attack. According to them several American mines were engaged in from Fort Bliss to the base of Torrejón. These mines were very sophisticated, driven by wireless control, and that at least two of them were placed by the CIA in the tunnel which they had excavated the ETA terrorists.

Finally, it is necessary to comment that all the analysts do not share these theories. Ana Grau, journalist, in her book “Of how the CIA eliminated Carrero Blanco and put to us in Iraq”, doubt of the participation of the American agency of espionage in the attack.

6.1.7 The coup d'etat of 23-F

In order to deal with to understand what happened the previous months to the 23 of February 1981 and events of that day, and the implication of the CIA in such, we precise to give some data.

The president of the first government of the democracy, Adolph Suárez, had resigned days before, only one week after the taking of possession of president Ronald Reagan.

The last revision of the agreement of the American bases in Spain had become in 1976, and the U.S.A. insists so that Spain between in NATO, but Suárez doubts. In fact, the new Spanish president, Bald Leopoldo Sotelo write “As far as the Alliance, pointed in Suárez to be antiamerican. To correct and to need that course were one of my first intentions like President of Government.”

The person in charge of the CIA in Madrid, Ronald E. Estes, is veteran a spy one that has passed by Cyprus, Czechoslovakia (in previous years to the Spring of the Prague), Lebanon and Athens. Their antennas in Spain deeply inserted in all the estates, mainly the military man, catch all the movements and, naturally, the previous ones to the blow of 23-F. Weekly “Cambio 16” in its number 471 in December, 8th of 1980 affirms “most worrisome of everything is that the Central Agency of Intelligence had the news, from January last, of which in Spain “something fat” was prepared and that did not inform into it to the local authorities, perhaps because the Madrid station of the company did not give much importance him to the subject or because they thought that the Spanish secret services were to the current of the situation in. The information on the insolvent coup d'etat would have arrived at knowledge of the CIA through the North American military whom there are in Spain, totally introduced in the national armies from the Treaty of Cooperation and Friendship by which four military bases and other facilities of warlike character for the joint defense Hispanonorteamericana settled down in Spain”.

The CIA gets to alert to the American Forces. 16ª Air Force puts into action to all its devices 4 days before the blow, according to gathers Alberto Grimaldos in the mentioned book “the CIA in Spain”. And it adds “to first hour of the day in the morning that is going to enter Tejero the Congress, the Strategic Air Command, system of North American flight control, through the central station of Torrejón de Ardoz, annuls the Control of Radioelectric Emissions Spanish (CONEMRAD) and one stays to the delay of the events. Their pilots remain in alert and the North American troops of Torrejón, Rota, Morón and Zaragoza, prepared for any emergency. As opposed to the coasts of Valencia it remains a significant contingent of I SAW Fleet, in mission of “Mediterranean monitoring”. The reasons of those maneuvers will never be explained.

In the same book, there is a reference to a report of the CESID in where recovers the interviews of Jose Luis Cortina, member of the information services and implied and judged by its participation in the blow, with the American ambassador, Terence Todman and with the nuncio of the Vatican. This same meeting is confirmed by Juan Alberto Perote, member of the CESID and successor of Curtain in the secret services.

44

Other sources comment more meetings. Colonel Arturo Vinuesa relates: “In February,14th ambassador Todman meets, in a property located in the neighborhoods of Logroño, with the general Armada, with whom will study the development of the possible future events. They contemplate the different aspects from the probable relief of the Government and make special emphasis on the necessity to guarantee the North American interests in Spain”.

One more data. Pilar Cernuda and Fernando Jáuregui they relate in its book “23-F, the conspiracy of the fools” how in afternoon of the blow preparations are made to use the Conference hall in the American embassy, specially protected against the radio monitoring.

6.2 The Polish transition and the CIA

The case of Poland is different from the Spanish, although in both countries the influence of the CIA is let notice. Nevertheless, the paper of the Church in Poland is very different from the represented one by the Spanish Church. While in Poland the Church, encouraged by the visit conducted by Wojtyla Pope to Warsaw in 1979, supported the transition to the democracy, in Spain only Cardinal Tarancón and some few supported the change process more. The Spanish Church stayed in general, of the side of the regime.

Let us make a brief review of the events that preceded to the democratic change in Poland.

It would be possible to say clearly that the transition begins in Poland in 1970, when the government of Gomulka ordered a considerable increase in the price of fuels and basic foods. This triggers a strike in the shipyards of Gdansk, that violently is repressed by the government, with the result of 28 died 1200 wounded ones and more than 3000 under arrest.

In 1976, again, the protests reproduce in Glock, Radom and in the district of Ursus in Warsaw. These strikes receive the support of the “Committee of Defense of Workers (KOR)”, the germ of the union Solidarity.

In 1978 Juan Pablo I, Luciani Albino, dies, and is chosen Pope a Pole, Karol Josef Wojtyla, with the name of Juan Pablo II.

In 1979, Juan Pablo II, visits Poland, and proclaims that “The peace only could be based on the respect to the dignity of the human being and on the right of the nation to exert its freedom”.

In 1980, the government of Edward Giereck orders a new ascent of foods and basic products, which originates of new a big wave of strikes that finish with the agreements of August, 30th and 31th of 1980.

In December, 13th of 1981 the government of general Jaruzelski decrees the martial law. The leaders of Solidarity are prisoners, along with more than 5000 supporters. Although several strikes took place, these were repressed, with a cost of 9 died and more than 22 wounded ones.

In April, 5 of 1989, Solidarity and the Polish government, sign an agreement for “the semifree” elections of 4 and 18 of June of 1989.

Ryszard Kuklinski.

This general of the Polish General Staff, contacted in 1972 with the American Embassy in Bonn and began to facilitate valuable information to the CIA until year 1981. In 1980 it alerted to the CIA that the USSR was on the verge of invading Poland to squash to the Union Solidarity. With this information the t of Carters’governmen warned Moscow of the risks of taking part in Poland.

45

In 1981, Kuklinski informed into the plans of general Jaruzelski to impose the martial law and, feeling in danger, it was evacuated to the United States, in where it lived until its death.

The alliance Reagan - the Pope.

From their taking of possession, the January, 13th of 1981, Reagan was interested in forming an alliance with the Vatican to influence in the events in Poland. Contacts settled down and a network of economic support, through the CIA, constituted radio transmitters, Radio Europe Libre, the Voice of America and Vatican Radio, that emitted programs that they urged the Polish population to be against to the regime. On the other hand, information between the U.S.A. interchanged and the Vatican. The adviser of Reagan Richard Allen said that “One of the things that are learned on the catholic Church it is that it is organized to collect of the faithfuls. (….) A information agency would have to be organized like the Vatican”. Others of the advisers of Reagan were known like William Casey catholic, (head of the company), William Clark, (adviser of National Security of Reagan), Vernon Walters, Alexander Haig and William Wilson.

Casey flew first to Rome before his trips to Europe and the Middle East and informed continuously to Reagan. Casey says “we spoke constantly of the situation in Poland, the concealed operations, who was doing and where”. (News article in the Time magazine the February, 24th of 1992).

Although the main emissary between Reagan and Wojtyla would be, of course, the catholic Vernon Walters.

On the part of the Vatican, one of its emissaries was Laghi archbishop, papal delegate in Washington, that developed to a good friendship with Casey and Clark. In June, 7th of the 1982 Reagan interview with the Pope in the Vatican, simultaneously that cardinals Casaroli and Achille Silvestrini did it in another stay of the papal apartments, with the Secretary of State Alexander Haig and Judge William Casey, Advisor of National Security, and seal their secret alliance. One of its consequences went the imposition to Poland of economic sanctions and vetoes to the commerce that took effect in 1982 and 1983 until February, 19th of 1987, in which rose.

According to the mentioned article of “Time”, Casey (CIA) became the architect of the measures to take against the Polish government: “The objective was to wear away the Soviets and to throw the fault to them of the martial law decreed to the puttings of its house”. The Pope, says itself in he himself article, interview repeated times with the American civil employees to evaluate the events and the effectiveness of the taken actions.

According to it publishes Néstor Cortina in the Guaracabuya magazine “In which it respects to Poland, the United States offered to ample Solidarity financial, logistic support to him and of intelligence so that they could reconstitute its forces, downcast and fragmented under the martial law. The CIA happened to be, to a great extent, the eyes and ears of Solidarity. By diplomatic and clandestine routes, training Poland manual of and bottom arrived at to fortify “underground,” techniques of disinformation and psychological war, the presses, books, and electronic equipment of communication. These allowed to Lech Walesa’s colleagues, when the resistance seemed exhausted, to interfere with radial programs of the tyranny with the hopeful shout of “ Solidarity Lives”

6.3 The transition in the Czech Republic and the former DDR.

Very different it is the case of the Czech Republic and former Eastern Germany. Leaving the suppositions separate, reasoned enough, on the outer participation, and in particular of the U.S.A. through the company, it is not possible to extract good information on the external influences. In the case of the Czech Republic, we know that the member of the CIA, Richard

46

Estes, person in charge of the base of the CIA in Madrid when the attack of Carrero Blanco, was destined in the Prague from year 1965 to 1967, a year before “the Spring of the Prague”.

Nevertheless, the external influence in the process is undeniable. In both commented cases, Czech Republic and Eastern Germany, the influence of “perestroika” of Gorbachov has been evident. Carmen González Enríquez, in his work “the Transitions to the democracy in East Europe affirms “the change has only been possible thanks to the crisis of the Soviet Union, bottled in a progression of the military cost in the arms race with the United States much more there of which she advised his real economic power. The USSR allowed the ruin of its national economy to maintain the cost of the military technological competition until a point in which the deterioration was irreversible, and when “Perestroika” or reconstruction considered, it was interpreted by the countries subordinated like the evident signal of a defeat. Nevertheless, the reformist elites of these countries had to wait for until the clear resignation the Breznev doctrine - that proclaimed the right of the USSR to take part in its space of security towards the West, made in 1989, to confirm themselves in the independence of its country and to undertake its own political life. In words of András Bozoki (1991, págs. 22 and 64) “Although no war had a paper in the changes of 1989, yes had the important understanding that the Soviet block was lost the cold war in the decade of the Eighties”.

The countries of Central Europe and the East had to wait for to the deepening of the Soviet crisis, the emergency of Gorbachov, but they could not be sure that the new Soviet direction had left really the doctrine of Breznev until 1989. For that reason, the transition process was delayed one decade and began worse from an economic position. The democratization of the East would have been impossible without this Soviet crisis and the consequent carelessness of its prerogatives as imperial power on its old European colonies (See Przeworski, 1991). Of the same form that the socialist regimes of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Eastern Germany were the result of a foreign conquest, only the military defeat of the power occupant, in a peculiar cold war, allowed the beginning of the democratization process”.

47

Chapter 7.

Art in dictatorships: painting, movies, theatre, the singer-songwriters in Spain.

7. 1 History of art in Nazism.

In the second half of the 20th century Nazism, in the hands of Hitler and Goebbels, imposed in Germany a unique, different, exclusive art, an art that was used as a key tool for the consolidation of the regime and the subjugation of the masses. And already then the culture in general was used as a weapon of Nazism to transmit the ideals of Hitler. The dictator was passionate about art, in his youth tried to enter several times at the Academy of fine arts to study painting. But never got it. It is said that this frustration developed his complex against society.

Following the arrival of the nazis to power on 30 January 1933 in Germany established a radical totalitarian dictatorship. Some of European dictatorships (Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria) and the Italian fascist regime were integrated in the new order that Hitler tried to create from 1939. Other (Austria, Greece, Poland) succumbed to him; one, Portugal, was on the sidelines. Spain, Franco, despite some attempts to create a Falangist art, imitation of Italian fascism and German Nazism art, Spanish art remained loyal to the styles european, particularly French, prevailing styles already before the war, or sought inspiration in the own artistic past. This explains the great masters of the generation before the war, despite their different political and social ideology, to maintain its validity in all aspects.

7. 2 Germany.

From September 1933, a new House of culture of the Reich (organization formed by the cameras of film, music, theater, press, literature, fine arts and Reich Radio), was dedicated to monitor and regulate all aspects of German culture.

The new aesthetic nazi took the genre of classical realism. The Visual Arts and other modes of "high" culture used this way to glorify the community, the family and rural life, and heroism on the battlefield. They also tried to give examples of "German virtues" as the industriousness, selflessness and "Aryan" racial purity. In the nazi Germany, art was not "art for the same art", but that was a calculated propaganda background: kept a sharp contrast with the trends of modern art in the decades of the 1920s and 1930s, employing abstract expressionist and surrealist principles. In July 1937, the House of German art in Munich premiered a "great exhibition of art German" showing the cultural inclination of National Socialist art taste.

By contrast, a nearby Exhibition Hall featured an "exhibition of art degenerate" ("Entartete Kunst") in order to demonstrate to the German public "Immoral" and "corrupt" influences of modern art. Many of the artists featured in this last exhibition, such as Max Ernst, Franz Marc, Marc Chagall, Paul Klee and Wassily Kandinsky, are today among the great artists of the twentieth century. That same year, Goebbels ordered the confiscation of thousands of works of "degenerate" art museums and collections of all Germany. Many of these pieces were destroyed or sold at public auction.

In architecture, artists such as Paul Troost and Albert Speer built monumental buildings in a classic form and in order to express the "lasting greatness" of the National Socialist movement.

48

In literature, the authorities of nazi culture promoted the works of writers such as Adolf Bartels and the poet Hans Baumann of the Hitler youth. The literature that glorified the rural culture as basis of the German community and the historical novels who supported the centrality of the Volk were the favorite works of fiction, as well as the stories of the war that were intended to prepare or sustain the population for an era of conflict. Censorship was the other side of this equation: the literary House quickly made "black lists" to facilitate the Elimination of "unacceptable" books from public libraries.

In cinema, modern art field, also extended this "art cultivation" the film industry received large subsidies from the State and proved to be an important tool for propaganda.

Films such as Triumph des Willens (triumph of the will) and Der Hitlerjunge Quex (young Hitlerite Quex) of Leni Riefenstahl pioneer glorified the nazi party and its supporting organizations. Other films, like Ich klage an (I accuse), intended to achieve the tacit public acceptance of the program of euthanasia, even underground, while that Jud Süss (the Jew their) and Der ewige Jude (the wandering Jew) made clear the anti-Semitic elements of nazi ideology.

In theater, the companies followed the example of cinema, to organize works with the national socialist ideology, as well as classical and traditional features of works by authors such as Johann Wolfgang von Goethe and Johann Christoph Friedrich von Schiller.

In music, the authorities of nazi culture promoted the works of giants in the musical Pantheon German as Johann Sebastian Bach, Ludwig van Beethoven, Anton Bruckner and Richard Wagner, while they banned classics of authors "not Aryans" such as Felix Mendelssohn and Gustav Mahler, and functions of music jazz and swing, associated in the nazi mentality to African-American culture.

Adolf Hitler himself was for a long time admirer of the operas of Richard Wagner, an artist connected with anti-Semitism and tradition völkisch movement which the nazis obtained much of their ideology. He regularly attended the Bayreuth Festival held annually in honor of Wagner. But the music "nazi" was not limited only to the "high" culture: "Das Horst-Wessel-Lied" ("Horst Wessel song") and "Deutschland, Erwache!" (Germany, "wakes up") were some of the many songs and marches that were circular Nazi activists in order to foster the commitment of his party and its ideological principles.

The efforts of the Nazi authorities to regulate, direct and censor art and German literature corresponded to what the German historian George Mosse called an effort "towards a total culture". This effort also reached the lower levels of culture that punctuated the daily life of common Germans. The nazi leadership, expected to dominate Germany through power politician and terror, but also winning "hearts and minds" of the people, this coordination of the high and low culture used to influence at the most basic level in the lives and actions of its citizens.

7.2.1 The National Socialist Art.

The National Socialist art comes from the establishment of a new cultural policy, in which reflected and exalts the genius Aryan, eliminating the presence of international Judaism under the nazi perspective, concealing any manifestation of modernity spirit starting the same, in parallel with the rise in power of Adolf Hitler. In fact art was one of the first cultural in purified, areas starting with the Prussian Academy of Arts, which before the attempt of some of its members to form a front of artists left against national socialism, was purged in February 1933. At the same time, the Bauhaus, which suffered persecution from the nazis from 1932, in Dessau, had been forced to move to Berlin, looking for a greater security was charged with

49

serve as a breeding ground for cultural bolshevism, he happened to be in the crosshairs of the nazis, in April 1933 was sacked. Finally, its last director, architect M...

In April 1933, the Government enacted a new provision whereby failure to twenty-seven heads of State museums, accused of sympathizing with the artistic avant-garde movements, being immediately replaced by related officials to the new regime. Under the same provision ceased their charges and artists of the stature of educational functions: Max Beckmann, which occupied the Chair of Städelsches Kunstinstitute in Frankfurt, Willi Baumeister, who served as Professor in the school of art located also Frankfurt, Otto Dix, Professor of the Academy of Arts in Dresden and member of the Prussian Academy and Paul Klee, Professor at the Düsseldorf Academy of arts

Hitler personally along with his Minister of propaganda, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, which featured the very useful tool which led to the creation in September 1933, a House of culture (Reichskulturkammer) subordinated to the Ministry itself for their purposes. This agency that had sections devoted to the plastic arts, music, theatre, literature, press, radio and cinema, allowed control of centrally of all artistic and cultural fields, as well as the close surveillance of professional and personal expression and forced all creators and intellectuals, that did not want to be deprived of its right to exerciseto accept their standards and put at the service of the nazis ideal. In fact in 1935 Goebbels put directly to all artists under the jurisdiction of the Reichskulturkammer, giving them the motto of producing a popular art of social conscience. All planned artistic manifestations and mainly the e...

German art which until then had been dominated by initiatives of advanced management, as the own Bauhaus and the resumption of its relations with the Parisian art after the paternalistic and interested official intervention started in 1933 that decides the tutelage, cultural to banning the free exercise of contemporary art, suffers a huge, focusing on the formulation and Nordic Superman shift, within the framework of their German homeland. The replacement of the avant-garde art, in block, for a conventional, national and neoclassic, bourgeois art whose origins go back to the 17TH century, but was then widely disseminated and trivializada in the 19th century, whose aesthetic sense in a process of national integration, the avant-garde artistic product, accomplished by an elite of intellectuals, was unable to meet.

At the same time, Alfred Rosenberg, who had published in 1930 his racist myth of the twentieth century, it was commissioned by the Führer of nazi philosophical and spiritual education, was founder of the Kampjbund für Deutsche Kultur (Union of battle for the German culture) and a regular collaborator of the newspaper Völkischer Beobachter nazi, which overturned many of his racist ideas about art. His writings, as well as thinking and speeches of Goebbeis and, above all, Hitler, served to establish the chain of artistic production with political doctrines and racial theories.

However, the climax of the nazi to avant-garde art attack and parallel affirmation of the new art fostered by the State, came in 1937 and through two exhibitions, the first one with a function of counterexample. In this sense, in the same year, had created a "Commission for the debugging of the temples of art", ordered by Joseph Goebbels and was under the direction of Adolf Ziegler, an academic painter of nudes of low relief, who arrived to requisition Germans about Seventeen thousand works of avant-garde art, subsequent to 1910, some twenty-five museums and public collections. The action was, according to Ziegler, rid the modern art of "unhealthy appearance" and their "racial inferiority", in order to purify the Germanic art of any Bolshevik or anarchist

50

tendency and restore the purity, the dignity and the role of art as a moral example for the people. At the opening of the exhibition, the President of the House of culture of the Te...

All confiscated works, more than 600 were displayed to the public in the famous exhibition Entartete Kunst ("degenerate art"). In a speech delivered in 1935, before the Nuremberg Party Congress, Hitler left that war without quarter, declared to the advanced art position clearer. Opened in July 1937 in the arcades of the Munich Hofgarten, near the dedicated to the new German art officially encouraged. The contra-muestra, organized by the Ministry of Propaganda, intended to provoke in the public a sense of reaction against modern art, so in his presentation, to get the public disapproval, spared no to use resources to contribute to stress deformations and singularities of the achievements of expressionist, abstract or constructive tendency, as already expected from the cover of the catalogue (for which was chosen one of the sculptures of primitivist abstract aspect of Otto Freundiich).

Thus, among the more than one hundred artists whose work exposed to public derision in the sample, included many Expressionist and nuevo-objetivistas (Franz Marc, Emest Kirchner, Erich Heckel, Karl Schmidt-RottIuff, Georges Grosz, Dix, Beckmann, Emil Nolde, Kokoschka), members of the Bauhaus (Kandinsky, Klee, Oskar Schlemmer), constructivist, Dadaist and surrealist (Kurt Schwitters, El Lissitzky, Mondrian, Max Ernst), etc.

These works were also accompanied of a cartouche with the name of the author, the title and the money paid by its acquisition in the Museum of origin under the general indication that had been paid with taxes of working German people.

Grouped by topic conveniently focused and labelled: "Insulting the German hero of the world war", "mockery of the German ideal woman: cretina and prostitute", and so on; which joined the immediate attacks of the controlled press.

The exhibition, which had a huge influx of public, visited more than forty thousand people, after its exhibition in Munich, where the entry was free and prohibited to minors, went through nine cities German and Austrian until 1941, always with a large attendance, as it only between 1937 and 1939, years in which it was shown in MunichBerlin, Dusseldorf and Frankfurt, received more than two million visitors.

On the other hand, in this course, continued action to the "cleansing of the temples of art", reunited around Seventeen thousand works of "degenerate art". Some of them became the basements of museums and collections, while more than one hundred fabrics and four thousand works on paper, not exploitable considered, were burned down in March 1939 by firefighters of Berlin.

On the other hand, more than one hundred and twenty, among which were works of incontestable international artists, such as Rembrandt, Paul Gauguin, Van Gogh, Matisse, Picasso, Ensor, Chagall, Kokoschka or Kandinsky, and numerous German masters (Paul Klee, Franz Marc, Otto Mueller, Grosz, Munch, Beckmann, etc), were auctioned in June 1939.

Such a policy of action before the avant-garde art, as we said, also was accompanied by an autoafirmativa action of National Socialist art, which took its most prominent example in the sample held in 1937 in Munich, presented as a counterpoint to the annotated. This first "Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung" ("great exhibition of German art"), was opened on July 18, a day before the Entartete Kunst that corrected in the newly completed House of German art. It had been organized by direct order of the Führer to counter the decline that the influence of the

51

avant-garde art, plunging to German art, and consisted of more than a thousand works selected by Heinrich Hoffmann.

The works on display there, mostly belonged to the nineteenth-century realist tradition and especially to the Munich school, already very worn out and with that established, a programmatic connection. As regards the thematic and the idea that inspired the show, it was, in the National Socialist spirit, return to the Aryan man healthy appearance and his dignity, as it corresponded to a select and superior society. That is why predominaran the portraits bourgeois and apparatus, rustic idylls, the exaltation of the sport, the holding of labour or purity and grace of divine and mythological inspiration.

Hitler himself, in the inaugural speech of this great exhibition Munich, wants a "German art", an art that must be and will be of eternal value, as they are all authentic creative values of a people... It is, therefore, imperative to the artist to erect a monument not once, but a people... "(whose racial formative force) appears again in the Aryan race, which we not only recognize as carrier of our own culture, but also of previous cultures of antiquity... want an art that takes into account the continuous and growing unification of this racial scheme, and that, as a consequence, he emerges with a unified and fully formed character";

Considered Hitler, moreover, that "authentic German art", always is he guided by the clarity Act, finding in the production of the romantic "a treasure immortal true German art", because they sought the authentic and intrinsic virtues of our people, and the honest and respectable expression of who only inwardly experienced the laws of life. In this way, art came under State protection and museums and galleries followed the line, marked by the State, inspired by race and the homeland, their health, their virtues and their heroic dignity, but stylistically, the art glorifying the Nazis perfectly linked to the academic classicism and history and genre of the 19th century painting, so it is not surprising that the paintings and sculptures which were presented annually in the major exhibitions of "German art" of Munich, ordered by themes of traditional evocation: landscapes, portraits, nudes, animals, scenes of the...

Official painters as Adolf Wissel, Sepp Hilz a. Kampf, or sculptors as master Breker or Josef Thorak, produced so works that, stylistically, little differ from the of Soviet Socialist realism. However, this type of art was not exclusive nor of Germans or Russians, it could also be found in the American public buildings.

On the other hand, turning on the art promoted in the nazi Germany, also we can distinguish some of the specific roles that were reserved to the painting, sculpture or architecture. Thus, the latter had mission design spaces and construct buildings representative, solemn, hierarchical and rituals, with which autoidentificase the "German nation", although they were lacking functionality. For this task, Hitler told especially with two architects: Ludwig Troost and Albert Speer, whose urban designs and architecture aroused rhetorical, hierarchical, distant and giant, where the individual is dwarfed and spaces only charged significance in relation to the masses, while the grandiose monuments and high quality of the materials used in the constructions, responded both ideological propaganda and its rhetorical enhancement as a symbol of eternity.

Similarly, the sculpture was asked, especially, put in evidence a type of beauty allied to a certain feeling of triumph and grandeur, often in connection with a more general program and trying that, linked to architecture, to translate national and racial greatness. Issues, therefore, were enrolled in speeches and prototypical images Nazis, presenting us, as did the sculptor Anton Grauel, robust and athletic bodies of Germans with martial air and women in its fullness,

52

of wide shoulders and abundant breast, seated and semi hold a plump and cheerful child in her arms.

For its contrast at the international level, Josef Thorak carried abroad, with camaraderie (1937), a clear sign of the new address of German art. It was the sculptural group made for the German Pavilion at the Paris Exposition of 1937, which rose to its entry. With him he glorified the Aryan race, insisting on the Nazi ideal of beauty and force, with some nudity, vigorous healthy and athletic proportions. However, who truly became the interpreter and official sculptor of the Third Reich was Arno Breker (1900-1991), who after his training in Paris and Rome, had returned in 1934 to Berlin with a brilliant domain of the neoclassical style, becoming between 1937 and 1945 Professor and then director of the school of Arts in Berlin. He here received numerous commissions, especially for his friendship with Architect Albert Speer, to whose constructions sculpted works as "the Portaespada" (1938-1939), who was in...

Both in these large sculptures of robust naked warriors, and other similar mythological, the type of its Prometheus (1937) topic, work for the Ministry of Propaganda, became spokesman for the willingness to official define a manly and heroic, monumental art exaltara: the strength and the physical Aryan man's health.

This taste of Breker by allegories of force, completed with abundant portraits of Hitler and Goebbels and many personifications of the virtues ensalzadas by national socialism.

As regards painting, happened the same, although, on the one hand, it provided a more thematic variety and, to a larger eclecticism and in which the romantic and Classicist reminiscences were hegemonic, in order to give shape to the nazi ideology. Well, painters as quoted Adolf Ziegler or Ivo Saliger, when they went to the nude and myths, did so much to create moralizadoras and allegorical images of Socialist values, to extol the purity and vitality of the Aryan race. In this sense, Saliger "Judgement of Paris" fabric is especially illustrative (1939), in which the old myth serves to present to the watchful eye of a new German Paris, beauty and an idealized woman Aryan racial purity.

But the painting also served to represent another kind of beauty and idealizations, evocative of a simple life, showing happy peasant families, idyllic maternity or bucolic landscapes. Thus Martin Amorbach, for example, achieved with the sower (1937), which featured a vigorous German peasant, with a plow manual in some lyric fields crowned by the Rainbow, by carving out a finished image of the idealized world, although a staging excessively pre-industrial and unreal for a country as high technology reserved for war might be. On the other hand, there were other painters who were devoted to portray characters of the gentry and the nazi party, as Conrad Hommel or Mathias Padna, who also made mythological painting and during the war, was devoted to exalt their works at the German army and his bouts.

And that the conflict, certainly demanded to painting a new genus for the nazi Germany, because they must glorify their victories and represent its fighters as heroes.

Also in occupied countries, the nazi regime was responsible for exhibition spaces facilitate both their combatants artists and great figures of German art, faithful to the regime. The latter case was that of the previously annotated sample dedicated to Arno Breker in the l'Orangerie Museum of Paris. With regard to the work of the combatants, the most outstanding performance was the requisition in 1941 of the Jeu de Paume Museum, to publicize, titled Kunst der Front, works carried out by soldiers of the Wehrmarcht, mainly drawings and watercolors with portraits, landscapes and scenes of war of little originality.

53

This type of facts, which the nazi Germany imposed in the occupied countries, as well as already mentioned requisitions, not they assumed that Governments thereof, with the Vichy in front, arrived to raise an official similar to the German art, although it caused more alarm among the representatives of the vanguard of the country, which were forced into exile, as had happened with the Germans. However, by the side of advanced art, the picture wasn't so passive. Since before even the coming to power of Hitler, artists such as the Berliner John Heartfield, had denounced the threat posed by Nazism and continued to do so, although they were sentenced to exile, as it was the case with the same Heartfield,.

But leaving aside these episodes, almost anecdotal, that the avant-garde artists wanted to respond jointly to the Nazi attacks on his art, the true answer to this erroneous artistic policy gave her these artists with his own art, although this had already done in exile, where were to contribute to a new artistic impetus. Paradoxically, because efforts to Nazis to erase the advanced art of the scene only managed this rebrotara in other places and help to grow, prominently, art across the Atlantic. The foundations of a new artistic capital, New York, young and determined that appeared after the second world war, while, among the artists of Germany, the nazi passage left only a true trauma, which weighed much in the resurgence of its artistic movements were there, from now on, laying.

7.2.2 The confiscation of works of art.

The attempt of the dictator to make Linz, German city, in the center of the new culture of the country gave home to the vast pillage of works of art in Europe occupied during World War II. Much of the collection of Mannheimer, which contained treasures such as the Jewish Doctor, Rembrandt was the costliest acquisition in Dutch land. The looting of the project Linz reached France. Nearly 21,000 pieces were stolen only in that country. In addition, on 18 November 1940 Hitler proclaimed their right to dispose of all works of art confiscated in the occupied territories.

Many of the stolen works perished in a great fire in March 1939 in Berlin. The rest were auctioned off at the international level to provide funds to nazi propaganda. Fortunately, the Nazis failed to annihilate completely aesthetic innovations.

Libraries were debugged of "subversive" books. Known writers and artists not Nazi (Thomas and Heinrich Mann, Lang, Gropius, Brecht, Dix, Grosz, Beckmann and many others) and hundreds of intellectuals, scientists, teachers, artists and Jewish musicians were exiled.

Goebbels cared especially radio, cinema and the great spectacles. The production of documentaries and fiction films which generally glorified the German past and the Hitlerian regime (explicitly anti-Semitic and xenophobic) increased considerably and its projection was made compulsory. The spectacles of mass in large stadiums in concourses in the open air, with abundant use of novel technical resources (light, sound, light rays), reached a dramatic perfection without precedent. In particular, the annual feast of the party, organized in the Nuremberg Luitpoldhain, duly prepared by the Architect Albert Speer, was a great show which was attended by some 100,000 spectators and that is spun to Hitler, with extreme discipline and marcialidad, thousands of men of the SA and SS between seas of spray-painting and national banners, in a formidable national liturgy that sanctioned the impetuous organic linking of the Führer with his...

In a speech delivered in 1935, at the Congress before the match in Nuremberg, Hitler left that position of war without quarter, declared to the advanced art, clearer.

54

7.3 Poland.

Theatre

In the 1960s and 1970s, along with the most important achievements of Grotowski, in Poland developed a socially and politically engaged theatre movement. Initially it was above all a non-conformist student Theatre, at the time of the State of war, the movement came to professionals, who organized the clandestine home theatre shows. A particular form of political response that used theatrical means is constituted by the activity of the Orange alternative, group of Wrocław that organized massive happenings in which mocked the symbols and official ceremonies. After regaining sovereignty, in 1989, the Group weakened, but has recently returned to regenerate, now taking a character above all anti-capitalist and anti-war.

Cinema

When the Communist regime lost its ideological severity, especially in the years 1956-1981, the Polish film managed, in its vast majority, to avoid the propaganda requirements of power, and to put on the side of society. It was in that period were developed when the two most important artistic currents in the history of Polish cinema: "Polish film school", from the years 1956-1961, and the "cinema of moral concern" of the years 1975-1981.

Literature

After the second world war numerous writers were forced to leave their homeland. Many of them gathered around the Kultura magazine published in Paris by Jerzy Giedroyc. Figures such as Witold Gombrowicz, Gustaw Herling-Grudzinski, Czeslaw Milosz and Slawomir Mrozek lived and wrote out of Poland. Zbigniew Herbert, Tadeusz Rozewicz, Czeslaw Milosz (Nobel Prize in 1980) and Wislawa Szyborska (Nobel Prize in 1996), among others, are considered the most outstanding poets of the second half of the 20th century. Writers and playwrights of the time, include Witold Gombrowicz, Stanisław Mrozek and Stanislaw Lem (futuristic tales). Reports of Hanna Krall (dedicated to Polish Jews during World War II) and Ryszard Kapuscinski books were translated into numerous languages.

7.4. Czech Republic.

The writer and scripwriter Josef Škvorecký died 24.1.2012 in Toronto's Princess Margaret hospital from cancer. His first novel, 'The cowards', made him one of the immortal authors of Czech literature. Škvorecký wrote this book about the end of the second world war in Czechoslovakia in 1948, but after the communist coup of that year, her could not publish until 10 years later.

At the end, the regime allowed the release of the book market, but immediately subjected to criticism, he recalled Škvorecký in the 1990s. "never would have occurred to me that I accuse of treason"

The writer continued to struggle with the Communists until the year 1969 censors, when he and his wife Zdena Salivarová decided to emigrate after the invasion of Soviet tanks to Czechoslovakia which put an end to the attempt to face human socialism.

The couple settled in Toronto, Canada, where he created the publishing house "68 Publishers" which began releasing texts by authors who could not do so in the Communist Czechoslovakia. So, almost 250 important works of literature of the country came to light

55

Others of his novels best known as 'The tank battalion', in 1971, and 'The engineer of souls human', in 1977, as well as numerous short stories.

7.5 Poland and Czech Republic.

Detail of "Shoes that walked the history", of Pavel Brázda (Gallery 5. patro)

In October 1989, underground Polish and Czechoslovak artists gathered in Wroclaw on the occasion of a festival of independent culture. Twenty years later, this Polish city and Prague commemorate respectively, through an exhibition and a concert, that existing solidarity between cultural resistance to the Communist regime.

For a generation of Czechs and poles, the concert which will take place this Tuesday, November 3, 2009 the Archa Theater in Prague will be the culminating event of the season. The meeting, entitled "Sounds and echoes of solidarity," will commemorate the 20 years of the musical event in Wroclaw, in Poland. A few legends of the Polish and Czech underground of the 1980s music will rise again to the stage for the occasion. Again to listen to the songs of Karel Kryl, in Polish, and the non-conformist singer Jacec Kaczmarski, Czech.

Jacec Kaczmarski, has a song called Mury which is a version of Lluis Llach L´Estaca. In the days of solidarity in the 1980s, the song of Jacek Kaczmarski "Mury" became the anthem of the anti-Communist opposition. It has been the symbol of the struggle against the regime. He also recalled the role of the poet. In the Polish tradition since the romantic era, when the country was oppressed, the poet became "the voice of freedom"

7.5.1 20 Years back.

At first glance, the exhibition seems an ordinary retrospective, with works by artists from the same country exposed in another country. But some find it difficult to hide the great excitement and emotions. Emotions that go back to a time where relationships between the freethinkers Czechs and poles reached an unprecedented summit in modern history. In November 1989, thousands of people moved to Poland to attend the mythical meeting between representatives of Czech in exile and artists persecuted in his country. The occasion enshrining the collaboration of many years between Czech and Polish, dissidents within the framework of 1,602 solidarity.

The festival should also include an exhibition of young Czechoslovak artists. But the Czech authorities blocked the works on the border. That is why the opening of the exhibition which

56

takes place in the municipal Museum of Wroclaw and entitled Zarekwirowano/Zabaveno [Confiscated] is twenty years ago as a return.

7.5.2 Tables in white and the inscription "CONFISCATED"

"At that time, the club Zero had clinging to some similar to these brick walls a number of empty tables, which only contained the names of the authors and the inscription in capital letters: CONFISCATED." "The works of Czech artists were in police trucks parked on the border of Harrachov," recalls the Commissioner, Igor Wójcik. And adds: "In our country, solidarity (Solidarność in Polish) just get an overwhelming victory in elections in the summer." Then the idea of organizing the festival of Wroclaw. "Without doubt, your country's Communist leaders interpreted it as a provocation."

The main centers of attraction of the attendees were a seminar on human rights and above all the concerts of the Polski theatre. The legends of the folk scene in exile, such as Karel Kryl, Jaroslav Hutka and Vlastimil Tresnák, and some groups of Czechoslovak rock there acted. Films of Miloš Forman, Jirí Menzel, Vera Chytilová, as well as an American adaptation of the book by Milan Kundera, the unbearable lightness of being were also screened. In occasion of the University libraries were sold books by exiled authors. . Its function was to encourage the people to combat which takes away the independence. The poet remember the great history of the country and makes that people do not forget their homeland... Unfortunately after World War II he became the satellite country of the Soviet Union. The people can not make decisions for himself, must be obedient to the orders of the Communist Party of Russia. You can not protest, have your own opinion....

"Mury" was written in 1978 drawing on the music of the song called "L´Estaca" of the singer-songwriter Lluís Llach. The Polish was inspired by his text. I also felt great admiration for him. At first, Mury was sung not only by Kaczmarski. Przemyslaw Gintrowski and Zbigniew Lapinski, accompanied him. The song was the end of the show with the same name. He won popularity very fast and in 1980 when he created Solidarity became the anthem of the trade unionists.

It was also sung during the State of war declared by Jaruzelski in 1981. Illegal Radio Solidarity began their programmes with the fragment of "Mury". We must not forget that the song in its first version was not so positive. The last stanza spoke that the walls were growing and the chains swaying in the feet. Prisoners of unions have changed the end to make it more positive. They sang "the walls fall and bury the ancient world". During concerts, often, not hearing the last stanza, he lost between the ovations. Also the public put its version, still more optimistic than the workers. The people sang: "the walls does not exist, there is no longer...". Kaczmarski not liked these tests change the text, it complained much. Their protest has been demonstrated through the text "Mury"

7.6 The singer-songwriters in Spain.

Singer songwriters for freedom are a large group of singers who have left their mark on the music scene, social and policy of our country mainly in the final period of the dictatorship of Franco and the first years of democratic transition.

Their marked determinism against the constraints and mandates by the dictatorial regime made the singers became political opposition. Through their compositions, not only protest and demand, but also love and

57

solidarity, they collaborated with the weapons of their voices and guitars to convert these times of repression and shame in times of strength and hope. And they raised awareness in the fight for freedom and change.

We are speaking about Serrat, Luís Llach, Mª del Mar Bonet, Aute, Paco Ibañez, Sabina, Labordeta, Victor Manuel y Ana Belén, Amancio Prada, Voces Ceibes, Andres do Barro, Fuxan os Ventos, Luís Pastor, Carlos Cano,…

And also we are speaking about our brothers songwriters from across the Atlantic, like Victor Jara, Pablo Milanés, Quilapayún, Violeta Parra,..

We are talking about the songwriters for freedom

58

References and Bibliography.

Chapter 1 - References.

Alemania Oriental:

- Gerhard Beier 1993 : Wir wollen freie Menschen sein (Queremos ser hombres libres) - Bookmann Hartmut: Mitten in Europa, Deutsche Geschichte, Berlin (en el medio de Europa, historia de Berlin) - Dornsberg Stefan: Kurze Geschichte der DDR, Berlin 1965 ( breve historia de la RDA, Berlin 1965)

La Primavera de Praga:

- Página Web http/socialismo internacional.org. - Página web del partido comunista de Alemania - Encarta 99 - Crónicas de Radio Praga

Ferrol 1972:

- Artículo “ O 10 de Marzo” publicado en Galicia - Artículo en la Hemeroteca WEB de La Voz de Galicia , Diciembre 2004

- Iglesias Diéguez, Alfredo.” La lucha obrera y antifranquista en Galicia”. 2006 http://www.rebelion.org/noticias/2006/3/28034.pdf

Chapter 2 – References.

Cruz Orozco, José Ignacio. “El Yunque Azul”. Alianza Editorial

García Hoz, Víctor .“La educación en la España del siglo XX”. Ediciones Rialp, S.A.

De Miguel, Jesús M.“Estructura y cambio social en España” Alianza Editorial, Madrid, 1998

Sistema educativo Español:

http://www.oei.es/etp/sistema_formacion_profesional_espana_cedefop_cap2.pdf

Rodríguez Tapia, Rafael

http://www.forodeeducacion.com/numero10/009.pdf

Sistema educativo Polaco:

http://www.eurorai.org/PDF/pdf%20seminar%20Karlsruhe/Karlsruhe-Situation%20in%20POLEN_definitiv_ES.pdf

Sistema educativo de la República Checa:

http://www.educacion.gob.es/exterior/cz/es/File/RepCHECA.pdf

http://www.dgb.sep.gob.mx/tramites/revalidacion/Estruc_sist_edu/Estud-REP_CHECA.pdf

Sistema educativo Alemán:

http://www.justlanded.com/espanol/Alemania/Guia-Alemania/Educacion/El-sistema-escolar-aleman

59

http://www.sc.ehu.es/sfwseec/reec/reec01/reec0103.pdf

Eurypedia - The European Encyclopedia on National Education Systems

https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/fpfis/mwikis/eurydice/index.php/News

Chapter 3 - References.

Gallin, Dan. “Sindicatos y ONGs, una colaboración necesaria”. 2006, http://www.globallabour.info/es/2006/12/desarrollo_social_sindicatos_y.html

Dobek-Ostrowska, Bogustawa. “La transición democrática en España y en Polonia (Análisis Comparativo)”. 1996, Investigaciones históricas: Época moderna y contemporánea, ISSN 0210-9425, Nº 16, págs. 239-256 http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=66403

Bilbao, Andrés. “La Transición Política y los Sindicatos”. Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales Nº 1, 1992 http://www.ucm.es/BUCM/revistas/rla/11318635/articulos/CRLA9292110105A.PDF

CAES Centro de Asesoría y Estudios Sociales. “Transición Política Española y Sindicalismo”. 2004 http://www.caesasociacion.org/index.php/archivo/2004/09?start=20

Redero San Román, Manuel y Pérez Delgado, Tomás. “Sindicalismo y Transición Política en España”. Revista Ayer N-15, Asociación de Historia Contemporánea., 1994.

http://www.ahistcon.org/docs/ayer/ayer15_08.pdf

González Enríquez, Carmen. “Rasgos Peculiares de la Transición Polaca”. Seminario sobre Transición y Consolidación Democráticas 2001-2002 organizado por FRIDE

http://www.fride.org/publicacion/373/seminario-sobre-transicion-y-consolidacion-democraticas-2001--2002:-la-transicion-a-la-democracia-en-polonia

Herrero de la Fuente, Mercedes.” Papel de Solidaridad en el proceso de transición democrática en Polonia”. 1999. Tesis Doctoral, Facultad de Ciencias de la Información. Madrid

http://eprints.ucm.es/tesis/19972000/S/3/S3031001.pdf

Iglesias Diéguez, Alfredo.” La lucha obrera y antifranquista en Galicia”. 2006 http://www.rebelion.org/noticias/2006/3/28034.pdf

Aspden, Alex.”1970-71 Uprising in Poland”. 2008

http://libcom.org/history/1970-71-uprising-poland

Chapter 4 - References.

Enrique y Tarancón, V. Confesiones; PPC, Madrid, 1996.

Michnick, A. La segunda revolución; Madrid, Siglo XXI, 1993. p. 36.

Castro Albarran, A. El derecho a la rebeldía. Fax. Madrid, 1934.

60

Batllori, M., Durán, E. y Solervicens, J. L`Església i la II República Espanyola: el Cardenal Vidal i Barraquer; Valencia, Eliseu Climent, 2003.

Raguer Suñer, H. “Dos cardenales antagónicos: Gomá y Vidal i Barraquer” en Chico Isidro, J. M. (Coord.). España en guerra: protagonistas para un conflicto; Madrid, Dykinson, 2003.

Carta colectiva del episcopado español de 1º de julio de 1937.

Sánchez Jiménez, J. “La jerarquía eclesiástica y el Estado franquista: las prestaciones mutuas” en Ayer, núm. 33, 1999. p. 167.

Blázquez, F. “La traición de los clérigos en la España de Franco. Crónica de una intolerancia” (1939-1975); Madrid, Trotta, 1991. pp. 205-206.

Simón Arce, R. “El papel de la Iglesia en las transiciones: España y Polonia” en el Congreso El cambio de la imagen mutua de Polonia y España después de la Transición, Varsovia, 20 y 21 de mayo de 2008, CSIC-PAN.

Concordato con la Santa Sede de 27 de agosto de 1953.

Pérez Díaz, V. “La emergencia de la España democrática” en Claves, 13, 1991. Domínguez, J. Organizaciones cristianas en la oposición al franquismo; Bilbao, 1986. Domínguez, J. La lucha obrera durante el franquismo en sus documentos clandestinos (1939-1975); Bilbao, 1987. López García, B. Aproximación a la Historia de la HOAC, 1946-1981; Madrid, Ediciones HOAC, 1985. Barroso, A.

Carta de 339 curas vascos en Díaz-Salazar, R. Nuevo socialismo y cristianos de izquierda; Madrid, Ediciones HOAC, 2001. p.177.

Torre Merino J. L, Muñoz Gonzalo, R. y Villanueva Toledo, M. J. “El Gabinete de Enlace: una oficina de información y control al servicio del Estado”, en II Encuentro de Investigadores del franquismo, Alicante, mayo de 1995. Tomo I.

Díaz-Salazar, R. Nuevo socialismo y cristianos de izquierda; Madrid, Ediciones HOAC, 2001. p. 39.

Archivo General de la Administración, Cultura, Ministerio de Información y Turismo, Gabinete de Enlace, 557, leg. 10.950.

La Iglesia en España. Sector religioso. Panorámica del año 1972” en AGA. CUL. MIT. GE. C. 556.

Fernández Fernández, G. “Religión y poder. Transición en la Iglesia española”; León, Edilesa, 1999. p. 99.

http://www.vatican.va/archive/hist_councils/ ii_vatican_council/index_sp.htm. Ruggieri, G. “Historia e interpretación del Vaticano II: la lucha por el concilio” en Iglesia viva: Revista de pensamiento cristiano, núm. 225, 2006.

http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/encyclicals/documents/hf_pxi_enc_19310515_quadragesimo-anno_sp.html

Llanos, J. M. “Tensión entre dos cleros” en El Ciervo, octubre de 1966.

González Madrid, D. A. y Ortiz Heras, M. ““Camilo, no te comas a los curas, que la carne de cura indigesta”. La influencia de la Iglesia en la crisis del franquismo” en Actes del Congrés. La Transició de la dictadura a la democràcia, Barcelona, CEFID, 2005. p. 57.

Díaz-Salazar-Salvador-Giner, R. Religión y sociedad en España; Madrid, CIS, 1993. p. 185.

61

Llamazares Fernández, D. “Los Acuerdos del Estado español con la Santa Sede” en Osservatorio delle libertà ed istituzioni religiose, www.olir.it.

Llamazares Fernández, D. “Los Acuerdos del Estado español con la Santa Sede” en Osservatorio delle libertà ed istituzioni religiose, www.olir.it. p. 8.

Redero San Román (Ed.), M. La Transición a la democracia en España, Ayer, núm. 15; Madrid, Marcial Pons, 1994. pp. 237-238.

Delgado, Gloria M. “El mundo moderno y contemporáneo”. México D.F.: Pearson Education, 1999

Diamond Larry, Linz, Juan J. y Lipset, Seymour Martin. “Politics in Developing Countries Comparing Experiences with Democracy”. Rienner, Colorado, 1995

Gomulka, Stanislaw and Anthony Polonsky. “Polish Paradoxes”. London and New York: Routledge, 1990

Hental, Adam A. “The Polish Catholic Church in pre − and post − 1989 Poland: an evaluation”. East European Quarterly. Vol.32, Winter98, p.503

Huntington, Samuel P. “The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century”. University of Oklahoma Press: Norman and London, 1991.

Sarmiento, Sergio. “La transformación de Europa Oriental”. Programa Barsa Society − Informateca, 1990

Weigel, George. . “Catholicism and Democracy in the Age of John Paul II”. A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture. Vol.4, Num.3, Summer 2001

Alessandri, Fernando.“Juan Pablo II: Campeón de la libertad”. Octubre de 1999. http://www.aipenet.com/Indice/article.asp?Articulo_Id=3986

Sergio Sarmiento. “La transformación de Europa Oriental”. (Programa Barsa Society − Informateca, 1990) Gloria Delgado M. El mundo moderno y contemporáneo. (México D.F.: Pearson Education,1999) p. 849

Larry Diamond, Linz, Juan J. y Lipset, Seymour Martin. “Politics in Developing Countries Comparing Experiences with Democracy”. (Rienner, Colorado,1995) p.6

Delgado op. Cit. p. 850 http://www.rumbo.es/guide/es/europa/polonia/histo.htm Delgado, ibidem.

Adam A. Hetnal. “The Polish Catholic Church in pre − and post − 1989 Poland: an evaluation”. East European Quarterly. Vol.32, Winter98, p.503

Stanislaw Gomulka and Anthony Polonsky. “Polish Paradoxes”. (London and New York: Routledge,1990) p.95

Gomulka, op.cit., p.94 http://www.solucionesescolares.cl/social/biografias/papa_jp.htm

Fernando Alessandri. “Juan Pablo II: Campeón de la libertad”. Octubre de 1999. http://www.aipenet.com/Indice/article.asp?Articulo_Id=3986

George Weigel. “Catholicism and Democracy in the Age of John Paul II”. A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture. Vol.4, Num.3, Summer 2001. Pp. 36−64

62

Chapter 5 - References.

Muñoz Alonso, Alejandro. Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas ISSN 0210-5233 N 36 1986 http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/fichero_articulo?codigo=249114

Carmen González Enríquez. Revista de Estudios Políticos (Nueva Época) Núm. 78. Octubre-Diciembre 1992 http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=27191

Alpert, Michael. U. Westminster “El papel del ejército (1931-1991)” Madrid Noviembre 2009 - IV congreso de Historia de la Defensa. Instituto Universitario Gutiérrez Mellado http://iugm.es/uploads/tx_iugm/LOS_EJERCITOS_DEL_FRANQUISMO.pdf

Frieyro de Lara, Beatriz. Universidad de Granada. "La transición en el ejército español de 1975: del modelo institucional al plural". Almería, Noviembre 2005

http://www.historiadeltiempopresente.com/web/DocumentosDescargables/Aportaciones/AT51.pdf

Wikipedia – Golpe de estado en España 1981. http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golpe_de_Estado_en_Espa%C3%B1a_de_1981

Wikipedia − Ejercito en Polonia.

http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ej%C3%A9rcito_de_Polonia

Chapter 6 - References. González Enríquez, Carmen. “Las Transiciones a la democracia en Europa del Este”. Revista de Estudios Políticos Núm 78. Octubre-Diciembre 1992.

Huntington, Samuel. “Democratization and security in Central ann Easter Europe” en Volten, 1990, págs. 35-50.

Sanchez Vicente, Guillermo y Sanchez Peñas, Juan Fernando, www.laexcepcion.com

Berstein, Carl. “La Santa Alianza”. Revista TIME del 24 de febrero de 1992.

Carbonell Cortina, Néstor. “El precio de la Libertad. http://www.amigospais-guaracabuya.org/oagnc024.php

http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Historia_de_Solidarno%C5%9B%C4%87

Grimaldos, Alfredo. “La CIA en España”. La Caja de Herramientas” www.archivo.juventudes.org

Barrueco, Martín. “la CIA sabía que iban a matar a Carrero” Interviú, 28 de marzo de 1984.

Forest, Eva. “Operación Ogro”. Hiru, Hondarribia, 1993.

Campo Vidal, Manuel. “Información y Servicios Secretos en el atentado al Presidente Carrero Blanco”. Argos Vergara, Barcelona, 1983.

Martín de Pozuelo, Eduardo. “Lo mejor es que Carrero desaparezca”, La Vanguardia, 24 de agosto de 2005.

San Martín, José Ignacio. “Apuntes de un condenado por el 23-F”. Espasa, Madrid, 2005.

Cerdán, Manuel. “Objetivo: asesinar al presidente”, El Mundo, 20 de diciembre de 2003.

63

Perote, Juan Alberto. “Confesiones de Vente. Revelaciones de un espía”. RBA, Barcelona, 1999.

Morales, José Luis y Celada, Juan. “La alternativa militar”. Revolución, Madrid, 1981.

Carcedo, Diego. “Los cabos sueltos”. Temas de Hoy, Madrid, 2001.

Calvo Sotelo, Leopoldo. “Memoria viva de la Transición”. Plaza&Janés/Cambio 16, Barcelona, 1990.

Cernuda, Pilar, Jáuregui, Fernando y Menéndez, Manuel Ángel. “23-F, La conjura de los necios”. Foca, Madrid, 2011.

Walters, Vernon. “Misiones discretas”. Planeta, Barcelona, 1981.

Vinuesa, Arturo. “Ambición de poder: Operación Godsa”, Foca, Madrid, 2006.

Chapter 7 - References.

http://www.forosegundaguerra.com/viewtopic.php?t=22

Watson, Peter.Historia intelectual del siglo XX.Editorial Crítica, S.L. Barcelona 2000

http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Portada