THE YIDDISH PRESS—AN AMERICANIZING AGENCY · THE YIDDISH PRESS—AN AMERICANIZING AGENCY By...

THE YIDDISH PRESS—AN AMERICANIZINGAGENCY

By MORDECAI SOLTES, P H . D .

Director, Extension Education, Bureau ofJewish Education, New York

INTRODUCTION

It is generally agreed that there is a great need to-dayfor civic instruction which will function more effectively.Our life and needs are becoming more complex; our stand-ards of civic behavior are being constantly revised upwards,and the civic responsibilities which our citizens must dis-charge are becoming increasingly difficult.

Education for citizenship should occupy a centralposition in the public school curriculum. The civic pos-sibilities of all the school subjects should be utilized toa maximum, and the specific ideals of citizenship shouldbecome the possession of the pupils as a result of their entireschool training and activity.

In addition there should be provided, wherever neces-sary, aside from the general courses, supplementary in-struction to meet specific needs of pupils, which shall havebeen ascertained beforehand. This suggestion applies withparticular force to schools which are located in neighborhoodsof comparatively large immigrant populations. Whereverfairly homogeneous groups of children could be located,

166 AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK

it would prove best to make a diagnosis of the civic virtues;ind deficiencies of the corresponding adult group, to es-tablish their prevailing civic characteristics, both favorableand unfavorable, and to develop, on the basis of the out-standing needs revealed, special supplementary coursesthat would tend to prevent or correct the expected short-comings, to improve the desirable traits and approvedqualities which are insufficiently or wrongly developed, andto capitalize fully the civic potentialities of the youngergeneration.

To execute such a program of scientific analysis ofcivic characteristics of the adult group and the develop-ment of courses to be given in the public schools to correctcivic deficiencies revealed, it is necessary first to ascertain,even though it be at best merely an approximation, theextent of the contributions toward a proper civic develop-ment made by other agencies aside from the school, so asto establish the specific function which the latter has toperform.

It should be remembered that the character of theadult citizen, native or naturalized, is the result of the inter-play of various forces which exert their influence uponhim and which directly and indirectly aid in determiningwhat type of citizen he is to become in his actions, thoughtsand sentiments. Among these extra-school agenciesmight be included the home, the pulpit, the communitycenter, the theater, the mutual aid society, the tradeunion, and the press, whether printed in the vernacularor in a foreign language. In this study we are concernedwith the analysis and appraisal of the extent and characterof the civic attitudes contained in the editorials of the

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EARLY FORMS OF EDITORIALS(See pp. 204-210)

THE YIDDISH PRESS 167

Yiddish press to which the immigrant Jews of New Yorkare exposed.

There are in the United States about 1,500 foreignlanguage newspapers and magazines with an aggregatecirculation of about 8,000,000, which are printed in 33languages and are found in every State in the Union.1

There has been considerable discussion in recent years—very heated at times—as to the place and desirability ofche for«gn language press in America. During the warit was proposed by some that it be abolished altogether.Such an extreme proposal does not reflect clear thinkingon the subject but indicates a disregard of the facts,which usually leads to hasty, inconsiderate action. Thepresent study is one of the first attempts to raise this ques-tion out of the realm of mere conjecture and speculationto that of objective analysis and evaluation.

CHAPTER I

THE YIDDISH DAILY PRESS OF NEW YORK CITY

The Yiddish press may be analyzed from severalpoints of view. The type of advertising which it carriescould form the subject of investigation, to ascertain whetherthere is discernible any relationship between the adver-tisers and the avowed policy of .each newspaper. Theproportion of space devoted to various features, the de-velopment of special methods of treatment of news itemsand similar questions could be advantageously determined.

1 Literary Digest, April 3, 1920, p. 48.


But the writer considered it advisable, in making a studyof so extensive a subject, to limit, as far as possible, thematerial under consideration, so as to arrive at resultswhich are indisputable, and to be in a position to retracethe steps taken and to check up any phase of the data orfacts upon which the conclusions are based. In the presentstudy an attempt is made to anaylze the influence of thelargest and most important part of the American Jewishpress—the Yiddish daily press of New York City, wit *hparticular attention to one special phase,—the civic*attitudes expressed in its editorials.

It has been deemed appropriate to introduce first fashort account of theYiddish press as a whole—to tell briefl'ythe story of its rise and rapid development during the pastthree decades and a half.

ORIGIN AND GROWTH

The roots of the American Yiddish daily press reachdown to 1885, in which year the Yiddishes Tageblatt orJewish Daily News, the first and oldest Yiddish daily inNew York City, and probably in the world,1 was foundedby Kasriel H. Sarasohn, a far-sighted and enterprisingRussian Jew. Just as the English newspaper in the Co-lonial days started as a weekly, which was later changed toa daily, so the pioneers in Yiddish journalism in Americaattempted at first to publish weeklies. The earliest ex-

1 The first success I ill periodical in Yiddish was established in Russiain 1863 by Alexander Zederbaum who published Kol Meiaserasa supple-ment to the Hebrew weekly, Hamehtz. The first Yiddish daily in Russia,Der Frcind, was established in St. Petersburg in January, 1903, almosttwo decades later than in America!


amples of the latter are Die Judische Post, established byDr. Henry Gersoni in 1872, and Die New Yorker YiddisheZeitung, established in the same year by K. H. Sarasohn.These two first known attempts were failures, for both soonfound it necessary to suspend publication. ApparentlySarasohn was not discouraged by his first unsuccessfulenterprise, for he proceeded in 1874 to found Die YiddisheGazetten, which was a success from the very outset, and outof which grew several years later the first Yiddish daily.

The Tageblatt was printed in Judeo-German, andassumed from the beginning a conservative attitude, whichpolicy it has maintained to this day. It represents theOrthodox-Zionist element among the Jewish immigrants,furnishes material that aims to satisfy their special needsand interests, and does not appear on Saturdays or onJewish holidays. It has also continued to publish theweekly issue, Die Yiddishe Gazetten, which contains aresume of the specifically Jewish news of the world for thepreceding week, but devotes most of its space to fiction,poetry, miscellaneous articles on politics, history, scienceand education, and popular literary material for the family.

The rising tide of Jewish immigration from EasternEurope in the eighties and nineties of the past century,following the promulgation of the so-called May Laws inRussia, discriminating against Jews, paved the way fora successful effort in Yiddish journalism. It brought notedJewish writers to our shores, and created the demand fora special Yiddish press, to meet the needs of the newly-arrived immigrants.

Since the first Yiddish daily made its appearance, abouta dozen daily periodicals have been launched, of which there


remain at present1 the following four in New York City:1) Yiddishes Tageblatt or Jewish Daily News (establishedin 1885); 2) Vorwaerts or the Jewish Daily Forward(established in 1897); 3) Yiddisher Morgen Journal orthe Jewish Morning Journal (established in 1901); and 4)Der Tog or Day-Warheit (established in 1914 and 1905respectively,—merged in 1919.) The newspapers thatdisappeared either suspended publication altogether orwere consolidated with more successful rival journals,because the field did not prove sufficiently nutritive forall. Among the most recent examples of periodicals thateither suspended publication or were absorbed by strongerrivals are: Die Yiddishe Welt (1902-1904), Der TaeglicherIlerold (1891-1904), consolidated with Die Warheit in1905, Der Fihrer (1915), Haint (1919), Die Warheit (1905-1919), merged with Der Tog in 1919, and Die Zeit (Dec,1920 to May, 1922).

With the exception of the Morgen Journal, all theexisting dailies are afternoon papers, and each of them cameinto being in response to a definite social need.2 The es-pousal of the cause of Jewish labor was entrusted succes-sively to a) the Volks Zeitung, a weekly which started

1 November, 1920. There are, in addition, a large number ofweekly and monthly literary and family magazines and trade journalsprinted in Yiddish, some of them auxiliary publications of the dailies.Together with the latter, they constitute a journalistic activity whichsurpasses perhaps that of any immigrant group in America.

2 In December, 1920, the 7eit (or Jewish Times) was establishedas the organ of the Poale Zion Party. It was compelled to suspendpublication, however, in May, 1922. A new daily, Freiheit, has beenin existence since April 2, 1922. Cf Appendix B, p. 342.


in 1886 and which lasted for three years; b) the Arbeiter-Zeitung, a weekly which was founded by the United He-brew Trades in 1890; c) Das Abendblatt, a daily which wasfounded in 1894 and which was an outgrowth of theArbeiter-Zeitung; and ultimately d) the Vorwaerts whichwas established in 1897 under very difficult financialcircumstances, but which has become the largest and mostprofitable foreign language newspaper in America. TheMorgen Journal, the only morning paper printed in Yiddish,was established by Jacob Saphirstein to fill a special need.Unemployed workers eagerly scan its want-ad columns inthe morning in search of work. Others turn to it becausethey are anxious to learn as early as possible of the eventsof the previous day. As a result, the Morgen Journalprints more want-ads than any other Yiddish daily, andoccupies a pre-eminent position as a Jewish news-gatheringagency. The Tog was founded upon the initiative ofHerman Bernstein to provide an outlet for the followingtendencies which have been gaining the ascendency:—a) to raise the tone of Yiddish journalism, to establish higherliterary standards, etc.; b) to afford the constructive forcesof all elements of American Jewry an opportunity forexpression. Aside from the Vorwaerts, all of the presentnewspapers are decidedly Zionistic, the Tageblatt andMorgen Journal representing the Orthodox and Conser-vative groups, and the Tog reflecting the attitudes of theliberal and radical groups.

While the influeuce of the New York dailies is feltthroughout the country, independent Yiddish daily news-papers have been established from time tio time in largercities of considerable Jewish population. Among those in


existence at the present writing1 are Der Taeglicher Juedi-scher Courier or the Daily Jewish Courier, and Der TaeglicherYiddisher Kol, or the Daily Jewish Call, both establishedin Chicago, 111., in 1887 and 1900, respectively; Die Yid-dishe Welt or the Jewish World of Cleveland, which wasfounded in 1908 by Samuel Rocker, and which absorbedthe Jewish Daily Press in 1914; and, finally Die YiddisheWelt or the Jewish World of Philadelphia which was es-tablished in February, 1914, by Jacob Ginsburg. It isnot within the province of this thesis to undertake adetailed consideration of the content of these newspaperswhich are published outside of New York. But, it issafe to assume that, just as the papers printed in the ver-nacular throughout the country are mainly reflections of thelarge metropolitan newspapers, with the exception of casesin which the editors or publishers are men of unusualpersonality, so the out-of-town Yiddish daily periodicalsusually follow the lead of, and adopt the tone set by theYiddish daily journals of the metropolis.

DISTINCTIVE FEATURES

The earlier Yiddish newspapers were dominated lin-guistically by a very strong German influence, but theygradually assumed an American character, and to-day theinfluence of the native press and of the American environ-ment in general upon the form, make-up, and contentof the Yiddish press, is easily discernible. Even thelanguage used has undergone a radical change since 1885.

1 November, 1920. In 1922 the Jewish Guardian, a Yiddish andEnglish daily was established in Cleveland, Ohio.


The principal element in the Yiddish language is a dialectof German spoken in the Rhine regions during the MiddleAges. As the German Jews expanded eastward on accountof the indignities heaped upon them and the persecutionsto which they were subjected during the Crusades and asa result of the Black Death, Judeo-German, which containsalso Hebrew and Slavic elements, became, in time, thecommon tongue of several millions of Jews who lived inPoland, Russia, Austria and other European countries.The tendency of the Jews throughout the Diaspora to writethe vernacular of the various lands in which they dweltin Hebrew characters,1 resulted in the utilization of theHebrew alphabet in the case of Yiddish. This facilitatedthe acquisition and accelerated the spread of the Yiddishtongue. When the Jews were again forced to wanderwestward during the last two decades of the nineteenthcentury, they carried this language with them into theirnew homes in western Europe and northern America.Through contact with other languages and civilizations,Yiddish has been considerably modified by the accessionof Polish, Russian and English terms and forms.

It is interesting to note that in Russia, which was thelargest center of Jewish population in the world, Yiddishwas looked upon as a jargon. It was despised by the radi-cals, who preferred to use the Russian language, as well asby the leaders of the Haskalah (enlightenment) movement,who adhered tenaciously to the ancient Hebrew tongue.In America, however, the pioneers in the Jewish labormovement, in their desire to reach and influence the masses,

1 Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. I. P. 446 "Transliteration of ForeignLanguages"—Mark Lidzbarsky, Ph.D.


utilized the Yiddish language advantageously for the pro-mulgation of their ideas. They simplified and popularizedthe Yiddish tongue, which, until then had been used almostexclusively by Jews who were ignorant of the Hebrewlanguage. In addition, the growth of the nationalist move-ment among Jews, intensified after the Kishineff massacreof 1903, was followed by an extended use of Yiddish as aliterary medium. In fact, the past twenty-five years havewitnessed the increasing divergence of the Yiddish tonguefrom its German origin. Not only is the language employedin conversation to-day by the rank and file a so-called Ameri-canized Yiddish, replete with English elements, but thephenomenal rise of Yiddish literature has also contributedlargely to the evolution of Yiddish from a mere patoisto a forceful vehicle for literary expression.

The simplification of the Yiddish tongue has helpedto spread the Yiddish newspapers among the Jewish masses,the vast majority of whom had not had the benefits of asecular education and had not read any journals in the landsfrom which they emigrated. The Yiddish press proceededto develop a generation of readers. Therein lies one of thefundamental reasons for the unusual influence which itexerts upon the mind-content of its large family of readers.It is practically the only source of information to whichmost of them have access. It guides them in the earlystages of their process of adjustment to the new and com-plex American environment. It has educated the largemajority of the immigrant Jews up to the point where theywould be in a position to appreciate and read the newspaperas an easy, direct means of keeping in touch with importantevents which occur in this country as well as throughout


the world. To the extent to which it has aroused in theimmigrant Jews the demand for Yiddish newspapers, thelatter have practically developed their own reading public,and have indirectly prepared their readers for an appreci-ation of the native press.

The facility and readiness with which the variousinfluences of American life are assimilated by the immi-grant in transition, are evident in the manner in whichthe Yiddish press handles the different features, particu-larly the news. The utilization of emphatic news headings,frequently bordering on the sensational; the human in-terest treatment of daily events; the promptness with whichthe leaders detect changes in conditions and the eagernesswith which they adapt themselves to the newly-ascertaineddesires and interest of their readers; the care, skill and abilitywith which the newspapers are edited, the spirit of enter-prise which characterizes their method of conducting thevarious departments,—all reflect direct influences ofthe native press.

In their general features the Yiddish daily newspapersare essentially journals for the masses. Their tendencyis towards popularization, with sensationalism as the in-evitable culmination. On the other hand, one of the dis-tinctive features of the Yiddish press is the dispositionto devote an unusually large proportion of its space tosolid reading material such as does not usually find its wayinto the American newspaper, but which goes rather intothe American magazine. The reason for this phenomenonbecomes clear when we remember that the Yiddish news-paper is very frequently the only source of information andguidance which the reader has. It is therefore not merely


a conveyor of news, but also a sort of literary and popularscientific journal, which deals with a wide range of subjects,supplies a large proportion of miscellaneous reading matterand caters to the needs and interests of the reader of maga-zine-stuff. "In an analysis of the contents of seventeenNew York daily newspapers, of which five were publishedin English, three in German, five in Italian, and four inYiddish, students in Sociology under Prof. Tenney ofColumbia University, found that the Yiddish newspapersranked highest in the amount of space devoted to culturalnews (52%y."

POLITICAL COMPLEXION

The Vorwaerts is listed in Ayer's Directory as the organof labor to which fact may be attributed in the main its risein circulation. Jewish workers have come to look upon theVorwaerts as the champion of their rights, whose adviceand leadership they usually follow, particularly in strikesand other struggles with their employers. In addition,the Vorwaerts has been from the very beginning an organof the Socialist Party.2 That explains, in a measure, whyan overwhelmingly large proportion of its space is devotedto political and economic news and discussions.

The remaining Yiddish newspapers in New York havebeen divided in their political opinions very nearly in ac-cordance with the well-known distribution of politics in

1 W. P. Shriver, "Immigrant Forces," p. 227.1 Ayer's Directory for 1898, contains the following notice: " Vor-

waerts (Heb.) Weekly-Sunday-Socialist Democratic—established 1897—four pages—sizes 17X24— .75 subscription—published by the JewishSocialist Press Frederation, 32 Suffolk Street, New York."


New York,—the Tageblatt and Yiddisher Morgen Journalsupporting, as a rule, the Republican Party and its candidates,and the Warheit having given its support to the Demo-cratic Party and its candidates. In Ayer's Directory all theYiddish newspapers are listed as " Independent" politically.To a certain extent this designation does reflect the actualsituation. The Yiddish newspapers do go out of their wayfrequently to recommend candidates from opposing partieswhom they consider worthy of support. This has been trueto some extent of the Morgen Journal, Tageblatt andWarheit and more particularly of the Tog, which has assumedfrom the outset, a nonpartisan attitude in American poli-tics. From the time that the Tog was fused with theWarheit, however, it has occasionally shown leaningstowards the Democratic Party, probably because the War-heit was considered Democratic, its publishers having oc-cupied a high place in the councils of the local organizationof that party.

SPHERE OF INFLUENCE

From one newspaper with a circulation of 3,750 in18871 the Yiddish daily press of New York rose successivelyto two newspapers with approximately 16,000 readersin^l8952, five journals with a combined circulation of over

1 Ayer's Newspaper Directory of 1888 lists the Judisches Tageblattas a German-Hebrew daily which had a circulation of 3,750 during thepreceding year, according to the report of the publisher and editor, theRev. K. H. Sarasohn, 115 East Broadway, New York City.

2 Ayer's Directory of 1896 gives the circulation of the Jewish DailyNews {Togeblatt) for 1895 as 13,400. The Jewish Herald, establishedin 1894, and published daily except Sundays, did not announce itscirculation figures for 1895.


62,000 in 19001, five newspapers with an approximatecirculation of 190,000 in 19052, four journals with a com-bined circulation of 336,125 in 19103, and five newspaperswith an extensive circulation of 525,690 in 19154. In 1921the five dailies had a total circulation of about 400,000readers5.

Practically all of the more prosperous and influentialYiddish newspapers have not been the outcome of the in-vestment of large capital, but sprang from humble, obscurebeginnings, and attained their present strength after longreverses, which were overcome by brains and energyrather than by money. Of course, a good part of the successhas been the result of circumstances. But for many yearsthe Yiddish newspapers continued to be uncertain and un-attractive as business enterprises. The Tageblatt, for ex-ample, struggled along for almost a decade with a compara-tively small circulation of 3,750 to 5,237. The proportionsbetween the circulation and population reveal at a glancethe inhospitable field in which K. H. Sarasohn, the founder,

1 The following newspapers are listed in Ayer's Directory for 1900:Tageblatt—Circulation 40,000; Vorwaerts—Circulation 19,502; AbendPost (Estab. 1899), Abend Blatt, Herold—No circulation figures.

2 The following Yiddish daily journals are included in Ayer'sDirectory for 1905: Abend Post 15,723; TageblaU 48,031; Vorwaerts—52,190; Morgen Journal—53,379; Herold (circulation not stated—estimated at 20,000.)

> C. F. Ayer's Directory, 1911—Morgen Journal—80,127; Warheit—64,466; Tageblatt—69,000; Vorwaerts—122,532.

< Ibid, 1916—Tog—81,209; Tageblatt—58,143; Warlieit—89,124;Vorwaerts—198,982; Morgen Journal—108,502.

s Ibid, 1922—Tag-Warheit, 64,;000; Vorwaerts—147,000; MorgenJournal—77,000; Tageblatt—59,149; Zeit—45,500.


worked. The Jewish immigrants had lived long withoutnewspapers. There were few stirring events going onin their midst. The newspaper was of no aid to them intheir business. Despite those obstacles, however, thispioneer persisted, more than doubling the circulation inthe ninth year1, and reaching the substantially high figureof 40,000 in fifteen years.2 The Vorwaerts, which is to-daythe most prosperous foreign language daily in this country,surpassing in circulation four English newspapers in New.York City and approximating four others3, came into beingamidst poverty, the fund for launching it having beencollected from workers, who gladly offered their smallcontributions in order that they might have a newspaperthat would represent their special interests. A similar storyof early hardship and struggle can be told of the MorgenJournal, and other Yiddish papers that have succumbedto the trying conditions which they have had to face.

By concentrating the financial affairs of the newspapersin the hands of special business departments, the membersof which are familiar with and utilize efficient Americanmethods in the conduct of their affairs, the Yiddish press hassucceeded in attaining during the past twenty-five yearsa degree of development unequalled by that of any othercountry, including those in which Yiddish is practicallythe only language of the Jewish masses. The businessstaff had at first to educate the larger companies to theadvisability of advertising their wares in Yiddish news-papers as a means of reaching a special clientele of readers,

1 Circulation of the Judisches Tageblatl, 1894-12,375.2 Circulation of the Judisches Tageblatl, 1900-40,000.3 See Appendix C, p. 335.


and a substantial group of potential customers. Funda-mentally the rapid development of the Yiddish press hasbeen due to the increased popular intelligence, to the energyand enterprise of its conductors and more especially to themodifications in business and business methods which havemade our whole commercial life dependent upon informationwhich is conveyed from individual to individual, from cityto city, and from country to country through the mediumof the press.

While the personal element has played an importantpart in stabilizing the Yiddish press in its early stages,such pioneers as K. H. Sarasohn, A. Cahan, L. E. Millerand J. Saphirstein having contributed considerably bytheir energy, acumen and perseverance to the success ofthe press, the tendency at present is for the latter to drawaway from personal connections and to be established asan institution in Jewish life on an impersonal basis. Not-withstanding the element of precariousness which entersvery largely into Yiddish newspaper establishments,the business is becoming more and more permanent in itscharacter, and it may safely be assumed that the exist-ing great Yiddish daily journals have come to stay formany years. Each year that passes renders them moreinvincible to the competition of new rivals, for it fortifiestheir hold upon established and increasing constituencies,continually crowding to the walls their weaker rivals thatusually find the pressure so great that they are compelledto suspend publication.

A comparison of the circulation figures of the Yiddishdaily press of New York City with the statistics of Jewishimmigration into the United States for the corresponding


period shows that there have been two kinds of increasesin circulation,—normal and abnormal. A normal increasehas usually depended upon a rise in the tide of immigrationand was due largely to the efforts made by the leaders ofthe press to satisfy the diversified needs of the potentialreaders whom they were endeavoring to reach; for the Yid-dish press has always been pliant and responsive to the readers'needs. Other factors which stimulated the rapid spreadof Yiddish newspapers were the growth of the Jewish labormovement, and the massacres and discriminatory actsperpetrated against the Jews in Russia and other Europeancountries. The latter demanded methods of public ex-pression and intercommunication. To these stimuli maybe directly traced the immediate causes of the normalrises in circulation, and the fact that the Yiddish newspaperssoon attained a degree of influence hitherto unknown inYiddish journalism in America and not previously paralleledby any other Yiddish press in the world.

But, while normal increases have usually kept pace withthe ebb and flow of Jewish immigration, there have beensudden, rapid growths in circulation during years of littleor no Jewish immigration. Such was the case in 1914,1915 and 1916, when Jewish immigration into the UnitedStates was practically at a standstill. In 1912 the Yiddishpress reached approximately 360,000 readers. A normalrise of 15,000 is observable in 1913, a tremendous jumpof over 112,000 in 1914 and a substantial addition to 38,000in 1915. While the increased circulation was maintainedand slightly augmented in 1916, there is a sudden, markeddecrease in 1917, followed by a gradual, decided declinein 1918 and 1919, until in 1920 we find the circulation


figures practically back to what they were in 1912. Theincrease between 1910 and 1915 reached over 103%.On the other hand there is evident an equally large decreasein 1917. (Sec- Appendik D, p. 344).

W h a t have been the causes of these unusual fluc-tuat ions? The explanation may be found in the abnormalwar situation, which, while it blocked the channels of im-migration, also aroused an unprecedented demand fornewspapers, particularly those which carried the latestnews from the battlefield. The American Jews werenatural ly intensely interested in the war news, since thebatt les raged mainly in the territories which were inhabitedlargely by Jews. They were concerned regarding thefate of their brethren in war-ridden Europe and displayedtha t unusual interest by purchasing any newspaper tha tbrought them a bi t of news from the war zone. TheYiddish newspapers endeavored to satisfy this abnormalcraving and anxiety by issuing " e x t r a " editions in thelate afternoons. The same reader would frequently pur-chase two or more papers in one day. This demand onthe par t of densely settled New York for frequent informa-tion regarding the war situation which led to the multi-plication of editions, accounts in the main for the unusuallylarge and rapid increase in the circulation in 1914 and 1915.

On the other hand, the increase in the price of news-papers from one cent to two and three cents per copy, thesharp decrease in immigration resulting from war condi-tions and the restrictive legislation enacted by Congress.and the discontinuance of the practice of issuing " e x t r a "editions of the afternoon papers, resulted in a sudden,marked decline in circulation in 1917, and again in 1920.


At first, the increase in the prices of Yiddish newspapers,following the example set by the native language press,did not diminish considerably the demand on the part


papers were made by means of a questionnaire1, the resultsof which have proved suggestive and have revealed someof the main tendencies, though the limitations of the rangeof the studies have precluded the possibility of attachingany degree of finality to the conclusions reached.

METHODOLOGY

The following precautions were observed in the pre-paration of the questionnaire and in the selection of thereaders to whom the copies were submitted:

a. The questions were so framed and arranged that,while the answers brought out the main points, the fun-damental question was introduced incidentally so that thereader in writing out his replies might not be unduly in-fluenced by any knowledge of the fact that this was themain question. Thus, Question 9A, "What features ofthe Yiddish newspaper do you read?" is so arranged that"editorial" which is the main point in which the writeris interested, is not given any un'due prominence, thereader being expected to reply to the question as to whetherhe reads editorials regularly, occasionally or not at all,in the same manner as he would to any of the remainingeight features listed under that heading.

b. Special care was taken while a questionnaire wasbeing filled out not to inform the person replying beforehandof its main, specific purpose, i. e. to ascertain what per-centage read the editorials.

Whenever individuals approached hesitated to reply1 See copies of the English and Yiddish questionnaires used in

Appendix E, pp. 337, 338.


to the questions, an effort was made to get them into asympathetic frame of mind and to arouse within them anattitude of eagerness and responsiveness. Usually themere statement that the writer was anxious to learn some-thing about the readers of different newspapers wouldsuffice to dispel any feelings of suspicion. In no case,however, was a prospective informant made aware ofthe primary purpose of the questionnaire.

c. Because of the comparatively small number ofcases involved, it was absolutely essential that there shouldbe no doubt whatsoever as to the reliability of the data.Inasmuch as general tendencies can be discovered onlythrough the study of samples selected at random, and atruly representative group of readers can only be approxi-mated, the following steps were taken to obtain a ran-dom sampling of the general group of readers of the Yiddishpress,—particularly from the point of view of age andoccupation,—which would be free from the influence ofarbitrary selection, whether conscious or unconscious:—

(1) Two separate, distinct sets of questionnaires werefilled out by persons in different sections of the city and theresults tabulated separately to make it possible eventuallyto determine whether any uniform tendencies were opera-tive.

(2) To avoid a select group from the point of view ofoccupation, questionnaires were not filled out at any meetingof a trade union or manufacturers' association. Instead,the meetings of mutual aid and other racial societies werevisited for this purpose, because among their membershipwould be found persons of varying ages and occupations.The list of the types of occupations and ages represented


among the persons replying seems to indicate that theresults from this point of view are quite satisfactory.

While the original purpose in submitting the question-naire to the readers was to ascertain what percentageread the editorials,1 the summary of the replies to theremaining questions tells an interesting story regardingthe characteristics of the readers, and is reproduced atthe close of this chapter in the form of tables.2 (See pages197 to 203).

INTERPRETATION OF DATA3

a. Age and Sex.

The fact most worthy of attention revealed by anexamination of the data in connection with this question,is that, while the median group is found among thosebetween the ages of 46 and 50, which result might havebeen expected, a surprisingly larger number of readersis found among those between the ages of 16 and 25. Infact, the number of readers in this young group reaches atotal of 101, which is only three less than the aggregatenumber reached by the largest group (41-50). An ex-planation of this interesting situation may be found inthe summary of the reasons given by Jews who read English

• Cf. Tables XIX and XX, Ch. Ill, pp. 53 and 54.1 These statistics are presented primarily because they serve as

an interesting and suggestive description of the readers who filledout the questionnaire. Since the number of informants was verylimited, aggregating only 239, these results are not to be regarded asan adequate characterization of the entire reading clientele, whichapproaches 400,000. Cf., p. 184.

3 See Tables I to XVIII, pp. 197 to 203.


newspapers, for patronizing the Yiddish daily press,' forthe vast majority of the younger group no doubt also readEnglish newspapers.

Over 35% of the readers who filled out questionnaireswere females. While it was not possible within the limi-tation of this study to determine the exact proportion ofthe sexes, there is a preponderance of males among thereading clientele, which condition is explained, in part,by the neglect of the education of Jewish women in the past.The number of female readers of the Yiddish press isgrowing steadily, however, the increase being particularlymarked among those between the ages of 16 and 20. Theleaders have taken special cognizance of this situation andare providing more and more reading material intendedprimarily for women.

b. Country of Birth.The results as to country of birth approximate the

true situation, if the data for all readers could be obtained.Over ninety percent are foreign-born. The eight percentwho are native-born, are drawn largely from the youngergroup who read the Yiddish newspaper because they havebeen aroused by the recent epoch-making events in Jewishlife and are "anxious to keep in touch with Jewish affairs."

c. Length of stay in the United States.The following facts stand out in the replies as to length

of stay in this country:—the largest group of readers isfound among those who arrived in this country between1905 and 1907, during which years Jewish immigrationinto the United States reached its highest points on

1 See Chap. I l l , pp. 192 to 196.


account of the Kishineff and Bialystock pogroms. Thelow number found among those who have been in thiscountry only from one to six years becomes clear, when weremember that there was practically very little Jewishimmigration during that period on account of the WorldWar.

d. Knowledge of English.The inquiry regarding the readers' knowledge of the

English language has brought to the surface results whichare rather surprising. The prevailing opinion hithertohas been that the majority of the readers of the Yiddishpress were not sufficiently familiar with English to be ableto read newspapers in that language. The high percentageof readers of English newspapers indicated by this limitiedstudy assumes special significance, when considered in con-nection with the answers to the question as to why theYiddish newspapers are read by those who have attainedfacility in the use of the American vernacular.1 The con-clusion is inevitable that the proportion of the latteris considerably higher than was considered probable inthe past.

A valuable suggestion also grows out of this study inconnection with the substantial number of readers whoreported that they can read English somewhat, but notwell enough to understand English newspapers. It wouldbe out of the question to expect the latter to revise and sim-plify sufficiently the language in which they are written.The situation seems to point, instead, to the advisabilityof introducing a special page into the Yiddish newspaper,

1 See pp. 192 to 196.


written in very simple English, so that the readers whohave merely an elementary acquaintance with our tongue,might be encouraged thereby to continue to familiarizethemselves further and to improve their knowledge ofEnglish. Those who do not read English at all couldalso be stimulated to overcome that serious handicap.

Therein lies a splendid opportunity for consciouslyutilizing the foreign language newspapers to Americanizesome of their readers linguistically. Forr however desirableit may be that in our democracy all groups should be en-couraged to retain and to foster a knowledge of the languageswhich they have brought with them from their old homes,it is of still greater importance that they should familiar-ize themselves as speedily as possibly with the commonlanguage of our land, in order that they may not impedethe progress towards a greater and more wholesome soli-darity among the diverse races and groups, who havevoluntarily chosen our country as their new, permanenthome. In fact, some of the leaders of the Yiddish news-papers have in the past evidenced an understanding of theimportance of insuring a common means of inter-communi-cation, and a common medium for the interchange of thoughtin our country and have of their own accord initiatedefforts in that direction.1

e. Degree of Naturalization.The results of this study show that a large majority of

the readers are either already citizens of the United Statesor have declared their intention of assuming the respon-

1 See chapter VI, pp. 329-331, for a detailed discussion of the moredirect Americanization efforts of the Yiddish press.


sibilities and* privileges of American citizenship. Thishigh proportion of naturalization will occasion no surpriseto those who are familiar with the energetic efforts in thatdirection exerted by a host of Jewish agencies and institutions,and with the continual agitation for the achievement ofthis end carried on in the editorial columns of the Yiddishpress. The fact that Jewish immigration is largely afamily movement and consists essentially of persons whohave suffered disabilities in their countries of birth, andwho desire to settle permanently in free America,1 accountsto some extent for the Jewish newcomer's readiness andanxiety to become naturalized.

/. Features Read.The preferences expressed in the replies to this question

seem to indicate that practically all the readers are interestedin the specifically Jewish and general news items of impor-tance, which are usually featured on the front page. Thatthese two should rank first and second in popularity, isin accord with what has generally been understood to bethe primary purpose of the Yiddish daily press, as a con-veyer of news. This fact appears significant when comparedwith the reasons for turning to the Yiddish press, givenby those who read English newspapers.2

The women readers look with greater regularity forthe short stories and for the material included in the specialfamily magazine page than they do for any other feature.That explains the high rank which fiction occupies in

1 See Samuel Joseph, "Jewish Immigration to the United States",Part III B—Chapters I and II.

3 Section h, pp. 192-196.


the list. Again, while the total number of regular andoccasional readers of editorials surpasses the total numberof readers of fiction, the latter is, on the other hand, con-siderably ahead in the matter of regularity. More personsseek habitually the daily installment of the serial story,or the short story, than are anxious to keep in touch regu-larly with the editorial opinion of the newspaper. Thequestion regarding the extent to which the editorials areread, and the types of readers who are reached by them istreated fully in the following chapter on the editorials.1

g. Actual Number of Persons who Read the NewspapersPurchased.

It has been assumed by persons familiar with thesituation that the actual number of readers of newspapersis considerably greater than the total number of copieswhich are sold. There are factual grounds for such an as-sumption, especially since the increase in the prices ofdaily newspapers. The estimates of the actual size of theaudience reached have varied widely, and have been basedon the opinions of the persons who made them. To shedsome light on the real situation, a special question2 wasinserted in the questionnaire submitted to the readers ofthe Yiddish daily press, with the following results:—Number of readers who reported that other members oftheir family or friends also read the Yiddish daily whichthey purchased:—

1 Ch III, p. 204 ff.2 Question 8 a) Do any other members of your family or friends

read your copy of the Yiddish daily?—b) If so, how many persons readit?—c)About how old are they?


Study No. 1.— NumberNo. Reporting of Additional Readers

30 readers reported that 1 additional person reads the same paper 3012 " " '• 2 " 248 " " " .1 " 242 " " " 4 " 8

52 Total R6Study No. 2.—No. Reporting

28 readers reported that 1 additional person reads the same paper 2811 " " " 2 " 22

181610

6 " " " 34 " " " 42 " " " S

SI Total 94

If the results of the two studies are combined, it ap-pears that out of a total of 236 readers who answered thequestion, 103 reported that 180 additional persons readtheir papers. In other words, approximately 44% ofthe newspapers sold are read by other persons than thosewho purchase the copies. The circulation figures of theYiddish dailies, according to these results, would have tobe augmented by about 75% to obtain the actual numberof readers.

h. Why Persons Familiar with English Read the YiddishDailies.

The tenth and last query on the questionnaire (whichwas omitted from the Yiddish copy) reads as follows:" If you can read the newspapers printed in English, statefor what special reasons you read the Yiddish newspapers."It is perfectly natural for persons to read the Yiddish dailywho cannot peruse the contents of an English one at all,or who read English with difficulty, and to whom a news-paper written in Yiddish is practically the sole source ofinformation. But why do Jews who can read the Eng-lish just as fluently and in many cases with greater facility,read Yiddish newspapers?


Two types of replies were given to this question. First,a substantial proportion (about 20%) of the informantsstated that they read the Yiddish newspaper for whatmay be considered to be sentimental reasons,—because,they have been attached to the Yiddish language and areanxious that it be further preserved. In some of the follow-ing answers the characteristic tenacity of the Jews standsout: "Yiddish is my mother tongue; it must not die.""If our American Jews will not read it, it will die.""Just because the Yiddish newspaper is near to me,—it'smy language." "Because I like it." "Not to forget theYiddish language." "Because I like the Yiddish style ofwriting," etc.

Second, the main, fundamental reason given by over80% of the persons replying was that they read the Yiddishdailies for the specifically Jewish news,—because they areanxious to keep in touch with the significant Jewish currentevents. It is evident from the following answers that theprimary motive of the English-reading Jew in turning tothe Yiddish dailies is to keep abreast of the news regardingthe progress made in the solution of contemporary Jewishproblems:—

A sign painter's answer to this question:—"I read the Yiddishnewspaper for news not generally found in English papers, suchas, Jewish trade news, stories, Jewish events, etc."A lawyer's reply to this question:—"To get news of Jewish interestnot otherwise found in the English dailies, and for editorial com-ment on outstanding Jewish events."A clothing cutter's answer (age 21—born in U. S. A.) "I t being anewspaper of my own race, I find in it very important informationthat concerns me and my race."From a high school student's answer: "So as to develop my


knowledge of the language and also to obtain such informationregarding Jewish events which English papers do not give."A housewife says:—"I'm used to it and I like it. I can't get allnews about Jews in the English papers."

Other answers:—" I am anxious only for Jewish news in the Yiddishdaily—the other news I get better in the English papers.""For Jewish news and for discussion of Jewish items of interest.""To be more familiar with Jewish matters.""To know what is going on among the Jewish people."" I read Jewish newspapers, first for Jewish news, as well as to getthe point of view of Jewish public opinion."" I read the English papers to get more English, to learn to under-stand English better and the Jewish paper I read to get exactlythe Jewish news from the other side. In the morning I read theAmerican or World, and in the evening the Tog."" I want to see what's happening in Jewish life. The English news-paper doesn 't give Jewish news in the same way. It doesn 'thave the same taste to me."

I don't take to the English page of the Yiddish newspaper. Itdoesn't give the news." '"As a group-conscious Jew I am naturally interested in the welfareof my brethren throughout the world. The English newspaperswhich I read devote very little or no space at all to specificallyJewish news and affairs. Whenever Jewish news items are giventhey suffer from one or more of the following shortcomings: (1)They are too brief: (2) The news is distorted: (3) Derogatorystatements and unwholesome items are given undue prominence,thus featuring reflections upon the Jewish people. The English-Jewish weeklies in N.Y.C. do not meet my needs because (1)The news reaches me late (and I obtain it immediately in theYiddish daily): (2) They devote comparatively little space tonews; hence their news items with few exceptions are too brieflywritten up: (3) They are partisan journals of opinion, often givingprejudiced accounts and omitting relevant facts which do notsupport their points of view.""To be in communion with Jewish life and Jewish ideas."


" I read all fairly regularly enough to keep me in touch with Jewishevents, particularly Jewish national and communal affairs, andJewish theatricals."" l a m interested in special Jewish news, printed in the Jewishpapers, concerning Palestine and Eastern Europe."" It brings special Jewish news in a Jewish way from the Jewishviewpoint."" The only thing I read in Yiddish is Jewish news. I read wheneverI am interested in some special occurrence in Jewish life.""To keep constantly informed as to all Jewish matters (politics,literature, Jewish workingmen's movements).""The Yiddish newspaper is the primary means for keeping intouch with the living, pulsating Jewish people. On the whole, itsgeneral content is, in my opinion, superior to that of most of theEnglish dailies.""In order to secure fullest possible information on Jewish sit-uation and activities."

Further investigation has established that the as-sertion made by a number of the informants that the Englishnewspapers do not meet their requirements as far as spe-cifically Jewish news is concerned, is supported by thefacts. Proof of the tendency of the New York Englishpress to ignore important events of particular interest toJews was furnished on May 3, 1922, when the UnitedStates Senate passed unanimously the Lodge Resolutionfavoring the establishment in Palestine of a NationalHomeland for the Jewish people. The question as towhether our Government should express its sympathy withJewish aspirations in Palestine had been discussed exten-sively pro and con in the Jewish press and at public Jewishgatherings, and hundreds of thousands of readers wereinterested in the final fate of the resolution. Under thecircumstances this news item might properly have been


given prominent mention in theeveningand morning papers.But, with two exceptions,1 the metropolitan dailies ignoredthis occurrence entirely.

SUMMARY OF REPLIES TOQUESTIONNAIRE FILLED OUT BY READERS

OF THE YIDDISH DAILY PRESS OF NEW YORK CITY

FIRST STUDY

TABLE IAGE DISTRIBUTION

Ages

10-1516-2021-2526-3031-3536-40 . .41-4546-5051-5556-6061-65

TOTALS

A- Informants

Mal

e

n5

11146

101?1?333

79

Fem

ale

171

104S

oo

-

36

Tot

al

1121?1616141717433

115

7.9

10.410.413.913.912.214 814.83.52.62.6

10O.0

B-Additional Readers*

Mal

e

031231

100

16

Fem

ale

02

^13

4

OO

-

19

Sex

not

Indi

cate

d02423115220

22

3o

0787674

1?420

57

12.314.012 310.512 37 0

21 17.03.5

100.0

Gr.

Tot

.

119707122217179853

172

%

. 611.011.613 412.812.212 216 94.72.91.7

100.01 The informants who filled out the questionaires were requested

to indicate: a) how many additional persons read their copies of theYiddish dailies: b) what their ages are, and c) what particular featuresof the newspapers they read. The results are set forth in Tables I,VI, VII, XII, XIII, and XVIIII.

1 In examining tne newspaper files at the New York Public Lib-rary, the writer found brief notices regarding the passage of the LodgeResolution in the New York Times on page 19 and in the New YorkTribune, on page 6, both of May 4th, 1923.


TABLE IICOUNTRY OF BIRTH

Country

United StatesRussiaPoland, Galicia, HungaryRoumania

Totals

Mal

e

6.1834

1

79

Fem

ale

418140

36

Tot

al

10S648

1

115

%

8.748 741.7

.9

100.0

TABLE IIINUMBER OF YEARS IN THE UNITED STATES

N u m b e r of Years

Less than 1 . . . . . . .1 -2 .3 - 4 •.5 - 6 . .7 - 8 . .9 - 1 0 .11 -131 4 - 1 617-1920 yrs or over . . . .Nat ive -born

Totals

Mal

e

40n?1


TABLE VCITIZENSHIP

A. United States Citizens.,B. Have First Papers (Declaration of Intention).C. Aliens. . . . -

Totals

Vat

s63

79

79

V

aa&26

46

36

s8911IS

115

77.49.6

13.0

100.0

TABLE VIFEATURES READ

Features Read

1. Specifically Jewish News2. Front Page (General News) . . . .3. Editorials4. Fiction (Serial and Short Stories)5. Advertisements6. Humorous Section7. Popular Science8. Miscellaneous (Family Page,. . .

Bintel Brief, Theatricals, Musicetc.)

A—BY INFORMANTSRegu-larly

22

72695854 22

Occasionally

38

98 85.380.0

93 81.072.2

69 60.0.4.5

66 5750 43

33.1

B-BY ADDIT'L READERS(Reported byInformants)

12

5 10

29 50.926 45.620 35.129161815

50.928.131.626.3

17.6

127118113112858465

48

73.868.660.765.149.448.837.8

27.9

•f)

J

TO

RI;

QUU.OinS

-210

:20

4-p

p.

O


SECOND STUDYTABLE VII

AGE DISTRIBUTION

Ages

10-1516-20.21-2526-3031-3536-40. . . . . . . . . . . .41-4546-5051-5556-6061-65

Total.

A—INFORMANTS

Mal

e04

15778

inis

704

86

Fem

ale

084914S91?0

38

Tot

al

n19q

1012IS9 4

g11

4

124

%

9 715.3

7 28 19 7

12 119 46 48 93 .2

100.0

Mal

e

n?391411?

n016

B—ADDITIONAL READERS

Fem

ale

ni

1199

?4n?0

16Se

x no

tIn

dica

t'd

21493

2I5001

41T

otal

91813668S

m99

1

73

%

2 724 717.88 28 2

11 06 8

13 82 79 71.4

100.0

Gr.

Tot

.

?in32IS16?n?n34inn5

197

%

1.015 216.2

7.68.1

10.210.217.3

5.16 .62.5

100.0

TABLE VIIICOUNTRY OF BIRTH

Country

United StatesRussiaPoland, Galicia, Hungary . .Roumania

Total [86l88

oH

107435

5

124

%

8.159.728.2

4 .0

100.0


Less than 1. ..1-23-45-67-89-1011-1314-1617-1920 yrs or over.Native-born . .

TABLE IXNUMBER OF YEARS IN THE UNITED STATES

Number of Years

Total.

Mal

e

1102578

141822

8

86

u

Fem

a

100026373

124

38

Tot

al

21027

131121213412

124

TABLE XKNOWLEDGE OF ENGLISH

A. No. who read English newspapersB. No. who read English somewhat, but not well enough to under-

stand English newspapersC. No. who do not read English at all

Total

V

a

S3

1320

86

it

Q

£16

1012

38

To

t69

2332

1?4

TABLE XICITIZENSHIP

A. United States Citizens . . . .B. Have First Papers (Declaration of Intention)C. Aliens

Total

Mal

e

601412

86

Fem

ale

749S

38

Tot

al

842317

124

%

67 818- 513 7

100 0


TABLE XIIFEATURES READ

Features Read

1. Specifically Jewi6h News2. Front Page (General News) . ..3. Fiction, Serial and Short Stories4. Editorials5. Humorous Section6. Advertisements7. Popular Science8. Miscellaneous, (Family Page,

Bintel Brief, Exchange, etc.).

A—BY INFORMANTSRegu-larly

Mal

e78745952443937

19

Fem

ale

161230159

147

14

Occasionally

Mal

e

543

151067

5

Fem

ale

3529452

3

Tot

al

102959491676453

41

%

82.276.575.673.454.051.542.7

33.1

B-BY ADDIT'L READERS(Reported by

* Informants)

v

s101047433

3

n

I1211145642

5

Sex

not

Indi

cate

d

1615131812119

7

Tot

al

38363130221814

15

%

52.149.342.441.130.124.619.1

20.5

Gr.

Tot

.

140131125121898267

56

70.066.563.461.545.141.634.0

28.7

COMPOSITE RESULTS OF THE TWO SAMPLE STUDIES OFTHE READERS OF THE YIDDISH PRESS

TABLE XIIIAGE DISTRIBUTION

Ages

10-1516-2021-2526-3031-3536-4041-4546-50 . . . .51-5556-6061-65

Totals

A-Informants

Mal

e

n9

26711318227710127

165

Fem

ale

11554

13R

1014

720

74

Tot

.

124317S767fi32411?147

239

%

.410.213.010.410.910.913.417.15 . 05.82.9

100.0

B-Additional Readers

Mal

e

05443724300

32

Fem

ale

04443S48120

35

Sex

not

Indi

cate

d

21613•i633

10221

63

Tot

al

?2521H171S9

7?ft41

130

%

1.519.316.210.09 .2

11.56.9

16.94 . 63.1

.8

100.0

G.

T.

4952383R4141611800

00

369

%

813.314.110.310.311 111.117.14 . 94.92.1

100.0


TABLE XIV

COUNTRY OF BIRTH

Country

United StatesRussiaPoland, Galicia, Hungary . . . .Roumania

Totals

Mal

e

140?ss4

165

Fem

ale

618?R

2

74

Tot

al

?n11081

6

239

%

8 454.334.8

2.5

100.0

TABLE XVNUMBERS OF YEARS IN THE UNITED STATES

Number of Years

Less than 1 .1-2 . . . . .3-45-67-89-10 . . .11-1314-1617-19 . .20 yrs. or over .Native-born

Totals

Mal

e

Fem

ale

5 11 0ol o4 28

1?1710?84fi14

165

610r>

i?10198

74

To

tal

6106

14???14?186S22

239

%

2.5.4.0

2 55.89 .29 .6

17.615.927.3

9.2

100.0

TABLE XVI

KNOWLEDGE OF ENGLISH

A. Number who read English newspapers 107 38B. Number who read English somewhat, but not well enough to | jt understand English newspapers i 30116C. Number who do not read English at all. . / \ 28 120

Totals. 165 i 7-4

145

4648

239

60.7

19.220.0

100.0


TABLE XVIICITIZENSHIP

A. United States CitizensB. Have "First Papers" (Declaration of Intention)C. Aliens

Totals

Mal

e

1731023

16S

V

rt

t>

U-

50o15

74

Tot

al

1732838

239

72.411.715.9

100.0

TABLE XVIIIFEATURES READ

Features Read

BY INFORMANTS

1. Specifically Jewish News2. Front Page3. Fiction4. Editorials5. Humorous Section6. Advertisements7. Popular Science8. Miscellaneous, (Family Page,

Bintel Brief, Exchange, etc.)

150143113110 24

Occasionally

$oH

200187177184133133103

83.778.374.077.055.655.643.1

B-BY ADDIT'L READERS(Reported byInformants)

4123 8 7 7933.1 9 13 19 4131.5 120 32.5

§3

1351.547.746.138.430.726.122.3

O

267249237234173167132

72.367.564.263.446.945.335.8


CHAPTER III

T H E EDITORIALS OF T H E YIDDISH PRESS

1.—EVOLUTION OF THE EDITORIAL SINCE 1886 . 1

a. Early variations and development of form, appear-ance, position, etc.

The present form, structure and position in whicheditorials are presented in the Yiddish press,—the sizeof type, the headings, placing, etc. have been evolvedafter years of experimentation. In general, they reflectthe same tendencies of the time evident in the editorialsappearing in the native language press. In the earlierissues the editorials are practically devoid of any distinc-tive form and can hardly be distinguished from the newsitems and the special articles. No larger size of type isemployed; the heading of the editorial article is not en-closed in any box to distinguish it from the others; thereis no special editorial page, nor any uniform locationfor the leading article. In fact, occasionally no leadingarticle appears at all. Neither do the method of treatmentor the style exhibit any striking peculiarities. The onlyway, perhaps, in which one could surmise that a certain

1 The idea of combining in one sheet an account of daily eventsand comments thereon grew out of the efforts of the editorial orpamphlet writers of the 18th century, among them Jonathan Swift,Daniel Defoe and Samuel Johnson. Swift has been regarded as theleading pamphleteer and satirist of his day. In 1759 there was a markedtransition from the pamphlet to the leading article, which was calledthe "leader" or "editorial". Many of the early editorials possessedforce and form and were examples of terse, forcible English.


article was intended to be the "leader" was by noticingthe announcement of the name of the paper, its publishers,and other similar information which usually appears at the"mast-head" of the editorial column. But even that par-ticular section is frequently devoted to " Jtidische Neuesvon Ueberall" (Jewish News from Everywhere), or topoetry.

Later, each newspaper assigned a special page orcolumn to editorial comment and adopted a special charac-teristic heading for it. Brief, pointed paragraphs appearedin Der Teglicher Her old in 1895 under the headings, " No-titzen—A Kuk, A Blik, A Gedank" (Notices—A Peep, aGlance, a Thought), "Fon Alles Tsu Bislach" (A Little ofEverything), "Anzichten un Auszichten" (Opinions andViews); in the Abend Blatt in 1897 under the heading"Funken" (Sparks); in the Abend Post in 1899 underthe heading "Fakten un Meinungen" (Facts and Opinions):in Die Yiddishe Velt of June 29, 1902, under the heading"Uber die Welt" (All Over the World); in the Vorwaertsin 1901 and 1902 under the headings "Ein un Ois" (Inand Out), "Notitzen" (Notices), "Do un Dort" (Here andThere), etc. On March 16, 1902, the Vorwaerts introducedfor the first time the double-column editorial, and abouta month later (April 17, 1902), a very much increasedsize of type. It is interesting to note that the larger sizeof type for editorials which has been utilized to this day,was employed by the Vorwaerts for the first time in con-nection with an appeal for support for striking cloakmakers,("Residents of the East Side, Support the Jewish Cloak-makers in their Just Struggle.") The back-page editorial,which appeared in the Warheit, and which is a notable


feature of the Tog, was first introduced in Der TeglicherIlerold in January, 1905, and a special heading, "Edi-torial Page," in English and Yiddish was added in Marchof the same year.

At present the newspapers place their editorials regu-larly in some conspicuous part of the paper,—generally ona middle page. The majority of them have also introducedin addition special editorial columns on the last or frontpage.1 With the single exception of the Morgen Journalall use a large size of type for the editorials and enclose theheadings in special boxes. These innovations have doubt-less served to further attract the eye of the reader to thisparticular column. Some of the papers continually devotea uniform amount of space to the several editorials, whileothers are more flexible in that respect, usually alternatingbetween a long, full column editorial, and two or threesmaller articles or paragraphs, the proportion of spaceconsumed by each of the latter varying somewhat fromday to day.

The back page editorial (usually considered the woman'smagazine page) is printed in larger sized type and usuallyoccupies a uniform amount of space daily. It is generallyof the essay type and is devoted in the main to the discus-sion of human nature questions, individual and familyvirtues, the position of woman, double standards of morality,etc. The editorial writer usually precedes the expressionof his opinion or attitude by introducing first some inter-esting news item or a quotation from a letter to the editor

1 Tageblatt (English Editorial on last page), Morgen Journal(Yiddish column on front page), Tog (Yiddish editorial on last page,English editorial column on first page). Cf., p. 207.


in which some reader seeks advice. The latter is utilizedas a peg, text, or "starting-point" from which the writerdevelops his theme and deduces his conclusions.

Two newspapers have introduced an additionalfront page editorial column, following perhaps, the exampleset by the Brisbane column "To-Day," which appearsin many newspapers throughout the country. The MorgenJournal usually prints signed paragraphs in Yiddish inthat front page column, under the heading "Von Tog zuTog," (From Day to Day). The Tog prints daily specialeditorials in English, which vary in length; the long,full column editorial being frequently replaced by "editorial-ettes" which appear under various headings, such as,"News and Views," "Day-Breaks," "Of Special Interestto Jews," etc.

b. Modification of style and content.

But, far more marked than the mere change in out-ward form or appearance has been the modification in thelanguage, style and content of the editorials. The Yid-dish employed by the writers of leading articles during thelast two decades of the nineteenth century was difficult,and the style cumbersome and involved. Hebrew titlesfrequently appeared, which only the few readers versed inHebrew could understand. Crude, flaring headlines werethe rule. Opinion often found its way into the news, therebeing no clearly recognized line of demarcation betweenthe two. The subject of the editorials and their method oftreatment were often too personal and vituperative incharacter.

To-day the language of the editorial has been consider-


ably simplified and improved from the literary point ofview, and the editorial manner and style have become moredirect and impersonal. Besides, the articles of opiniondeal with a much wider range of subjects or themes.1 Instill another important phase of content have the editorialsundergone a profound change. With very few exceptionsthey do not fulfill well their old essential mission of coun-seling, criticising and admonishing frankly both politicalfriend as well as foe. Instead, following the example setby the native language press, they reflect constantly thepolicies of their newspapers and aim in general to intensifythe convictions already entertained by their readers, whoare usually drawn from various political parties. Ofcourse, there are many subjects treated daily on whichthe newspapers have no definite policy or opinion. Onthe whole, however, they are careful not to antagonizethe interests of those among whom they circulate.

2. THE READERS OF THE EDITORIALS.

The Jews have always enjoyed the reputation of beingextensive readers, worthy of the designation, "Am Ha-Sefer," (People of the Book). The statistics of the numberof books drawn from the East Side Branches of the NewYork Public Library as well as from libraries which arelocated in other cities of large Jewish population, haveshown that the Jews usually draw a larger proportion of

1 For a detailed analysis and classification of the content of theeditorials of the Yiddish press during the past decade, see Chapter V,pp. 234 ff.


serious books from the libraries than do other groups.1

It would be interesting to ascertain whether this tendencyextends also to the Jewish readers of newspapers. Towhat extent do the subscribers of the Yiddish press consultthe editorials for the formulation of their opinions on Ameri-can and Jewish questions?

The only estimate of the degree to which editorials ofthe general press are read, which has come to the writer'sattention, is that of Professor L. N. Flint, who, in hisbook "The Editorial," makes the following statement:2

"Not one in a hundred readers will digest the editorialsthoroughly. It is rather a question of printing a sufficientamount to allow for variety enough to insure every reader'sfinding at least one editorial on a subject of prime interestto himself. When public attention is occupied by somecrisis in affairs, an editorial on this subject may well occupy

1 From the statistics of the number of books circulated by thevarious branches of the New York Public Library which appear in theN.Y.P.L. Report for 1921 (Table 13, p. 99), it is evident that, whilethe East Side branches fall behind many of the others in the totalnumber of books of fiction circulated, they lead all branches in thetotal number of serious books (sociological, philosophical, religious,scientific, etc.) which their readers borrowed.

Furthermore, in a report on the Library and the Immigrant in St.Louis, Miss Ruth Crawford says: "The librarians willingly confess thattheir most stimulating patron is the black-browed Russian Jew, or theeager Croatian, and they point with pride to the fact that the distributionof books of a serious nature is proportionately far greater in the down-town district than in the West End branches, which aresupposed thocater to the more cultured tastes".

The Library Journal, July 1916.

» p. 222.


the whole space available for editorials. On that day,perhaps, the editorial page will be read thoroughly by 90%of the subscribers. (Under normal conditions, perhapsnot more than 50% read anything on the editorial page.")1

In the case of the Yiddish press, two limited, independ-ent studies were made to establish what proportion of thesubscribers read the editorials.2 Though there were but239 persons who answered this question, the results arenevertheless interesting and suggestive, for they revealseveral important tendencies, which are illuminating.

In the following tables XIX and XX are presentedthe number and percentage of regular and occasional readersof the editorials distributed according to occupations, asindicated by the replies to the two sets of questionnaires.3

In Table XXI the results of the two studies have beencombined. The informants were divided into four majorgroups:—1) Skilled Laborers, 2) Merchants, Manufacturers,Salesmen, Agents, etc., 3) Professionals and 4) Housewives.

' See Chap. II, pp. 184-6 for an account of the procedure.2 See Appendix E, pp. 336-338.J In this connection, it is interesting to note that, in October 1921,

a questionnaire submitted to 600 students at Radcliffe College (female)showed that 62% read editorials regularly, while 25% preferred thisfeature. General news was preferred by 23%, while 38% merely readheadlines


TABLE XIXOCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF READERS OF YIDDISH PRESS EDITORIALS

STUDY No. 1

A.-Type of Occupations

/. Skilled LaborersClerkJanitor . .Needleworkers (Tailors,

Cloak Operators, Etc.). . .Painter & PlastererPresser .Waiters

2. Merchants, Agents, Etc . . . .GrocersHotel KeepersInsurance Adiustor .

Sales ManagersMerchantsPeddlersReal Kstate Brokers

SilversmithStorekeepersInsurance Agents

3. Professionals

ActorAuthor of Heb. Text Bks.. .Doctor.Heb. High Sch. Principal.. .Hebrew Teachers .Jewish Educ. Executive '

and SupervisorLawyersPiano Instructor. . .Public School TeacherSecretaries of Societies

Stenographers and Typists .Students (College)..Students (High School)

4. Housewives

Grand Total

Cases

No.

3031

20114

30421624321122

36211113

241141S72

19

115

%

100

100

100

100

100

B.—Readers

Regular

No.

2121

13113

21320413211112

21100112

2310301424

67

%

70.0

70.0

58.3

21.0

58.3

ef Editorials

Occasional

No.

310

20008101211010010

100110010101103105

26

%

10.0

26.7

27.7

26.3

22.6

C—ReadcEditc

No.

600

50011000000100oo

o

510

oo

oo

oo

o

001

' 120

10

22

Non-

rials

%

20.0

3 .3

14.0

52.6

19.1


TABLE XX

OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF READERS OF YIDDISH PRESS EDITORIALS

STUDY No. 2

A.-Type od Occupations

1. Skilled Laborers

CutterDay Laborer

Needleworkers (Tailors,Cloak Operators. Etc.) . .

Painters (Wall)Plumber. .Pressers

Sign Painters .. .Z. Merchants, Agents

Fur DealerGrocersInsurance AgentsJewelerManufacturersMerchantsMerchants (Retired)Real Estate BrokersSalesmen

3, ProfessionalsBookeepersCantor

Heb. Sch. PrincipalHeb. Sch. Teachers

SecretarySocial WorkersStudents (College)

4. Housewives

Grand Total

Cases

No.

392112

2131422

352132156276

202111211371

30

124

%

100

100

100

100

100

B.-Readers of Editorials

Regular

No.

262111

1511211

181120032144

122110200150

11

67

%

66.7

5 1 . 4

60.0

36.7

54 1

Occasional

No.

20000

110000

101001121031400010002018

24

%

5 . 1

28.6

20.0

26.7

19 3

C.-Non-Readers ofEditorials

No.

110001

5102117001100310140000011020

11

33

%

28.2

20.0

20.0

36 6

26.6


TABLE XXI

OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF READERS OF YIDDISHPRESS EDITORIALS

COMPOSITE RESULTS OF TWO STUDIES

A . TYPE OF OCCUPATIONS

1. Skilled Laborers2. Merchants, Manufactu-

rers, Agents, etc3. Professionals4. Housewives

TOTAL

No. ofCases

69

655649

239

Regular ReadersNo.

47

393315

134

%

68.2

60.059.128.9

56.0

OccasionalReaders

No.

5

181413

50

%

7.6

27.723.926.5

21.0

Do Not Readat all

No.

17

89

21

55

%

24.2

12.317.044.6

23 0

RESULTS.

The following facts stand out from the analysis of the tables:

a) Approximately one-fourth (23%) of the readers ofthe Yiddish press pay no attention whatsoever to theeditorials, while more than half (56%) read them regularlyand about one-fifth (21%) read them only occasionally.

b) The housewives, as a group, are the least interestedin editorials. Almost one-half of the women readers ofthis group (44.6%) ignore the editorial comment altogether,while only 26.5% consult it occasionally and 28.9% regu-larly.

c) One of the astonishing results is the high percentageof workers who follow the editorial comment regularly.While the professional and merchant groups outstrip thelaborers when the percentages of both regular and occasionalreaders of this feature are combined,—the total for the


merchants, professionals and workers begin 87.7%, 83% and75.8% respectively, the labor group leads as far as regu-larity is concerned, the proportion of constant readers ofeditorials among the three groups being 68.2% for skilledlaborers, 60% for merchants and 59.1% for professionals.

To one familiar with the type of persons usually foundamong the Jewish laborers, particularly the needle workers,this phenomenon need occasion no surprise. When a groupof members of a mutual aid society in Brownsville hadfilled out questionnaires, the writer, in looking through thereplies, found that a large proportion of the workers amongthem had reported that they read the editorials regularly,and expressed his astonishment at the preponderance ofeditorial readers among the Jewish laborers. One of themore intelligent members of the group, himself a tailor,remarked in Yiddish, "Vns fershteht ihr nit? ColumbusesSchneiders" "Why don't you understand? Columbus'stailors!" " Don't you know who some of America's tailorsare?" This observation is very significant, for it is commonknowledge that among the Jewish skilled laborers may befound many who were students of the Talmud in the countryfrom which they emigrated, men who are frequently farabove the average in mental ability and educational at-tainment, whose occupations are not necessarily in conso-nance with their capacities. This circumstance explains,in part, the unusually high proportion of workers foundamong the most diligent readers of the Yiddish press edi-torials.

On the whole, it appears that the editorials reach thegroups that are in greatest need of the influence which theyradiate. On the other hand, the failure of the vast majority

FORWARD,

TfleJewlsHSoelailsiPressFeile'illM.Office: 32 Suffolk St. N.Y,

Telephone. 1597 Spring.' ''>ai'iy

A JENA/ISM DAILY.

""Published~byThe"'FCRWARD ASSOCfATJoTvOffice: 183'.; DIVISION 8TRKET.

tall Krr,nkl

EARLY FORMS OF EDITORIALS(See pp. 204-210)


of women readers to turn to the editorials is to be deplored;for, with the extension of the franchise, the rank and fileof women have assumed grave civic responsibilities, whichthey will hardly be prepared to shoulder properly unlessthey extend their reading interests to more serious phasesof political discussion, instead of confining their readingalmost entirely to fiction.1

CHAPTER IV

GENERAL SCOPE OF THE CONTENT OF THE EDITORIALS

Having determined that from 56 to 77 per cent ofthe readers of the Yiddish daily press of New York City areprobably guided in the formulation of their opinions andin their action on public questions by the thoughts ex-pressed in the editorials,2 it is of paramount importanceto learn with what prevailing types of problems the edi-torials deal and the attitudes assumed by each individualnewspaper and the press as a whole toward the more im-portant issues raised, so as to get an indication of the typeof influence exerted by the Yiddish press through its edi-torial columns.

A. METHODOLOGY.

1. Selection of the editorials.

To obtain this information, the contents of 1,543editorials which appeared in the following Yiddish dailiesduring a period of six months were analyzed: Tageblatt,

1 Cf., Note 3, bottom of p. 210.2 Cf., Table XXI, Ch. III. p. 213.


Vorwaerts, Morgen Journal, Warheit, and Tog1. To avoidhaving the significant events of any particular period over-shadow the content of the editorials, and to obtain a normal,representative sampling, the six months were selected atrandom from different years, and the period during whichthe United States participated actively in the World Warwas excluded. The editorials appearing during the follow-ing months were finally chosen for analysis and study:January, 1912 and March, 1913 (period preceding the out-break of the World War); November 1914 and July,1915 (during the war, but previous to America's parti-cipation); May 1920, and December 1920 (after the WorldWar, during the period of reconstruction).

2. Procedure in the analysis of the content.

The inductive method was used and the content ofthe editorials was analyzed as follows: Each editorialarticle was read at least twice.2 A special note was madeof the name and date of the newspaper in which it appeared,the heading, the main point or points made by the editorialwriter, and the scope of the content. The data of eachnewspaper for every month and of the press as a wholefor the entire period of six months were classified in ac-

1 Hereafter these will be abbreviated as follows: J. D. N. for JewishDaily News (Tageblatt), J. D. F. for Jewish Daily Forward (Vorwaerts),J. M. J. for Jewish Morning Journal (Morgen Journal), J. D. W.for Jewish Daily Warheit (Die Warheit), and DAY for the Day orDay—Warheit (Der Tog).

2 The issues of the Yiddish newspapers analyzed are on file inthe Jewish Literature Room of the New York Public Library, FifthAvenue and Forty-second Street, New York City (Room 217).


cordance with the themes with which they dealt, and re-grouped under minor and major categories.

In the following pages statistical tables are presentedwhich show the significant editorial tendencies of eachindividual newspaper and of the press as a whole withregard to the following questions:

1. The general scope of the subject matter of the edi-torials.

2. The range of the subjects or themes which aretreated editorially and the distribution of the frequencywith which each topic is dealt or each attitude expressedduring the period under consideration.

3. The classification of the editorial content underminor and major categories.

B. GENERAL SCOPE OF CONTENT

Before considering in detail the actual problems whichare treated and the attitudes which are expressed in theeditorials, it was deemed best to determine quantitativelythe general scope of the subject matter.

Two bases have been employed in subdividing theeditorials in accordance with the scope of the materialcontained therein. The first criterion is geographical, andthe second, racial.

1. Under the geographical distribution, five categorieshave been included; i. e., local, state, national, foreign andgeneral, i

1 See Appendix F, pp. 339-368, for examples of editorials includedunder the various categories in the geographical and racial distribution.


(a) Under local are included editorials which dealwith matters affecting Greater New York City as a wholeor any section of it.

(b) Under state are included editorials which dealwith questions affecting New York State in general or anypart thereof, in particular, outside of Greater New York.

(c) Under national are included all editorials dealingwith matters affecting the United States as a whole or anysection of the country outside of New York State.

(d) Under foreign are included editorials which dealwith questions affecting directly any other country orcountries, aside from the United States.

Here a careful distinction must be made. If the matterdiscussed affected some country outside of the UnitedStates, but the United States was not directly involved init, the editorial was labeled "foreign." On the other hand,if the subject of the editorial affected some country outsideof the United States, but the connecting "link" or "peg"or the "method of approach" was from the point of viewof America's concern in or attitude toward that ques-tion, then it was labeled "national". For example, theUnited States Senate or the President discussed foreignrelations, "national"; comparison between United StatesSenate and the French Senates, "national." But, a foreignmatter like the war between the Allies and the CentralPowers without involving the questions of America'sattitude to either of the belligerents, or a discussion of theTurkish-Balkan War was marked "foreign."

(e) Under general there have been included editorialsdealing with matters affecting people the world over; as,individual and family virtues which are universal in their


application, subjects which can not be limited in their scopeto any of the above categories, for they are geographicallynon-classifiable; or the League of Nations, the need for anassociaion of the world against war, etc. (not, of course,merely a discussion from the point of view of the Senate'sor the President's attitude toward this question).

(2) Under the racial distribution, two groups or cate-gories are included—Jewish and non-Jewish. The formerembraces those editorials which deal with specifically Jew-ish subjects; that is, with matters affecting the Jewishgroup, as Jews. All others have been placed under non-Jewish.

C. GEOGRAPHICAL AND RACIAL DISTRIBUTION

In the following tables, XXII to XXVI, the results ofthe analysis of the general scope of the content of the edi-torials of each Yiddish newspaper have been summarizedand arranged according to months. In Table XXVIIthe statistics of individual newspapers and of the Yiddishdaily press as a whole for the entire period of six months,are given; in Tables XXVIIA and XXVI IB the newspapershave been arranged in accordance with the rank which theyattained in the geographical and racial distribution of theireditorial content; in Tables XXVIII and XXIX they havebeen grouped and arranged in monthly and bi-monthlyperiods; and finally, in Table XXX, comparative data arepresented for the purpose of noting the points of agree-ment and difference in the geographical distribution ofthe content of the editorials between the general metro-politan and rural press and the Yiddish newspapers.


TABLE XXIIGENERAL SCOPE OF CONTENT OF EDITORIALS OF JEWISH DAILY NEWS

(YLDDISCHES TAGEBLATT)

Months

Jan. 1912March 1913Nov. 1914July 1915May 19202Dec. 1920

Total

Local

LJ

11427

134

41

LN

851

1212

29

Number ol

StateSJ

001111

4

S N

121100

5

Editorials

NationalNJ

61723142021

101

NN

1418IS142

19

82

Foreign

FJ

159

15262023

108

FN

87

10127

13

57

GEN

3

3

Total No.of Editori-

als.

636268876486

430

Total No.

of points

907294

11270

103

541

Abreviations of Items in Geographical and Racial Distributions:-LJ—Z,oco/-JewishLN—Local Non-JewishSJ—State JewishSN—State Non-JewishNJ—National JewishNN—National Non-JewishFJ—Foreign JewishFN—Foreign Non-JewishMay 23 & 24., 1920, missing.

TABLE XXIII

GENERAL SCOPE OF CONTENT OF EDITORIALS OF JEWISH DAILY

FORWARD (VORWAERTS)

Months

Jan. 1912Mar. 1913Nov. 1914July 1915May 1920Dec. 1920

Total

LJ

142431

15

LN

171316241213

95

Number of

SJ

oo

oo

oo

0

S N

122020

7

NJ

010000

1

Editorial?

N N

1721178

1821

102

FJ

004434

IS

FN

946

10114

44

GEN

13

4

Total No.of

Editorials

454547505046

283

Total No.of

points

595764726060

372


TABLE XXIVGENERAL SCOPE OF CONTENT OF EDITORIALS OF JEWISH

MORNING JOURNAL (MORGEN JOURNAL)

Months

Jan. 1912Mar. 1913Nov. 1914July 1915May 1920'Dec. 1920

Total

LJ

533454

24

LN

4167622

37

Number of

SJ

0010001

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