Top Donors In Delaware:

Campaign Contributions to Political Candidates, Committees, and Parties, 2007-2012

A Report by Common Cause Delaware

May 1, 2013

www.commoncause.org/delaware

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“It is well known that the public begins to concentrate on elections only in the weeks immediately before they are held. There are short timeframes in which speech can have influence.”

U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Anthony Kennedy, Citizens United (2010)

Introduction

Writing for the majority in Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission, U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Anthony Kennedy asserts that the main purpose of political expenditures is to influence elections and that laws limiting political expenditures made shortly before Election Day are especially onerous.

This review of campaign contributions in Delaware from 2007-2012 provides dramatic proof to the contrary—that political parties and candidates “concentrate” on campaign contributions continually, and that some of Delaware’s most important public policy debates are being shaped by some of its biggest contributors to political campaigns.

Taking advantage of Delaware’s new lobbying law, which requires lobbyists to report the numbers of the bills on which they are lobbying, this study also attempts to “connects the dots” between donors, their public policy agendas, and the recipients of their campaign contributions. Yet because Delaware does not require lobbyists to report how much compensation they receive from each of their clients, the full extent of these donors’ influence cannot be tracked. A 2011 Common Cause study “Open Delaware” estimated that the state’s lobbying law fails to capture 80%-90% of all spending by lobbyists.

For example, with the legislature considering Gov. Markell’s package of gun control proposals, one of the state’s biggest donors, the Delaware State Education Association (DSEA), is lobbying on HB 35, dealing with background checks for gun purchasers. At the same time, the National Rifle Association has hired a lobbyist with a background in education—John R. Armitage, who from 1986-2012 was a lobbyist for the University of Delaware. Under Delaware’s lobbying law, neither the DSEA nor the NRA has to report how much it is paying its lobbyists to support or oppose gun control. As documented by Common Cause in two other states, Maryland and New Mexico, this hire is part of a tactic by the gun industry of retaining lobbyists with a background in education, or who represent schools, and at such an important moment for the gun control debate, the public would be well served by knowing how much supporters and opponents of Gov. Markell’s gun control proposals are spending on lobbying.

Delaware’s campaign finance law is striking for its low $600 limits on contributions to individual candidates for each election cycle, but failure to limit contributions to PAC’s—a disparity which arguably strengthens the voices of a few large, well-funded groups and the

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legislators they fund over the voices of legislators who rely largely on grassroots support. This study and list of Top 20 Donors does not include contributions to PAC’s. However a complete list of contributions from 2007-2012 from all donors to all Delaware committees and PAC’s can be found at www.commoncause.org/delaware.

Key Findings

Many of the state’s biggest donors give to the Democratic State Central Committee and the Republican State Central Committee at the same time —evidence that large contributions often have nothing to do with winning elections, but with building relationships with people in power. Contributions by two donors in particular epitomize this tactic of donors “hedging their bets.” From 2007-2012, the Delaware Racing Association gave $31,000 to the Republican Central Committee and $23,000 to the Democratic Central Committee. From 2009-2012, W.L. Gore Associates gave $19,500 to the Democratic Central Committee and $13,500 to the Republican Central Committee. Contributions of $7,500 were reported going from W.L. Gore to both parties on the same day, April 1, 2010.

For the single-biggest contributor, First State Manufactured Housing and its executives, an analysis of the House and Senate votes on one of First State’s biggest priorities in 2012, the defeat of SB 205, shows a disturbingly high degree of correlation between receiving money from First State and supporting the company’s position on the bill. In the House, the 14 representatives who voted against First State’s position received an average of $139 each from the company, while the 22 who voted with the company’s position received an average of $1,240. In the Senate, this ratio was even greater, with the 11 senators who voted against the company receiving an average of $36 each, while the 9 senators who voted with the company received an average of $1,172. (See Figures C & D on pp. 14-15.)

Delaware’s unusual combination of low limits on contributions to candidates, but no limits on contributions to PAC’s, encourages many donors to wield enormous influence through PAC’s whose activities are poorly understood, and who cannot be held accountable in the same way that elected officials can be held accountable by their constituents. For example, the developer Dan Anderson and his wife Margot Anderson gave $45,500 to political candidates and the Republican Central Committee, but they also gave more than $100,000 to Route 1 PAC, which funds www.delawareright.com , In addition to $45,500 in contributions to candidates and the Republican Party, they have given $100,00 to the Route 1 PAC, which is funding www.delawareright.com, an online platform for centrist Republican policy proposals which presents itself as a counterweight to the Tea Party’s growing influence over the Delaware GOP.

Figure A: Top 20 Donors To Political Parties & Candidates in Delaware, 2007-2012

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Rank Donor Industry Total1 First State Manufactured Housing Housing 133,9642 Delaware Racing Association Gambling 126,2033 Carpenters Union PAC's Labor 100,2404 Delaware State Education Association Education 97,7975 AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals Pharmaceuticals 82,6096 Young, Conaway, Stargatt, and Taylor Law Firm 80,1507 E.I. DuPont Nemours Health Care 75,6858 Wilmington Trust Bank PAC Banking 63,0809 The Byrd Group Lobbying Firm 59,717

10 The PAC DE Chamber of Commerce 59,02511 Laborers Political League Labor 58,69912 Foster & Lynette Friess Individuals 54,41413 Civic Affairs Construction Council Labor 54,35014 Law PAC Legal 54,30015 Bricklayers Union PAC's Labor 50,79516 Altria Tobacco 50,75017 AT&T Telecommunications 50,10018 Delaware Pilots Assoc. for Bay & River Labor 49,45019 DENPAC Dentistry 47,20020 Cozen O'Connor LLP Legal 47,175

#1 First State Manufactured Housing Association

First State, its president Andrew Strine, and members of its Board of Directors have collectively been the biggest donors to state political candidates and parties since 2007. In 2012, a top priority for First State was defeat of SB 205, which would have required that “if an owner desires to raise the average rentals charged to homeowners in a manufactured home community more than the increase in the Consumer Price Index For All Urban Consumers for the preceding year, the owner must seek approval of the Governor’s Advisory Council on Manufactured Housing.”

SB 205 was defeated by a 22-14 vote in the House. Strikingly, the 22 state representatives voting against the bill received an average of $1,240 each from the company. This is nine times the average contribution $139 given to representatives who voted for the bill. In the earlier Senate vote on the bill, this ratio was even higher, with the bill’s 11 supporters taking an average of $36 each from First State, and its 9 opponents taking an average of $1,172 each, or 32 times as much.

In 2013, First State is lobbying on HJR 3, a resolution to create a workers’ compensation task force. Given the extraordinary ratio of contributions to legislators who supported SB 205 in 2012 over legislators who opposed it, the public would be well served by a full accounting of the money the company is spending on lobbying—the better to understand its influence and strategy for success in Dover.

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#2 Delaware Racing Association

The Delaware Racing Association owns and runs the Delaware Park racetrack and casino in Wilmington. After successfully lobbying to legalize slot machines in Delaware in 1994, and legalize table games in 2010, the DRA now stands to be a loser from the continued expansion of gaming in Delaware, after passage of a 2012 bill that made Delaware the first state to approve online gambling for state residents. In March 2013, the Delaware Lottery Commission announced that fourteen companies had applied for online gaming licenses in the state. The state also plans to open new sites for wagering on NFL games by the fall of 2013. With all of this increased competition, the company has not reported lobbying on any legislation through April 29, 2013, though Delaware’s lobbying law does not require lobbyists to disclose activity on issues that are not related to particular bills.

Of all the donors cited in this study, the Delaware Racing Association split its bets most evenly between the state’s political parties—giving $31,000 to the Democratic Party Committees and $23,000 to Republican Party Committees from 2007-2012.

#3 Carpenters Local 626 PAC & Local 2012 PAC

The United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners is the country’s largest building trades union; the Delaware Local 626 chapter has more than 800 members. Local 626’s PAC has given the legal limit of $600 on one or more occasions to an extraordinary 22 of the 27 Democrats currently serving in the House of Representatives.

While neither of the local chapters report lobbying on legislation in Delaware in 2013, the United Brotherhood of Carpenters’ national website details several areas of interest: promoting living-wage and higher minimum wage laws; protections such as the federal Davis-Bacon Act, which sets prevailing-wage standards for contractors; opposing “unfair” international trade agreements; and pension reform that “ensures multi-employer workers receive the full benefits they deserve.” And notably, while the Carpenters and AFL-CIO lobby in support of many of the same issues, the Carpenters formally disaffiliated themselves from the AFL-CIO in 2001.

#4 Delaware State Education Association

From 2007-2012, no group gave the $600 maximum for an election cycle to a larger number of candidates than the Delaware State Education Association (DSEA), which maxed-out to more than 40 candidates for the state legislature. Like many other donors cited in this study, the DSEA was a strong supporter of Republicans in 2007-2008, giving $5,000 to the Committee to Elect A Republican House. But since 2009 they have gone heavily Democratic, giving $12,900 to the Democratic State Committee.

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The DSEA also gave $1,080,000 to its own DSEA Advocacy Fund during this period—an enormous figure which, beyond giving it the resources to do political mailings and other kinds of advocacy, sends a message to lawmakers about its financial clout.

In 2013, the DSEA’s legislative agenda includes increasing funding for public education, increasing teacher pay and fringe benefits, and strengthening accountability standards for charter schools. The DSEA has also lobbied in support of HB 23, which would require “that all public meetings of the boards of education of traditional public school districts, vo-tech school districts, and public meetings of charter schools’ boards of directors be digitally recorded and made available to the public on the districts’ and charter schools’ websites within seven business days.”

The DSEA has reported lobbying on a package of tax bills introduced by State Rep. Valerie Longhurst dealing with modifications to the state’s estate tax, sales tax, income tax, and corporate franchise tax. It also lobbied in favor of Rep. Longhurst’s HB 35, dealing with background checks for gun purchasers. As noted in the introduction to this report, the National Rifle Association has hired its own expert on education issues to be its new lobbyist in Delaware—John R. Armitage, who from 1986-2012 was a lobbyist for the University of Delaware.

Of all the donors cited in this study, the DSEA maintains the most comprehensive and up-to-date list of its exact positions on pending legislation in the state legislature:

http://www.dsea.org/PDF/LegislativeAbstractApril25_2013.pdf

#5 AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals

In 2013, the company has reported lobbying on HJR 3, which would create a workers’ compensation task force, and on HB 30, the proposed state budget for 2013-14. Given the scope of the budget and the range of AstraZeneca’s products and interests, this is a prime example of the need to further strengthen Delaware’s lobbying law to require disclosure of issues on which a company is lobbying, and full disclosure of expenditures on lobbyists’ salaries.

The company’s importance to the state’s economy was underscored in March 2013 when it announced that it would cut 1,200 jobs in the state by 2015, a move that Sen. Tom Carper called a “body blow” to Delaware’s economy. So while health care reform advocates concerned about the price of pharmaceuticals have an interest in a fuller reporting of the company’s lobbying expenditures, advocates for economic growth in Delaware would also benefit from fuller reporting of exactly which bills the company has been lobbying on in recent years—in order to better understand how the legislature has supported or not supported its agenda.

#6 Young, Conaway, Stargatt & Taylor PAC

Headquartered in Wilmington, the law firm of Young, Conaway, Stargatt & Taylor cites its close relationship to government officials as one of the firm’s assets: “Young Conaway is proud of its

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rich history, with many former partners having served as members of the state and federal judiciary or in public office as Delaware’s Attorney General, Insurance Commissioner or a member of the State legislature.”

And while the firm does not have a registered lobbyist in Delaware, the firm’s clients represent a wide array of public policy interests. “State and local governments, school districts, banks, land developers and professional practices utilize the depth of our resources and litigation experience for employment, real estate, tax planning and business matters.” And as with the other law firms cited in this report, building relationships with government officials can strengthen a firm’s ability to win the chance to represent government agencies.

#7 E.I. DuPont Nemours

As the world’s third-largest chemical company and one of Delaware’s biggest employers, DuPont plays a central role in the state’s economy and political life. And while other major donors to the Republican party have begun giving to both parties since 2008, or have abandoned the Republican Party entirely, DuPont remains firmly in their corner, having given $90,925 to Republican Party Committees since 2008.

The only bill on which it has reported lobbying in 2013 is SB 75, which would allow for same-sex civil marriage in Delaware, which the company supports. However, DuPont is also a member of the Chemical Industry Council of Delaware (CIC) whose primary focus, according to its website, “is environmental legislation in Dover as well as state regulatory matters.” In 2012, priorities of the CIC included opposing regulations that would have created an environmentally preferable purchasing program targeting chemicals and plastics such as chlorine, PVC, and formaldehyde; and opposing HB 302, which would have created a Board of Thermal System Insulation to regulate the installation of thermal insulation.

In 2013, the CIC has reported lobbying on legislation that would raise the minimum wage in Delaware, legislation dealing with liability claims related to oil pollution, and proposed changes to state law dealing with employment discrimination. As with other donors cited in this study, the CIC is not required to disclose exactly what position it took on these issues to the Public Integrity Commission.

#8 Wilmington Trust Bank PAC (WILPAC)

Wilmington Trust is a member of the Delaware Bankers Association, which reports lobbying on several bills in 2013, including SB 26, dealing with apportionment of liability for estate taxes; SB 1, which passed in January and repealed requirements for out-of-state banks under the state’s bank franchise tax; and HB 40, which would extend the Automatic Residential Mortgage Foreclosure Mediation Program and the Office of Foreclosure Prevention for four additional years beyond the current sunset date in January 2014.

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The biggest recipients of WILPAC’s contributions since 2007 have been the Republican State Committee with $9,000, the Kent County Republican Committee with $2,550, and Gov. Jack Markell with $2,100.

#9 The Byrd Group

Robert L. Byrd has long been one of Delaware’s top-paid and most influential lobbyists and helped author the state’s lobbying law in 1974. The Byrd Group’s current clients include Anheuser Busch, Delaware State University, Maritime Exchange for the Delaware River, Motorola, Norfolk Southern, PSEG Services Corp, UST Public Affairs, Inc., Dover Downs Gaming & Entertainment, Dover Motorsports, the Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers, the Koch Companies LLC, Visa Inc., Nationwide Insurance, Hess, LNG, Health South, Verizon Delaware LLC, Air Products and Chemicals, and the Delaware ACLU.

#10 The PAC (Delaware Chamber of Commerce)

The PAC’s contributions to Democratic and Republican candidates and committees are so balanced as to suggest a policy of giving to an equal number of candidates from each party in nearly equal amounts. From 2007-2012, The PAC gave a total of $60,625, with $29,150 going to 39 different Democratic candidates, and $25,425 going to 38 different Republican candidates. It also gave $3,725 to various Democratic committees and $2,325 to various Republican committees.

Unlike the Delaware Racing Association, which regularly makes large contributions to both parties’ Central Committees—giving $5,000 to both in March 2011, for example—the Delaware Chamber of Commerce appears to have a more targeted approach to giving, and one that seems to be more about building relationships with individual candidates. The PAC’s average contribution to a candidate for the state legislature was just $380, a relatively low amount given how many other donors in this study routinely give the maximum of $600.

In 2013, the Delaware Chamber of Commerce has reported lobbying on a number of bills, including SB 3, which passed in February and requires the Diamond State Port Authority to seek approval from the legislature and the governor before privatizing the Port of Wilmington; HB 5, a bill which would require the legislature to validate the Department of Natural Resource’s rule adopting the California Low Emission Vehicle Program; and SB 34, which would give the legislature more authority over carbon emission reductions proposed as part of the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative.

#11 Laborers Political League of Delaware

The Laborers Political League of Delaware is the state affiliate of LiUNA, the Laborers International Union of North America. In 2013, the League’s lobbyists have reported lobbying on two bills dealing with wages paid as part of state contracts. HB 6 would raise the dollar

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threshold for public works projects subject to a prevailing wage requirement. HB 7 would allow contracting agencies to opt out of the requirement that prevailing wages be paid to mechanics and laborers performing work on public works projects. Nationally, LiUNA’s stated policy objectives include support for paying prevailing wage rate for federal contracts at the local level, immigration reform, opposing “right-to-work” laws, and increasing funding for infrastructure.

Since 2007, the biggest recipients of contributions from the Laborers Political League of DE have been the state and local Democratic Committees, which received a total of $15,550—including $5,050 going to the Sussex County Democratic Committee, and $5,000 to the Democratic Central Committee.

#12 Foster Friess & Lynnette Friess

Foster and Lynnette Friess have given $54,415 since 2007—all of it to Republicans, with the largest amount, $40,000, going to the Republican State Committee. Foster Friess was the biggest backer of Rick Santorum’s presidential campaign in 2012 and one of the biggest SuperPAC contributors, giving $1 million to the pro-Santorum Red, White, and Blue SuperPAC.

In 2011, he was recognized by the Koch brothers for giving more than $1 million to their political activities. In January 2013, Delaware lobbyists Robert Byrd and Kimberly Gomes report lobbying for Koch Companies Public Sector LLC on HB 2, which was signed into law in January and “creates additional incentives for holders of abandoned property to report such property to the state and promptly resolve such claims.”

#13 Civic Affairs Construction Council

The Civic Affairs Construction Council’s PAC promotes the interests of the Delaware Contractors Association (DCA). The DCA authored the state’s Transportation Trust Fund and its Executive Vice President John Casey sits on the DelDOT Trust Fund Task Force. Without a stronger lobbying law requiring the organization to report its specific areas of interest in the state budget and ongoing state contracts, it is difficult to track the Council’s lobbying beyond this generic statement on its website: “DCA’s staff works diligently to block the passage of legislation and adoption of regulations that are harmful to the industry, and pursues passage of legislation, adoption of regulations and implementation of programs to benefit the construction industry.”

In 2013, lobbyists for the DCA report lobbying on two bills dealing with wages paid as part of state contracts. HB 6 would raise the dollar threshold for public works projects subject to a prevailing wage requirement. HB 7 would allow contracting agencies to opt out of the requirement that prevailing wages be paid to mechanics and laborers performing work on public works projects.

#14 LawPAC

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LawPAC is the political action committee of the Delaware Trial Lawyers’ Association.

In 2013, the Delaware Trial Lawyers’ lobbyists report lobbying on HJR 3, which would create a workers’ compensation task force, and HB 9, which deals with immunity from liability claims related to involuntary mental health evaluations. As with all lawyer and law firms contributing to elected officials, there is a compelling interest in being hired to represent government agencies in legal matters.

#15 Bricklayers & Allied Craftworkers

The International Union of Bricklayers and Allied Craftworkers (BAC) includes bricklayers, stone and marble masons, cement masons, plasterers, tilesetters, and caulkers. Nationally, its agenda includes support for the 2010 Affordable Care Act, Project Labor Agreements, which allow for project-specific, pre-hire collective bargaining agreements, opposition to “right to work” laws, maintaining and expanding classifications for its members as full-time employees with benefits (as opposed to independent contractors), and support for prevailing wage laws.

The BAC does not have a registered lobbyist in Delaware.

#16 Altria

Altria is the parent company of Philip Morris USA. As documented by Common Cause Delaware’s 2003 Report “The Political Expenditures of the Tobacco Industry in Delaware,” Philip Morris and other tobacco companies have lobbied against raising tobacco taxes in Delaware, lobbied against the state’s ban against smoking in bars and restaurants, and against legislation to stiffen penalties for distributing tobacco products to minors. The 2003 study identified $45,000 in campaign contributions made from 1999-2002 by the tobacco industry and its allies to candidates in Delaware. This was one of a series of 12 state-level studies of the tobacco industry by Common Cause, most of which covered states with stronger lobbyist reporting laws than Delaware’s, so that in Maryland, for example, the industry was found to have spent $1 million on lobbying during this period, in addition to $186,000 in campaign contributions.

Historically, the tobacco industry has worked closely with the gambling industry in Delaware to oppose Clean Indoor Air legislation. Robert Byrd, a former lobbyist for U.S. Tobacco, simultaneously lobbied on behalf of Dover Downs, an ally of the tobacco industry in opposing Clean Indoor Air legislation. In addition, Byrd served as chairman of the Delaware Economic Advisory Council, a group appointed by the governor to estimate future state revenues.

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Altria’s registered lobbyist for Delaware, Kerry L. Paulson, who is based in Richmond, VA, has not reported lobbying on any legislation in 2013.

#17 AT&T

From 2007-2012, the biggest recipient of contributions from AT&T was the Democratic Central Committee with $23,550. The Republican Central committee did receive $1,600 from AT&T in November 2011.

In 2013, lobbyists for AT&T have reported lobbying on HB 4, dealing with the reincorporation of the town of Georgetown, and SCR 8, which asks the DE Dept. of Safety and Homeland Security to explore the development of technology that would allow 9-1-1 responders to indentify the location of people reporting emergencies through text messages.

#18 Delaware Pilots Association for Bay & River

In 2013, the Delaware Pilots Association’s lobbyist reports lobbying on SB 17, which “establishes the pilotage rates for the Pilots’ Association for the Bay and River Delaware for 2014, 2015, and 2016 . . . The new pilotage rates provide for a 3% increase in years 2014, 2015, and 2016.” According to a 6/14/12 interview with its President Jim Roche in The Philadelphia Public Record, the Association’s lobbying priorities also include urging federal officials to support funding for dredging the Delaware River.

#19 DENPAC—Delaware Dental PAC

DENPAC promotes the interests of the Delaware Dental Association. Governor Markell’s proposed FY 2014 budget provides $515,000 for training, loan assistance, and tuition repayment for dentists, a decrease from the $563,000 provided under Markell’s budget for FY 2010. In 2009, a bill sponsored by Sen. Bethany Hall-Long expanded dental coverage for children with special needs by allowing “parents with such private dental insurance to secure dental care for a child with a severe disability irrespective of 'in-network' restrictions.”

#20 Cozen O’Connor PAC

Cozen O’Connor cites Delaware’s role as a leading site for businesses to incorporate as a major reason for having an office in Wilmington: “The firm believes that the unique stature that Delaware holds throughout the country, both in general corporate and commercial litigation matters, combined with the increasing frequency with which our other offices identify client situations in Delaware.” Among the practice areas in which the firm claims special expertise are Energy, Gaming, Government & Regulatory, Insurance, Labor & Employment, Real Estate, and Health Care & Life Sciences.

In 2013, the Delaware Trial Lawyers’ lobbyists report lobbying on HJR 3, which would create a workers’ compensation task force, and HB 9, which deals with immunity from liability claims

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related to involuntary mental health evaluations. As with all lawyer and law firms contributing to elected officials, there is a compelling interest in being hired to represent government agencies in legal matters.

Conclusion

One reason Delaware has received low scores on state surveys of different measures of public integrity, including an F in 2010 and a C- in 2012 from The Center For Public Integrity, is that the state has failed to strengthen its campaign finance and lobbyist disclosure laws. Since 2011, however, the Department of Elections has done admirable work to improve its database of campaign contributions and to allow users to download searchable, sortable files of contributions. This is a vast improvement over the old system, where the public could only access PDF’s, and a search for contributions by a particular donor over a period of years would require going through thousands of PDF’s. We commend the Department of Elections for these improvements and hope the site will continue to improve:

Delaware Campaign Finance Data Online:

http://elections.delaware.gov/information/campaignfinance/campaignfinance.shtml

In several other areas, however, the state has taken no action to strengthen its public interest laws, or, in the case of a lobbying reform bill, SB 185 in 2012, that now requires lobbyists to report the numbers of the bills on which they are lobbying, has only taken a very small step towards greater transparency.

Recommendations

I. Require greater reporting of lobbyists’ expenditures. With a modest budget, the Public Integrity Commission is currently required to track the activity of hundreds of grassroots lobbyists who are paid little or nothing, and who never report activity in the categories tracked by the Commission, such as paying for gifts, travel, or meals. Delaware should focus the Commission’s mission and resources on capturing the activities of the mostly highly-paid professional lobbyists, while allowing volunteer lobbyists to lobby without registering.

II. Delaware should pass a revolving-door bill that requires legislators to wait two years before becoming paid lobbyists.

III. Through changes in election law, require corporations to disclose their political expenditures to their shareholders.

IV. Improve the state’s database of campaign contributions to avoid having the same contribution listed multiple times—a problem which occurs because committees mistakenly report these contributions on multiple reports.

Acknowledgements

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CCDE gratefully acknowledges the assistance of the Department of Elections and research by Project Intern Alfred Cave in producing this report.

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Figure C: Delaware State Senate Vote on SB 205 in 2012

This chart shows votes on SB 205 in 2012, a bill dealing with rent increases in manufactured home communities, and the campaign contributions each member of the State Senate had received from First State Manufactured Housing, which opposed the bill. These totals do not include contributions from other entities, such as individual manufactured home communities, who may also have opposed SB 205.

SenatorVot

eContribution

sSenator

Vote

Contributions

Patricia M. Blevins Y 0 Colin R.J. Bonini N 2700

George Bunting Y 0 Joseph Booth N 3000

Brian J. Bushweller Y 0 Catherine Cloutier N 1000

Anthony DeLuca Y 0 Dorinda Connor N 0

Bruce C. Ennis Y 0Margaret Rose Henry

N 600

Bethany Hall-Long Y 400 Michael Katz N 0

Robert I. Marshall Y 0 David G. Lawson N 2400

David B. McBride Y 0 Karen E. Peterson N 600

Harris B. McDowell, III

Y 0 Lianne Sorenson N 250

David P. Sokola Y 0 Average No Vote   $1,172

Robert L. Venables Y 0      

Average Yes Vote   $36 F. Gary Simpson A 600

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Figure D: Delaware House Vote on SB 205 in 2012

This chart shows votes on SB 205 in 2012, a bill dealing with rent increases in manufactured home communities, and the campaign contributions each member of the House of Representatives had received from First State Manufactured Housing, which opposed the bill. These totals do not include contributions from other entities, such as individual manufactured home communities, who may also have opposed SB 205.

Rep. Vote Cont. Rep.2 VoteCont.

2Daniel B. Short No 4300 Donald A. Blakey Yes 600Greg Lavelle No 3000 Peter C. Schwartzkopf Yes 600Michael Ramone No 2700 Michael P. Mulrooney Yes 300Deborah Hudson No 2000 William J. Carson Yes 250David L. Wilson No 1800 Valerie Longhurst Yes 200Byron H. Short No 1800 Michael A. Barbieri Yes 0John J. Viola No 1700 Dennis E. Williams Yes 0Darryl M. Scott No 1600 Dennis P. Williams Yes 0Harold J. Peterman No 1500 Debra J. Heffernan Yes 0Rebecca Walker No 1300 John Kowalko Yes 0Harvey R. Kenton No 1200 John L. Mitchell, Jr. Yes 0Brad Bennett No 1000 Edward S. Osienski Yes 0Joseph E. Miro No 900 Terry Schooley Yes 0William R. Outten No 850 John C. Atkins Yes 0Helene Keeley No 700 Average Yes Vote $139Gerald L. Brady No 550 James Johnson No 400 Earl G. Jaques DNV 1000Robert Gilligan No 0 Stephanie T. Bolden DNV 600Clifford G. Lee No 0 Melanie George Smith DNV 0

Nick T. Manolakos No 0 Ruth Briggs KingConflic

t 2400S. Quinton Johnson No 0 Gerald Hocker

Conflict 2100

Lincoln D. Willis No 0 DNV=Did Not Vote

Average No Vote $1240Conflict=Recusal Because of Issue Conflict

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