The Medieval Texts of the 1486 Ptolemy Edition by Johann Reger of UlmAuthor(s): Margriet Hoogvliet and Johann Reger of UlmReviewed work(s):Source: Imago Mundi, Vol. 54 (2002), pp. 7-18Published by: Imago Mundi, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1151499 .Accessed: 18/03/2012 07:38

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The Medieval Texts of the 1486 Ptolemy Edition by Johann Reger of Ulm

MARGRIET HOOGVLIET

ABSTRACT: In Johann Reger's 1486 edition, Ptolemy's Geographia is preceded by a Registrum alphabeticum and followed by the treatise De locis ac mirabilibus mundi. The additional texts are based on medieval examples: a Latin translation of Jean Germain's La mappemonde spirituelle (c. 1450), Vincent of Beauvais's Speculum naturale (13th century), and Isidore of Seville's Etymologiae and De natura rerum (6th-7th century). The combination of medieval knowledge with the highlight of classical geographical science indicates that in the fifteenth century Ptolemy's mathematical cartography did not replace medieval descriptive geography, but rather that his work was interpreted within the framework of traditional knowledge.

KEYWORDS: Ptolemy, Geographia (Cosmographia), fifteenth century, medieval texts, mappa mundi, Jean Germain, Johann Reger, Vincent de Beauvais, Isidore of Seville, Ulm.

In the early years of the fifteenth century the Byzantine scholar Manuel Chrysoloras brought to Florence a copy of the Geographia by Ptolemy, the famous geographer who had lived and worked in Alexandria from AD 87 to 150, possibly together with maps. In the Latin West, this Greek treatise had remained largely unknown during the Middle Ages,' although from the twelfth century onwards Latin translations of another work by Ptolemy, the Almagest, were available.2 Briefly put, the Geogra- phia, or as it is sometimes called, the Cosmographia, is a treatise explaining different mathematical projection systems for maps based on a grid of meridians and parallels. It also contains lists of co- ordinates (in astronomical degrees), which permit the correct plotting of geographical locations on a map.

In the course of the fifteenth century, an enormous number of copies of the Geographia were produced in the West, both in Greek and in Latin, initially in manuscript, later in printed

editions as well. The maps of the first printed editions were an impressive technical achievement, and it is not surprising that most histories of cartography tend to be preoccupied with the maps in the first printed editions. In focusing on the maps, however, the context in which Ptolemy's Geographia was presented to the fifteenth-century public is often ignored by modern historians.

Most ignored of all, perhaps, has been the 1486 printed Ptolemy edition by Johann Reger of Ulm, which contains not only the text and maps of the Geographia but also two other texts, namely an alphabetical register (Registrum alphabeticum) and an anonymous treatise on the places and marvels of the world (De locis ac mirabilibus mundi). Hitherto, only the maps in Reger's edition have been examined and little attention has been paid to the texts, let alone to their unknown sources. In order to demonstrate the importance of the two texts in Reger's edition, I shall discuss first the reception of Ptolemy's Geographia during the fifteenth century-

Dr Margriet Hoogvliet, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, Arts Faculty/RTC, P.O. Box 716, NL-9700 AS Groningen, The Netherlands. Tel: (31) (0)50 363 7260. Fax. (31) (0)50 363 7263. E-mail: . ? Imago Mundi. Vol. 54, 2002, 7-18. 7

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no longer seen as the revolutionary event it was long thought to be-and then describe the 1486 Ptolemy edition and its contents. It will then become clear that the two accompanying texts are based on medieval sources. The close association of these products of the medieval religious and legendary world view with Ptolemy's mathematical cartography constitutes an important indicator of the reception of Ptolemy's Geographia in the West in the fifteenth century.

The Ptolemaic Revolution Reconsidered

Traditionally, the recovery of the Geographia in the fifteenth century is perceived as the event marking the beginning of a so-called 'Ptolemaic Revolution', with the implication that the 'uncritical' and religiously inspired cartography of the Middle Ages was replaced by the scientific cartography of the Renaissance. Recent scholarship has refined this over-simplified representation of the impact of the Geographia and has shown that the reception of Ptolemy's work was a much more complex process than the traditional literature allows for. Instead, it is now suggested that different modes of reception should be distinguished.3

As is well known, the humanists were the first to be interested in the Geographia. The Florentine librarian Palla Strozzi acquired another manuscript of the Greek Geographia, and in 1409 Jacobus Angeli (Iacopo di Angelo da Scarperia), one of Chrysoloras's pupils, dedicated his Latin translation of the text to Pope Alexander V, still without maps. The first modern adaptation of Ptolemy's work was made in France by Cardinal Fillastre (d.1428), who included a commentary and maps of contemporary northern Europe.4 Other humanist authors incor- porated parts of the Geographia into their own texts, as did, for example, Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius II, 1405-1464) in his cosmographical treatise, Historia rerum ubique gestarum. The human- ists were interested in Ptolemy's geographical work primarily because it was a hitherto unknown classical text. They apparently did not prefer Ptolemy to their other heroes of classical geogra- phy, such as Pliny the Elder, Strabo and Pomponius Mela, all of whose geographical works are of a descriptive rather than a mathematical character.

A second realm of the Geographia's reception to consider is that of map-making.5 Inspired by the maps in Ptolemy's geographical work and by the mathematical projection systems described therein,

8 fifteenth-century cartographers and mathemati-

cians started to enlarge the Geographia with modem maps or tabulae modernae. An early example is the map of northern Europe (1427) by Claudius Clavus which was added to Cardinal Fillastre's manuscript copy of the Geographia. Other examples of tabulae modernae include the three recensions of the Geographia by Nicolaus Germanus (from 1460 onwards), for which he created no fewer than five tabulae novellae as well as a new map of the world.6 Later in the fifteenth century, other tabulae modernae were made by Pietro de Massaio (1469, 1472, undated), Francesco Berlinghieri (c.1480), and Henricus Martellus Germanus (late 15th century).

Ptolemy's cartography was not, however, the complete novelty in the Latin West as the older scholarly literature suggests. Some medieval grid- based maps survive, although it is true that the function of the grid differs fundamentally from Ptolemy's latitude and longitude.7 In the thirteenth century, Roger Bacon had already described a mathematical projection system for a world map.8 And a number of tables were in wide circulation from the twelfth century onwards, giving the degrees of latitude, and often longitude, for important western European places.9 The recovery of Ptolemy's cartography in the Latin West at the start of the fifteenth century, at best, should be seen as a new stimulus to existing knowledge, not a revolutionary factor.'?

A third aspect of Ptolemy's reception in the fifteenth century to consider is the way the Geographia was understood within the framework of traditional geographical knowledge as defined, for example, by medieval mappae mundi and descriptive geographical texts. Pierre d'Ailly in his Imago mundi, written some time between 1380 and 1420, discusses both the descriptive geography of the medieval cosmographi and the mathematical geography of the astrologers (among which he places Ptolemy's Geographia): 'Vcusque de diuisione terre secundum astrologos dictus est qui per diuisionem climatum procedunt Nunc aliam diui- sionem quam ponunt Cosmographi posequamur'. 1 What is striking is that d'Ailly does not prefer the mathematical geography of Ptolemy to the tradi- tional medieval geography; to him, both are equally important. Another example of the way Ptolemy's Geographia was received by geographers is provided by the treatise, Luculentissima quaedam terrae totius descriptio, published in 1515 by the German Johannes Schoner to accompany his globe.'2 The

first part of Schoner's work, the tractatus primus, is an expose of mathematical geography based on astronomical data. It is followed by a tractatus secundus, containing a description of the habitable world in which considerable attention is paid to medieval legends that evoke the marvels of the East. A similar attitude towards Ptolemaic mathe- matical cartography, on the one hand, and tradi- tional knowledge, on the other, characterized Johann Reger's edition of the Geographia (1486).13

The 1486 Edition by Johann Reger Johann Reger (1454-?) was a printer who worked in Ulm, in southern Germany. He undertook to print Ptolemy's Cosmographia, as it was then called, at the request and expense of Justus de Albano of Venice. When the printer Lienhart Holl was declared bankrupt in 1484, Justus had purchased the font and the wood blocks that Holl had used for his great 'Ulm edition' of 1482.14 Holl's exemplar for text and maps was Nicolaus Germanus's third recension of the Geography in a manuscript dating from about 1468, now in the collection of Schlol Wolfegg in Wurtemberg.'5 Justus passed the font and wood blocks to Reger who used them for his edition of 1486. Reger reprinted the 1482 edition and added the elaborate Registrum alphabeticum before the Geography and its maps, and the treatise De locis ac mirabilibus mundi immediately after. The quire numbering indicates that the three works were printed separately: the Registrum has quire marks in capital letters, Ptolemy's Geographia has them in lower case letters, and then the beginning of the De locis starts anew with a lower case 'a'.16

Nothing indicates how many copies were printed, but Johann Reger's edition must have had considerable success. We know that Justus de Albano sold a large number of copies in Italy. Many who had already purchased the 1482 edition added the Registrum and the text of De locis to their copies.17 Likewise, the Registrum and De locis were copied into the Wolfegg manuscript of Nicolaus Germanus's recension of the Geography.18 The success of the 1486 edition induced some printers to publish pirated editions. The Nuremberg printer Anton Koberger reprinted illegally the Registrum and De locis in order to update his, or another bookseller's, stocks of Holl's 1482 edition. In 1490 in Rome, Petrus de Turre also added a virtually word-for-word copy of the two texts when he

reprinted the 1478 Rome edition of the Geog- raphy.19

De locis ac mirabilibus mundi

The treatise De locis ac mirabilibus mundi at the end of Johann Reger's Ptolemy edition describes the marvels of the world, as announced by the title. It opens with a description of the world structured according to the three continents of the habitable world-Asia, Europe, Africa-and the islands in the outer ocean and the Mediterranean Sea (Fig. 1). The author not only lists the names of towns, rivers, mountains and seas, but he also gives much attention to the marvels of the East, such as exotic animals and deformed human races, in the stan- dard manner of medieval descriptiones orbis. These descriptions can be traced back as far as Isidore of Seville's Etymologiae (Book 14), which in turn was based on classical and late-classical sources.20

During the Middle Ages, written geographical descriptions of the world could be referred to as mappa mundi, the same terminology used for actual maps.21 Certain rhetorical particularities suggest that the descriptiones orbis should be read as textual maps closely related to circular mappae mundi similar to the thirteenth-century Hereford and Ebstorf maps.22 It is significant that Johann Reger considered it necessary to complete the maps of Ptolemy's Geographia with this product of medieval cartography. It indicates to us that, in the fifteenth century, medieval mappae mundi and the informa- tion they contained were considered as valid as mathematical cartography.

After this textual mappa mundi, the text of De locis continues with descriptions of mountains, towns, winds and water; a lengthy part is devoted to monstrous human races. Then follow the earth and the heavens, winds for the second time (but now from a different source), and the text ends with Mount Etna in Sicily. The content of De locis thus exceeds the narrowly geographical and is, in fact, a small encyclopaedia dealing with the whole cos- mos, from the earth and its inhabitants to the heavens. The basic principle is that of the encyclo- paedias of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, which were ordered according to the four elements of the cosmos: earth, water, air and fire.23 The wish to include the four elements might be an explana- tion for the rather peculiar insertion of Mount Etna (fire) at the end of the text.

The De locis treatise is anonymous. For many years, Nicolaus Germanus was thought to have 9

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been its author, but recent research has shown that the treatise was only added to Nicolaus's manu- script of the Geography after Reger had produced his printed edition in 1486.24 It is difficult to suggest a source; for the treatise is a compilation from a number of works used in the Middle Ages. It contains not only numerous references to Isidore of Seville but also cites the late-classical Roman geographer Solinus. The Registrum at the beginning of the 1486 edition attributes the De locis treatise in turn to Solinus, Isidore and De naturis rerum.25 The last reference is of no assistance to us, since countless medieval encyclopaedias have that title and a still greater number deal with the same subject-the features (res) of the natural world. The geographical chapters and the chapters on the monstrous races in the De locis treatise match most closely what is found in the Speculum naturale, an encyclopaedia describing the natural world com- piled and written during the first half of the thirteenth century by Vincent of Beauvais (d. 1264).

It is of course difficult to demonstrate that the Speculum naturale is indeed the source from which the relevant parts of the De locis were taken, because Vincent of Beauvais himself acknowledges in the general introduction to his encyclopaedia that he had copied from other sources.26 Conse- quently, we are not surprised to find that the first chapters of Vincent's geographical description reproduce almost verbatim parts of Book 14 of Isidore's Etymologiae. Other parts come from Soli- nus's Collectanea rerum memorabilium (3rd century). Further problems are created by the fact that Vincent's Speculum circulated in a number of different versions, and the only available modern printed version is a facsimile of the Douai edition of 1624.27

While parts of the De locis treatise follow Vincent's Speculum naturale closely, elsewhere the author of De locis has departed from the Speculum by introducing fragments from other texts (Appen- dix I). Chapters 1 to 22 of De locis have the same chapter headings as chapters 1 through 21 of the 32nd Book of the Speculum naturale. Book 32 is a geographical description of the world, closely related to the previously mentioned medieval descriptiones orbis. De locis continues with two chapters on mountains and towns from Isidore of Seville's Etymologiae. These might already have been present in the version of the Speculum naturale from which the author worked, because it con- tinues the sequence of chapters of Book 14 of the

Etymologiae. For chapters 25 to 34, in which the element water is discussed, the author of De locis returned to the Etymologiae, copying Book 12 before going back to the Speculum naturale for his chapters 35 to 48 (on the monstrous races), the headings of which are identical to those of chapters 118 to 132 in the Speculum's Book 31. Two chapters on the different languages in the world follow, both taken from the Etymologiae. The final chapters have much in common with Isidore's Liber de natura rerum, an earlier encyclopaedic text dating from between 612 and 615.28

A close textual examination of the first four chapters of the geographical section reveals that the author was not a blind copier of his source texts. He chose what was relevant to his purpose, and he left out some parts of his example, in this case the Speculum naturale (see Appendix I). The first chapter of De locis copies the first and final paragraphs of Chapter 1 of Book 32 of the Speculum naturale, leaving out the paragraphs on the creation and the flood. Chapter 2 is identical to the text of the Speculum naturale. Chapter 3 also follows the text of the Speculum naturale closely, with the exception of a small paragraph on Parthia, not in the Douai edition but present in the original text of Isidore. Chapter 4 of De locis only reproduces excerpts of the Speculum naturale, but the source text is still recognizable.

De locis is the work of an author who copied parts from medieval encyclopaedias, making alterations to his source texts and rearranging them into a new encyclopaedic text. It is not impossible that the author of De locis may have been Johann Reger himself. As the printer of the 1486 edition of Ptolemy's Geography, Reger had evidently decided it was necessary to supplement the mathematical geography of Ptolemy with a geographical-ency- clopaedic treatise based on medieval sources. These two works are not simply printed together, they were intended to complete one another, as indi- cated by the presence of the Registrum alphabeticum at the beginning of Reger's edition, which refers the reader to both the Geographia and the De locis.

The Registrum alphabeticum Unlike De locis, the Registrum alphabeticum (Fig. 2), which forms the first part of the 1486 printed edition, is acknowledged by Reger as his own work in the lemma of his place of birth, Chemnat (modern Kemnath in Bavaria): Chemnat sive chetaori . . Hic lohannes Reger duxit origine(m). Et a(n)no etatis 11

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sue 32 composuit hoc registru(m) in Vlma anno domini 1486.29

The Registrum consists of a list of places and people arranged in the contemporary style of alphabetical order-that is, according to only the first letter of the name-together with the location of each name in the texts and on the maps.30 Thus England (Anglia) can be found as Albion in the third chapter of the second book of the Geographia. Moreover, it can be looked up in the first map of Europe: 'Albion insula: nunc vero Anglia dicitur. Libro secu(n)do, capitulo tertio, tabula prima Europe'. Most often, the references are abbreviated: Antioch (found in the fifteenth chapter of Book 2 and on the fourth map of Asia), is given as 'Anthiochia, li. 2, ca. 15, ta. 4 Asie . . .31

The Registrum, however, is more than a simple list of places in Ptolemy's work: it gives substantial additional information. The first ten to fifteen items listed under each letter of the alphabet are accompanied by texts describing them from the perspective of ecclesiastical history. These descrip- tions remind the reader of the great deeds of the apostles, saints and martyrs. Reger's source for this information has been identified by the French philologist B. de Gaiffier as a Latin translation of a fifteenth-century French text by a bishop named Jean Germain and entitled La mappemonde spir- ituelle.32 There is no modern edition of the French text. Its dedication tells us that the work was offered in 1449 by Jean Germain, bishop of Chalons-sur-Sa6ne and chancellor of the order of the Golden Fleece, to Philip II, duke of Burgundy. Reger refers to Germain's text under the heading relating to the town of Chalons-sur-Saone: Cabu- lium ... Hic dominus Primus [=Iohannes] Germanus episcop(us) sacrae theologie professor, qui anno domini 1450 hos sanctos composuit in sua mappa mundi que sp[irit]ualis dicitur.33

Germain's text is basically a geographical account of the three continents. In this respect, it differs little from traditional medieval descriptions. In addition, though, as Jean Germain explains in the introductory paragraphs, his mappemonde may be called spirituelle because he has added a history of the deeds of Christ, the Apostles, saints and martyrs to the geographical framework.

According to de Gaiffier, it was Johann Reger who translated Jean Germain's Mappemonde spir- ituelle into Latin, and who transformed its geogra- phical structure into the alphabetical listing of the Registrum.34 De Gaiffier also stated that the transla-

tion is entirely faithful to the original, without either additions or omissions. A randomly chosen comparison of the French original with the Latin translation suggests that de Gaiffier's claim is probably overstated. In the French original, for example, Germain relates that at the time of the Roman emperor Alexander, the saints Hippolytus (d. 235/236) and Beryllus (3rd century) were bishops of the town of Arabibotrence (possibly Bostra in Arabia), that Saint Hippolytus was a great writer of religious texts at the time of Origen, and that both saints died as glorious confessors:

C. Arabibotrence. Cy furent au temps de Alexandre empereur de Rome renommez euesques sains Ypolite et Berille et fut ledit Ypolite merueilleux en escriptures au tems de Origene et morurent glorieux confes- seurs.35

The same elements are present in the Latin version-the mention of the bishops Hippolytus and Beryllus, and of Hippolytus as a writer in Origen's day-but Reger has added a reference to St Jerome (c.350-420) and his book De viris illustribus:

Aradripha li. 6 ca. 2 ta. 5 Asie. Hic t(em)p(or)e Alexandri imp(er)atoris Ypolitus et Berillus ep(iscop)i clarebantur: Ypolitus vero multa scripsit conte(m)por- aneus Origeni et Berillus hic ep(iscop)us ab Origene corrigitur vt dicit Ieronim(us) in libro virorum illu- strium.36

This example reveals that Reger did not simply translate the Mappemonde spirituelle into Latin; he was a critical reader of Germain's work, making corrections to the original text and giving additional information.

The Registrum is not only a translation and a re- ordering of the Mappemonde spirituelle but also contains elements from other texts. The ten to twenty place-names immediately following the material taken from Germain are accompanied by texts describing the marvels of the East. For instance, for the entry 'Arabia felix', the geogra- phical details are taken from the Greek geographer Strabo (fl. 30 BC-AD 10). It mentions that in this part of the world the phoenix is found as well as camels, and that there are also wonderful spices such as myrrh and cinnamon:

Arabia felix li. 6 ca. 8 ta. 6 Asie. Hic auis fenix habitat. Hic cameloru(m) nutrito(n): hos licet et alie regiones mitta(n)t: sed Arabia plurimos. Hic aloa atq(ue) in india gignitur. Hic mirra arbor altitudinis q(uin)q(ue) cubitoru(m) similis spine. Hic thus nascitur arbor imme(n)sa atq(ue) ramosa leuissimi corticis. Hic cinamomu(m) et i(n) Ethiopia nascitur hec Strabo.38 Other items in the Registrum concerning the

marvels of the world refer the reader not only to 13

the texts and maps of the Geographia but also to the treatise De locis ac mirabilibus mundi, found at the end of Reger's edition of Ptolemy. For example, the 'Arimaspi gens' can be found in Ptolemy's Geogra- phia, Book 9, Chapter 9, and on the second map of Asia. Moreover, the 'Arimaspi gens' can be looked up in the treatise at the end of the book: Et in tractatu in fine. Capitulum quadragesimum quartum de ciclopibus Solinus.39 For several other items, the Registrum only refers to the chapter number of the De locis, without further mention of the treatise. An example is the entry 'Blemys', where the reader is referred to Et ca. 44 de ciclopib(us).40

The last items listed under each letter of the alphabet describe the Belgian, German and Frank- ish tribes. According to the Registrum itself, these texts are based on Julius Caesar's (100-44 BC) De bello Gallico and on Tacitus's Germania (AD 98). The Registrum ends with some paragraphs giving the classical names for modern places.4'

The contents of Johann Reger's Registrum shows that it is a complicated piece of work compiled by a scholar with a good knowledge of a variety of geographical sources, both classical and medieval. We have seen, too, how Reger was not content simply to translate the Mappemonde spirituelle into Latin, but had read it critically, corrected the original and included new information. The Regis- trum is a highly effective organizing tool, which permits the reader to navigate easily through Ptolemy's Geography and the treatise De locis which follows it. Moreover, it allows the reader to plot on to the Ptolemaic maps places associated with the major events of the Christian faith as well as the marvels of the world. In this respect, it serves ingeniously as a bridge between classical thought, as expressed in Ptolemy, and medieval thought, as expressed in the De locis ac mirabilibus mundi and the Mappemonde spirituelle. Of particular significance is the fact that the author of the Registrum expressed no preference for the technically sophisticated work of Ptolemy over age-old legends about the marvels of the world.

In his 1486 edition, Johann Reger did not present Ptolemy's Geography as a new scientific development, outdating the results of earlier geography and cartography. Quite the contrary: he complemented his edition of the mathematical cartography of Ptolemy by adding the encyclopae- dic treatise De locis ac mirabilibus mundi with its

14 written map of the world inherited from medieval

times. He also added a Registrum alphabeticum, which refers the reader to both the texts and maps of the Geographia, as well as the marvels of the East as described in the De locis. It can be concluded that it is not entirely correct to refer to Reger's publication as an edition of Ptolemy, given that the printed book consists of two works of equal importance, linked by the Registrum alphabeticum.

In short, Johann Reger's printed edition of Ptolemy's Geography, with its two accompanying medieval texts, was a successful integration of traditional medieval knowledge and mathematical and cartographical techniques. Its favourable con- temporary reception demonstrates that the fif- teenth-century public perceived almost no opposition between Ptolemaic science and what we would call 'medieval lore' and cautions against the notion of a 'Ptolemaic Revolution'. The modern idea of scientific revolution and of paradigm shifts hardly applies to the cartography of the Renais- sance.42 Early Renaissance scholars were not seeking to declare inherited knowledge as useless but were trying to integrate the new with the old. The long-forgotten texts in Johann Reger's 1486 edition of Ptolemy's Geography are an important testimony of such an attitude.

Acknowledgements: This article is a reworking of a paper read at the 4th International Congress, 'The 15th Century/ Le quinziime siecle/Das fiinfzehnte Jahrhundert', Antwerp, 2-7 July, 2000. I would like to thank Professor Dr Ingrid Baumgartner for her kind invitation. I am also greatly indebted to Professor Dr Volker Honemann for granting me research facilities at the Institut fiir Deutsche Philologie I, Westfalische Wilhelms-Universitat, Miinster, Germany. Bea Biokuis and Jan Van Ginkel kindly helped with the Latin translations.

Manuscript submitted June 2001. Revised text received September 2001.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Patrick Gautier Dalche, 'Le souvenir de la Geographie

de Ptolemee dans le monde latin medieval (VIe-XIVe siecles)', Euphrosyne. Revista de filologia classica, n.s. 27 (1999): 79-106, has argued that during the Middle Ages the Geographia was not entirely forgotten in the Latin West. 2. For the Latin translations of the Almagest, see Edward

Grant, The Foundations of Modern Science in the Middle Ages. Their Religious, Institutional, and Intellectual Contexts (Cam- bridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996), 24-25.

3. Patrick Gautier Dalche has published critical studies on 15th-century cartography and the reception of Ptolemaic geography. See especially his 'L'ouvre geogra- phique du cardinal Fillastre (d.1428). Representation du monde et perception de la carte a l'aube des decouvertes', Archives d'histoire doctrinale et litte'raire du Moyen Age 59 (1992): 319-83; and his 'Pour une histoire du regard

geographique. Conception et usage de la carte au XVe siecle', in II teatro della natura / The Theatre of Nature (Micrologus IV) (Turnhout, Brepols, 1996), 77-103. 4. See Gautier Dalche, 'L'oeuvre geographique du

cardinal Fillastre' (note 3). 5. Although the Geographia contains precise directions

for drawing a map, it is not at all certain if the maps (which decorate only some of the Byzantine manuscripts), reflect original maps made by Ptolemy. Kai Brodersen has argued that the surviving Greek manuscript maps were drawn in Byzantium (Terra cognita. Studien zur rimischen Raumerfassung (Hildesheim, Zurich and New York, Georg Olms, 1995), 13, n.l). 6. For the three recensions of Ptolemy's Geographia by

Nicolaus Germanus, see Raleigh A. Skelton's introduction to the facsimile of the 1482 printed edition from Ulm: Claudius Ptolemaeus: Cosmographia (Amsterdam, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1963), v-xi. 7. These are the grid maps of Palestine by Pietro

Vesconte and his workshop, added to the manuscripts in Marino Sanudo's Liber secretorum fidelium crucis (c.1321) and to Paolino Veneto's historiographical works (entitled Satyrica historia and Chronologia magna, c.1320). For the maps by Pietro Vesconte, see Bernhard Degenhart and Annegrit Schmitt, 'Marino Sanudo und Paolino Veneto. Zwei Literaten des 14. Jahrhunderts in ihrer Wirkung auf Buchillustrierung und Kartographie in Venedig, Avignon und Neapel', Rimisches Jahrbuch fir Kunstgeschichte 14 (1973): 1-37, 128-30, esp. 64, 76-78, 105, pl. 152 and 153. 8. Alistair C. Crombie and John North, 'Roger Bacon

(c.1219-1292)', in Science, Art and Nature in Medieval and Moder Thought, ed. Alistair C. Crombie (London, Ham- bledon, 1996), 51-65, esp. 60; David Woodward and H. M. Howe, 'Roger Bacon on geography and cartog- raphy', in Roger Bacon and the Sciences. Commemorative Essays, ed. J. Hackett (Leiden, New York and Cologne, Brill, 1997), 199-222. The claims of Dana Benett Durand concerning the existence of early 15th century projection systems, independent of Ptolemaic cartography, are based on his interpretations of the Vienna-Klosterneuburg map corpus (The Vienna-Klosterneuburg Map Corpus of the Fifteenth Century. A Study in the Transition from Medieval to Modern Science (Leiden, Brill, 1952)). They have been criticized by Gautier Dalche as being based almost exclusively on 'des reconstitutions, des conjectures sou- vent gratuites, et des attributions rarement prouvees' ('Pour une histoire du regard geographique' (see note 3), 85). 9. For these astronomical tables and their importance for

Western geography and astronomy, see David Lindberg, The Beginnings of Western Science. The European Scientific Tradition in Philosophical, Religious, and Institutional Context (Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 1992), 267-73; John North, The Fontana History of Astronomy and Astrology (London, Fontana, 1994), 203-23.

10. See also Gautier Dalche, 'Pour une histoire du regard geographique' (note 3), 84-86.

11. 'Until here we have discussed the distribution of the earth according to the astrologers who work according to the division in climate zones. Let us now proceed with another division, namely the one used by the cosmogra- phers'. See E. Buron, ed., Ymago mundi de Pierre d'Ailly. Texte latin et traduction francaise des quatre traites cosmogra- phiques de d'Ailly et des notes marginales de Christophe Colomb (Paris, Maisonneuve Freres, 1930), 252. For other examples, see Gautier Dalche, 'Pour une histoire du regard geographique' (note 3), 86-87.

12. I have consulted the Nuremberg edition of Johannes Stuchs, 1515, preserved in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbi- bliothek, 4? rar 1474. For Schoner (and other early modern cartographers), cartography is directly linked to religious exegesis; see Margriet Hoogvliet, 'Mappae mundi and medieval hermeneutics of cartographical space', in Regions and Landscapes. Reality and Imagination in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Peter F. Ainsworth and Tom Scott (Oxford, Bern, and elsewhere, Peter Lang, 2000), 25-46.

13. The best and most recent studies of the Ulm editions of 1482 and 1486 can be found in Skelton, Claudius Ptolemeus (see note 6), v-xi; and Peter Amelung, Der Friihdruck im deutschen Siidwesten 1473-1500 (Stuttgart, Metzler, 1979), 261-362, Cat. Nos. 138, 145. See also Uta Lindgren, 'Die Geographie des Claudius Ptolemaeus in Miinchen. Beschreibung der gedruckten Exemplare in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek', Archives internationales d'his- toire des sciences 35 (1985): 148-239; Tony Campbell, The Earliest Printed Maps, 1472-1500 (London, The British Library, 1987), 135-38. I have consulted the printed copies preserved in the Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam (A-m-3) and in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich (inc. CA 1817). For other copies and their locations, see the CD-Rom Incunabula Short Title Catalogue (ISTC).

14. Impressvm Vlme opera et expensis Iusti de Albano de Venetiis per provisorem swm lohannem Reger. Anno Domini MCCCCLXXXVI, XII kalendas Avgvsti (= 21 July 1486) (sig. [c8r]). For the pagination of this early printed book, see note 16.

15. Both the manuscript in Wolfegg and the printed editions of 1482 and 1486 have Donnus [= Dominus] Nicolaus Germanus's dedication to Pope Paul II. The third recension has 5 tabulae novellae (France, Spain, 'Nordland', Italy and Palestine), added by Nicolaus Germanus to the original maps. Most regional maps are on a trapezoid projection. The world map in both the manuscript and the printed editions from Ulm is in the second or homeotheric projection with curved meridians and parallels as described by Ptolemy. See Skelton, Claudius Ptolemeus (note 6), v-xi; Amelung, Der Friihdruck im deutschen Siidwesten 1473-1500 (note 13), 282-83.

16. Sig. A2r-[E8v]: Registrum alphabeticum super octo libros Ptolomei; sig. alr-[i8v]: Ptolemaeus, Cosmographia (Latin translation by Jacobus Angeli), with Nicolaus Germanus's dedication to Pope Paul II, followed by maps (32 folded sheets, not gathered in quires and without signatures); sig. alv-[c8r]: De locis ac mirabilibus mundi. In incunabula, the quire marks serve as pagination. These are noted as sig. Air, sig. Alv, sig. A2r, etc.; pages without quire marks are noted between square brackets.

17. For the reception of Johann Reger's edition, see Amelung, Der Friihdruck im deutschen Siidwesten 1473-1500 (note 13), 329-32.

18. Skelton, Claudius Ptolemeus (see note 6), x-xi. 19. For the illegal reprints of Reger's work, see Amelung,

Der Friihdruck im deutschen Siidwesten 1473-1500 (note 13), 274-77, 331. 20. Isidore compiled the Etymologiae between 622 and

633. For an overview of medieval descriptiones orbis, see Rudolf Simek, Altnordische Kosmographie. Studien und Quellen zu Weltbild und Weltbeschreibung in Norwegen und Island vom 12. bis zum 14. Jahrhundert (Berlin and New York, De Gruyter, 1990), 151-54; and chapter 3 of my dissertation, Mappae mundi: pictura et scriptura. Textes, images et hermeneutique des mappemondes du Moyen Age (XIIIe-XVIe siecles), Medieval to Early Modern Culture/ Kultureller Wandel vom Mittelalter zur Fruhen Neuzeit, 15

ed. Martin Gosman and Volker Honemann (Frankfurt am Main, Peter Lang, forthcoming).

21. Richard Uhden ('Gervasius von Tilbury und die Ebstorfer Weltkarte', in Jahrbuch der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Hannover (1925): 185-200, esp. 199, n.73), seems to have been the first to make this point. For a better and more recent analysis, see Patrick Gautier Dalche, ed., La 'Descriptio mappe mundi' de Hugues de Saint-Victor. Texte inedit avec introduction et commentaire (Paris, Etudes Augustiniennes, 1988), 87-88. 22. See Gautier Dalche, La 'Descriptio mappe mundi' de

Hugues de Saint-Victor (note 21), 87. 23. For the principles on which the medieval encyclo-

paedias were structured, see Christel Meier-Staubach, 'Grundzuge der mittelalterlichen Enzyklopadistik. Zu Inhalten, Formen und Funktionen einer problematischen Gattung', in Literatur und Laienbildung im Spdtmittelalter und in der Reformationszeit: Symposion Wolfenbiittel 1981, ed. L. Grenzmann et al. (Stuttgart, Metzler, 1984), 467-500; Christel Meier-Staubach, 'Organisation of Knowledge and Encyclopaedic ordo: Functions and Purposes of a Uni- versal Literary Genre', in Pre-Modern Encyclopaedic Texts. Proceedings of the Second COMERS Congress, Groningen, 1-4 July 1996, ed. Peter Binkley (Leiden, Brill, 1997), 103-26; Heinz Meyer, 'Zum Verhaltnis von Enzyklopadik und Allegorese im Mittelalter', Friihmittelalterlichen Studien 24 (1990): 290-313. 24. Skelton, Claudius Ptolemeus (see note 6), x-xi;

Amelung, Der Friihdruck im deutschen Sidwesten 1473-1500 (see note 13), 282, 362. 25. Arimaspi gens ... li. 5 ca. 9 ta. 2 Asie. Et in tractatu in

fine Capitulum quadragesimum quartum de ciclopibus Solinus (The Arimaspi people ... Bk. 5; Ch. 9; 2nd map of Asia. And in the treatise at the end, chapter 44 on Cyclops, from Solinus) (sig. A4r). Cinocephali . . li. 7 ca. 1 ta. 10 Asie. Et ca. 43 De gentibus mo(n)struosis et cinocephalis. Isidorus (Cinoce- phali (dog-heads) ... Bk. 7; Ch. 1; 10th map of Asia. And in chapter 43 on monstrous people and people with dog's heads, from Isidorus) (sig. [B5v]). Bragmanni li. 7 ca. 1 ta. 10 Asie. Et alibi in tractatu ca. 48 De barbaris moribus indorum. Ex libros de naturis rerum (Bragmans, Bk. 7; Ch. 1, 10th map of Asia. And the same in the treatise, chapter 48 on the barbarious customs of the Indians, from the book on the things of nature) (sig. Blr).

26. (.. .) nam ex meo pauca uel quasi nulla; ipsorum igitur est auctoritate, nostrum autem sola partium ordinatione [. therefore, in so far as authority [auctoritas] is concerned, there is little or, as it were, nothing from myself, but our only part is in ordering] (Serge Lusignan, ed., Vincent de Beauvais, Libellus totius operis apologeticus (Montreal, Bel- larmin, 1979), 118-19).

27. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Maior (Douai, 1624), 4 vols. (Graz, Academische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1964-1965). See Monique Paulmier-Foucard, 'Ordre encyclopedique et organisation de la matiere dans le Speculum maius de Vincent de Beauvais', in L'encyclope- disme: Actes du Colloque de Caen 12-16 janvier 1987, ed. Annie Beck (Paris, Klincksieck, 1991), 201-26.

28. The use of a third source text might be an explanation for the peculiar phenomenon that De locis has two chapters on the winds.

29. Sig. B5v: 'Chemnat or Chetaori... This was the place of origin of Johann Reger. And at the age of 32 years he

composed this register in Ulm, in the year of our lord 1486'. 30. The practice of organizing knowledge by listing

names or headings in alphabetical order appeared in the West from the 13th century onwards. For several centuries it did not proceed beyond the first one or two letters. For the first appearances and development of alphabetical order, see Richard H. Rouse, 'La diffusion en occident aux XIIIe siecle des outils de travail facilitant l'acces aux textes autoritatifs', Revue des etudes islamiques 44 (1976): 115-47; Olga Weyers, Dictionnaires et repertoires au moyen age: une etude du vocabulaire (New York and London, Garland, 1991).

31. Both references are on sig. A2r. 32. B. de Gaiffier, 'Les sources de la "Topographia

sanctorum" publiee par Maurolycus', Analecta Bollandiana LII (1934): 57-63. According to de Gaiffier, Reger's Latin translation was later used by Francois Maurolycus for his Topographia sanctorum (1568).

33. Sig. B4r-v: 'Chalons-sur-Sa6ne. Here (lived?) Dom. Jean Germain, bishop and professor of theology, who in the year of our Lord 1450 composed this work on saints in his mappa mundi known as 'spiritualis'.

34. Gaiffier, 'Les sources de la "Topographia sanctorum'" (see note 32), 60. 35. 'The town of Arabibotrence. In the time of the

Roman Emperor Alexander, the saints Hippolytus and Beryllus were bishop here. And the said Hippolite was an extraordinary writer in the time of Origen, and they died as glorious confessors' (Jean Germain, Mappemonde spirituelle, cited from Brussels, Koninklijke Bibliotheek/ Bibliotheque royale, MS 11038, f. 2v).

36. Sig. A2r: 'Aradripha, Bk. 6; Ch. 2; 5th map of Asia. In the time of Emperor Alexander, the bishops Hippolytus and Beryllus were famous here. Hippolite lived in the time of Origen and has indeed written a lot. Bishop Berillus was corrected here by Origen, as St Jerome writes in his book on famous men'.

37. See also the short introduction on sig. Alv, which explains how to use the maps. It is not a summary of Jean Germain's introduction to the Mappemonde spirituelle, as claimed by De Gaiffier ('Les sources de la "Topographia sanctorum'" (see note 32), 60). Indeed, it has little in common with the French text.

38. Sig. A2r: 'Arabia felix, Bk. 6; Ch. 8; 6th map of Asia. Here lives the bird phoenix. Here camels are bred(?): Arabia exports most of them, even if other regions do the same. Aloe is produced here, as in India. Here (is found) the mirrh tree of five cubits height, similar to the pine tree. Here grows the immense frankincense tree, abounding in branches with smooth bark. Here and in Ethiopia grows cinnamon. This information is found in Strabo'.

39. See note 25. 'And in the treatise at the end. Chapter 44 on Cyclops, from Solinus'. 40. Sig. Blr: 'Blemmys li. 4 ca. 8 ta. 4 Affrice.... Et ca.

44 de ciclopibus' [and (in) Chapter 44 on Cyclops]. 41. On sig. [E7r]-[E8v]. 42. As formulated by Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of

Scientific Revolution (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1962), These ideas about scientific revolutions and paradigm shifts are anachronistic when applied to Renaissance cartography.

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Appendix 1. Chapter headings in the text of the treatise De locis ac mirabilibvs mvndi etprimo de tribvs orbis partibvs (with source text indicated within brackets)

I ( Quoniam ut ait Augustinus ...) II De asia et eius capite, q(uo)d estparadisus m De india et eius mirabilib(us) IV De ceteris asie regionibus V Iterum de eodem VI Ad huc de eodem VII Iterum de eodem vm De asia minore et eius provinciis IX De europa et eius regionibus X De grecia et eius provinciis XI Iterum de eodem XII De ceteris europe prouinciis XI Ad huc de eodem XIV De affrica et regionibus illius XV Iterum de eodem XVI De insulis occeani quo cingitur orbis XVII Iterum de eodem XVII De insulis maris magni scilicet mediterranei XIX De cycladibus XX De ceteris insulis magni maris XXI Adhuc de eodem XXII De p(ro)mu(n)ctorii velp(ro)mo(n)toriis (= Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, L. 32, c. I-XXI)

[Although this is not a chapter in the Speculum naturale, the text is identical to the last part of c.XXI.] XXmI De montibus XXmI De ciuitatibus (= Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, XIV, viii, XV, i) XXV De ventis XXVI De diuersitate aq(ua)rum XXVII De occeano XXVm De mediterraneo mari XXIX De sinibus maris XXX De estibus et fretis XXXI De lacis et stagnis XXXII De abisso XXXIm De fluminibus XXXII De diluuiis (= Isid., Etym., XIII, xi, xiii, xv-xxii) XXXV De partibus geminis et monstruosis XXXVI De portentis XXXVII De variis portentaru(m) modis XXXVII De portentis vel monstris fabulosis XXXIX De transformatis XL De quorunda(m) viroru(m) miris ac singularib(us) naturis XLI De quibusdam mulierib(us) barbaris et mo(n)struosis. Ex libro de natura rerum XLII De quorundam utriusq(ue) sexus corporibus immensis XLm De ge(n)tibus mo(n)struosis et p(ri)mo de gigantibus et cinocephalis XLII De ciclopibus ac ceteris XLV Ad huc de eodem XLVI De quaru(n)dam gentium moribus extraneis XLVII Ad huc de eodem XLVII De barbaris moribus indorum XLVIII De moribus singularis ceteraru(m) regionum (= VofB, Spec. nat. L. 31, c. CVI-CXXXII) L De linguis gentium LI De gentium vocabulis (= Isid., Etym., IX, i-ii) LII De mundo et eius no(m)i(n)e Lm De q(uin)q(ue) circulis mundi LIII De partibus terre LV De q(ua)tuorpartib(us) celi (= Isid., De natura rerum, IX, X, XLVI, XI) LVI De circulis cell (= Isid., Etym., XII, vi) LVII De me(n)suris agroru(m) LVIII De itineribus (= Isid., Etym., XV, xv, xvi) LVIIII De ventis LX De signus te(m)pestatis et serenitatis LXI De monte ethna (= Isid., De natura rerum, XXXVII, XXXVIII, XLVII)

17

Appendix 2. Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum naturale, liber 32: De locis ac temporibus, etprimo de tribus orbis partibus (ed. Douai 1624), compared with De locis ac mirabilibus mundi

(Parts in bold characters are identical in both texts; lines between square brackets do not occur in De locis.) C. I Quoniam ut ait Augustinus Deus immutabili... motibus voluerentur saecula. [Huius operis naturalis, ... varietates

disseminati sunt.] (Spec. nat. continues here, text not in De locs.) Filj Sem obtiuisse ferunturAsiam ... quod eas intersecat.

C. II De Asia et eius capite quod est Paradisus Asia ex nomine cuiusdam mulieris ... vel spiritui transgressionis aditus pateat. (Both texts are identical.)

C. III De India et eius mirabilibus India ab Indo flumine dicta est ... immensorum hominum mostra impossibile est. (Both texts are identical.) Interpolation De locis- Parthia ab Indie finibus usque ad Mespotamiam ... nomina a propriis autoribus ita trahentes Arachosia ab oppido suo nuncupata (= Isidore, Etym. XIV, iii, 8-9). Solinus. Tradunturin India fuisse ... etaliaplura mirabilia. (Both texts are identical; De locis reads Porsia gens instead of Prasia gens.)

C. IV De caeteris Asiae regionibus [Isid. ubi supra.] Parthiam Parthi a Scytbia venientes, eamque ex suo nomine vocaverunt. [Huic a meridie rubrum mare est, a septentrione Hircanum solum. Ab occidua solisplaga Media.] Regna in ea 18. sunt porrecta a Caspio littore ad terram Scytharum. Assyia vocata est ab Assur filio Sem, qui eam post diluvium regionem primus incoluit. [Haec ab ortu Indiam, a meridie Mediam tangit, ab occiduo Tygrim, a Septentrione montem caucasum, ubi portae Caspia sunt.] n hacregioneprimum usus inventus estpurpurae. Inde primum cinium, et corporum unguenta venerunt, et odores quibusRomanorum, atque Graecorum effluxituxunra. Media et Persia a Regibus Medo, et Perso cognominatae sunt qui eas Prouindas debellando agressi sunt, [quibus Media ab occasu transversa Parthia regna amplectitur. A Septentrione Armenia circundatur. Ab ortu mari Caspio diuiditur, a Meridie Persida.] Huius terra Medicam arborem gignit, quam alia regio minime parturit. [Sunt autem Mediae duae ... Susa oppidum nobilissimum.] In persida primum orta est ars magica, ... occasum sinus Arabicus.

Les textes medievaux de la Geographie de Ptolemere editee a Ulm en 1486 par Johann Reger La Geographie de Ptolemee 6ditee par Johann Reger en 1486 est precedee d'un Registrum alphabeticum et suivie d'un traite intitule De locis ac mirabilibus mundi. Ces textes additionnels sont bases sur des modeles medievaux: une traduction latine de La mappemonde spirituelle de Jean Germain (vers 1450), le Speculum naturale de Vincent de Beauvais (XIIIe siecle) ainsi que les Etymologiae et le De natura rerum d'Isidore de Seville (VIe-VIe siecle). La combinaison des connaissances medievales et de la fine fleur de la science geographique antique nous indique qu'au XVe siecle la cartographie mathematique de Ptolemee n'a pas remplace la geographie descriptive medievale, mais plut6t que son travail a ete interprete dans le cadre des connaissances traditionnelles.

Die mittelalterlichen Texte der Ulmer Ptolemiius-Ausgabe von Johann Reger, 1486 Johann Regers Ausgabe von Ptolemaus 'Geographia', 1486, ist ein 'Registrum alphabeticum' vorangestellt und die Abhandlung 'De locis ac mirabilibus mundi' angefiigt. Diese zusatzlichen Texte basieren auf mittelalterlichen Vorbildern: auf einer lateinischen Ubersetzung von Jean Germains 'La mappemonde spirituelle' (ca.1450), auf Vinzenz von Beauvais 'Speculum naturale' (13. Jahrhundert) sowie auf Isidor von Sevillas 'Etymologiae' und 'De natura rerum' (6.-7. Jahrhundert). Die Kombination mittelalterlichen Wissens mit dem H6hepunkt der antiken Geographie deutet darauf hin, dass die mathematische Kartographie des Ptolemaus im 15. Jahrhundert nicht einfach die mittelalterliche, beschreibende Geographie ersetzte, sondern dass Ptolemaus in einem traditionellen Kontext interpretiert wurde.

Los textos medievales de la Geografia de Ptolomeo, publicados en Ulm en 1486 por Johann Reger La Geografia de Ptolomeo publicada por Johann Reger en 1486 esta precedida de un Registrum alphabeticum y seguida de un tratado titulado De locis ac mirabilibus mundi. Estos textos estan basados en los siguientes modelos medievales: una traduccion latina de La mappemonde spirituelle de Jean Germain (hacia 1450), el Speculum naturale de Vincent de Beauvais (siglo XIII), asi como en las Etymologiae y De natura rerum de Isidoro de Sevilla (siglo VI-VII). La combinaci6n de los conocimientos medievales y de la ciencia geografica antigua nos indica que en el siglo XV la cartografia matematica de Ptolomeo no reemplazo a la geografia descriptiva medieval, sino que su obra fue interpretada en el marco de los conocimientos tradicionales.

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Article Contentsp. 7p. 8p. 9p. 10p. 11p. 12p. 13p. 14p. 15p. 16p. 17p. 18

Issue Table of ContentsImago Mundi, Vol. 54 (2002), pp. 1-240Front Matter [pp. 1-238]The Medieval Texts of the 1486 Ptolemy Edition by Johann Reger of Ulm [pp. 7-18]Maps of the World for Ottoman Princes? Further Evidence and Questions concerning 'The "Mappamondo" of Hajji Ahmed' [pp. 19-29]Draft Town Maps for John Speed's "Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine" [pp. 30-45]Reports and NoticesFrom Project Pont to Scottish Maps Forum [p. 45]

The Social Nature of Map Making in the Scottish Enlightenment, c. 1682-c. 1832 [pp. 46-66]Reports and NoticesCharting the Nation Maps of Scotland and Associated Archives, 1550-1740 [p. 66]

The Secrets of a Long Life: The Dutch Firm of Covens & Mortier (1685-1866) and Their Copper Plates [pp. 67-86]Reports and NoticesThe Society for the History of Discoveries New Web Site [p. 86]

Sacred, but Not Surveyed: Nineteenth-Century Surveys of Palestine [pp. 87-110]Emmanuel de Martonne and the Ethnographical Cartography of Central Europe (1917-1920) [pp. 111-119]Reports and Notices'Combler les blancs de la carte': Regards sur l'histoire d'une recherche Collective [p. 119]

Shorter ArticlesTopographical Prints Through the Zograscope [pp. 120-124]A Russian Naval Officer's Chart of Haifa Bay (1772) [pp. 125-128]W. W. deLacy's 1865 "Map of the Territory of Montana" [pp. 129-134]

Reports and NoticesThe Virginia Garrett Lectures in the History of Cartography and the Texas Map Society [p. 134]

Shorter ArticlesThe 19th International Conference on the History of Cartography: Report [pp. 135-141]

ObituaryDavid Beers Quinn (1909-2002) [pp. 142-143]

Book ReviewsReview: untitled [p. 144]Review: untitled [pp. 144-145]Review: untitled [pp. 145-146]Review: untitled [pp. 146-147]Review: untitled [pp. 147-148]Review: untitled [pp. 148-149]Review: untitled [p. 149]Review: untitled [pp. 149-150]Review: untitled [pp. 150-151]Review: untitled [pp. 151-152]Review: untitled [p. 152]Review: untitled [p. 153]Review: untitled [p. 154]Review: untitled [pp. 154-155]Review: untitled [pp. 155-156]Review: untitled [pp. 156-157]Review: untitled [pp. 157-158]Review: untitled [p. 158]Review: untitled [p. 159]Review: untitled [pp. 159-160]Review: untitled [pp. 160-161]Review: untitled [pp. 161-162]Review: untitled [pp. 162-163]Review: untitled [pp. 163-164]Review: untitled [p. 164]Review: untitled [pp. 164-165]Review: untitled [pp. 165-166]Review: untitled [pp. 166-167]Shorter NoticesReview: untitled [p. 167]Review: untitled [pp. 167-168]Review: untitled [p. 168]Review: untitled [pp. 168-169]Review: untitled [p. 169]Review: untitled [pp. 169-170]Review: untitled [p. 170]

Chronicle for 2001-2002 [pp. 171-185]Imago Mundi Bibliography [pp. 186-209]Reports and NoticesForthcoming International Conferences [p. 239]

Back Matter [pp. 240-240]