The Sandby Borg Massacre: Interpersonal Violence …...history behind the massacre is not known. We...

The Sandby Borg Massacre: InterpersonalViolence and the Demography of the Dead

CLARA ALFSDOTTER1

AND ANNA KJELLSTRÖM2

1School of Cultural Studies, Linnaeus University, Kalmar, Sweden2Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies, University of Stockholm, Sweden

During excavations of the Iron Age ringfort of Sandby borg (AD 400–550), the remains of twenty-sixunburied bodies were encountered inside and outside the buildings. The skeletons and the archaeologicalrecord indicate that after the individuals had died the ringfort was deserted. An osteological investigationand trauma analysis were conducted according to standard anthropological protocols. The osteologicalanalysis identified only men, but individuals of all ages were represented. Eight individuals (31 per cent)showed evidence of perimortem trauma that was sharp, blunt, and penetrating, consistent with interper-sonal violence. The location of the bodies and the trauma pattern appear to indicate a massacre rather thana battle. The ‘efficient trauma’ distribution (i.e. minimal but effective violence), the fact that the bodieswere not manipulated, combined with the archaeological context, suggest that the perpetrators werenumerous and that the assault was carried out effectively. The contemporary sociopolitical situation wasseemingly turbulent and the suggested motive behind the massacre was to gain power and control.

Keywords: violence, trauma, Migration period, Sandby borg, Iron Age, unburied

INTRODUCTION

The timespan between AD 400 and 550,the so-called Migration period when theRoman empire was declining, is considereda period of social instability and politicalturmoil in Europe. The regions north ofthe Rhine and Danube were populated byvarious tribes, the tribes of Scandinaviaeach being ruled by a few elites as a resultof growing social differentiation. While thewritten sources are few, archaeologicalrecords document widespread contact withthe continent (Näsman, 1984; LundHansen, 1987; Fischer, 2005). This era ischaracterized by finds of Roman solidi andhoards of gold, not least on the island ofÖland, located east of the Swedish

mainland in the Baltic Sea. The remains offifteen Iron Age ringforts (i.e. fortified vil-lages) are still visible on Öland. These ring-forts might be the result of a generalchange in settlement, as many settlementswere abandoned during the Migrationperiod (Stenberger, 1933; Näsman, 1988).Initial studies have shown that a massacrewas carried out in the ringfort of Sandbyborg, and that the victims were not buried(Victor, 2015; Alfsdotter et al., 2018)(Figure 1). The word massacre is used todescribe a collective act of intentionallykilling a group of people unprepared forbattle. Here, we examine the violent eventin general, and its victims in particular.Though it is clear that many people diedduring a single event at Sandby borg, the

European Journal of Archaeology 22 (2) 2019, 210–231This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/), which permitsnon-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the same CreativeCommons licence is included and the original work is properly cited. The written permission of CambridgeUniversity Press must be obtained for commercial re-use.

© European Association of Archaeologists 2018 doi:10.1017/eaa.2018.55Manuscript received 6 March 2018,accepted 3 September 2018, revised 5 July 2018

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history behind the massacre is not known.We present the demography of the dead,the trauma patterns, the type of trauma, andthe positions of the dead. Since violence is

culture-specific, the results are further con-textualized in an attempt to discuss theevent, the perpetrators, and the possiblemotives that prompted the violence.

Figure 1. Map showing the location of Sandby borg, Öland, Sweden (basemap © OpenStreetMapcontributors, modified by Helena Victor).

Alfsdotter and Kjellström – The Sandby Borg Massacre 211





The Sandby borg ringfort

The vast majority of artefacts found withinthe ringfort indicate that Sandby borg wasoccupied between AD 400 and 550 (Victor,2015; Alfsdotter et al., 2018). Since 2011,small-scale annual excavations have beencarried out by Kalmar County Museum.Three houses have been fully excavated, andsix partially. Additionally, parts of the streetsurrounding the central block have beensubject to excavation (Figure 2). The exca-vated area amounts to a modest 9 per centof the ringfort interior, but the results arenevertheless informative in terms of thehistory of the ringfort. Future excavationswill clarify this further. The fort is believed

to have housed 200–300 inhabitants (Victor,2015). A mix of prestigious jewellery andeveryday items was discovered in thedwellings (Victor, 2015; Gunnarsson et al.,2016). The large quantity of valuable arte-facts, in association with the discovery ofarticulated human and animal remains, givesthe impression of a ‘moment frozen in time’(Alfsdotter et al., 2018). Articulated andpartially scattered skeletons of humans andanimals (sheep, dogs, and pigs) were foundwithin the houses. Macro-botanical andtaphonomic analyses indicate that the ring-fort was not revisited after the violent attack(Heimdahl, 2014, 2016; see discussion inAlfsdotter et al., 2018; for a taphonomicdiscussion, see Alfsdotter & Kjellström, in

Figure 2. The internal structures of Sandby borg in accordance with geophysical prospection (Viberg2012). Identified plausible house structures have been numbered 1–53. Marked areas have been subjectto excavation. (Figure by Helena Victor.)

212 European Journal of Archaeology 22 (2) 2019





preparation). The commingled skeletalremains are predominant in an outdoorenvironment. The archaeozoological analysishas shown that the event is likely to havetaken place between late spring and earlyautumn (Alfsdotter in Gunnarsson et al.,2016). Recent isotopic analyses indicate thatat least two of the individuals (ID1 andID2) were probably locals (Wilhelmson,2017: 143). For a detailed description ofcomparative materials, contemporaryweapons, and tactics, see the online supple-ment (Supplementary materials 1).

MATERIAL AND METHODS

Minimum number of individuals(MNI), sex, and age determinations

Standard osteological techniques wereapplied for sex and age determinations ofthe individuals. The methods are listed inthe online supplement (Supplementarymaterials 2). All individuals were assignedto the following age groups: fetal= <birth;infant= 0–3 years; child= 3–12 years; ado-lescent= 12–20 years; young adult= 20–35years; middle adult= 35–50 years; oldadult= 50+ (Buikstra & Ubelaker, 1994)(Table 1).

Trauma analysis

All elements were examined macroscopic-ally and deviations implying trauma werefurther investigated microscopically (at amagnification of c. ×10–40). For eachlesion, the size (maximum length andwidth), shape, and location (element, side,affected part) were recorded. Trauma wasclassified as antemortem or perimortem.Antemortem trauma is defined as injurieswith signs of osteoblastic or osteoclasticactivity implying different stages of healingsuch as bone remodelling (callus formation)

and necrosis, or an abnormal elementalshape (i.e. inadequate fusion or pseudoar-throsis). When a fracture does not showany signs of healing in fresh bone, it is clas-sified as a perimortem trauma, which indi-cates that it occurred around the time ofdeath (Knüsel, 2005; Ubelaker, 2015).However, since the perimortem interval isrelated to the moisture retention of thebone, the period can be prolonged incertain environments (Kjellström & Ham-ilton, 2014). Characteristics of perimortemtrauma include smooth, obtuse fractureangles with the same coloration as the restof the bone, sometimes in combinationwith a plastic response and distinctive frac-ture types described in the medical litera-ture (Ubelaker, 2015). Perimortem traumawas further categorized according to type:sharp force trauma (SFT), puncture trauma(PT), and blunt force trauma (BFT). SFTare injuries (incisions, stab wounds, orchop wounds) sustained from a sharpobject which leaves linear marks, V-shapedin cross section, and a smooth kerf wall(sometimes showing striae perpendicular tothe kerf floor) (Reichs, 1998). The kerf fea-tures, such as the angle of entry and striamay indicate the direction of the blow(Boylston, 2000). If the sharp force lesionthat penetrated the tissue is deeper than itis wide, indicating that it was caused by asharp, pointed object, the lesion is classifiedas puncture trauma (PT). BFT are injuries(tear or crush fractures) caused by broadobjects which, except for the immediatesite of impact, can involve radiating andconcentric fractures (Berryman & Symes,1998). For both SFT and BFT, the loca-tion, size, and shape were recorded. Giventhe poor preservation and the complexity ofthe varying contexts (i.e. several houses andthe street) in which the bones were recov-ered, the crude prevalence was used to esti-mate the number of trauma per affectedindividual (in comparison with true preva-lence where the estimation acknowledges









the preservation of different elements).This means that it is likely that the identifiedinjuries are only a minimum representationof the full extent of the original trauma.

RESULTS

A minimum of twenty-six individuals wasidentified (House 3: two individuals;House 4: four; House 40: nine; House 52:

three; Street: eight) (see Figures 5A andB). The age distribution is varied: theyoungest individual (ID25) was an infant1.5–3 months old and the two oldest indi-viduals (ID9 and ID15) were over 50years old. The nine adults with sufficientlypreserved morphological traits to deter-mine biological sex exhibit male character-istics. The sex of the children is unknown.The sample size was too limited to iden-tify any demographic patterning on the

Table 1. Preservation, demographic distribution, and trauma in relation to context (AT = antemortemtrauma; PT = perimortem trauma; F = find number, used for elements without clear association to aunique individual).

ID Majority of skeletonarticulated (in brackets,per cent of skeleton preserved)

Age group (years) Sex Trauma Context

1 Yes (100) Adolescent (17–19) Male PT + AT House 40

2 Yes (100) Young adult (19–25) Male PT House 40

3 No (20) Middle adult PT House 40

4 Yes (75) Young adult Male? PT + AT House 40

5 Yes (60) Young(?) adult Male House 40

6 Yes (90) Adolescent (12–15) PT House 40

7 Yes (100) Adolescent (12–15) House 40

8 No (5) Infant/Child (2–5) House 40

9 Yes (85) Old adult Male House 52

10 No (5) Infant House 52

11 No (5) Middle adult House 52 (pit 4)

12 Yes (80) Child (6–8) House 4

13 No (40) Adolescent (10–13) PT House 4

14 No (20) Old(?) adult PT House 4

15 No (75) Old adult Male House 4

16 No (20) Middle adult Street

17 No (5) Child (5–9) Street/alley

18 No (30) Young adult (20–25) Alley

19 No (20) Old adult Male Alley

20 No (5) Child (3.5–6.5) Street/alley

21 No (25) Adolescent (12–15) Street

22 No (5) Child (3.5–6.5) Street

23 No (20) Young adult (20–25) Male? PT Street

24 No (20) Middle adult Male House 3

25 No (5) Infant (1.5–3 months) House 40

26 No (5) Infant (2–4) House 3

F6671/F6141 No (1) Adult AT House 40






site; but, in the house with the mostbodies (House 40), all age groups wererepresented, from infants to old adults.Similarly, children, teenagers, and adultswere also discovered in the street.Perimortem trauma was identified in

eight individuals (Table 2) (Figure 3 and 4):ID1: the skeleton of a male adolescent,

was found in a supine position in House40. The humeri were abducted (c. 30°) andthe lower limbs flexed at the knees. SFTwas identified on the right scapula and thecranium together with a circular defect,likely to be a PT, on the right femur. Thelinear scapula lesion is located diagonallyover the acromion and extends into thecorpus in posterior view, left superior toright inferior (c. 110° to the sagittal plane).Fragmentation prevents us from determin-ing the maximum length. The SFT on theleft parietal runs from just below the sagit-tal suture towards the squamous suture,aligned to the frontal plane (Figure 4A).The cut measures 102 mm and penetratesthe tabula interna. The kerf wall is primar-ily visible on the posterior part in thesuperior section of the wound and on theanterior part in the inferior section. Thesmooth femoral circular defect measures

7 × 8 mm and is located on the distal-lateral part of the shaft.ID2: the skeleton of a young adult

male, was lying in a prone extended pos-ition in House 40. The cranium presentedits left posterior-lateral side and was lyingadjacent to the left hip and lower thoraxof ID1. The left upper limb was abducted,rotated medially, and slightly flexed at theelbow, with the forearm pronated. Theright upper limb was slightly abducted,rotated medially, and projected posteriorly.The PT identified consists of a rhombicpuncture wound of the central occipital,just above the external occipital protuber-ance. The injury, 7.3 mm in length, pene-trated the outer table and diploë but notthe tabula interna. (In a preliminary ana-lysis, SFT on a rib and a tooth of ID 2was suggested by Wilhelmson (2017) butthis could not be confirmed in the presentanalysis.)ID3: the skeleton of a middle adult

individual, was found disarticulated inHouse 40. Adjacent to a fragmentedcranium, presenting its lateral right aspect,a radius and a humerus were found. Anarticulated tibia, fibula, and a foot wereencountered 1.2 metres to the north.

Table 2. Perimortem trauma identified (R = right, L = left. SFT = sharp force trauma; PT = punctur-ing trauma; BFT = blunt force trauma).

ID Element Side Trauma Description

1 parietal L SFT Linear lesion (102 mm) on central section

1 scapula R SFT Linear lesion (30 mm) diagonally in acromion and corpus

1 femur R PT Circular lesion (7 × 8 mm) on lateral-distal shaft

2 occipital central PT Rhombic lesion (4.3 × 7.3 mm) in central section

3 parietal L SFT Linear lesion (50 mm kerf wall) on central section

3 frontal R SFT Linear lesion (>30 mm) on medial section

4 occipital R SFT Linear lesions (both fragments >16 mm) lateral occipital

6 parietal R BFT Circular lesion (36 × 29 mm in diameter) on central section

13 cervical vertebra(C3–5?)

corpus SFT Linear horizontal lesion (right: 10 mm + left: 22 mm) through lamina

14 parietal L BFT? Horizontal convex lesion (>24 mm) on central section

23 ilium L SFT Linear lesion (19 × >19 mm) through arc composé






However, it cannot be established whetherthe latter unit of elements belong to thesame individual as the cranium. The sub-section of the house (House 40) where theindividual was discovered containedseveral skeletons with partial postmortemdisarticulation, likely to have resulted fromthe partial destruction of the roof follow-ing a fire associated with the assault(Alfsdotter & Kjellström, in preparation).SFT to the centre of the left parietal wasidentified, in lateral view the injury radi-ates right superior to left inferior. The kerfwall is primarily on the anterior side, theposterior fracture surface is rough. A

perimortal secondary fracture radiates pos-teriorly. A second SFT of the medial rightpart of the frontal bone was identified. Infrontal view, the cut runs from left super-ior to right inferior (c. 45°). The maximumlength of the injury is unknown as frag-ments are missing bilaterally. The cut haspenetrated tabula interna.ID4: the highly fragmented skeleton of

a young adult, was encountered in House40 in a prone extended position with theright upper limb extended and the leftupper limb flexed, with the hand underthe left shoulder. The positioning of thecranium could not be established. The

Figure 3. Distribution of perimortem trauma of all the victims. One lesion to the occipital bone ofID4 is not included, as the exact location could not be established (original illustration by Buikstra &Ubelaker, 1994, modifications by Alfsdotter and Kjellström).






skeleton was slightly rotated towards theright, judging from the position of thethorax and the pelvis. The femora wereextended. All bones inferior of femorawere missing (this might be the result of adisturbance in form of an earlier archaeo-logical trench). The calvarium was frag-mented and scattered. Two sharp forceinjuries (both at least 16 mm in length)were identified on the right side of theoccipital. Due to fragmentation, the exactlocation of only one of the lesions couldbe established. The injury radiates hori-zontally in posterior view and has probablycrossed the lambdoid suture on the rightside. The angle of the cut in relation tothe horizontal plane is c. 20° and striae arevisible radiating diagonally, indicating a

blow aimed from the lower right. Theother lesion could be part of the sametraumatic incident, but it could also be theresult of a different blow. It cannot beestablished whether the cuts penetratedthe tabula interna, as the diploë isfragmented.ID6: the skeleton of an adolescent, was

found in House 40 in a supine extendedposition with the left upper limb and thelower limbs extended. The right upperlimb was partially missing. The craniumwas fragmented but presented its lateralright side. The vertebral column shows apostmortem dislocation between T12 andL1. The feet were partly on top of the hipof ID5, whose hand bones were discoveredunder the left fibula of ID6, implying that

Figure 4. A: Sharp force trauma on the left parietal bone of individual ID2. B: Blunt force trauma onthe right parietal bone of a young teenager (ID6) (photograph by Daniel Lindskog). C–D: The skeletonof a 10–13 years old adolescent (ID13) shows evidence of decapitation. Sharp force trauma is visible ona cervical vertebra.






ID6 fell after ID5. The cranium of ID6displays BFT of the right parietal bone(Figure 4B). Just medially of the parietaltuber, a circular injury (36 × 29 mm) withinternal bevelling was observed. At leastfive secondary fractures radiate from thepoint of impact. All showed perimortemcharacteristics but only three of these endsat the lambdoid suture. Two of the frac-tures continue across the lambdoid suture,indicating a postmortem origin (Berryman& Symes, 1998).ID13: consists of disarticulated bones

that are seemingly from the same youngadolescent. They were found in front ofthe entrance of House 4 (Alfsdotter, inpress). Two bones display gnawing from arodent. SFT was noted on two vertebralarch fragments from the cervical region ofthe vertebral column. One of the frag-ments, the right superior articular processand part of the lamina, exhibited a linearhorizontal cut angled inferiorly and radiat-ing laterally-medially (Figure 4C, 4D).The inferior part of the right side of thevertebrae is missing. The second arcusfragment (inferior articular process andlamina) displaying SFT is from the leftside. The lesion is similar to the first frag-ment, a horizontal cut, but the kerf wallhas another angle (superior rather thaninferior). Since both fragments lackantagonists and striation of the cut sur-faces, it cannot be ruled out that thetraumas are the result of the same blow.

The vertebra(e) affected is between C3and C5. The mandibula of the individualwas not affected.ID14: the remains of another predomin-

antly disarticulated skeleton of an older indi-vidual, were found in front of the entranceof House 4. A fragment of the left parietaldisplayed perimortal BFT. Centrally on theelement, above the squamous suture, a hori-zontal convex fracture radiates. The injury isfunnel-shaped, internal bevelling is visible,and the fracture surface of the tabula externais smooth. The preserved part of the fracturemeasures 24 mm medio-laterally. However,the anterior extension of the fracture ismissing. From the posterior end of the frac-ture, a postmortal fracture radiates towardsthe lambda.ID23: On the street, a fragment of a

left ilium from a young adult displayingSFT was found. The injury is located nextto the auricular surface, through the com-posite arch. The recovered cut surfacemeasures 19 × 19 mm. In lateral view, theinjury radiates from right superior to leftinferior, of the ilium (at an angle of c. 40°to the sagittal plane). The bone is frac-tured anteriorly, hindering analysis of thefull extent of the trauma. No antagonist ispresent. The weapon seems to have pene-trated the lateral aspect of the acetabulumand cut the entire left side gluteusmuscles.There are few antemortem injuries

(Table 3). Healed fractures were

Table 3. Antemortem trauma identified (F = find number, used for elements without clear associationto a unique individual; R = right, L = left).

ID Element Side Trauma Description

1 scapula R Fracture? Separation of coracoid

1 ribs R + L Fractures Posterior corpus, >2 fractures right side and >3 left

2 metacarpal V R + L Fractures? Bilateral swelling of shafts

4 humerus R Fracture Spiral fracture of proximal shaft

4 clavicle L Pseudoarthrosis On costal tuberosity, inferior-posterior on sternal end

F6671/F6141 neurocranium Fracture Circular depression (15 mm in diameter).






documented in three, or possibly four, indi-viduals. Two individuals (ID1 and ID4,both found in House 40) show traces oftwo injuries each. The first (ID1), an ado-lescent around 17–19 years old, showed aseparation of the right coracoid of thescapula and callus formation on the poster-ior section of the ribs from both sides (aminimum of 2 right and 3 left), most likelycaused by direct trauma (i.e. through forcetransmitted at a right angle). As for thesecond individual (ID4), the right humerusexhibited a malalignment of the proximalhumeral diaphysis and a pseudoarthrosis inthe sternal end of the left clavicular diaph-ysis, indicating oblique or spiral fracturesand indirect trauma. In addition, a neuro-cranial fragment still not allocated to askeleton (F6671/F6141, House 40) had ahealed, circular depressed fracture measur-ing 15 mm in diameter. ID2, again fromHouse 40, shows possible trauma-inducedanomalies bilaterally on the lateral aspectsof the shafts of the fifth metacarpals. Theprojecting bone growth takes the sameform on both sides but is located slightlysuperior on the left side. The appearance ofthe bone anomalies bears some resem-blance to boxer’s fractures (i.e. a fracture ofthe fifth metacarpal due to the directimpact of a clenched fist with a person orobject). The bilateral presence makes atraumatic cause less likely, though notimpossible. An alternative explanationcould be a congenital malformation.

DISCUSSION

The unhealed sharp force lesions are con-sistent with interpersonal violence.Furthermore, the location of the two casesof blunt trauma, above the hat brim line,suggests that the individuals were subjectedto aggressive acts rather than accidentalfalls or similar mishaps (Kremer &Sauvageau, 2009; Guyomarc’h et al.,

2010). The investigation showed that eightof twenty-six individuals exhibit perimor-tem trauma. This means that at least 31per cent were subject to violent acts nearthe time of death. In comparison, if welook at only cranial blade wounds, 96 percent of the men from the Battle of Towton(England, War of the Roses, AD 1461;Novak, 2000), 60 per cent from the Battleof Good Friday at Uppsala in AD 1520(Kjellström, 2005), 90 per cent from medi-eval Sandbjerget (Næstved, Denmark;Bennike, 1998), and 40 per cent at theBattle of Wisby in AD 1361 on Gotland(Ingelmark, 1939) were affected. However,the comparison is impaired by a number offactors: these comparative data are not onlyof a later date, but they represent a com-pletely different composition of people,who were often trained for battle, died inbattle, and were subsequently buried. Thehuman remains excavated at the Iron Agehillfort of Fin Cop (Derbyshire, England)are a better comparison in terms of date (c.300 BC), type of violence encountered, anddeposition of bodies. At Fin Cop, theremains of fifteen individuals (women,adolescents, and newborn/unborn chil-dren) were found in a ditch together withdebris from the demolition of the hillfort(Waddington et al., 2012). Some skeletonswere articulated and others commingled.Despite the low amount of perimorteminjury (only one confirmed), the cause ofdeath of the individuals is believed to havebeen interpersonal violence. This interpret-ation is based on the manner of interment,with bodies thrown into the ditch at thetime of the hillfort’s destruction. Theresearchers suggest that the manner ofdeath was probably soft-tissue wounds thatleft no skeletal marks (Waddington et al.,2012: 226). As at Sandby borg, only asmall part of the whole site has been exca-vated and the number of individuals islikely to have been much greater at bothsites. The unburied corpses in Sandby borg






were exposed to the weather, animals,insects, and house debris (such as thatfrom stone walls, wooden beams and turfroofs), leaving the skeletal material frag-mented. It should be noted that most ofthe individuals found in Sandby borg onlycomprise a few bone units, sometimes onlyteeth, as the human remains recoveredfrom the street are commingled and havebeen subject to vast taphonomic degrad-ation (Table 1). The nature of the skeletalremains gives us reason to believe thattraumatic lesions inflicted on several bodieshave not been identified. Although thenumber of perimortem traumatic injuriesencountered in Sandby borg is compara-tively low, it is their connection with thesample’s demographic aspects and bodypositions that enable us to attempt a recon-struction of the course of events and theunderlying motive.

How? the perimortem trauma pattern

By studying the positions of the unburiedskeletons at Sandby borg in tandem withthe perimortem trauma, it is possible toobtain additional information about themodus operandi of the perpetrators.In total, eleven perimortem lesions were

identified in eight individuals. Sharp forcetrauma was documented in seven cases,blunt force was used in two cases, andpuncture wounds were caused in two cases(Table 2). Two individuals (ID1 and ID3)suffered at least two sharp force blows.Bones of the cranium were the mostaffected, suggesting that this was theprimary target, but postcranial woundswere noted in the neck (cervical vertebra(e)), shoulder (scapula), and hip region(the ilium) of the individuals, with nopreference as to which side of the body.The blunt injuries were located on the topof the head, near the sagittal suture,whereas the wounds inflicted by sharp

objects varied in location and direction. Ofthe eleven perimortem lesions identified,five were aimed at the back of the body(scapula, ilium, femur, and two on theoccipital) of the victims, implying thatthey were attacked from behind. Thetrauma identified in the cervical region ofID13 could perhaps also be included inthis group. The lesions on top of thecranium of at least ID1 may indicate thatthe individual was in a lower position inrelation to the perpetrator, or that thelatter was on horseback (that scenario ishowever very unlikely given that the skel-eton was found indoors1). Only two of thelesions (on ID 3 and ID14) are consistentwith battle wounds that could be expectedin face-to-face combat with a right-handed assailant (Larsen, 1999: 157).However, there might be an under-representation of facial trauma identifiedsince the preservation of the delicate facialbones was poor. Characteristic defenceinjuries, such as parry fractures on theforearms or hands, or sharp incisions onthe palmar aspect of the finger bones, aremissing (Dolinak et al., 2005: 149–50).Moreover, the bodies of the remaining

individuals who do not have observableperimortem lesions were also found in thedwellings and in the street (Figure 5).They were discovered in a flexed position(ID7, figure 5A) and lying extended, bothprone (ID9) and supine (ID 5 and ID12,the latter in figure 5B), and possiblysitting (ID15). In one case, individualshad fallen over each other (Alfsdotter

1The body seems not to have been arranged in a formalposition but was likely left behind after the assault. Theremains of nine individuals in house 40 follow nopattern in terms of skeletal position or postmortemtreatment. In House 52, a skeleton (ID9) was lyingprone across a hearth. Parts of his skeleton werecharred, a testimony to the hearth having been lit as theman fell(?) over it never to rise again. The Sandby borgcontext so far indicates a rapid killing with no orlimited handling of the dead bodies (the taphonomy isfurther discussed in Alfsdotter & Kjellström, inpreparation).






et al., 2018). An older man (ID9) waslying face down diagonally over the centralhearth of House 52. The anterior pelvicregion was partially charred, suggestingthat the fireplace was still burning, or atleast smouldering, when the man fell(Papmehl-Dufay & Alfsdotter, 2016).Although the number of identified

injuries is low, the varied distribution lackspatterning, which implies that the victimsdid not carry any protective gear (this ishardly surprising given the demographicspread). This is in line with the generalimpression that the inhabitants were takenoff guard. If the trauma analysis is repre-sentative of a massacre, the preferredweapon of the assailants was the sword. Itis not possible to rule out axes; but, asnone of the sharp force lesions exhibit thefracture pattern expected from a combin-ation of sharp and blunt force trauma

caused by an axe (Reichs, 1998), swordswere most likely to have been the weaponused. The penetrating lesion did not haveenough characteristic traits to identify theweapon type, and could have been causedby any sharp, pointed weapon (such as aspear or lance) or other object. The samegoes for the blunt force traumatic injuries.By combining the perimortem lesions

with body positions, it may be possible toestablish the circumstances surroundingthe deaths of certain individuals. Thesupine skeleton of individual ID1 hadthree injuries where the sharp force traumaon the scapula must have severed themuscles of the right rotator cuff (teresminor, supraspinatus and infraspinatus).This impaired the stability and movementof the shoulder and upper limb. The blowdoes not seem to have penetrated the pos-terior thorax. The penetrating wound on

Figure 5. A: The articulated skeleton of ID7, an adolescent, is one of nine individuals whose remainshave been found inside House 40. B: The partially articulated skeleton of a child (ID12) excavated inHouse 4.






ID1’s femur could, in a similar way, havedamaged muscles and tendons (musculusbiceps femoris and tractus iliotibialis). Bothlesions must have led to blood loss butneed not have been lethal. The cranium,however, shows a wound which penetratedthe inner table of the parietal bone, expos-ing the brain tissue. The sequence of thelesions is hypothetical, but it is likely thatthe blow to the back and thigh precededthat on the head since the latter causedsevere cranial damage which could, initself, have resulted in the death of theman. Consequently, it is possible that theman managed to survive an initial blow,before being struck on the head andfalling on his back. In another house, theskeleton of the 10–13 year old adolescent(ID13) had SFT in the neck region.Though the cervical vertebra(e) areseverely fragmented, it is clear that at leastone horizontal blow cut through the softtissue and penetrated the medulla, whichwould have damaged major arteries (pos-terior inferior cerebellar artery and possiblyanterior spinal artery). The cut(s) are likelyto have led to the instant death of theindividual at the site where the humanremains were discovered (if they were notmoved secondarily). These two casestudies suggest that, at one point, thewounded shared space with the dead anddying, illustrating a chaotic situation withpeople in a state of shock. Perhaps ID1,who died just inside the entrance ofHouse 40, was wounded in the street,after which he entered the house (forshelter?) where he then received the finalblow to his head.

Who? trauma and demography

The isotopic data (Wilhelmson, 2017)indicate that at least two of the Sandbyborg victims grew up in the region.Whether this is true for the rest of the

group is not yet known, but it is likelythat the youngest victims of the massacrewere born on the island. Moreover, it isprobable that all the victims were localinhabitants. Only male remains have beenidentified among the adults for whom sexcould be determined. The presence of aninfant and young children, and the findsof female attire (Magnus, 1997, 2002),imply that women lived within the walls.Within the bioarchaeological field, thereare examples where a biased sex distribu-tion (with no or few women) in a skeletalcollection has been interpreted as raidingfor women and girls. This practice is notuncommon in attacks on small settlements(e.g. Kohler & Kramer Turner, 2006;Cameron, 2013; Martin & Harrod, 2015).Although the main purpose of the attackwas not necessarily to take prisoners, thekidnap of women may have been an addedbenefit. They could be taken as wives,used as extra labour, or sold as slaves (e.g.Martin et al., 2010). However, since onlya small part (c. 9 per cent) of the ringforthas been excavated, the absence of femaleremains could be a coincidence, and wemust be wary of over-interpreting thisaspect. It should also be stressed that thesex distribution among the children is yetto be established through DNA analysis.Nevertheless, it is not uncommon thatwomen are treated differently in massacres,and perhaps the female remains are to bediscovered in another part of the ringfort.If we consider the taking of slaves as a

possible reason behind the attack, this iscomplicated by the presence of childrenand teenagers, who we may assume wereeasy prey. Could the children have takenpart in the battle? Little is known aboutthe socialization processes of childrenduring the period, and it is not clear whena child was considered to have become anadult. The transition from childhood intoadulthood was likely to have been basedon physical and mental maturity, but






could also be connected to the social statusof the individual (Mejsholm, 2009: 24).For boys, it could be associated with atime when the youth was physically fit forweapon training. The youngest individualsat Sandby borg with documented perimor-tem injuries were the decapitated 10–13year old adolescent (ID13), and a 12–15year old (ID6) with a blunt force lesion tothe right parietal (Tables 1 and 2). Thesexes are not known, and it is not clearwhether these individuals were passivevictims or if they put up armed resistance.Attempts to identify active engagement ofnon-adults in violent encounters have beenmade in prehistoric skeletal assemblages(Fibiger, 2014). Adolescents of similar ageto those found in Sandby borg wereassessed as having probably participated inarmed conflict in early medieval Ireland(Geber, 2015). Even if this were the casewith the two young individuals fromSandby borg, the younger children wereeither deliberately killed (but withoutlesions identified) or left to die. This indi-cates that the killings were indiscriminatewith regard to age. Furthermore, theyoung individuals (twelve of the twenty-sixindividuals were younger than 15 yearsold) could not, if we disregard the signs ofvisible trauma, have had much, or any,battle experience. At the other end of theage spectrum, there were three men olderthan 50, none of whom had identifiableantemortem or perimortem wounds. Bothgroups could be seen as ‘atypical warriors’.The remaining group (n = 12) of young

or adults in the category ‘middle adult’may be considered able-bodied and fit forfighting. Indeed, it is this group that exhi-bits the highest number of perimortemlesions, and it is tempting to interpretthese visible weapon wounds as indicativeof a more active resistance to the attack.However, the biased distribution ofwounds could be due to preservationfactors. At any rate, only one or two

individuals in this group (ID1 and F6671)show signs of healed direct fractures, andthe number of antemortem traumaticinjuries was generally modest in theSandby borg skeletons. The prevalence issimilar to that found in contemporarycemetery populations. For instance, c. 8per cent of the individuals (both men andwomen) in the Migration-period cemeteryof Prague-Zliín, Czech Republic, showedtraces of healed traumatic lesions (Vargováet al., 2016). A high frequency of ante-mortem trauma may indicate previousbattle experience. In the study of the skel-etal remains from the Battle of Towton(England), for instance, at least 32 percent of the crania exhibited healed,weapon related lesions, implying experi-ence of previous encounters (Novak,2000). Overall, the demographic compos-ition, along with the trauma pattern,shows that most individuals exhumed inSandby borg had little chance to defendthemselves, and that only a few are likelyto have had battle experience. Althoughgrown men were probably the primarytarget group, all members in the Sandbyborg community seem to have been sub-jected to violence, and non-combatantscould at least be considered collateraldamage (see Tegtmeyer & Martin, 2017).The deliberate killing or abandonment ofyoung children further suggests that theintention of the attack was to annihilatethe inhabitants. Though it is possible thatsome of the fallen adult men belonged tothe attackers, it appears unlikely that theassailants would have left any of their ownbehind, as the victorious group in a battlenormally has the opportunity to tend totheir dead.Does the trauma pattern at Sandby borg

and the identification of weapon injuriesreveal anything about the assailants? It hasbeen suggested that Scandinavian mencould have received military training in theRoman Empire (Nicklasson, 1997: 173;






see online supplement: SupplementaryMaterial 1). At least in theory, formaltraining with weapons could lead to ‘stan-dardized’ violence, a recognizable patternwith regard to injuries sustained by thevictims. However, no such injury patternwas discernible, since the small size of thesample and the poor preservation ofthe remains has affected the outcome ofthe analysis. Given the few perimortemtraumatic injuries identified, the same canbe said about the primary choice ofweapon, thought to be the sword. In closecombat, this is the most effective weapon;but, as discussed, other types of weapons,pointed, edged, or blunt, could also havebeen used.

Why? contextualization of trauma andthe inhabitants of Sandby borg

Martin and Harrod write that massacres(i.e. multiple killings of all age groups andof both sexes) can be seen as a politicalinstrument that is ‘[…] often used by per-petrators to either subjugate or eradicate agroup defined as having cultural character-istics that separate them in some way fromthe aggressors’ (Martin & Harrod, 2015:129). Since interpersonal violence isseldom random, it allows the perpetratorsto gain control over land or other groups.The competition for women can be a con-tributing factor behind conflicts in bothprehistoric and present-day small-scalesocieties (Sanderson, 2014: 291–96);although groups demonstrate a great vari-ability regarding the causes of violence(McCall & Shields, 2008). Furthermore,massacres are part of complex processes,not only because they imply planning andthe involvement of many people, but alsobecause they operate at a sociopolitical andcultural level. Environmental stress factorsand risk of losing resources could also be amotivating factor for violence (Ember &

Ember, 1997). Studies of different geo-graphical regions, dating from 10,000 BC

to today, have shown that there is a strongrelationship between climate change andintergroup conflict (Hsiang et al., 2013).This is interesting, since tree ring data hasshown that the period AD 450–550 inEurope was a time of climatic changes(Büntgen et al., 2011). It is difficult toestablish to what degree a small-scalesociety like that at Sandby borg wouldhave been affected by fluctuations in tem-perature and precipitation and what spe-cific social stress factors could have led tothe Sandby borg massacre. A combinationof several factors was probably at play.A change in settlement pattern can be

seen in Scandinavia during the Migrationperiod, where several settlements wereabandoned or destroyed. This has beeninterpreted as a socioeconomic crisis, pos-sibly related to changing political struc-tures in the aftermath of the fall of theWestern Roman Empire (e.g. Stenberger,1933; Näsman, 1988; Fischer, 2005;Heather, 2006; Hedeager, 2011; see alsodiscussion in Alfsdotter et al., 2018). Thepresence of dead children at Sandby borgmay be indicative of extraordinary circum-stances. Non-accidental perimortem injur-ies documented among young childrenfrom the fourth–fifth-century AD cemeteryof Lisieux in Normandy in France havepreviously been interpreted as the result ofsocial stress caused by political distur-bances and perhaps raiding groups(Timmins et al., 2017). In another study,in the context of the fifteenth-centurymassacre of Cepin in Croatia, bioarchaeo-logical results were used to identify thecausative agent behind a specific raid, andto differentiate attempts to take prisonersof war from attempts to strategicallyspread fear and panic in a population(Šlaus et al., 2010). Judging from thecurrent analysis of the Sandby borgassault, it is unlikely that the massacre was








the result of an attempt to obtain wealth,since potential prisoners (e.g. children),luxury items, and animals were leftbehind. Theoretically, the attack onSandby borg could have been some formof retribution. In discussing violent behav-iour and its aftermath during the Iron Agein Scandinavia, Lindbom (2006: xviii)suggests that an attack on a farm (i.e.attacking people in their home) was anextreme act with dire consequences. Theattackers were consequently forced to killeveryone to eliminate witnesses and, thus,avoid being subjected to vengeance. So far,there is no archaeological or osteologicalevidence of feuding between Sandby borgand other local groups (e.g. evidence ofburning in cultural layers caused by previ-ous fires, large collections of weapons, orhealed weapon-related trauma).In skeletal series associated with con-

texts similar to those of Sandby borg,bioarchaeological analyses have revealedinformation about the extent of the vio-lence. In well-known cases of attacks onvillagers in other periods and geographicalregions, documented for example on pre-historic and historic sites in the US,dreadful acts of violence, such as mutila-tion and trophy-taking, have been docu-mented (e.g. Owsley et al., 1977; Willey,1990; Andrushko et al., 2005). Acts ofbody processing in a ritual or sacrificialmanner have also been observed in IronAge wetland contexts, showing that post-mortem manipulation of human bodieswas not a completely uncommon orextreme behaviour (see SupplementaryMaterial 1). However, the scene at Sandbyborg suggests a different situation. Theattack appears to have been an expedientand brutal affair. The villagers were seem-ingly taken by surprise rather thanengaged in a conventional battle.Although it is impossible to say anythingabout how much has been plundered, theperpetrators do not appear to have been

very interested in staying and searching forloot, considering the quantity of jewelleryand other luxury items found during theexcavations. The injury pattern and thepositions of the bodies is another indica-tion of a brief attack. The victims do nothave the appearance of having been movedafter they died, and the injuries are almost‘efficiently’ distributed, in the sense thatonly the minimum amount of violencenecessary to kill was used (for a tapho-nomic analysis, see Alfsdotter &Kjellström, in preparation). The compara-tively few instances of perimortem frac-tures (even in the rather completeskeletons, e.g. ID7 and ID12) suggest thateach victim was overcome with aminimum of effort by the attacker. Theinjury pattern and reconstructed bodypositions also indicate that the victims’bodies were not further brutalized ormanipulated after death. Furthermore, therepeated pattern, with dead humans insideand outside several houses, suggests thatthe perpetrators were numerous andcoordinated.Dutton et al. (2005) explored the

varying motives behind massacres andgenocides during the twentieth century.Although the social systems of modernstates and small Iron Age chiefdoms differgreatly, some arguments put forward inthis study may be pertinent to the discus-sion of the motives behind the Sandbyborg massacre. A common denominator ofmass killings is that the perpetrating groupperceives the target group as havingobtained some form of unfair advantage.Historical and political circumstancesaffect the identification of the targetgroup, and the mass killing is legitimizedamong the perpetrators as revenge(Dutton et al., 2005: 470). Often, masskillings are the result of feared future con-flict, and rapid social change is frequentlybehind the perception of a threat thatmust be eliminated. When indiscriminate








killing takes place (e.g. of children), theactions are often justified on the basis thatthe target group poses a future threat. Aplausible alternative (or additional) motivecan be to cause terror through the ruthlesskilling of vulnerable individuals. Theexcessive violence commonly witnessed inmassacres (mutilations, rape, torture, andkilling of defenceless victims) differs fromthe violence often seen in genocides,where the violence is ‘dispassionate’ and‘instrumental’ (since the violence is carriedout by those who only execute orders)(Wolfgang, 1958; Dutton & Kerry, 1999).Dutton et al. (2005) argue that socio-political circumstances may be enough toexplain instrumental violence, whereas the‘passionate’ killing seen in many massacresis not yet well understood. If we combinetheories of modern mass killing with theefficient slaughter so far evidenced inSandby borg, it is plausible to interpret thedispassionate killing as having been causedby sociopolitical instability. The lack oftraces of overkill combined with the effect-ive killing pattern could indicate that theindividuals who carried out the slaughterwere not personally involved with thevictims. Possibly, the killing was ordered.Credible motives behind the massacrewere likely to have been connected toexperienced past injustice, the perceptionof the Sandby borg inhabitants as a threat,and the will to spread fear to achievecontrol. This hypothesis fits with theinterpretation that the massacre in Sandbyborg was not a raid carried out for thepurposes of plundering. The motives sug-gested point to the attackers having been aneighbouring group (also discussed inVictor, 2015; Alfsdotter et al., 2018).Though a ‘personal’ scenario cannot beverified based on the current analysis, andremains speculative, the unburied bodiesappear to signal a provoking motive. Theycould be seen as a final act of violence,and even that the entire community was

wiped out. The finds at Sandby borgstrengthen the perception of theMigration period on Öland as a sociallyturbulent time, probably involving strifewith conflicting groups of inhabitants.The proposed mass killing at Sandby

borg can be contrasted with the image ofwarfare associated with finds such as theweapon deposits in Hjortspring andNydam in Denmark (see SupplementaryMaterial 1). The weapon offerings aredeposited in an organized and orchestratedform, demonstrating control and power inrelation to the contemporary narrative andideology. At Sandby borg, the grim resultand reality of violence is evident.

SUMMING UP

Archaeological excavations have revealedevidence of a Migration-period massacrein the ringfort of Sandby borg on Öland.Thus far, the remains of twenty-six indivi-duals have been found in several housesand on the surrounding street outsidethem. Perimortem sharp, blunt, and pene-trating trauma consistent with interper-sonal violence was identified in eightindividuals (31 per cent of the assem-blage). In addition, the locations and skel-etal positions of the remaining individualsimply that they were killed in the sameevent. The victims belonged to all agegroups, from infants to individuals over 50years of age. However, only men havebeen identified so far. The perpetratorswere seemingly numerous and coordinated.The assault was carried out expediently,judging from the efficient distribution oftrauma, the absence of body modification,and the fact that items of value still remain.Though most injuries were located on theskulls, a clear trauma pattern could not beestablished. The identified weapon typesare consistent with contemporary weapons.The prevailing sociopolitical situation is








likely to have led to social stress. It ishypothesized that the decision to kill theSandby borg inhabitants was based on afeeling of past injustices and a perceptionof the Sandby borg group as a threat. Thekilling of children is indicative of a fear ofretribution among the attackers. Ultim-ately, the motive behind the massacre wasprobably to attain regional power andcontrol.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work was supported by the Riksban-kens jubileumsfond under Grant P15-0138:1, the Knowledge Foundation, Bohus-läns Museum, and Linnaeus Universitythrough the Graduate School in ContractArchaeology (GRASCA). The presentarticle builds on osteological analysis con-ducted by Alfsdotter and on excavationrecords by Victor, Papmehl-Dufay, Gun-narson, Alfsdotter, and colleagues. Wewould like to thank the anonymousreviewers for helpful comments and sugges-tions. Many thanks to Tim Sandusky andDejan Gajic for language review, and toAnders Högberg for comments on anearlier version of the manuscript. We alsothank Daniel Lindskog and Helena Victorfor providing photographs and illustrations.

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SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL

To view supplementary material for thisarticle, please visit https://doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2018.55.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES

Clara Alfsdotter is an osteologist andarchaeologist at Bohusläns Museum. She

is currently working on her PhD atLinnaeus University’s Graduate School inContract Archaeology (GRASCA). Herresearch focuses on the treatment of deadbodies. She has a special interest in thesocial implications of violence, death, andtaphonomy.

Address: Clara Alfsdotter, Linnaeus Uni-versity, School of Cultural Studies, Facultyof Arts and Humanities, Linnégatan 5,SE-391 82 Kalmar, Sweden. [email:[email protected]].ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0181-4458.

Anna Kjellström is Associate Professor inOsteology at the Department of Archae-ology, Stockholm University. She is cur-rently a member of the Atlas Project,dealing with ancient human genomes. Shehas specialized in human health issues andtrauma in skeletal populations from theMesolithic to modern times, with a par-ticular interest in the Viking period andEarly Middle Ages. Her research focuseson bioarchaeological response associatedwith sociocultural concepts such as urban-ization, interpersonal violence, and subju-gated groups.

Address: Archaeological Research Labora-tory, Department of Archaeology andClassical Studies, University of Stockholm,Lilla Frescativägen 7, SE-106 91 Stock-holm, Sweden. [email: [email protected]]. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8964-3771.

Le massacre de Sandby borg : violence interpersonnelle et profil démographique desmorts

Les restes de 26 personnes dépourvues de sépultures ont été découverts dans les fouilles de l’enclos fortifiéde Sandby Borg (datant de l’âge du Fer, 400–550 apr. J.-C.), aussi bien à l’extérieur qu’à l’intérieur



https://doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2012.11020914

https://doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2012.11020914

https://doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2012.11020914




mailto:[email protected]

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0181-4458

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0181-4458



https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8964-3771

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8964-3771




de leurs maisons. Les squelettes ainsi que les données archéologiques indiquent que le site a étéabandonné après la mort de ces individus. L’étude des ossements humains et une analyse des trauma-tismes subis a suivi les protocoles établis en anthropologie physique. L’examen des ossements n’a identifiéque des sujets mâles ; en revanche, toutes les classes d’âge étaient représentées. Huit individus (31 pourcent de l’ensemble) présentaient des signes de traumatisme périmortem de divers types (lésions causéespar des instruments tranchants, contondants ou pénétrants) que l’on peut interpréter comme indices deviolence interpersonnelle. La position des corps et la configuration des traumatismes laissent penser à unmassacre plutôt qu’à une bataille. La manière « efficace » d’infliger une blessure (c’est-à-dire en usant deviolence de manière économique mais fatale), le fait que les cadavres n’ont pas été manipulés et le con-texte archéologique suggèrent que les responsables étaient nombreux et que leur assaut a été mené avecefficacité. La situation sociopolitique de l’époque était instable, ce qui nous amène à proposer que le motifde l’attaque fût l’obtention du pouvoir et du contrôle. (Translation by Madeleine Hummler)

Mots-clés: violence, traumatisme, époque de grandes migrations, Sandby borg, âge du Fer, mortssans sépultures

Das Massaker von Sandby borg: interpersonale Gewalt und demografisches Profilder Toten

Während der Ausgrabungen der eisenzeitlichen Ringwallanlage von Sandby borg (400–550 n. Chr.)sind die Überreste von 26 unbestatteten Menschen innerhalb und außerhalb der Häuser zutage gekom-men. Die Skelette und die archäologischen Angaben deuten darauf hin, dass die Ringwallsiedlung nachdem Tod dieser Menschen aufgegeben worden ist. Die Untersuchung der Knochen und die Analyse derTraumata folgten die anerkannten Protokolle der biologischen Anthropologie. Die osteologischeAuswertung hat nur Männer identifiziert aber alle Altersstufen waren vertreten. Acht Individuen(31 Prozent der Sammlung) hatten tödliche Verletzungen (perimortem Trauma), die von verschiede-nen, scharfen, stumpfen und penetrierenden Gegenständen verursacht worden sind. Die Lage derLeichen und die Struktur der Traumata lassen eher auf ein Massaker als auf eine Schlacht schließen.Die Verteilung von „effizienten” Verletzungen (wo Gewalt spärlich aber effektiv angewendet wurde),die Tatsache, dass man die Leichen nicht nachträglich manipuliert hatte, und die archäologischenAngaben deuten darauf hin, dass die Täter zahlreich waren und dass der Angriff effektiv war. Diedamalige soziopolitische Situation war offensichtlich unbeständig, was uns darauf schließen lässt, dassdie Übernahme der Macht und Kontrolle der Grund für das Massaker war. (Translation byMadeleine Hummler)

Stichworte: Gewalt, Trauma, Völkerwanderungszeit, Sandby borg, Eisenzeit, unbestattet






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