The technology of protest

SOUTHAMPTON SOLENT UNIVERSITY

The technology of protest

MA Media dissertation

Supervised by Carolyn Cummings-Osmond

Researched and written by Dominique Renault

7th September 2011

Abstract:

This is a master‟s level dissertation investigating the connection between technology and protest. The

second chapter builds a foundation for the rest of the dissertation. It explores academic theories and

approaches to protest in order to establish an understanding of terminologies related to protest. It then

explores celebrity protest, in order to determine whether famous faces have an influence on protest.

Prior to this the first chapter sets out the structure of the dissertation and contains the literature reviews

for the key texts. The first chapter also contains the methodology for this academic exploration, which

primarily focuses on case studies, highlighting the Vietnam War, the Tiananmen Square Incident and

the Arab Spring as protest with particular technological connections. In the case of the Vietnam War

the technology is still image photography. The relationship between photography and the end of the

Vietnam War is explored in Chapter 3. The Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989 is also investigated in the

third chapter, creating a nice contrast between war and rights based protests. The technology that is

focused on in relation to Tiananmen Square is moving images, particularly the live images broadcast

globally on news channels. Chapter 4 explores the Arab Spring, and event which is on-going at the

completion of this dissertation. The Arab Spring is included because of its relationship with social media.

The fourth chapter goes on to explore in more depth forms of online protest, and the changing face of

activism. The dissertation concludes that although technology can assist protest, and certainly limits

the restrictions, it is not essential for a successful protest.

The technology of protest 2011

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Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction ...................................................................................................... 2

Methodology ........................................................................................................................... 5

Literature review ...................................................................................................................... 6

Chapter 2: Defining protest……………………………………………………….…………….11

Theoretical approaches and definitions ............................................................................ 11

Celebrity protest .................................................................................................................... 21

Chapter 3: Learning from the past................................................................................... 28

Vietnam War .......................................................................................................................... 29

Tiananmen Square ................................................................................................................ 36

Chapter 4:The world and tomorrow…………………………………………………………...41

Defining Social Media ......................................................................................................... 433

Arab Spring ........................................................................................................................... 444

Online protest ....................................................................................................................... 476

Chapter 5: Conclusion ................................................................................................... 566

Appendix 1………………………………………………………………………………………....60

Bibliography .................................................................................................................... 644


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Chapter 1: Introduction

“There may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must

never be a time when we fail to protest.” (Wiesel, 1986)

Introduction

This dissertation will examine and explore the topic of protest and the relationship

with technology, especially new or popular technologies. By new or popular

technologies I am referring to those which have been recently released or are

currently viewed by society as trendy. Talking currently this would refer to social

media1, smart phones, tablet computers etcetera.

The chosen topic for this dissertation, protests, is an area that has been explored

previously, as I will demonstrate in my Literature Review. However this study varies

from existing research in its focus on technology and investigation of developments

through recent history. The geography of this dissertation will include movements

and events over a range of countries, giving a global balance, but will also focus on

specific localised events. The time frame for this dissertation will reach back to the

nineteen fifties and analyse developments leading to looking briefly into the future

as it concludes. By having such a wide time frame, I hope to build a clearer

understanding of the relationship between technology and protest and how it has

changed over time.

It can be argued that society, as a whole, has become more reliant on gadgets

and devices. Does this correlate with technology‟s involvement in protests? This is a

question I hope to investigate further through the course of this dissertation.

1 Social media refers to web based services which allow the user to communicate and share content across the

internet. It is not the same as social networking, although this is included under the umbrella of social media.


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To help guide this dissertation I have also developed other research questions.

Primarily the question was, do developments in technology create developments in

protest movements? But this has expanded over the course of my research. Other

questions include, does technology facilitate the spread of protest messages? And

with more online campaigns developing and the ability to gain the strength of a

global audience, is technology the future of protests? By using these core questions

to guide my research, and indeed the structure and content of this dissertation I

hope to construct a strong and persuasive argument with a clear focus.

The subject area of protest has become very contemporaneous over the past

several months, with social movements globally, but particularly in the Middle East

gaining huge momentum. There has been immense media coverage of

demonstrations, with the topic on protest resting constantly on the front page of

news websites. This progress has been credited to the use of new technologies,

specifically web based technologies such as social networking sites. It is these

recent events that have inspired this exploration, and make it an appropriate time

for such a dissertation to be produced. However it also acts as a hindrance of sorts,

as the volume of information and case studies available is overwhelming, and it

would not be possible to cover everything in the limited space of this dissertation.

It is important to highlight the limitations of this dissertation and I would like to clearly

set out the areas that will not be covered, either at all, or in any great detail. The

work will not be exploring terrorism, although this forms a significant element in the

discussion about protest, and where the boundary is or whether terrorism is just a

propaganda word used to discredit the opposition. However to pursue this in the

content of this dissertation would be to lose focus. The subject of protestors‟

motivation will be explored, however this is not a psychology essay, and I do not wish


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to distract from the focus of technology‟s influence on protest, so this exploration will

be limited. As previously mentioned I will be focusing on key areas, so as to give the

best quality and detail in contextual analysis.

During the course of this dissertation three primary case studies will be explored.

These are; the Vietnam War and the influence of photography, the Tiananmen

Square incident of 1989 and the television coverage, and the Arab Spring of 2011

focusing of the use of web-based technologies. The case studies will be presented

and analysed in chronological order so that the development of technology is

followed, making more logical sense for the progression of the dissertation, allowing

a climax that explores possible directions for the future. The reason I have chosen

these particular case studies is because the technologies within them are all related

to communication. Social media is the easiest to understand in this respect as its

main function is communication and interaction. Television is also fairly obvious in this

attribute, as the use of visual and audio materials are used to communicate

entertainment, messages and events. Photography is perhaps a less explicit form of

communication, but it does allow the photographer to capture an account of real

events to later share with others.

Not only is photography a communication technology but it is also a very easily

interpreted, manipulated and narrative technology. The colloquial expression, „a

picture says a thousand words‟ will be tested in this dissertation. Although web

based technologies often involve words, they also involve the sharing and

distribution of both still and moving images. These primary case studies will also be

supported and challenged by several outlier case studies I have gathered.


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Methodology

For this dissertation the primary methodology used shall be that of case studies. This is

a technique often used for social science based research (Soy,1997), an area of

study this dissertation falls under. Because of the focus on human activities and

methods of communicating a message (which is what protest is centrally about) this

study links to areas of sociology, anthropology, psychology and communicology.

Therefore this dissertation is a cross disciplinary study, as it will incorporate the

theoretical approaches of a number of academic disciplines. It will also draw from a

range of research and study skills and techniques.

As with all methodologies there are both advantages and disadvantages to the use

of case studies as a methodology. One of the advantages is that it allows detailed

contextual analysis. This means that each study can be explored in depth, creating

qualitative data. Within social science and humanity based research it could be

argued the qualitative is preferable to quantitative data, as the involvement of

humanity can cause great variations from case to case, and any quantitative data

could be skewed by a minority of results. Case studies also allow comparisons

between real events, meaning that academic writings are not based purely on

hypothetical scenarios and what „might‟ occur. Also by using comparisons of real

events it may be possible to see some of the possible variations to consider for future

studies.

However, from a disadvantage point of view, case studies can be considered

unreliable, because any conclusions drawn are based on a small sample of

information. It can also be argued that the use of case studies creates bias, as any

data gained will be influenced by the source recounting the events or individual

perspectives on the event. It can also prove a limited methodology, as it is not


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possible to make generalisations, although it could be argued that one should never

make generalisations, as this is poor academic practice. Each circumstance should

be considered on its individual merits, especially within the field of social science, as

there are so many varying factors to consider when investigating at anything

connected to the activities and motivations of human beings.

Both academic readings of theoretical texts and textual analysis will be used in this

study. The academic readings will form a foundation of understanding and criticism

of currently used approaches and conclusions on protests and technology. The

textual analysis will cover still photographic images, news articles, video footage and

web based communication methods. The particular text will vary from case study to

case study, as some will be more relevant at certain points in the dissertation.

Literature review

For this dissertation I will use a number of academic texts to support the theoretical

and critical content of this study. The theoretical frameworks will also provide focus

to the research and exploration of this dissertation. For the purposes of this literature

review I will highlight texts for the three core chapters.

The second chapter, after the introduction, establishes key terms and outlines

understandings about protest. For this The Art of Moral Protest by James M Jasper

has been very useful because it provides a sociological approach to protest

movements. The text offers academic theories on wide variety of forms of protest;

including types of protest action and ways of classifying protests.

From animal rights activists to whistle blowers, referencing from case studies

spanning the nineteenth century to the twentieth century when the book was

published. This book has a focus on emotions and influences of protestors. At times


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this makes Jasper‟s arguments seem less academically robust and more a personal

interpretation. However his arguments often counter act this, laying strong

foundations for any statements made about emotions. He also pays particular

attention to the goals of protestors, intrigued by their intentions. Although this could

be criticised as some may be less concerned with why they do it and more with the

results, I believe it forms a good grounding to explore other areas of protest. Jasper is

a sociologist, and so his human oriented approach is not surprising. This has benefits

for my purposes as it requires case study based research and offers interesting

counter arguments to my own opinions.

Jasper argues that when considering social movements all factors should be

considered. “Cultural sensibilities and processes help define the most “objective”

factors as well as subjective ones, but the continual presence of culture need not

make it invisible.” (Jasper, 1997, p. xi) However objectivity is questionable because it

could be difficult, if not impossible, to come to any academically sound overall

conclusions. Conclusions can only be reached on findings from individual cases if

you are using subjective and cultural considerations, and you cannot achieve a

general understanding. Although it could be counter argued that when considering

anything influenced by human thought or action it is unwise to make generalisations

as individual interpretation and wider social circumstances of the event could affect

the conclusion that is made. Notions of achieving objectivity through other means

may therefore be a fallacy, as some degree of bias will always be present. This is

because our subjective opinions and interpretations are always present, and

influenced by the events throughout our existence. It is nearly impossible to

completely remove ourselves from this subjectivity in order to achieve true


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objectivity. Therefore acknowledging subjectivity may be an adequate substitution

for the ability to achieve objectivity.

Two authors have been particularly relevant in highlighting some key points in

relation to my third chapter, centred on my case studies of the Vietnam War and

Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989. Marita Sturken‟s, Tangled Memories, explores at

the Vietnam War, especially the way that events can be changed over time. This

particularly references the portrayal of events in the media, which eventually

becomes society‟s main reference point (even though it may not accurately reflect

the true events).

The chapter entitled „Camera Images and National Meanings‟ is where Sturken

(1997, pp. 19-20) explores how photography can replace our memories. “The

camera image is a technology of memory, a mechanism through which one can

construct the past and situate it in the present.” Tangled Memories supports my

exploration of older case studies, including the Vietnam War, as it highlights how

time can add new meanings to images, and the objective truth of the image can

be lost. However the book highlights that my understanding and interpretation for

certain aspects of the dissertation will be interfered with by photographs and the

media constructed „truth‟ about certain events. By this I mean that my knowledge of

the Vietnam War is primarily based on news reports and contemporary portrayals in

film and television, many of which may not be an accurate account of events.

As mentioned earlier, the second core chapter focuses on two primary case studies,

the Vietnam War and Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989. China Since Tiananmen:

The Politics of Transition by Joseph Fewsmith has proven to be an insightful text. The

complete approach in this text makes it highly useful to this study. Fewsmith includes


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tables of facts and a chronology of the events of Tiananmen and an analysis of the

after effects. This book not only reviews the event itself, but also the build-up and the

fall out. A well respected and published scholar, Fewsmith is very active in the study

of China, and has a lot of academic credentials in this area. However his focus on

China could mean he lacks a wider perspective, and Western perspectives must

also be considered as an alternative.

Chapter 4 explores the Arab Spring and online protest; it is the most

contemporaneous. This means that some of the texts used for this section may be a

little bit out of date as they refer to technology in 2003 and developments happen

so quickly. However these theoretical principles may still be applicable.

Cyberactivism: Online Activism in Theory and Practice offers many theoretical

frameworks as well as case studies. Chapter contributions are made by a number of

authors but the text is edited by Martha McCaughey and Michael D. Ayers. The

chapter by Laura J. Gurak and John Logie entitled Internet Protests, from Text to

Web is particularly interesting. It explores a variety of aspects of online protest from

networking to online petitions. However it is by no means complete as it does not

include accounts of the use of videos, nor does it mention social networking

websites. However this is because it was written in 2003, when social networking had

not become popular in the way it has now. Some of the most popular and influential

sites were not even created. Internet videos and live streaming has also not become

as popular an important as they currently are as internet speeds were unable to

deliver content in any amounts of quality.

Overall the texts I have selected to assist the development of this dissertation are by

no means a complete guide.


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Chapter 2: Defining protest

“The excitement and optimism of the roaring 1960s may be long gone, but social

and political events over the last four decades have hardly rendered the

investigation of grassroots activism any less relevant or urgent” (Della Porta, 2006,

p.1)

Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to critically explore theoretical approaches and

definitions of social movements. I will deconstruct the theories of theorists such as

James M. Jasper and Donatella Della Porta. By offering criticisms and evaluating

their arguments I hope to reach my own suggestion and understanding of the term

protest. It will also be necessary to establish the meaning of related terms such as

activism and social movement. I shall do this by asking whether these are merely an

alternative way of saying protest. Or do the terms activism and social movement

have their own unique connotations and meanings?

The chapter will also investigate examples of different forms of protesting using a

number of case studies in an attempt to outline what counts as protest. I will

challenge traditional notions that protest is for hippies with placards and introduce

and explore alternative forms, including digital protests such as hacktivism. This

section will also examine participation. Investigating not only at levels of

participation but forms to see what can be counted as protest. In order to do this it

will also be necessary to look a little at roles. Is there a hierarchy of roles within a

protest? Does this hierarchy go from the organiser to the leader to the crowd? Are

some roles more important than others?

This will then lead on to celebrity involvement in protest, with particular focus on

Naomi Klein‟s expression the „Bono-ization‟ of protest. Using the example of the


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Make Poverty History Campaign of 2005 Klein argues, “It was the stadium rock model

of protest -- there's celebrities and there's spectators waving their bracelets. It's less

dangerous and less powerful (than grass roots street demonstrations.)” (Klein, 2007)

This chapter will challenge Klein‟s ideas and offer alternatives in an attempt to reach

a conclusion on the effects of celebrity involvement in protest.

The chapter will then conclude by offering suggested parameters of protest and a

definition built from the exploration and criticism of other theories. It is important that

I establish limitations of the key terms for this dissertation, as it will ensure greater

understanding. Although any conclusion or definition reached may not be definitive

and absolute, it will be the considered definition for the purposes of this study. I will

also explore any issues in developing a definition and the problems this can cause.

Theoretical approaches and definitions

After carrying out detailed research there are three main terms which I believe

require definition before exploring this topic any further. These terms are; protest,

activism and social movement. It must be established whether these terms can be

used interchangeably, or if they have unique characteristics. As it is the term used in

the title of this dissertation, protest shall be the first term explored.

As with most academic studies there are many differing interpretations of the

concept of protest, and what constitutes it. However, I shall not investigate forms of

protest until after establishing a definition for it, and the two other related terms

stated at the start of this section. Donatella Della Port and Mario Diani (2006, p. 165)

argue protest is, “nonroutinized ways of affecting political, social and cultural

processes.” This definition implies a certain amount of chaos associated with protest,

as it is has no routine, to create a sense of familiarity and calm. Della Porta and Diani


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also suggest that protest is „a political resource of the powerless.‟ Indeed looking at

any number of case studies, such as the student fees protests of 2010 that took part

in the UK, or the civil rights movement of the mid-late 20th Century, it is easy to classify

those protesting as powerless. There would be no reason to stage a protest if the

participants were powerful, as they would be able to easily influence decisions to

their favour. It is by definition that these groups of people are powerless that they

have reason to attempt to make their voices heard via protests. However, at the

same time the ability to protest means that they are not completely powerless, as

they have the option of protest which has been known to alter political, social and

cultural processes. If protest was an ineffective method it would have been

disregarded as an activity that could achieve results. This is of course a paradox,

which means that perhaps part of the argument is not true. I would propose that the

powerlessness of those who engage in protest, suggested by Della Porta and Diani,

is merely a state of mind, rather than actual powerlessness. There are some very

good points in their arguments however, as I do not wish to discount them. The

chaos of protest concept is definitely something I have seen reflected in the case

studies I have looked at. A certain sense of drama and the abnormal is what makes

protests an effective form of communication, as they gain media and public

attention. This attention means that even if they are unsuccessful in achieving the

change they seek; the message behind the protest will have spread, raising

awareness for the future. Therefore, although I find flaw in the paradoxical nature of

certain parts of Della Porta and Diani‟s arguments, I can take away as a valuable

and evincible idea their concept of chaos.

James M. Jasper‟s approach to protest disagrees with Della Porta and Diani, as he

argues that protest is a reaction to change, a way of attacking those who threaten


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our ideals and beliefs. “The image of humans as communicators and symbol makers,

trying to make sense of the world, implies that we often protest because our systems

of meaning are at stake, because we have created villains, and villains must be

attacked.” (Jasper, 1997, p.10)

This suggests that protest is a reaction, rather than a pro-active way of seeking

positive changes, as argued by Della Porta and Diani. There are certainly examples

of protest as a reaction, such as the Student Fees protest mentioned earlier. They

were sparked by the UK coalition government announcing plans to cut education

funding and to increase university fees. This threatens British ideals over the right to

education, which dates back to the Elementary Education Act of 1870, and extends

forward to plans to extend UK compulsory education to 18 years old by 2015.

However it is arguable that the Civil Rights Movement was not reactionary, that it

sought to seek new changes. But Jasper would argue that it was a reaction to new

ideas about equality, and protesting against the existing structures which threaten

these concepts. So it does seem logical to argue that protest is a reaction, either

brought about by a new challenge or by new ideas which highlight the restrictions

of existing systems.

Perhaps it is not the cause or motivation of protest which defines it, rather the

actions of participants. This consequentialist approach would value the outcome of

protests, and defend any damage or violence carried out in order to reach said

end. Taking a utilitarian approach to protest seems contradictory to a certain

extent, as utilitarianism emphasises the greatest good for the greatest number, and

protests are more often than not, minority based. Therefore it is arguable that they

will never achieve greatest good for everyone, merely make the lives of minority

groups‟ better (although this does not necessarily mean worsening the lives of the


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majority). Other forms of consequentialism include egoism, which values the

individual over anything else, and altruism, which values everything else over the

individual. Neither of these are really applicable to protest as it is rarely self-serving or

self-sacrificing. Protest tends to be about groups working together towards a

common, ideal based goal.

Perhaps then protest should be considered in a deontological context, as this would

value the motivation over the results. It is possible to argue that protest is a form of

duty, as one must defend their beliefs and ideals. According to Kantian theory,

protest would then be motivated by individuals seeking to fulfil their duty, rather than

based in an emotional reaction as suggested by Jasper. However, considering the

nature of events that can occur during protests, such as marches turning into riots

(as demonstrated by the violence that erupted during the 2010 UK student fees

protest) it seems impossible to disconnect protest and emotion. It is also reasonable

to discount deontology when considering protest, as many of the theories

surrounding it are based in a religious sense of duty. Considering the scope of

participants in a variety of protests across the globe it seems irrelevant to consider

any theory based in religion, as this religion would not apply across the board.

Therefore at this stage I would suggest that protest is a way of challenging existing or

proposed ideals in order to protect the values of those participating, by creating a

form of chaos in order to spread a message. But what about those other terms I set

out to define? Is protest the same as a social movement? Della Porta and Diani, as

well as Jenkins, Klandermans and Johnston would argue that protest is not the same

as a social movement. Although they have many similarities, and social movement

groups certainly do perform acts of protest, there are still differences. Jenkins and

Klandermans define social movement as, “a sustained series of interactions between


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the state and challenging groups.” (1995, p. 5) This is an expanded on in their

definition of social protest which is, “the collective action of social movements that

are attempting to alter the representation system, public policies or the general

relationship between citizens and the state.” (1995, pp.5-6) By this definition then, we

can surmise that protests are the many incidents of actions performed by social

movements. An analogy of which might be social movement is the house and

protests are the various pieces of furniture within it. Without the house the furniture

would lack context and would be a disorganised collection without any tangible

connections. However without the furniture the house would lack functionality and

would probably quickly become abandoned. The two need each other to achieve

their potential.

According to Della Porta and Tarrow, activism, is a word that can be used more

interchangeably with protest. Activism refers to the actions of activists, who are

members of social movement groups. Therefore it is possible to use the term activism

as an alternative to protest. This is further emphasised by that fact that they share

the same forms. Boycotts, petitions, strikes, marches, demonstrations and sit-ins are

all considered to be both forms of activism and protest. Therefore this would seem

to be a logically junction to consider in more detail forms of protest.

Although there are many different forms of protest, some of which were mentioned

in the paragraph above, there are four types that I wish to focus on. These are sit-ins,

riots, marches and rallies. There reason I have chosen these particular forms to focus

on is because they relate to the case studies of later chapter, or have a relation to

technology. The first form I will explore is sit-in, as the Tiananmen Square Incident of

1989 is an example of this, as well as a case study from chapter 3.


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A sit-in is when a group of protestors occupy a space by sitting in it, whether on

chairs and other objects, or on the floor. The benefits of sit-ins include the fact that it

is a non-violent form of protest that also grabs public attention, as it has an element

of spectacle to it; it can cause disruption, as the area of a sit-in may be one often

used by others. The sit-in only ends when the participants are removed, often by

force, by an authority figure, such as the police or military. The use of force on

participants who have not performed any violence can create sympathy from

spectators, thus increasing the likelihood of success.

During the Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989, protestors performed a sit-in in

Tiananmen Square, and were forcibly removed in front of the cameras of the world.

This meant that public opinion rested with the protestors who had not caused any

harm or destruction, rather than the authorities whose reaction seemed

disproportionate and militant. It has already been established in this dissertation that

protest is about communicating a message. That message will always resonate

stronger if you can get the emotions and sympathies of your audience, which is

exactly what a sit-in is designed to achieve. Of course it may not always be the most

appropriate form of protest, as it works best when it is done in a public space. It may

not be preferable, as activists may feel that a louder and more visually dynamic

protest reflects their cause better.

One example of this would be the Slut Walks of 2011. These also take the form of a

march, which is a moving form of protest. One of the reasons that the Slut Walk

protestors may have favoured a march is that part of the spectacle of that

particular protest was costume, something best seen when the wearer is stood up.

The origin of the Slut Walks, which occurred globally, was digital technology, or more

specifically, social media. This makes it an excellent case study for the purposes of


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this dissertation as the relationship between protest and technology is the specialist

area of exploration. After a lecture by a police officer at a college in Canada, one

of the students posted his remarks on Twitter. The comments of the officer were that

if they wished to avoid being raped, female students should avoid dressing like

„sluts‟. The comments caused outrage across the world, and sparked what many

media outlets called a new wave of feminism. This was expressed via the Slut Walks,

which aimed to reclaim the word „slut‟ and to send the message that the blame for

rape should not be placed on the victim. Some of the most popular slogans to

come out of the marches were, „it‟s a dress, not a yes‟ and „we are all chamber

maids‟. The latter refers to the sexual assault case involving former IMF2 managing

director, Dominique Strauss-Kahn and a New York chamber maid. As with any

march the participants began at an arranged location and then marched to a pre-

set destination, which is usually related to the protest, such as a political building. It is

also usual to see participants displaying placards and banners with slogans and

messages embellished on them.

A march may also begin and end in a rally. This is when protestors gather to listen to

speeches or music. Rallies are a very popular form of protest and one that was used

frequently during the movement against the Vietnam War. The Kent State Massacre,

something I will revisit in more detail during Chapter 3, started as a rally. Protestors

gathered to listen to each other and have a chance to express their ideas. Although

predominately non-violent by nature, rallies and marches can turn violent. This is

because of the large quantity of participants all in close proximity and expressing

highly emotionally charged ideas and opinions. As explored earlier, it is hard to take

2 IMF is an abbreviation standing for International Monetary Fund, an intergovernmental organization that

oversees the global financial system.


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the emotion out of protest, and this can lead to violence, especially if the protestors

are confronted by an opposition, such as an authority or government figure.

Tragically this is exactly what happened at Kent State University. The students and

some others have gathered for a rally, and the protestors were making their

speeches when the National Guard showed up. The National Guard is connected to

the government, whom the protestors viewed as their enemy, and therefore they

started shouting abuse and throwing nearby objects such as rocks. The Guards

responded by opening fire and shooting a number of the protestors as well as others

who were out on the campus. The shooting resulting in four deaths and nine being

wounded, all of them were students. However, much like with a sit-in, the combative

and violent retaliation of the authorities meant that sympathy lay with the protestors.

Further anti-war protests were sparked from the events at Kent State.

Violence in protests does not always have to be a consequence. Sometimes it is the

aim of the protest, such as when the form of protest is a riot. Although it is arguable

that rioting is not a form of protest, it is merely an excuse for violence and disruption;

many theorists argue it has an intended effect. Be it a group of animal rights activists

rioting and destroying a laboratory that tests on animals, or the riots that took place

in England in 2011, there is usually a rationale behind it. The riots that took place in

London, Bristol, Birmingham and Manchester (as well as disruptions in other English

towns) in August 2011 left many questioning the reasons why, and others merely

calling them acts of pure criminality. One of the things that led to so much confusion

from spectators was the volume of looting taking place. This meant that the rioters

were written off as opportunistic criminals rather than protestors. Indeed in many

interviews with those accused of taking part the participants seemed unclear of the

reasons behind the rioting and looting. Instead the public was offered rhetoric about


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poverty and government neglect and cuts in funding. This lead to figures such as

Jerry Blackett, chief executive of the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce, and the

Prime minister David Cameron dismissing the unrest as criminality. However an

interview with four alleged looters on Sky News saw one of the accused claiming he

had looted a store at which he had submitted a CV and yet been unsuccessful in

obtaining employment, as a form of „pay back‟. The highly volatile nature of riots

make them a fascinating form of protest as there will always be those participants

who become involved merely as an excuse to cause trouble. This is also apparent in

most forms of protest and another reason why peaceful protests can turn violent.

However as riots are violent to begin with it can be harder to detect the message

and separate those protesting and the opportunists.

The presence of authorities can inspire violence, often from protesters who feel

confronted or intimidated. This makes policing of protest a particularly problematic

area. The British police were heavily critiqued, especially in the media, for their

tactics used during the 2010 student fees protests. They employed a number of

questionable methods such as kittling; as it is designed to force protestors into

confined areas and cause a concentration of energy in the middle of the crowd,

which can lead to innocent protestors being injured. The confinement can also lead

people to act erratically, regardless of whether they ordinarily suffer from

claustrophobia or any other anxiety related conditions. Robert Reiner explores the

policing of protests in Britain; he highlights that many Marxist thinkers view the police

as a force for political control rather than crime prevention. Reiner (1998, p.35)also

suggests that the first attempt to establish a police force in Britain occurred due to

recent unrest, “The first parliamentary attempt to establish a modern police force,

Pitts‟ abortive Police Bill 1785, was immediately inspired by the Gordon riots.” This


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desire to prevent protest is likely to have been known to activists. It is also clear why

liberal or free thinkers would disagree with the prevention of protests, as they

attempt to promote free thought and the authorities seek to enforce restrictions.

These restrictions of course are not necessarily intended in a combative or negative

way, in fact in the West it may be intended to „keep the peace‟ and prevent

spectators and passer-by from being injured. Policing of protest could also be

intended to remove opportunists who wish to incite violence, with no relation to the

cause, thus allowing peaceful protests to continue. However Reiner (p. 48)

discussed middle-class protestors coming into conflict with the police. He stresses

that they are respectable people with a history of supporting the police. “Most

recently, clashes between police and protesters against live animal exports have

often been bitter and provoked many complaints of heavy-handed police tactics.”

However it is a difficult balance for police who have more recently been criticised

by the government, media and public for their seeming non-involvement in the 2011

England riots. I believe that this was fuelled by media images showing officers

standing and watching as looters destroyed and emptied shops. This is because the

images lack the context of dangerous situations the police were in. They had to

face violent gangs with only minimal protection, in the form of a stab vest and

baton. Unlike the USA police officers in Britain do not tend to carry armed weapons

such as guns or Tasers. Regardless of how heavily armed they are it is still intimidating

for a protester to be confronted by the authorities. It is for this reason that the need

for organisation and hierarchy within protest movements becomes even more

imperative.

Now that forms of protests and definitions have been reached, it is appropriate to

consider the hierarchies related to protest. To determine whether there are any such


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systems, whilst also exploring how technology affects them. Most organisations will

have a similar hierarchy. Normally there is a leader, or in some cases multiple

leaders, forming the top of the hierarchy pyramid. Eugene Marlow and Patricia

O‟Conor Wilson argue that hierarchy is necessary for organisational communication.

In turn, good communication establishes and reinforces structure and hierarchy, as

information is distributed down the pyramid and reported to the top. The pyramid

then expands to include a larger level of managers or organisers before continuing

downwards, expanding further to the mass or general staff (in the case of protest,

participants).

Leaders of social movements take on a great responsibility, as if a protest takes a

negative path and results in violence and destruction it is them who will inherit the

majority of any blame and will be sought out by the authorities. It may not always

be the case that there is a definite leader to a social movement. This is especially

true in the digital age, as movements may be started online by a collective

discussion that leads to action, without the need for a single leader. However the

media tends to favour having a leader to centre its reports around (or place blame

or praise on, depending on the course of events). This means that they may hone in

on a figure-head to a social movement. This would be someone who becomes

credited with being in charge but in reality is merely another participant with no

higher elevation than anyone else in the movement.

Celebrity protest

Modern Western culture places great value and importance on celebrities. This is a

view that is supported by writers such as Su Holmes, Sean Redmond and Pramod K.

Nayar. In fact the latter goes so far as to actually state, “We live in a culture of

celebrity.” (Nayar, 2009, p.1) All of the above theorists note the importance of


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celebrities in modern western culture for entertainment and sales purposes. The

influence of celebrity extends far beyond merely selling products however; they

have the power to sell an idea, to sell a moral stance. Celebrity activism is

something that has boomed in the last few decades, with famous faces deciding to

become charity ambassadors, activists and politicians. As argued by Philip Drake

and Michael Higgins who explore, “the increasingly interwoven nature of celebrity

and politics.” (2006, p. 87) They suggest that the line between politicians and

celebrities has become blurred on both sides. They discuss how political figures, such

as party leaders, have become increasingly involved in popular television formats

such as talk shows. This suggests that not only are celebrities becoming more like

politicians, politicians are becoming more like celebrities. Certainly if politicians are

lowering the standards to the level of celebrities then it is unsurprising so many are

getting involved with little fuss. But surely this is inappropriate. Even if politicians

believe, as Drake and Higgins suggest that, “a popular television show enables them

to reach a wider public and circulate their image more effectively than any

conventional political speech in parliament.” (p. 88) Surely this cannot be

considered a substantial enough argument for degrading politics. It is meant to be

on a higher level than popular culture, to be accessible to those who desire to

become involved as they are the ones who will be informed enough to make sound

decisions. However, that relies on the notion that politicians are lowering the

standards to meet celebrities. Perhaps instead celebrities are simply utilising their

potential to reach upwards to the level of politicians. Certainly many of the famous

faces known for entertaining us are supported with an intellectual, questioning and

intelligent mind. Stephen Fry is one such individual who is known for his wit and

insight. I would have no problem with him raising his voice in a political capacity. So


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perhaps it comes down to our definition of celebrity? Nayar (2009, p. 4) suggests, “A

quick answer would be that a celebrity is an individual or event that the public

watches: someone or something that is recognised by a large number of people.” If

celebrity is about a matter of recognition, then perhaps we need categories. For

example one category could be, „known for talent‟ with another being,‟ known for

intellectual ability‟ and a final category, „known for being known.‟ There could then

be subcategories, such as level of talent and so on. This all seems very time

consuming and unnecessary though, especially as we already have language to

describe individuals that fit into each category and sub category. Therefore could

the answer be the language we use? The word „celebrity‟ seems to have been

tainted by „it‟ girls and boys and the talentless armies of reality television. These

„celebrities‟ are incomparable with the talented actors and singers who have

gained stardom from a genuine ability. By using more carefully the labels attributed

to certain individuals it might seem less alarming to the public when an intellectually

gifted actor decided on a career change and runs for a parliamentary position.

However, perhaps it is not terminology that is the problem, but the concept of a

career change with no visible retraining. A client is unlikely to trust an accountant to

re-wire their home; unless they can produce evidence they have been trained as an

electrician. Logically there is no reason why this could not be applied to a celebrity

with no apparent training in politics.

Within the case studies I have chosen to focus on in this dissertation, there is

evidence of celebrity activism. Jane Fonda was well known for action against the

Vietnam War, and many others have spoken out over poverty and the third world.

Naomi Klein refers to the „Bono-ization‟ of protest. It is not that there is anything

exclusively wrong with the U2 frontman, it is simply that Bono is a particularly vocal


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celebrity activist that he seems to gain focus in discussions. Certainly he is not alone

in his transition from being known for talent to being known for political activities. The

United States has developed a history of celebrity involvement in politics, from

Edwards Bernays public relations campaign (intended to make President Coolidge

more appealing to voters by presenting him „hanging-out‟ with celebrities), to

celebrities becoming political leaders, such as Ronald Regan and Arnold

Schwarzenegger. But Klein argues that celebrity involvement in activism devalues

and even trivialises important causes. In a 2007 speech at the Cheltenham Literature

Festival Klein discussed the „Bono-ization‟ of protest. Referring to the 2005 Make

Poverty History Campaign, she said, “It was the stadium rock model of protest –

there‟s celebrities and there‟s spectators waving their bracelets. It‟s less dangerous

and less powerful (than grass roots street demonstrations.)” Although Klein does

have a valid point, as it is arguable a proportion of the spectators would be there

simply due to the celebrity involvement and not because they valued the cause.

However I find the use of the word spectator questionable. It implies passivity, and

most of the attendance would be actively participating in one form or another.

Whether it is giving money, or spreading the message the next day at the water

cooler. The objection to this sort of protest relies on assuming people would

otherwise still engage in the topics. Otherwise it is arguably better for people to

participate in a reduced capacity, or even spectate due to the involvement of

celebrities, yet still be aware of the cause. Public awareness will cause vote seeking

governments to perform some sort of positive action towards assisting the cause,

even if this gesture is only token, it is perhaps better than nothing. However, in

defence of Klein‟s assertions there were no celebrities offering concerts for students

in 2010. Yet they took to the streets in their thousands, perhaps because they felt


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strongly about the cause and had no other outlets for expressing their objections.

Maybe if Bono had thrown a concert or launched a new coloured iPod to

supplement student fees they would not have taken to the streets. Or perhaps the

real revelation is that human beings, particularly in the Western world, are selfish and

respond only to things that are connected to them. For example the student fees

protest was about the future of young people in the United Kingdom, and although

many of those protesting would not be affected, they were still involved with

education at the time, hence the connection to them. Equally with the Make

Poverty History campaign, the connection became celebrities. They are a part of

many individual‟s daily life, whether they are staring at us from a magazine, talk to us

on the radio, entertaining us on television or Tweeting about their day. Celebrities

can create interest in a subject that would otherwise not interest members of the

public. In his essay about celebrity activism Darrell M, West refers to an example

involving an American TV producer, Phil Griffin and actress Goldie Hawn. After

urging Congress to vote on a China trade bill during a press conference, Ms Hawn

was invited on to the television show by Mr Griffin. His reasoning as expressed by

West was that, „It was a way to draw attention to a technical subject that normally

did not elicit much public or press interest.‟ (p.4)

Whether or not you agree with celebrities becoming involved in social movements

and politics it is undeniable that they cause people to engage with topic they would

otherwise find unappealing. Of course there are arguments that this sort of shallow

and superficial engagement is unsustainable for long periods of time, and therefore

is unlikely to ever lead to real change. But it perhaps increases the chances that

someone with the determination to cause change will become aware of the issue

and embark on more sustainable route of protest.


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Conclusion

This chapter has established the definitions that shall be used as a basis for the rest of

this dissertation. This includes the establishment that the terms protest and activism

may be used interchangeably. However, the term social movement implies a

number of protest movements in aid of the same cause, and thus cannot be used

interchangeably with the above terms, but separately to indicate a connection

between numerous events. This chapter has also begun to explore forms of protests

and what the limitations and benefits to activism are. There will be a further

exploration of these through the case studies in the preceding chapters.

Benefits of activism are that it allows participants to communicate their message,

and empowers them by giving them a voice. This is essential in the pursuit of both

democracy and equality. For it is vital that everyone has an equal chance to share

their views if society is to be deemed just. However, the expression of voice also

means it is easy to see when a movement does not have popular support and so is

unlikely to influence society. After all the more people on the march, the bigger the

impact and the more society and a whole have to pay attention and evaluate the

message being sent.

It is also important to recognise limitations. Protest does not have all the answers,

and sometimes government sentiment can overpower even extremely popular

messages. This is something we are currently seeing in the Middle East where

government are imprisoning and killing citizens rather than acknowledge and

discuss the message being presented, which is the desire for democracy and justice.

Technology is breaking down this limitation by allowing messages to be spread

globally, either by being captured in an image that is distributed, broadcast in live

moving images or expressed through text in a Tweet of post. Whichever medium the


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message takes it can now be distributed globally and instantaneously. Therefore

connecting with and moving people from remote location. This encourages citizens

from other countries, societies and culture to pressure their own governments to

initiate international sanctions and trade embargos on countries that do not treat

their citizens justly.

The limitations of this dissertation also extend to the depth it is able to explore themes

within this topic. Although I have touched on motivation I am not able to cover it in

depth as there is not enough psychological foundation to this study. I am also

restricted as I have not carried out any primary research in the form of

questionnaires or interviews. Therefore any conclusions of this topic are based on

academic theory, rather than accounts.

Overall this chapter has illustrated that protest is a very powerful tool, which can be

used in many different ways. The following chapter will allow a fuller exploration in

some of the ways protest has been used in conjunction with technology.


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Chapter 3: Learning from the past

‘I saw courage both in the Vietnam War and in the struggle to stop it. I learned that

patriotism includes protest, not just military service.’ (Kerry, 2003)

Introduction

This chapter will explore historic case studies of protest and technology. For this

dissertation I have selected two primary case studies to use as a focus. These are the

Vietnam War (1955 - 19753) and Tiananmen Square Incident of 1989. Each of these

case studies centres around a different form of technology, but I will evaluate the

impact of technology in both cases.

When considering historic case studies it is important to analyse them in the context

of the social and cultural circumstances and influences of the time, and not to try

and fit them into contemporary society. This would lead to a misunderstanding and

misinterpretation of not only facts and motivations but also language and customs. It

is also important to acknowledge bias or understandings created by contemporary

representations of an event. For example the cinematic depiction of a conflict

could influence, even only subconsciously, any academic evaluation of said

conflict. This would of course be poor practice, but may at times be unavoidable.

When considering the Vietnam War, the technology I will be focusing on is still image

photography. I will be evaluating claims that photography was a major contributing

factor to the end of the war, as well as exploring the extent of which still images

motivated and influenced protests. This will involve exploring photography as a form

of communication. It will also involve looking at images in their original context, so

3 Although there is some debate about the exact date the Vietnam War started as there was no official declaration

of war.


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that interpretations are as accurate as possible. For this section it will also be

necessary to explore theoretical approaches to the Vietnam War. This will include

Tangled Memories, which I mentioned in the Literature review.

After this I shall be considering the Tiananmen Square Incident. In this case study the

form of technology being explored is television, particularly live moving images. I will

investigate whether moving images have more of an impact than the still ones

evaluated in the section on Vietnam, whilst considering the need for technology to

evolve and the speed at which this is happening.

Of course it will also be necessary to explore the background to the protest that took

place in China in 1989. Establishing what led to the television images that told the

story to the world as it was happening. After which I will explore the consequences

of the Chinese government‟s actions against protestors, and the role technology

played in this. I shall investigate whether there were global ramifications, and if they

are still relevant and on-going.

Vietnam War

As explained earlier, this case study was selected because of the involvement of

photography, as a form of technology. It has been argued by many, such as Robert

Elegant, that photography, primarily the reportage of image in the media, is

responsible for American‟s only lost war. But can photography really be considered

a form of technology? It is certainly not what most would consider „high tech‟, which

presently refers more to smartphones or other computer based technologies. This is

especially relevant as the still image cameras used during the Vietnam War were not


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digital4. This depends on your definition of technology. Although some would turn to

the dictionary at this point, it would be poor academic practice, as this type of

rudimentary definition does not explore the wider implications of language. Despite

what a dictionary might tell us there will always be variation in individual

interpretations. Therefore I will set out what is meant by technology for the purposes

of this dissertation. Technology refers to the application of scientific knowledge for

practical purposes. Although some would allude to this involving the creation of

equipment or machinery, I feel with modern developments of new technology

including things such as Social Media and other intangible products are relevant.

Using the above definition it is easy to see how still image photography is included,

as it is based on scientific understanding of light and has the practical purpose of

capturing moments to illustrate events to those who were not present. Of course it

also has the purpose of capturing moments for those who were present in order to

preserve and assist their memories. This also highlights that photography is a

communication based technology, which makes it the perfect aid to protest, which

is about communicating a message.

It is one thing to establish that photography enables better communication; it is

quite another to suggest it caused a very proud and patriotic nation, which has

never lost a war, to withdraw from a conflict. It would also be ridiculous to not

consider that other domestic and international issues would have played their part.

During the period of 1955 to 1975 (when it is most commonly agreed the war took

place), the United States had to deal with many issues on their own soil. The Civil

Rights Movement that divided the country took place during the duration of the

4 Although there is some debate about what constitutes a digital camera, it is considered that the first ones

were not available until the nineteen-eighties with consumer versions being launched in the nineteen-nineties.

This is all well after the end of the Vietnam War.


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war. It involved riots, marches and violence as well as many America people having

to alter their perceptions on race. The assassination of President John F. Kennedy,

who had been involved in the early stages of the Vietnam War, also challenged the

strength of many patriots. It is also not possible to ignore the length of the war, which

spanned at least two decades. This means many would have grown up with the

War.

The domestic context means that American citizens would not have been averse to

seeing protest at the time. With attentions split between the war at home and the

war in Vietnam, it would have seemed like a turbulent time to many. Does this then

mean people would have had a greater immunity to the pleas of protestors to end

the war? And how does photography fit into this? Did the images inspire the

protestors, or would they have campaigned as hard without the photographs? This is

something we may never know, as it is highly based on personal opinion. However,

we can explore case studies in order to establish whether the release of images had

a correlation with an increase in protest. I will focus on two in particular, as they

involve protest inspiring protests. They are the „Burning Monk‟5 and the Kent State

Massacre6, both famous photographs and famous protests. The images of Phan Thi

Kim Phuc in Nick Ut‟s Pulitzer Prize winning photograph7, often referred to as Napalm

Girl is also one of the most emotive images from the Vietnam War. It depicts a young

girl, Phan Thi Kim Phuc, after a napalm attack, running down the street burned and

naked, with other village children. Nothing can capture the notion of innocence as

much as a child and the nudity makes her seem even more vulnerable, leading to

5 See Fig 4 in Appendix 1




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public outrage that she could be a victim caught up in a war that was already

loosing popular support.

Looking at the images of Thich Quang Duc, also known as the „Burning Monk‟ seems

particularly relevant in a discussion of protest. Not only was this an act of protest

against the events of a previous protest, it inspired protests. To simplify this I should

explain that in early May 1963 Buddhist monks had staged a rally, in protest over

persecution from the government. The Republic of Vietnam (to whom the US was

allied) sent in forces to quash the protests. Those forces ended up over-reacting and

killing several protestors. Then on the 11th of June 1963 a sympathetic protest was

held by Buddhist monks, at which Thich Quang Duc was present. As recalled by

Gerad J. DeGroot, “the Venerable Thich Quang Duc quietly sat down in a public

intersection, doused himself with gasoline, and set himself alight.” (2000, p. 81) The

reaction of Americans watching this can also be alluded to via the account of

DeGroot, “I was bewildered by television reports of what I now realize was the self-

immolation of a Buddhist bonze on a Saigon street in 1963.” (p.ix) Indeed these

images, whether they were seen on television or on the page of a newspaper, are

still alarming today. This suggests that photographic technology is influential in

protest; as if the images still have impact today it is logical they would have had an

impact over forty years ago. It is rather ignorant to suggest that such shocking

images would not have motivated or encourage at least some protestors, as

everyone reacts in a different way to such images.

I briefly touched upon the Kent State Massacre in chapter 2, but I would like to look

at it more in detail here, with closer attention to the images it produced. It started as

a peaceful protest, which through a series of misunderstandings and overreactions

led to the death of four innocent students. The unusual and tragic events of Kent


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State made it a highly influential moment in the Vietnam War, even though it took

place on America soil and did not involve any enemy troops or civilians. John Filo‟s

photograph8 of dead student Jeffery Miller, lying on the ground with fourteen year

old Mary Ann Vecchio kneeling over him and screaming, has become a defining

image of the events. It won a Pulitzer Prize and has been featured in many historic

articles and books. Yet much of what occurred on May 4th 1970 was not at all out of

the ordinary. Students protesting about the Vietnam War were a regular occurrence,

both in Ohio and across the country, even internationally in places such as Europe.

In fact it was previous rallies at Kent State University that had gained the attention of

Ohio officials. The National Guard being deployed to defuse or contain mass

violence was also not unusual. In 1957 they had been called in to deal with angry

mobs at Little Rock Central High in Arkansas. The mob was hurling abuse and

refusing Elizabeth Eckford9 and eight other black students entry to the high school.

They were the first ever black students to be integrated into the school. Although the

incidents on their own were not unusual, it was their combination that resulted in the

tragic historical moment. This is also where the addition of photography becomes

significant, as the images of a student‟s body lying on the ground forced the public

to confront the event. Supported by the anguish on Mary Ann‟s face and the

confusion of all those surrounding the pair, it is intended to connect with the viewer

on a deep emotional level. It is the stillness of photographs that causes them to have

the impact they do. Capturing and freezing a moment in time thus highlighting

details and emotions, then confronting the audience with them. This unfortunate




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event led to further protests, both by those who had already been vocal in their

disapproval and those who have been horrified by the images of Kent State.

But Gerad J. DeGroot does not think protestors influenced the end of the war. ‟The

protesters, for all they might claim otherwise, did not inspire a popular will to end the

war. The war itself did that.‟ (DeGroot, 2000, p. 254) Talking about the Vietnam War,

which he claims was initially popular; Gerad J. DeGroot argues that it was the

duration of a war without success that led to the defeat in Vietnam. He also does

not believe the media had anything to do with the end of the war, rather arguing

they reflected the sentiment of the war. This is an interesting perspective, as arguing

that the war was destined to fail because it was too drawn out and lost public

support takes the power away from the influence of liberals. This could reveal a

conservative bias, something to be mindful of when considering his arguments. It

also suggests that efforts to sway people through anything other than cold hard

facts will be unsuccessful. This is of course extreme, and academically poor. DeGroot

criticises Robert Elegant for suggesting that the war was lost on the „printed page’,

arguing that such a statement is „profoundly stupid’ and demonstrates a „deep

ignorance’ as, “American soldiers had first to taste defeat in Vietnam for the war to

become intolerable at home.” (2000, p.255) Indeed DeGroot has a point that failings

in the war effort were real and not a construct of media representations. However

he himself demonstrates ignorance in not accepting that such defeats are reported

and often exaggerated by the media. Certainly many Americans would have heard

of troubles in the war without the existence of the media, but would they have had it

so graphically presented to them with their morning coffee? Without the media and

photography would the rest of the world have been so vividly aware of the events?

Perhaps it is something we will never know, however it seems highly unlikely that


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coverage, so immediate, and so detailed could have been presented without the

assistance of technology.

A opponent of DeGroot‟s arguments would be Thomas Rid, who states that,

“Correspondents and their editors were undermining the American support for the

war by putting gruesome images of wounded soldiers and reports of atrocities that

were committed by Americans in Vietnam on TV screens.” (2007, p.53) He also

claims that this was the opinion of many in the US military. Rid refers specifically to

television but the „gruesome images‟ would encompass still images as well. The

constant confrontation with such images would have made it almost impossible to

enter a state of denial about what was going on. Critically however, Rid is attributing

the defeat to the influence of the media not the influence of protestors. As he

illustrates the military‟s fears over the media‟s ability to influence public opinion, and

thus force a withdrawal, is illustrated in the post-Vietnam war reporting restrictions

that have been imposed. These include the establishment of embedded reporters,

who have limited access and are accompanied by a member of the military at all

times, who may confiscate any images they do not wish to be broadcast. Essentially

they are now able to vet any material aired. As Rid argues, “Eliminating the media‟s

access to the battlefield, it was reasoned, would eliminate the problems created by

having the media on the battlefield.” (2007, p. 63) There were no such restrictions

imposed on protesting, so does this imply it had less effect? I would argue that it

does not imply the ineffectiveness of protest, rather the connectedness of the media

and protestors. It indicates that the military considered protestors to be influenced

and motivated through the photography and other reports the media were bringing

them.


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But during the Vietnam War televising moving images were also beginning to play

more of a role. One example of this would be General Nguyen Ngoc Loan

executing a Vietcong prisoner on a Saigon street. The images of the execution were

broadcast on television station across the United States of America; however it is

arguable that the still images captured by Eddie Adams10 proved more powerful.

Adams was able to capture the moment between life and death. In the television

images it all happens very fast, one moment the prisoner is alive, then a bang and

he falls to the ground, dead. In the photograph however, the moment is suspended,

the viewer must linger on the pain and fear on the prisoners face, contrasted with

the cool and calm look of the General, an ally to America. This suggests that

although television images have the ability to follow an event and show you

everything that is happening, a still image makes a statement as forces the view to

confront an event, perhaps making it a more powerful aid to protest.

Tiananmen Square

In June 1989 a series of pro-democracy protest, mainly involving students, took place

across China. The most infamous of these protests occurred at Tiananmen Square in

Beijing. The notoriety of these events was because, as protestors performed a sit-in

occupying a public square, the Chinese government ordered military troops to

disperse them. This resulted in the disproportionate use of force toward the protestors

and the deaths of many innocent citizens.

The tragic turn of events is not the only aspect of the Tiananmen Square Incident

that led to its inclusion in this dissertation. The technological elements of this protest

are also of specific interest, with the form of technology being television. Television is

10

See Fig 6 in Appendix 1


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a form of communicative technology that most Western homes possess. Indeed

according to figures held by the Broadcasters‟ Audience Research Board in 1989,

the year of the Tiananmen Square Incident, 21.1 million households in the United

Kingdom owned a television. That is out of a total of 21.7 million households,

meaning the majority had a television. From these figures it is easy to see what an

impact broadcast events would have in the Western world, with the rest of Europe

and the United States of America having similar ownership levels. Although the

events of Tiananmen Square occurred in China, they were broadcast live across the

world. Having the scenes of violence and militancy from the Chinese government

against the protestors presented live in their own home inevitably intensified the

reaction of the Western world. It is also important to stress the relevance of the

footage being broadcast live. By 1989 viewers would have been fairly used to the

concept of television, so the fact that images were being broadcast was not

shocking. They would also have been accustomed to a degree of violence in pre-

recorded images (most viewers would have been aware of past atrocities such as

the Vietnam War and the images related to that). However they were not used to

seeing live unedited images of such violence, broadcast straight into their homes.

But can the television images and the protestors really be linked? It was not the

protestors who invited the cameras over, but the Chinese government. They has

invited western reporters to cover to Sino-Soviet summit. Peaceful protest had begun

before the military intervention and the media attention was sparked, but it had

gained little international recognition. Considering this, it is hard to believe the

protestors would have gone out with the intention of gaining media attention when

things turned violent due to military intervention. But whether they wanted the

cameras there or not, it is undeniable that the broadcasts spread the message


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globally and ensured the western world was on the side of the protestors. So can

technology be considered a tool of protest if it was not originally intended to be a

part of the protest? To determine that we must consider how plausible it is that the

cameras being there during the protest was a complete coincidence. It is logical to

assume that the protestors would have known television cameras would be around

to film the Sino-Soviet summit. It is also plausible to conclude that such large scale

protests would eventually gain at least local news coverage. One might even go as

far to suggest that the chance of some degree of militancy could have been

predicted, knowing that the communist government was viewed as authoritarian.

Therefore it could be suggested that the protestors did anticipate their message

being broadcast across the world via the television cameras.

Alternatively a debate could be had about whether the intention for images to be

broadcast by the protestors is of consequence. After all, they served a valuable

purpose in assisting the protests, by sending the message globally. They also enabled

protests in Europe. Does the use of a tool have to be premeditated to be of value? I

would argue that it does not. As long as it achieves the desired effect, then it is of

value and entirely relevant. Of course, it should also be considered whether the link

between protest and technology always has to be that technology is a tool.

Perhaps it can still be considered essential as assistance. As it could be argued that

without the television cameras, the Tiananmen Square Incident would not have had

such an impact globally. Indeed it could not have had the same impact locally

within China, as the propaganda and edited reports would have disguised the truth

and caused it to be disregarded. And although it could be counter argued that the

news would have spread without television, this news would have been greatly

delayed, and may not have made it out of the country due to censorship.


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It was not only television cameras that captured the events of Tiananmen Square,

the still image photographs also played their part. This is interesting to consider as it

shows that even when new technologies appear, older ones can still have value.

The images of „Tank Man‟ also known as the „Unknown Rebel‟ are probably the most

famous taken during the 1989 incident. There were very similar images taken by four

photojournalists who were all staying in the same hotel, overlooking the street where

the incident occurred. Seeing this one lone man standing up to a line of tanks in Jeff

Widener‟s photograph11 is very striking. The notion of one individual standing up for

his believes no matter how outnumber it appears he is, is an inspiring image that had

a deep impact on many seeing it. Arthur Tsang Hin Wah12 captured the moment

when the Unknown Rebel climbed onto of the tanks as part of his protest, he then

went inside to try and negotiate with the driver. Overall the still images prove that

the lingering nature of photography still has an impact even when there is live

moving coverage competing with it, it is still an aid to protest.

The ramifications of Tiananmen Square are still felt, both in China and internationally.

James F. Scotton discusses the fear of Chinese reporters after the event, “An Asian

editor had found Xinhua‟s news service much stronger in the 1980 but believed the

agency‟s journalists lost their initiative after those who showed signs of supporting the

1989 protestors were disciplined.”(2010, p.123) This fear was echoed in other parts of

Chinese society, as the government restricted the free flow of information. „It has

been estimated that more than 50 million people in mainland China tune in to

foreign radio stations for information they cannot get from Chinese sources. Chinese

authorities are active in blocking these broadcasts.‟ (Hachten, 2010, p.204) There

11

See Fig 5.1 in Appendix 1

12 See Fig 5.2 in Appendix 1


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were ramifications for the West as well, with international media being banned from

China. Western companies such as Google are still involved in clashes with China

over its media and internet censorship as exemplified by Hachten (p. 204), „China

also continues to block websites it regards as politically sensitive.‟ The term „politically

sensitive‟ is a very broad term as it could encompass many events and actions.

Protesting social and cultural traditions and beliefs could be considered a politically

sensitive matter. Therefore any website that challenges the ideas of the government

could be considered to be in politically sensitive.

Conclusion

Historically technology may not have been a method of protest but it has certainly

acted as a support. This support may not have been entirely essential for a protest to

have taken place. But certainly for the protests to have had the impact and in some

cases success that they did then the presence of technology was entirely crucial.

The importance of technology can also be demonstrated in governmental decisions

to ban it, directly following major protests.

This chapter has explored two crucial historical protests, one conflict related and

one related to governmental change and human rights. These are two very different

areas, and yet the method of protest works by the same basic principles. Both also

caused disproportionate response from the authorities, which proves that protest

does have an effect and can lead to change.

Technology was comparatively under-developed during the time of both case

studies, with where it is today, however it was still substantial in circulating the

message globally. This suggests that technology does not have to be advanced or

current in order to be an aid to protest.


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Chapter 4: The world and tomorrow

‘We make friends, keep in touch, shop and listen to music online, isn’t it obvious that,

when democratic changes happens, it happens online too?’ (Williamson, 2011)

Introduction

This chapter will investigate my current case study of the Arab Spring13. This refers to

a current wave of revolution and protests happening across most of the Middle East

and North Africa. The main countries to have media coverage of their protests are

Egypt, Libya, Syria and Bahrain. One of the reasons the protests have gained

popular attention is the use of social media sites for organising marches,

communicating between activists and spreading the word to the outside world. I

also find interest in the way social networking has been used by governments, often

to threaten protesters. The extremely personal reporting and recording of events is

also of great intrigue and therefore an area that deserves exploration. However, due

to the fact that this is an on-going wave of protests there is little in the way of

published texts on the topic, either academic or otherwise. Therefore the theoretical

aspects of this chapter will come from general approaches to protest and journal

articles.

The chapter will analyse how the Internet and in particular social media has

influenced current protests. This will mean defining what is meant by social media,

which includes but is not the same as, social networking. It may be necessary in this

chapter to name certain companies, whose sites are particularly popular. However

this does not mean that other companies‟ sites have not been used, it simply means

that they have not seen as much traffic or been as influential. Some may consider it

13 The Arab Spring is also known as the Middle East Unrest and is generally thought to have begun in December 2010.

There is not yet an official end date as it is still on-going (as of the date of this dissertation)


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bad practice to name specific websites, as the discussion is more about the

technology. However as each website has a slightly different way of working, and

the popularity of that site directly affects its usefulness as a form of protest, I feel it is

important to name them in this particular chapter.

Internet theory, including forms of online protest, is another area that needs

investigation to gain an understanding of growing trends and to understand what

the future might contain. With regards to other forms of online protest this writer has

a particular interest in hacktivism. The word creates immediate intrigue by

combining „hacking‟, something predominately portrayed as a destructive and

criminal activity, with „activism‟ which is often seen as a positive campaign for rights

and freedoms (if not potentially militant in the ways it sees these rights and

freedoms). Therefore the term conjures to me something of a „Robin Hood‟ scenario,

certainly an area that demands further exploration in this chapter. Recent high

profile hacktivism groups that have gained the media spotlight include Anonymous

and spin off group LulzSec. Both of which will be a point of focus in my exploration of

hacktivism.

The future will be the finishing point of this chapter, looking ahead to see whether

online protest could become a dominant form. It will also consider and analyse

possible threats to online protests including proposals from the UK government to

give police powers to block access to social media sites such as Twitter. Could such

a move also be a threat to the democracy the country prides itself on? This is

something I will be exploring.


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Defining Social Media

As this chapter centres on the use of Web 2.014 tools in protest, in particular social

media it is important to establish what is encompassed by this term. Social media is

not a term that can be used interchangeably with social networking. Social media

refers to tools on the internet which allow users share content. Within social media

participants may not know each other, and they are not required to interact.

However social networking involves users actively setting up connections between

each other, thus creating a social network. Access to content published within social

networking sites may have restricted access, with only those the publisher has

established a connection with able to view it.

Social media has been involved in a number of recent events, not only the Arab

Spring, but also riots in England and flash mobs15 in Philadelphia, USA. In regard to

the riots across the UK social media has proven it can be used to both positive and

negative effect. Regardless, it is about mass communication, and distribution of

information.

However it is important to note that social media can lead to the spread of rumours,

much faster than would occur without digital technologies. This can be done

deliberately, in order to influence events, or it can be innocent misinformation,

although the consequence can still be negative. This issue was raised during the UK

riots, as rumours spread about the location of disruptions; many feared that the false

information would lead to problems in these areas. The logic behind this was that if it

14

Web 2.0 refers to the current version of the web. It differs from previous versions as it involves interactivity and

engagement rather than passive receipt of content.

15 A flash mob is when a group of people suddenly descend on an area and perform a predetermined action

before quickly dispersing.


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is falsely reported there is rioting and looting at location X that potential participants

will see this and go to location X. Despite the fact there was no disorder at location X

when everyone turns up to find it they may decide to start their own disorder.

Arab Spring

The Middle East saw a wave of activism as young people claimed to stand up for

democracy. But one of the factors that made this outbreak of activism particularly

worthy of academic exploration was the involvement of Web 2.0 technologies. The

involvement of these tools meant that events were instantly transmitted around the

globe. It also meant that many of the accounts were very intimate, as individuals

could broadcast their perspective and opinion across the world via blogs, online

video sharing and social networking. As I mentioned in the introduction to this

chapter, it will be necessary to name specific social media companies in the

chapter because it is directly related to the fact that these companies have a large

proportion of the market, and therefore a huge captive audience, that their use in

protest was so momentous. Some of those that have been most cited for their

involvement include YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, although blogs have also

played a major part with these being based across a wider range of companies.

One of the benefits of the internet is that participants can retain a certain degree of

anonymity if they desire. The concept of online identity is something that will be

explored in more depth later on in this dissertation. Asides from anonymity users

might also use pseudonyms, to create an online identity separate to that of their real

life identity. However this is something that many of the most popular social

networking sites are trying to change, for example Facebook and Google Plus both

insist on a full name. The Social Networking sites have insisted they enforce these


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rules in order to make networking easier, as people are more likely to search for a

user‟s commonly used real name. However many users of pseudonyms have argued

that they are known online by their alternative name, and that this is the identity

they may have spent a decade or more creating and participating under, therefore

it will be the name any contacts would search for. Of course there are benefits to

the user of a false name, as it allows them to separate their real life from their online

life, freeing them up to make comments that they may not want traced to their real

life identity. This can be both beneficial, in allowing individuals to show support for

social movements without fear of personal retribution in an oppressive dictatorship

or authoritarian governed state. As with most things however there is a negative

aspect, as some users may feel a pseudonym allows them to make offensive, racist

or hateful comments without being concerned it will be traced back to them. Their

normal sense of restraint and propriety is removed. However online identities can

also have a detrimental effect in that even if a user appears to be using a real

name, they may not be who they claim to be. The Arab Spring has also played a

part in highlighting how online anonymity can cause other participants to be misled

over a user‟s identity. The Gay Girl in Damascus blog gained many followers as it

claimed to be a first-hand account of 25 year old Amina Abdullah Arraf al-Omari, a

lesbian half Syrian, half American girl living in Damascus during the uprising. When a

post from Amina‟s cousin alleged that Amina had been kidnapped by government

forces from the street there was a global outcry, with many influential activist sites

launching petitions for her safe return, and articles about the abduction on many

Western newspapers and websites. However it was later revealed that there was no

Amina, and the blog was in fact written by an American man studying in Scotland

by the name of Tom MacMaster. Despite the anger from followers, activists and


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others, many of whom claimed the blog had damaged the reputation of Syrian

activist and genuine LGBT16 citizens in Syria, MacMaster claimed that he was an

activist and the aim of the blog was to raise the profile of genuine struggles. As an

academic one should consider if it is of any consequence whether a the blog was

authentic, as it successfully conveyed the intended message, and raised awareness

of a situation that was occurring, in a way that those genuinely affected were

unable to.

Despite the benefits of online activism some argue that it is not yet at a stage to be

a sole source of protest; the technology is merely a supporting agent to events that

would happen with or without the presence of technology. An article published on

the BBC by Anne Alexander states that, “When one channel of communication is

blocked, people try another.” This remark was made in reference to the involvement

of digital technology in the Egyptian protest, when the government blocked internet

access in the country, and yet the demonstrations continued. It is undeniable that

the internet is not the sole medium of protest. It could even be said that it never will

be until the internet is the sole medium of life, which is an idea that is currently still

mere fantasy. However this writer would pose the question, is any medium of protest

ever the sole medium? Or perhaps is it better for academic purposes to consider

primary methods, those chosen initially, as although these may not always prove

effective, by analysing protestors preferred mediums of protest, we can better

understand the direction social movement is travelling in? As Alexander highlights,

people will always seek another option when one path is blocked; it would be

ridiculous for them to give up when faced with an obstacle unless they had no

conviction in their aims. However by considering the route they choose to start on,

16 LGBT is an abbreviated term that stands for Lesbian Gay Bisexual and Transgender.


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when presented with many different paths to travel, including those with

technology, we can assess the importance of technology in the opinions of those

protestors who initially use it. In regards to the Arab Spring, and other physical

protests begun online, without the social networking communication of Facebook,

Twitter and others, the movements would never have gained enough momentum to

begin.

Online protest

Modern Western life is becoming increasingly digital, which can be evidenced

through the fact an increasing number of everyday activities are now available to

do on the internet. These include banking, shopping (including grocery shopping)

and socialising. Therefore it seems only logical that the Internet and other forms of

digital technology are becoming increasingly integral to the way people protest.

Earlier in this chapter I mentioned the concepts of online anonymity and

pseudonymity, which will now be explored in more depth. Andrew F. Wood and

Matthew J. Smith discuss the Marxist continuum of identification. With the least

identity a person can share being anonymity, the middle of the scale is various

degrees of pseudonymity and the other end of the spectrum is real-life identity (or as

close as one can get to achieving this online.) Wood and Smith explore the stages

of the identity continuum, giving arguments for when there might be legitimate

reasons for concealing ones real-life identity, and when it poses a danger to others.

“In mediated contexts, anonymity is a state of communicating where the identity of

the communicator is not readily apparent.” (Wood and Smith, 2005, p. 63) They

make several valid suggestions of when this might be appropriate, including for

whistleblowing and reporting crime to the police. As they argue in all of these


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instances the communicator‟s identity is withheld to ensure their personal security.

Anonymity can also be valuable in preventing prejudice, “knowing characteristics

like the sender‟s gender, race and social standing could lead to an unfair trial based

on a receiver‟s personal bias and stereotypes.” (Wood and Smith, p. 64). This sort of

anonymity is also a problem of social networking. Because an employer or potential

employer may choose to do some background research on a candidate using

social networking. However these sites insist on as much real-life identity as possible,

including images, gender, sexual orientation and religious beliefs. All of these are

factors that a UK employer is not allowed to consider, as it would constitute

discrimination. But it is hard for them not to be influenced and it is also makes it

easier for a rejected candidate to claim discrimination, even if this was not a factor.

This means that anonymity is a benefit in these circumstances, which is why specialist

companies have been developed to carry out background research, using social

networking, but only reporting any relevant material, such as reference to illegal

activities. This protects both the employer and the employee. In these circumstances

another tactic is to adopt a pseudonym. Indeed historically many different social

groups have adopted the trend of using a pseudonym. This was a method

employed by female Victorian writers, using male names in order to get their work

published.

However, as I counter argued before, so do Wood and Smith (p.64), “Although

anonymity can function to protect people from reprisal it can also distance them

from accountability.” This is a very real problem, and one of the central debates

surrounding online anonymity. But it is by no means the only problem with not

knowing someone‟s identity. Wood and Smith put forward the argument that there is

a certain degree of value in knowing the reputation of an individual making a


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certain remark or comment on a particular topic. This is because it could add

credibility to what they are saying. For example if a user in a chartroom asks for

advice on a medical issue, and they receive a number of anonymous responses it is

likely the user will be wary of trusting any of them, even if the advice is valid.

However if they receive a response from a medical professional, such as a doctor,

then they are more likely to trust that advice.

Pseudonymity perhaps poses more dangers than anonymity, as the user claims a

false identity. Wood and Smith discuss the harmless side of pseudonyms, making

reference to the communicative predecessor of the internet, CB radio. “Because

these messages were in the public arena, many people chose to participate in

public discussions without giving out their real name (and some security) by using

their handles instead.” (Wood and Smith, p. 65) In these instances it is a fairly

innocent pursuit, which can in fact aid discussion and protest by making participants

feel safer, whilst still identifying themselves as someone with an interest in a particular

cause. However there can also be negative consequences of using and trusting

pseudonyms, such as the Gay girl in Damascus case outlined previously in the

chapter. Although in that case no harm was sought, Mr MacMaster could have had

negative intentions to tarnish the cause of Syrian activists. It can also be dangerous,

as criminals, enemies and others wishing to harm an individual or cause could gain

access, information or trust by using a pseudonym. Therefore it is important to be

cautious online, as it is hard to know exactly the identity of any other user. This should

not be too detrimental on the whole to protest though, as it does not necessarily rely

on the exchange of personal information. Rather the success of a protest movement

rests more with all the participants having shared values and goals. So the


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continuum of identity does not have to be a negative concept. In fact Smith and

Wood (pp.66-67) argue that it has benefits for online users,

“The veneer of the Internet allows us to determine how much of an identity

we wish to front in online presentations. These images can range from a

vague silhouette to a detailed snapshot. Whatever the degree of identity

presented, however, it appears that control and empowerment are benefits

for users of these communication technologies.”

Suggesting that even the notion that they can restrict how much of their identity is

exposed makes users feel safer, and more able to engage and share in online

communities, as opposed to physical communities, where anonymity is much harder

to achieve.

As identified in Chapter 2 of this dissertation, people protest in a number of different

ways. The same is true of the internet. There are many forms of online activism, and

the type used depends largely on the issue, the group performing the protest and

their understanding of digital technology. This section will critically review the main

types of online protest.

One of the main benefits of online protest is the ability to gain global publicity.When

I use the term publicity to refer to a form of online protest; it is not intended to carry

its common commercial connotations. Rather I use the term to refer to the web‟s use

in promoting and publishing the plight of a minority or remote group. Initially this may

not seem like a form of protest as it predominately involves mostly word of mouth


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communication via the sharing of information including videos and re-tweeting17

posts on Twitter.

But online is not just about transmitting globally, it is also about engagement and

participation. Petitions are a very popular form of online activism, as users can

engage anywhere as long as they are in front of a computer. Petitions are also very

quick to do, so one can be signed whilst at home or at work. Sites like Avaaz.org and

Amnesty International and the UK Government, the latter of who have their own e-

petition website, which is intended to aid the democratic process. If any petition

receives 100,000 signatures (or more) then it must be considered for debate in

Parliament, regardless of the topic. The site was re-launched in August 2011. At this

stage no petition currently on the site had reached the qualifying number of

signatories. However, following rioting across the country a petition was created by

a member of the public to remove the welfare benefits of anyone convicted of

participating in the riots. The staggering number of signatories highlighted the extent

of public outrage at the violence and looting that had taken place over four nights.

Just like with the use of online petitions, online protest has the ability to combine

traditional forms of protest with new technologies, often resulting in them becoming

safer and more user friendly. Marches are considered a traditional form of protest,

and are commonly associated with the concept of protest. But the internet has

allowed marches to go digital, entering the online domain and becoming Cyber

Marches. It would be fair to question the benefits of performing a march online,

rather than in the traditional physical way. There are many reasons for this, including

distance and mobility. Historically some potential protestors may have been

17

To re-tweet a post of the micro-blogging site Twitter is to repost it in your own stream of posts so that users following

your account may see it (as they may not have been following the person from whom you re-tweeted the post)


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excluded as they were not able to travel to a central location for a physical march.

This could be because they simply lived too far away and did not have the time or

financial means to make the journey. It could also be for reasons of mobility. Some

prospective marchers may have a disability which prohibits them from either

travelling to, or participating in a physical march. However if you take the march

into cyber space they are able to participate, providing they have access to a

computer with an internet connection. There have been some recent examples of

online marches such as „The Big March‟, an anti-bullying march that took place in

November 2010. It visited sixty popular websites, displaying participant‟s avatars18 on

the website.

However, recent examples of online activism most prevalently include hacktivism, by

groups such as Anonymous and one of its splinter groups, LulzSec (also known as

Lulz19 Security). Both groups claim to be morally good, with their intentions being to

raise awareness of poor online security and corrupt organisations. With particular

attention put on high profile companies who hold personal information of many

individuals or misuse the trust of the general public. One of the preferred forms of

hacktivism, not only for the afore mentioned groups, is the DDoS attack. This

abbreviation stands for Distributed Denial of Service attack, although it is often

referred to merely as DDos (being pronounced „dos‟.) It involves the group

performing the attack by overwhelming a website with requests for access which

results in the site crashing and going offline. This therefore affects the ability of

18

An avatar is a visual representation of a person that is used online. It does not have to be an actual likeness

and could be symbolic, such as an object or character related to that individual.

19 Lulz is a term used in hacking and online gaming circles. It is a slang term referring to laughter. The term is often

used in the sentence, „For the lulz‟ which translates as, „For the laughs‟ or „For fun‟. It may also be used as a prefix or

suffix to a sentence, for example, „I beat you again, lulz‟ to indicate that the user is laughing at the fact they have

beaten their opponent. It is a derivative of the texting abbreviation LOL which means Laughing Out Loud.


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customers or other users in accessing the site. It can also distract technicians, who

are frantically trying to repair the website, from noticing a breach in security which

can include the placement of a virus or the removal of sensitive information.

The interpretation of „good‟ and „bad‟ is also of specific relevance to hacktivism, as

this is a matter of value based perspective. This is an issue that has been raised by

the activities of LulzSec. A number of arrests were made of alleged members of the

hacktivist group. However it was revealed that some of the information that led to

the arrests was supplied to authorities by rival hacktivists including the Jester. This

poses a dilemma as the actions of the Jester are equally as illegal as those of

LulzSec. The only difference is that the Jester allegedly hacks in favour of the

authorities, whilst LulzSec are openly opposed to the authorities, and hack in order to

highlight corruption or inadequate security provisions (so as to expose flaws that

could be compromised by those who wish harm or merely wish to steal personal

information for financial gain, something LulzSec and Anonymous claim not to do).

This could highlight a bias, by not punishing those who engage in illegal activities for

the government benefit. If an authority, such as the police, are to be trusted by the

public they must be seen to enforce the law fairly and without prejudice or bias. By

arresting those who challenge it and not those performing the same action but

assisting the authorities in arresting those who expose flaws, an authority makes itself

appear weak. It could also be argued that this strengthens the support for a

movement, by showing them as victimised by an unjust authority.

Conclusion

Online is set to become a more powerful influence in not only the way we protest

but the way we communicate in general. Certainly the explorations in this chapter

have suggested that the internet encourages discussion whilst breaking down


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traditional barriers, such as money, time and location. It also increases participation

by offering the security and protection of anonymity or pseudonymity. But by no

means is online protest yet at a stage to exist merely online. It still cannot beat the

spectacle of traditional marches and rallies, as it much easier to turn off a computer

than to close your eyes and ears. But it certainly has potential, and with future

technological development almost anything is possible. What is certain is that online

activism should continue to be a valuable assistance to traditional protest.

After the England riots in 2011, the UK Prime Mister proposed giving police forces the

ability to shut down social media websites if similar problems should arise in the

future. This is because a lot of the looters and rioters were communicating over

Facebook, Twitter and BlackBerry messenger20about where disruption would occur

and when. However these social networking tools were also fundamental in the anti-

riot movement, with people using them to communicate over the efforts to clean-up

after the riots and to disseminate images of looters for the purposes of identification.

Therefore I would argue shutting down social media during times of violence would

merely be detrimental, as it would set back any clean-up or community support

initiatives. It would not affect those the government seeks to stop as adversely as

they hope, as they would find alternative methods of communications. As I quoted

earlier, BBC reporter Anne Alexander argues, “When one channel of communication

is blocked, people try another.” Mr Cameron‟s idea of allowing police to shut down

social media in times of violence is also troubling as the exact circumstances would

need to be very carefully outlined so as not to infringe on the right to protest.

Otherwise what is simply protest could be incorrectly described as violence and

disruption in order to allow police to quash it. The 2010 student fees protest in London

20

A private messaging service that allows messages to be sent only between BlackBerry mobile phones.


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are an example of a mainly peaceful protest which did involve an element of

violence. With the potential new powers, police could shut down social media to

stop people talking about a highly important matter of political policy (which could

destroy or certainly permanently alter the higher education system in Britain). This

would be damaging to the much tattered concept of democracy left in the UK.

However from a less Marxist point of view, the ability to ban social media could be a

good thing. It could do just what it is intended to do and prevent potential

troublemakers from plotting behind the backs of the authorities. Ensuring greater

control and diminishing the potential for communities to have to suffer the trauma of

the England riots again. Of course the latter point only works as long as it is a minority

wishing to act violently. Should it become a majority then the banning of social

media is likely to promote anarchy, as participants are unable to achieve any sort of

organization.


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Chapter 5: Conclusion

This dissertation has explored protest paying specific reference to the issue of

technology. It has looked back through history, established theoretical frameworks

and analysed contemporary events in order to establish a greater understanding. I

believe that it can be concluded that technology is not essential to protest. But it

does greatly improve the impact and reach it has. Without technology there would

still be protests, as there were before modern technologies were invented. However,

as with most other areas of our lives, technology acts as an enhancement. It has also

been beneficial in creating a global dialogue between activists. This can also be

detrimental, as events that may have resolved themselves adequately, are

escalated through international involvement.

Anonymity is another issue that new technology poses in relation to protest. If people

do not feel accountable for their actions then they may not consider them as wisely

as they might have otherwise. This can also be problematic is establishing the reality

of circumstances and events, as false identities might report inaccurate facts. Of

course it is also important to highlight that anonymity is not a new problem, as

people have be concealing their identities during protest for almost as long as there

has been protest. However, the development of technology makes it increasingly

easy, meaning that more people are likely to utilise anonymity. Technology also

means that concealing ones identity does not have to be a premeditated action.

Recently UK Prime Minster, David Cameron proposed allowing police to remove

facemasks of those involved in disruptions. This is a troubling thought. Although

anonymity can cause participants to act recklessly, and may influence an increase

in violence, it is also fundamental in allowing people to feel able to participate. This

is especially relevant in a society that will prosecute protestors for expressing their


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opinions in such a way. This is not to say that violence should be condoned, it is just

to suggest that perhaps sometimes it proves effective, and it is always valuable to

protestors to have it as an option; at least for the purposes of a democracy as

people should be able to express themselves however they see fit. However, in a

democracy there should be no need to result to destructive or combative actions as

everyone should have the opportunity to express their opinions no violently and

have these views listened to by government and the public.

As I acknowledged in the introduction to this dissertation, I began with a liberal bias.

The research and construction of this essay has not changed my political or moral

views, however it has caused me to be more critical in my approach. I have also

learned to be more critical of my own opinions, so as to create stronger arguments

for them. This has in turn developed my research skills, as to effectively defend or

propose an idea, it is essential to have as much information as possible. It is also

advisable to construct the opposing argument strongly, as any counter argument is

only as valid as the one it is disproving.

Protest is a broad subject area that could be explored from many different angles.

Unfortunately due to the time and size constraints of this dissertation it was not

possible to explore as broadly as I would have liked to. Therefore I would like to take

this space to acknowledge possible future studies that could be spawned from this

piece.

Although motivations for protest were mentioned in the second chapter, it could be

of value to carry out some primary research on the topic. This would take at least

twelve months, if not more, as the time to collect data from a wide enough range of

people for a reliable outcome would take many months. Processing that volume of


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data would also not be a quick task, and would require a dedicated amount of

time to interpret the results. However, if it were possible in the future this could be an

interesting way to gather more data.

In the future another research might wish to explore more historically the timeline of

protest movements. There are movements that were touched upon in the initial

research for this dissertation that had to be disregard due to the restrictions of this

piece. Such historical movements include the Suffragette movement, which broke a

lot of new ground in the eighteenth century.

Should it be possible in the future someone might find it valuable to explore the

Suffragettes‟ movement, and perhaps explore other female based protests? This

would allow an analysis that could understand any difference between movements

led by, and about the rights of women, and either male based or unisex protests.

Another area of further research that could prove fruitful would be a comparative

study between conflict based protests and rights based protests. In order to explore

whether there is a difference between motivations, actions and outcomes with

those protests centred on war and those focused on human rights. Previously my

focus on protest movements has been on those based around wars. However in this

dissertation I was able to explore more that were about rights. This was very

interesting and from a sociological view they both have different merits and risks. My

research seems to indicate that conflict based protests are likely to obtain more

immediate coverage, as their topic is already in the public eye. So perhaps this

would be something to be followed up in the future with a fuller exploration.

Language is also something that has always been of interest to me and has great

potential as a study in relation to protest coverage. Often the terminology used to


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describe protest can create bias, as terms may have negative implications. This is

something that can be highly influential, especially if the protest is anti-government

as they so often are. The simple use of language can turn people against a

movement, even if it is something they believe in themselves. This was not an area

was explored in this dissertation but certainly raises options for future research.

The areas of possible future study that have been highlighted above might not be

followed up by myself, but perhaps by other researchers, as they have sociological

value. The areas highlighted could be turned into individual studies, a book or even

mini essays to topics such as; women in protest, conflict protests, rights protests and

protest coverage. There is certainly a wealth of material in existence already to

support such a study. With the continuing developments of current events it seems

that more material will be created and there will be a demand for

contemporaneous analysis.

“The future influences the present just as much as the past.” (Friedrich Nietzsche)


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Appendix 1

Fig 1- „Elizabeth Eckford: Little Rock Nine‟, 4 September, 1957. Taken by Will Counts.

Fig 2 – „Kent State Massacre‟, 4 May, 1970. Taken by John Filo.


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Fig 3 – „Napalm Girl‟, 8 June, 1972. Taken by Nick Ut.

Fig 4 – „Burning Monk‟, 11 June, 1963. Taken by Malcolm Browne.


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Fig 5.1 – „Tank Man‟, 5 June, 1989. Taken by Jeff Widener.

Fig 5.2 – „Tank Man‟, 4 June, 1989. Taken by Arthur Tsang Hin Wah.


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Fig 6 – „Nguyễn Ngọc Loan executing Nguyễn Văn Lém‟, 1 February, 1968. Taken by

Eddie Adams.


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