The Influence of Evagrius Ponticus on the Thought of Maximus the Confessor

PONTIFICIUM INSTITUTUM ORIENTALE FACULTAS SCIENTIARUM ECCLESIASTICARUM ORIENTALIUM _____________________________________________________________________

eljko Paa, S.J.

THE INFLUENCE OF EVAGRIUS PONTICUS

ON THE THOUGHT OF MAXIMUS THE CONFESSOR

A Comparison of Three Spiritual Struggles

in the Works of Evagrius Ponticus

and Maximus the Confessor

Romae 2010

ABBREVIATIONS

WORKS OF EVAGRIUS

Antirrhetikos Evagrio Pontico, Antirrheticus Talking Back. A Monastic Handbook for combating demons. Translation and introduction by David Brakke,

Trappist, Kentucky, Cistercian Publications, Collegeville, Minn:

Liturgical Press, 2009 (Cistercian Studies Series 229).

Ad Monachos Evagrius Ponticus, Ad Monachos, translation and commentary by

Driscoll Jermy, The Newman Press, New York 2003.

De cog. De malignis cogationibus On the Eight Thoughts, GAC, 66-90.

De octo spir. De octo spiritibus malitiae On Thoughts, Guillaumont Antoine and Claire, Ghin Paul, vagre le Pontique. Sur les Penses, SCh, 438

(Paris: Cerf, 1998) GAC 136-182;

KG Kephalia Gnostika A. Guillaumont, Les Six Centuries des Kephalaia Gnostica dvagre le Pontique, PO, 28 (Paris, 1958).

Praktikos Guillaumont Antoine and Claire, vagre le Pontique. Trait Pratique

ou Le Moine, Sources Chrtiennes, 170-171 (Paris: Cerf, 1971); GAC,

91-114.

Skemmata Reflections, in GAC, 210-216.

WORKS OF MAXIMUS

Centuries Quattuor Centuriae de charitate (in CSC).

CSC Massimo Confessore: Capituli sulla carit. Critical edition, with

Italian translation, introduction and notes by A. Ceresa-Gastaldo,

Rome 1963.

in ACW Sherwood Polycarp, St. Maximus the Confessor: The Ascetic Life,

the Four Centuries on Charity (ACW 21) London 1955

OTHER ABBREVIATIONS

ACW Ancient Christian Writers

GAC Sinkewicz Robert E., Evagrius of Pontus: The Greek Ascetic

Corpus, Oxford: University Press 2003.

PG Patrologia Gaeca, ed. J. P. Migne et al. (Paris, 1857-1866)

PO Patrologia Orientale

SCh Sources Chrtiennes

INTRODUCTION

Without knowing the past we cannot properly understand the present. Without a

proper understanding of the present we cannot have a clear vision of the future. The

Eastern and Western Churches owe much of richness of their tradition to the invaluable

contribution of the Church Fathers, whose selfless work has been woven into its

foundations. In our research we will deal with two eminent fathers, Evagrius Ponticus

and Maximus the Confessor, who each in his own way left an important, though not

much acknowledged, influence on the development of Christianity: whether at the level

of practical life in the form of asceticism and monasticism, or on the level of the

development of dogmatic, doctrinal theology.

In the background of Maximus' brilliant theological system, there is the

considerable influence of Evagrius. The subject of our research is properly Evagrius'

influence on the thought of Maximus the Confessor, whereby we will limit ourselves to

just two of their works: Evagrius Praktikos and Maximus The Four Centuries on

Charity. For the most thorough access to research, firstly we will briefly present their

life and secondly the essential elements of these two work.

1. Evagrius Ponticus

1. 1. Life

Evagrius was born in a priestly family about 345 in Ibora, in the province of

Pontus which is the reason that he was called Ponticus. In the late 350s he was

ordained a lector by Basil of Caesarea and in the late 370s a deacon by Gregory of

Nazianzus. As Gregorys deacon he participated at the Council of Constantinople 381

INTRODUCTION

4

(the Second Ecumenical Council). After Gregorys resignation as bishop of

Constantinople and his withdrawal from the imperial capital, Evagrius remained in

Constantinople in service of the new bishop Nectarius of Constantinople and receive the

title of archdeacon. After various not very appropriate adventures, he left

Constantinople around 382. He arrived in Jerusalem where he joined the monastery of

Melania the Elder and Rufinus on the Mount of Olives. There he became acquainted

with Origen and his teaching that will have a greater influence on his later work. From

382 he was in Egypt in the Nitrian Desert and two years later, 385, he moved to the

Kellia Desert where he remained until his death in 399. His teachers and spiritual

formators with whom he had a close relationship as friends were St Macarius of

Alexandria and St Macarius the Great. His famous disciples were St. John Cassian and

Palladius, who each in their own way have contributed to the testimony about him and

from him which have been preserved. Because of Origens influence in some of

Evagrius theological tractates he was condemned as a heretic in 553 by the Fifth

Ecumenical Council (Second of Constantinople).

Evagrius left a great corpus of ascetical works where he developed a mystical

teaching on pure prayer and ascetic life and therefore he was very popular monastic

reading through the ages despite his condemnation. His main works are: Praktikos,

Gnostikos, Kephalia Gnostica, Skemmata (or Reflections), Antirrheticos, De malignis

cogationibus, De octo spiritibus malitiae, Tractatus ad Eulogium, Sententia ad

Virginem, Epistula LXII, Epistula ad Melaniam, Sermo sive dogmatica epistula de

sanctissima trinitate, Protrepticus et Paraeneticus, De oratione, many expositions on

Scriptures, etc. After his condemnation many of his original works in Greek were lost

INTRODUCTION

5

but they have been preserved in translations in Syriac, Armenian, Ethiopian, Georgian

and Arabic.1

1. 2. The Praktikos

The Praktikos, is the first part of Evagrius trilogy (which includes the

Gnostikos and the Kephalia Gnostika) and is devoted to the Ascetic life (praktikh,) as a

stage of the spiritual life. The second and third parts of this trilogy are devoted to

knowledge (gnw/sij).

Structure The text of the Praktikos is divided into a series of 100 numbered

chapters.2 The first 90 chapters are the core of the Praktikos and can be divided in two

general parts: the first part (6-53) concerns the nature of eight tempting-thoughts,

logismoi (gluttony, fornication, avarice sadness, anger, acedia, vainglory, pride) (6-14);

resisting and treating them (15-33), the passions (34-39), with advice and instructions

against demons (40-53). The second part (54-90) is devoted to a description of the

condition of passionlessness: concerning things that happen during sleep (53-56), on the

state approaching impassibility (57-62), on the signs of impassibility (63-70), and

practical considerations (71-90). In the beginning is an introduction (1-5) and as a

conclusion we have apophthegmata or sayings of the Holy Monks (91-100). The

Prologue before and the Epilogue at the end of the Praktikos frame this unique ascetic

work.

1 More details about Evagrius life see in: GUILLAUMONT, Introduction. Vie dvagre in VAGRE

le Pontique, Trait pratique ou le moine. vol 1., in SCh 170, 21-28; BAMBERGER John Eudes,

Introduction. Life in EVATRIUS Ponticus, The Praktikos. Chapters on Prayer, pp. xxxv-xlviii; SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction in GAC pp. xvii-xxi; HARMLESS William, Desert Christians. pp. 311-329; SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction in GAC pp. xvii-xxi.

2 We are following structural division by SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction, in GAC pp. 93-94.

INTRODUCTION

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Addressee - In the prologue we see that the work is addressed to the beloved

brother Anatolios, from the Holy Mountain. We do not know anything about who this

beloved Anatolios was nor where the Holy Mountain is situated. The critical

authors generally agree that the Holy Mountain is probably the Mount of Olives in

Jerusalem,3 i.e. the monastery of Melania or Ruffinus, the community in which

Evagrius spent some time; while Anatolios is probably one of the monks from this

monastic community. This theory is considered the most probable since Evagrius had a

correspondence with Melania. Despite the fact that the Praktikos is addressed to

Anatolios, after the prologue and beginning the chapters, Evagrius quoted a copyists

note which shows to us that Evagrius presumed the copy and transmission of this

ascetic work in the monastic circles. Therefore we can conclude that the Praktikos is

addressed to all who want to live seriously and soberly the spiritual life and who by way

of the obstacles on their own spiritual journey would like to arrive to purity of heart,

detachment and impassibility.

Time and genesis - The Praktikos was written at the time of Evagrius stay in

the Egyptian Desert which was between 385 and 398. According Guillaumonts

research4 there are two phases of the genesis of this text or two redactions. In the first

redaction Evagrius wrote just the first 90 chapters, and it was finished before Gnostikos,

Kephalia Gnostika, and Scholia on the Psalms and the Antirrhetikos. During the period

of writing in which the latter works appeared, there arose some doubt about the validity

3 There are some theories which identified The Holy Mountain with Mount Nitria in the Egyptian

desert or with the Mount Sinai. See BAMBERGER John Eudes, The Praktikos. Chapters on Prayer, p.

12, note 2; Sinkewicz gives greater credence to the theory that it is the monastery founded on the Mount of Olives by Melania and Rufinus. See SINKEWICZ Robert E., The Monk: A treatise on the Practical Life in GAC, p. 248, note 1.

4 See GUILLAUMONT, SCh 170, 381-388; SENKEWICZ Robert E., The Monk: A treatise on the

Practical life in GAC pp. 91-93.

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of Evagrius teaching. In the second redaction of the Praktikos, Evagrius added the

Prologue to the beginning and the epilogue to the end, and before the end, he added still

another 10 chapters: apophthegmata or sayings of the Holy Monks. From these added

works is seen his reaction to the suspicion about his doctrine because several times he

underlines that he follows and transfers the teaching of the holy fathers.

2. Maximus the Confessor

2.1. Life

He was born around 580 in Constantinople in a noble family where he received

a highly intellectual education. After a short period as personal secretary to the Emperor

Heraclius he entered the monastery in about 613/4 in Chrysopolis near Constantinople,

on its opposite side of the Bosporus. Because of the Persian threat he moved to St

George at Cyzicus where he enjoyed a very fruitful writing activity.5 When the Persians

came close to Constantinople, 626, Maximus abandoned the monastery and after a short

period staying in Crete he arrived in Africa. From 632 he was in Carthage, at the

beginning of the tightly knotted Monothelite crisis. The Emperor Heraclius in 638

proclaimed the Ecthesis, the official document that prohibited the disputes about one

or two wills in Christ, and adopted a teaching on one will in Christ, Monothelitism,

which he confessed as the official imperial orthodox teaching for the Church. Heraclius

successor, Constans II with the support of patriarch Paul II of Constantinople 647,

5 Thunberg and Pegon do not mention Maximus staying in St George monastery. See THUNBERG Lars,

Mircrocosm and Mediator, p. 2-4., but Pegon leaves as open possibility for it. See. PEGON Joseph,

Introduction. LAuteur in MAXIME le Confesseur, Centuries sur la Charit, SCh 9, p. 6; Sharwood, Balthasar and Ceresa mention this period of Maximus life as surely. Cf. CERESA-GASTALDO Aldo,

Introduzione, in CSC p. 20-21; SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW, p. 7-8; BALTHASAR Hans Urs von, Cosmic Liturgy, pp. 74-75.

INTRODUCTION

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proclaimed the imperial edict (Typos) prohibiting any discussion about the energy

and the will in Christ, accepting the Monotelitistic teaching as orthodox for all the

empire. Under imperial pressure, almost all eastern episcopates tacitly accept the

Monotelitistic heresy, while the Latin West led by the Bishop of Rome opposed it. For

this reason, Maximus left Africa and went to Rome where, with his theological-

dogmatic arguments, he supported the Latin resistance in the person of Pope Martin I.

The Pope convened in 649 a Council in the Lateran where Monothelitism was

condemned and thus also the imperial edict (Typos). Maximus, even as just a monk,

participated at the Council with hundreds of bishops, as an important theologian of the

Council. The conclusions of the Council were sent to the all Churches and thus to the

emperor in Constantinople. This angered the emperor Constans and he ordered the

arrest of Pope Martin and Maximus. They both were forcibly taken in 653 to the

emperor in Constantinople. Pope Martin was condemned to exile in Cherson on the

Crimea where he died 655, while Maximus was waiting trail in prison until 655, when

he was accused of heresy, conspiracy, treason and collaboration with the Saracens and

then sent in exile to Bizya in Thrace. He was again called back to Constantinople 662 to

face the imperial court where he was condemned and anathematized together with Pope

Martin as a heretic. He was tortured: his right hand was cut off so that that he could no

longer write heretical writings and his tongue was cut off so that he could no longer

spread the dyothelite heresy. He was sent again into exile, but this time to Lazica on

the Black Sea where he died 13 of August the same year. He was rehabilitated in 680

together with Pope Martin at the Third Council of Constantinople (the Sixth Ecumenical

Council), where his teaching on the two wills in Christ was proclaimed as orthodox

Church teaching while Monothelitism was condemned as heresy. For his tireless and

INTRODUCTION

9

fearless confession of orthodoxy he becomes called the Confessor by the Eastern and

Western Church which commemorate him as a saint.6

Maximus left behind him a rich opus of the theological and ascetic works. These

are: Ambiguorum liber de variis difficilibus locis Sanctorum Dionysii Areopagitae et

Gregorii Theologi, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, Quaestiones et dubia, Orationis

Dominicae, Liber asceticus, Capita 200 theologica et oeconomica, Opuscula

theological et polemica, Disputatio cum Pyrrho, Epistulae, Mystagogia, Quattuor

Centuriae de charitate. In our work we will deal only with this one latter, with the

Quattuor Centuriae de charitate or further just Centuries.

2.2. The Four Centuries on Charity Centuries

Maximus himself says that the discussion on love is not a work of his own but

that of the holy Fathers7. He went through their writings and has recapitulated many

things in a few lines that they may be seen at a glance, for ease in memorizing.8

Structure The Centuries are sentential-aphoristic forms of literature.

Through the use of brief, concise and proverbial ways of expression, it gives a terse

statement about a truth or principles of life.9 The advantage of these short aphoristic

chapters10

is that they are easy for remembering and impressing in the mind. The

6 More about Maximus life see in: CARESA-GASTALDO Aldo, La vita in CSC, pp. 15-20;

SHERWOOD Polycarp, Introduction. Life in ACW, pp. 6-28; BALTHASAR Hans Urs von, Cosmic Liturgy, 74-80; THUNBERG Lars, Microcosm and Mediator, pp. 1-7.

7 Centuries. Prologue, CSC p. 48-49; in ACW p. 136.

8 Centuries. Prologue; CSC, pp. 48-49; in ACW, p. 136.

9 See PEGON Joseph, Louvrage in MAXIME le Confesseur, Centuries sur la charit, SCh 9, p. 25;

also cf. Aphorism in The Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 2, p. 156 and Sentence (lat. sententia) in The Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 24, pp. 648-649.

10 Kefa,laia, lat. capita, eng. chapter, with translation meaning: sentences or notes. See PEGON Joseph, Louvrage, pp. 25-31.

INTRODUCTION

10

Centuries are composed as four sets divided into a series of a hundred numbered

chapters. One set of a hundred numbered chapters composes one centuria (century).11

There are four centuries which represents the four Gospels, whose commandment is that

of love.12

Maximus himself devoted these four sets of centuries to the number of the

Gospels.13

Addressee The Prologue mentions reverend father Elpidius as the addressee

of Centuries, but no commentator refers to his identity. It seems probably he was a

monk and a superior of Maximus,14

and that he had ordered it. Sending this discussion

on charity to Elpidius, Maximus has merely fulfilled a command,15 and he warmly

recommended it as useful for the soul of anyone who will read this with a simple

mind, with the fear of God and with charity.16 Reading requires the best attention to

each chapter and they will not be understood by everybody.

Time The Centuries belong to Maximus earlier writings. They are probably

composed in 62617

and after Liber Asceticus.18

Some scholars think that we can place

the Centuries genesis among the writings in the time of his staying in the monastery of

St George at Cyzicus between 618 and 625,19

the time before the Persian threat in the

11 Cf. PEGON Joseph, Louvrage, pp. 25-31.

12 Cf. SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW, p. 91.

13 Centuries. Prologue; CSC, p. 49; in ACW, p. 136.

14 Ibid., p. 49, note 1.

15 Ibid.; in ACW, p. 136.

16 Ibid.

17 Cf. BALTHASAR, p. 77; CSC, p. 16,

18 Cent. Prologue; CSC, p. 49, note 2; in ACW, pp. 99-101;

19 Cf. CERESA-GASTALDO Aldo, Introduzione, in CSC p. 20-21; SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW, p. 7-8; BALTHASAR Hans Urs von, Cosmic Liturgy, pp. 74-75.

INTRODUCTION

11

spring of 626, which was the reason of the dispersal of the monastery and Maximus

forced departure on Crete and finally in Africa.

3. Evagrius and Maximus importance for research

Due to the condemnation of Origen and Evagrius as heretics at the Fifth

Ecumenical Council (553), the immediate influence of Evagrius through the circulation

of his writings in the Latin West has been considerably weak and almost non-existent. It

has remained only an intermediate influence. Evagrius' disciple John Cassian, after

retirement from the Egyptian desert in Europe, while abandoning the suspect theories

that Evagrius derived from Origen, transmitted just the practical aspect of Evagrius

teaching on the spiritual and ascetic life, weaving it into own works, above all, in his

Conferences. His works have been very well known, respected and widely read

throughout the Christian West. St Benedict, father of the Western monasticism,

implicitly refers to Cassian a few times in his Rule, and explicitly recommended

Cassians Conference and Institutiones20 for his monks as ordinary readings.21 In this

way Evagrius through Cassian by way of Benedict's Rule plays a significant role in

early Western monasticism.

20 Saint Benedict [] catalogued the rules he could find. Among them he included Extracts of a rule collected from all the Institutes of Cassian. This was known as the Rule of Cassian. Quoted by CHADWICK Owen, Introduction in JOHN CASSIAN, Conferences, p. 29; For influence Cassians Conferences or Institutes on the Regula of St Benedict see in: BENEDICTUS de Nursia, The Rule of St

Benedict in Latin and English, pp. 58-59, 146, 297 [see notes for Regula 73:5], 383, 476.

21 Regula 42,3: Someone should read from the Conferences; Regula 42,5: On fast days there is to be [] the reading of the Conferences, as we have indicated. Quotation by BENEDICTUS de Nursia, The Rule of St Benedict in Latin and Englilsh, p. 243; about obligation for reading Cassians the Conferences and Collationes Patrum see also: Regula 73:5, ibid, p. 297; implicit reference on Cassian

see in: Regula 1:6, 38:7, 53:9.

INTRODUCTION

12

The Christian Orient had been much freer or more flexible in understanding and

interpreting the condemnation of this heretic. Evagrius' teaching had been so attractive

and honorable in monastic circles that despite his condemnation, his works have

continued to be copied, read and circulated. Maximus the Confessor, tireless and

fearless fighter for orthodoxy against heresy, had known very well and had read

Evagrius works, even though he had spoken about him as a dangerous heretic.22 His

profound teaching on pure prayer, asceticism and monastic life had been too precious to

be lightly abandoned by the East; in fact, they are considered as the foundations of

hesychasm.23

The hesychastic movement, led by Gregory Palamas, is highly considered

as a triumph or manifestation of orthodoxy. In this case the Byzantine Orient was the

great expert in the discernment of heresy and orthodoxy; therefore Evagrius teaching

was purified from Origens suspicious thoughts and through the Philokalia has been

transmitted until present day. Greek and Slavic versions of the Philokalia, both contain

an anthology of Evagrian works and Maximus The Four Centuries on Charity. In the

Byzantine tradition, Maximus teaching is considered as proper orthodox teaching and

part of the legacy of Byzantine Church.24

22 See VILLER Marcel, Aux Sources de la Spiritualit de S. Maxime: Les Oeuvres dEvagre le Pontique, p. 159.

23 See MEYENDORFF Jean, San Gregorio Palamas e la mistica ortodossa, pp. 7-40; PAPAROZZI

Maurizio, La Spiritualit dellOriente Cristiano, pp. 9-54; RIGO Antonio, Le tecniche d'orazione esicastica e le potenze dell'anima in alcuni testi ascetici bizantini, pp. 177-190.

24 See MEYENDORFF John, The Byzantine Legacy in the Orthodox Church; BATHRELLOS Demetrios,

The Byzantine Christ. Person nature, and will in the Christology of St Maximus the Confessor;

NICHOLS Aidan, Byzantine Gospel. Maximus the Confessor in Modern Scholarship.

INTRODUCTION

13

4. Plan and the method of research

Through this thesis we would like to research the influence of Evagrius thought

on the thought of Maximus the Confessor. In this study we shall be limited to just three

chapters from Evagrius' Praktikos and three parallel similar chapters from Maximus

Centuries. Because of the three chapters that are analyzed, the thesis is divided into

three parts:

i) Chapter one: Praktikos 14 Centuries 2:38

ii) Chapter two: Praktikos 46 Centuries 2:14

iii) Chapter three: Praktikos 31 Centuries 3:60

Each part contains four sections:

1) In the first section we have the Greek text of some parallel-similar chapters

from the Praktikos and the Centuries with a translation.

The original Greek text for the Praktikos follows a critical edition by Antoine

and Claire and Guillaumont: vagre le Pontique, Trait pratique ou Le moine. Sources

Chrtiennes, vol. 171 (Paris, 1971). For Centuries we follow a Greek text from the

critical edition by Aldo C. Gastaldo: Massimo Confessore, Capitoli sulla carit

(Editrice Studium, Roma 1963).

2) In the second section we approach the text of the chapters, including

confronting and analyzing their similarities and differences.

3) The third section as an appendix gives us a synopsis by the comparison of the

texts from Praktikos and Centuries chapters, and in this schematic way we can more

easily see mutual similarities and differences. We have numbered the text, and in the

INTRODUCTION

14

second part during our discussion on the analysis of the texts we very often refer to this

numeration with the following abbreviations: [sp + number] for Praktikos and [sc +

number] for Centuries, e.g. abbreviation [sp10] in chapter one signify: s synopsis, p

for Praktikos, verse 10 (from synopsis) i.e. avnapei,qei ga.r au.th.n Qeo.n me.n mh.

o`mologei/n bohqo,n It persuades [the soul]: not to confess God as helper.

4) The fourth section, also as appendix with a schematic method gives an

analysis of the chapters structure. To this structural analysis of the text we also refer in

the second part, referring to it in order to compare the inner structure and dynamic of

the text.

CHAPTER ONE:

THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

1. Translation: Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38.

Praktikos 14

Centuries 2, 38

Ò th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn calepwta,thj ptw,sewj th|/ yuch|/ pro,xenoj gi,netai\ avnapei,qei ga.r au.th.n Qeo.n me.n mh. o`mologei/n bohqo,n( eàuth.n de. tw/n katorqoume,nwn aivti,an ei=nai nomi,zein kai. fusiou/sqai kata. tw/n avdelfw/n w`j avnoh,twn( dio,ti mh. tou/to peri. auvth/j pa,ntej evpi,stantai) Parakolouqei/ de. tau,th| ovrgh. kai. lu,ph( kai. to. teleutai/on kako,n ( e;kstasij frenw/n kai. mani,a kai. daimo,nwn evn tw|/ ave,ri plh/qoj o`rw,menon)

Ò th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn diplh/n e;cei th.n ponhri,an\ h; ga.r eàutw|/ avnapei,qei to.n monaco.n evpigra,fein ta. katorqw,mata kai. ouvci. tw|/ Qew|/ tw|/ kai. corhgw|/ tw/n kalw/n kai. bohqw|/ pro.j kato,rqwsin(h] tou,tw| mh. peiqo,menon tou.j e;ti avteleste,rouj tw/n avdelfw/n u`poba,llei evxouqenei/n) VAgnoei/ de. kai. ou[twj o` evnergou,menoj o[ti th.n tou/ Qeou/ boh,qeian avnapei,qei auvto.n avparnei/sqai) Eiv ga.r e.kei,nouj wj mh. dunhqe,ntaj katorqw/sai evxouqenei/( eàuto.n dhlono,ti w`j evx ivdi,aj duna,mewj katorqw,santa eivsa,gei\ o[per evsti. avmh,canon( tou/ Kuri,ou eivpo,ntoj\ Cwri.j evmou/ ouv du,nasqe poiei/n ouvde,n\ evpeidh. h` h`mete,ra asqe,neia kinoume,nh evpi. ta. kala. a;neu tou/ corhgou/ tw/n kalw/n eivj te,loj a;gein ouv du,natai)

The demon of pride produces in the soul a

very hard fall. It persuades [the soul] not

to confess God as helper, but to believe

that it is itself the cause of its good deeds,

and to look down on the brethren, treating

them all as unintelligent, for not

recognizing this about it.

[The demon of pride] is followed with

anger and sadness, and the ultimate evil,

the derangement of mind, madness, and

the vision of a multitude of demons in the

air.

The demon of pride has dual malice: he

either persuades (wrongly) the monk to

attribute his success to himself and not to

God, the provider of goodness and helper

for successful accomplishment [of things],

or, failing to persuade him in this, [the

demon] suggests contempt for his brethren

who are as yet imperfect. In this manner, it

leads [the monk], unknowingly, to deny the

help of God, for, despising others as men

unable to act rightly, he brings up himself

forward as doing good deeds by his own

strength, which is impossible, as the Lord

says: For apart from me you can do

nothing. Because our weakness, [though]

oriented towards the good, without the

provider of goodness can bring nothing to

its goal.

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

16

2. Commentary on Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38

Chapter 14 from the Praktikos is a transitional link between the first and second

parts of the Praktikos. It stands as the last chapter from the first part of Evagrius

ascetic work. The first part (chapters 5-14) concerns the eight thoughts, (logismoi) and

Praktikos 14 concerns the last tempting thought. This is followed by the second part

(15-33) concerning remedies against these eight thoughts. After listing the first seven

vices (gluttony, fornication, avarice, sadness, anger, acedia, vainglory), Evagrius arrives

at the description of the last and the most dangerous thought and its demon, pride

(h`perhfani,a) [sp1]. Pride is the last and most severe temptation, and the tempting action

of its demon begins after the withdrawal of a previous demon.25

Therefore, this chapter

should be read in its broader context. After the penultimate demon of vainglory does his

job,26

he leaves a man afterwards to the worst demon, the demon of pride, who comes

and finishes the job. The chapters of our analysis (Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38) deal

only with this issue.27

In the description of this so important and dangerous demon in the Praktikos,

Evagrius is quite short (compared with the previous demon of vainglory to whom he

gives twice as much space). He notes that the demon of pride causes the worst and

fiercest falling of human soul [sp2]. The fall has a twofold effect: The first effect of the

fall deprives man of relationship with God. The man abandons the belief that God is the

25 Cf. Praktikos 57, SCh 71, pp. 634-635; about the specialization of the demons, see GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the heavens. Angelology and Anthropology in the thought of Maximus the Confessor, pp. 165-170

26 About this demon see Praktikos 13; SCh 71, pp. 528-531.

27 Analysis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38 see in: GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the heavens, pp. 166-167.


17

only one who helps him [sp10] in the combat against the demons and in the acquisition

of virtues and spiritual growth, and he grows in the belief that it is all by his own merits

and that the degree of virtue he has achieved is the fruit of his own strength and effort

[sp14]. In this way he is distancing himself from God and turning to himself. The

classical scholastic definition of sin precisely defines sin in this way: Peccatum est

aversio a Deo et conversio ad creaturam, and St Thomas in his own proper

philosophical way deepens it and explains.28

The second effect of the fall caused by the demon of pride deprives man of

human relations with other men, leading him to dangerous and sinful isolation and

loneliness. A man who has progressed on the path of virtue, after beginning to attribute

all the success to his own efforts and strengths, begins to admire himself and

simultaneously to despise his brothers who are not on the same level as he [sp15]. There

is a normal sequence of consequences of such haughty isolation and separation from the

weaker brethren: anger [sp26] and sadness [sp27], that Evagrius says are normal after-

effects of such separation, end with madness [sp29.30] in the company of a multitude

of demons in the air [sp31] in hallucinations and visions.29 Remedies and instructions

for the combat with this demon give us the part concerning resistance to these eight

thoughts.30

The chapter from Maximus Centuries in comparison with the Praktikos is

almost identical. Maximus also speaks about the demon of pride [sc1] who in his attack

28 Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II-I, q. 87. a. 4.

29 About the derangement of mind, madness and the vision of a multitude of demons in the air Evagrius also speak in De cog., 8:10, p. 87.

30 Cf. Praktikos, 33; SCh 71, pp. 574-577.


18

on the man produces two effects: to attribute his success to himself and not to God

[sc9.10] and has disdain for the brethren [sc15]. Because of these similarities with

Evagrius, on first sight we could conclude that Maximus teaching in the Centuries is

copied from Evagrius. But before we reach this conclusion we need to address an

internal analysis of the text of both of these authors.

In the chapter from Centuries 2:38, Maximus starts with the same, identical

words as Evagrius: VO th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn [sc1=cp1], but immediately after we

can see their differences. According to Evagrius the demon causes in the soul a very

hard fall [sp2], and this fall is the main cause which induces man to not to confess

God as helper [sp10] and to look down on the brethren [sp15]. In this point Maximus

differs from Evagrius. The demon is the one who leads man to turn in on himself and

his abilities [sc9] and so the man roams away from God, denying Gods help in combat

with evil [sc10]. For Maximus this is the first step. Certainly the demon will not

immediately and fully succeed in the first step, because no experienced ascetic will fall

from the first attack and allow all his successes in virtues to be attributed to his own

abilities and to turn in on himself, completely forgetting Gods role in the combat.

Maximus recognized that haughtiness among the more advanced ascetics did not necessarily include a rejection of Gods aid, but could arise as a separate form of temptation.31

Knowing this tactic of demons Maximus states: failing to persuade him [the

monk] in this [sc13] he wants to enter into action and suggests contempt for his

brethren who are as yet imperfect [sc15].

31 GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the heavens, p. 167.


19

In Evagrius we have already touched the object of the demons' attack. It is the

soul (th|/ yuch|/) [sp3]. For Maximus, however, it is the monk (to.n monaco.n) [sc8] i.e. the

man in all his reality.

The next topic which stands before us is Evagrius' and Maximus' representation

of God's (Qeo,j) role in the battle between demons and man. Evagrius, as a first

consequence of the soul's fall, states that it persuades [the soul] not to confess God as

helper [sp10]. After that, he does not say anything about God and his role in what is for

man the most crucial combat.

Maximus differences among God [sc10], the monk [sc8] and his virtues [sc9].

After this clear distinction he tells us who this God is: the provider of goodness

(corhgw|/ tw/n kalw/n) [sc11] and the helper for successful accomplishment [of things]

(bohqw|/ pro.j kato,rqwsin) [sc12]. At the beginning of the chapter he discusses a

twofold wickedness of the demon [sc2.6] and now we have the twofold goodness of

God [sc11.12]. This stands in contrast to the demon's evil, which is firmly opposed the

omnipotent goodness of God. Between the demon with his evil and God with his

goodness stands the monk, a man who groans and suffers (Rom 8:22) with his efforts

and fights for virtues [sc8].

After the souls fall and the double impact of the fall (not accepting Gods help

and disdain of the brethren) [sp10.15], according to Evagrius, there are also other

consequences of the fall: anger (ovrgh) [sp26], sadness (lu,ph) [sp27], derangement of

mind (e;kstasij frenw/n) [sp28] and madness (mani,a) [sp30]. Likely the most terrifying

phenomenon which occurs from this fall occurs is a hallucination: the vision of a

multitude of demons in the air [sp31]. So we can observe the gradation of the soul's fall

and the growing supremacy of demons, which ends in a triumphal victory (see


20

structural analysis of the text). At the beginning of this pericope we have only one

demon (A) [sp1] and it finally ends with a multitude of demons (A) [sp31]. In

between stands the soul entangled in the perfidious clutch of his enemy.

We must note that from this overwhelmingly frightening section about the

triumphal victory of demons [sp25-31] in Evagrius Praktikos, Maximus includes

nothing in his chapter. Instead of the catastrophic defeat for the soul which we have in

Evagrius Praktikos 14, Maximus quotes a verse from the New Testament: For apart

from me you can do nothing (John 15, 5bc) [sc22].

The citation which Maximus includes here can help us to understand better his

conception of asceticism and the spiritual life. The verse before us is part of a larger

pericope: John 15:1-11, from Jesus discourse to his disciples at the last supper. The

pericope has three parts.32

The first part (vv. 1-5a) speaks about abiding in Jesus. The

second part (our part, vv. 5b-8) shows us the results of abiding and not abiding in Jesus.

The third part (vv. 9-11) is abiding in the love of Jesus. Our verse, v. 5bc is the central

verse:

In v. 5bc Jesus repeats the message of v. 4. The metaphor of the vine is applied explicitly to Jesus and the disciple. It is only by mutual abiding, the disciple in Jesus

and Jesus in the disciple. That fruitfulness comes. But the disciples are now told that

separated from Jesus they can do nothing. Union with Jesus with its consequent

fruitfulness is not a matter of enjoying the oneness that exists between the disciple and

the master; it also consists of doing something, and without Jesus this is impossible. To

bear fruit (v. 4b) means to do something (v. 5c). That something has already been summarized in the command to love, which Jesus taught would be the hallmark of his

disciples (cf. 13:34-35).33

32 For the division of this pericope we are following: MOLONEY Francis J., The Gospel of John, pp.

416423.

33 MOLONEY Francis J., The Gospel of John, pp. 420421.


21

Maximus very well notes the importance of this reality of abiding in Jesus,

for apart from him we can do nothing. It is a blissful state for man but at the same time

very dangerous, because the man who picks the fruits of Gods goodness and progresses

in virtues, can easily succumb to the temptations of the demon and puts himself

forward as doing right of his own power. [sc19] But Maximus immediately adds to

this: which is impossible (o[per evsti. avmh,canon) [sc20].

Citing the above-mentioned verse from Scripture, Maximus does not use the

name Jesus but he uses word Ku,rioj34 [sc21]. We know that it means the Lord [Jesus

Christ]. But the word should be seen in its own context. It appears after the described

insidious traps of the demon and the describing of the weak monk who began stumbling

in the pitfalls that surround him. But Maximus does not allow the monk to fall to his

ruin at the end; nor does he allow the demon to celebrate his triumphal victory. Instead,

after, he underlines the weakness of the monk [sc20], Maximus mentions Our Lord

[sc21], on whose name every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in

earth, and things under the earth (Phil 2:10) and confess that only his is Ku,rioj. In

front of him falls every demonic power.

We saw that this chapter of Maximus begins as identical to Evagrius

[sc1=cp1]. We find many similar elements as in Evagrius, but in the conclusion they are

completely different. Maximus is full of optimism, as opposed to Evagrius realistic, but

pessimistic ending. Chapter 2:38 from the Centuries begins with the introduction of a

demon [sc1] (A) (see structural analysis of the text) but ends with the pronouncedly

34 For the meaning and the interpretation of Ku,rioj see in LAMPE G. W. H. [ed], A Patristic Greek Lexicon, pp. 787788; FOERSTER Werner, Ku,rioj, kuri,a,, kuriako,j, kurio,thj, kurieu,w, katakurieuw in Grande Lessico del Nuovo testament, vol. V, pp. 13421488; Ku,rioj in LIDDELL Henrz George and SCOTT Robert, A Greek-English Lexicon, p. 1013;


22

emphasized domination and supremacy of our Lord Jesus Christ [sc24] (A) who offers

us his almighty protection and assistance, because for apart from him we can do nothing

[sc22] and he is the provider of goodness [sc24].


23

3. Appendix I: Synopsis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38

Praktikos 14

Centuries 2:38

1 VO th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn

The demon of pride

vO th/j upèrhfani,aj dai,mwn

The demon of pride 1

2 calepwta,thj ptw,sewj

a very hard fall

diplh/n

dual 2

3 th|/ yuch|/

in the soul

3

4 pro,xenoj

public guest or friend

4

5 gi,netai\

be born, produce, begets

e;cei

has 5

6 th.n ponhri,an\t

malice:

6

7 h; ga.r eàutw|/ avnapei,qei

either he persuades (wrongly) 7

8 to.n monaco.n

the monk 8

9 evpigra,fein ta. katorqw,mata

to attribute his success to himself 9

10 avnapei,qei ga.r au.th.n Qeo.n me.n mh.

omòlogei/n bohqo,n(

It persuades [the soul]: not to confess

God as helper,

kai. ouvci. tw|/ Qew|/

and not to God 10

11 tw|/ kai. corhgw|/ tw/n kalw/n

the provider of goodness 11

12 kai. bohqw|/ pro.j kato,rqwsin(

and helper for successful

accomplishment [of things]

12

13 h] tou,tw| mh. peiqo,menon

or, failing to persuade him in this, 13


24

14 eàuth.n de. tw/n katorqoume,nwn aivti,an

ei=nai nomi,zein

but to believe that it is itself the cause

of its good deeds,

14

15 kai. fusiou/sqai kata. tw/n avdelfw/n w`j

avnoh,twn(

and to look down on the brethren,

treating them all as unintelligent,

tou.j e;ti avteleste,rouj tw/n avdelfw/n u`poba,llei evxouqenei/n)

[the demon] suggests contempt for his

brethren who are as yet imperfect.

15

16 dio,ti mh. tou/to peri. auvth/j pa,ntej

evpi,stantai)

for not recognizing this about it.

16

17 VAgnoei/ de. kai. ou[twj o èvnergou,menoj

o[ti th.n tou/ Qeou/ boh,qeian avnapei,qei auvto.n avparnei/sqai)

In this manner, it leads [the monk],

unknowingly, to deny the help of God,

17

18 Eiv ga.r e.kei,nouj wj mh. dunhqe,ntaj

katorqw/sai evxouqenei/(

for, despising others as men unable to

act rightly,

18

19 eàuto.n dhlono,ti w`j evx ivdi,aj duna,mewj

katorqw,santa eivsa,gei\

he brings up himself forward as doing

good deeds by his own strength,

19

20 o[per evsti. avmh,canon(

which is impossible, 20

21 tou/ Kuri,ou eivpo,ntoj\

as the Lord says: 21

22 Cwri.j evmou/ ouv du,nasqe poiei/n ouvde,n\

For apart from me you can do nothing.

(John15:5)

22

23 evpeidh. h` h`mete,ra asqe,neia kinoume,nh

evpi. ta. kala.

Because of our weakness [though]

oriented towards the good

23

24 a;neu tou/ corhgou/ tw/n kalw/n eivj te,loj

a;gein ouv du,natai)

without the provider of goodness can

bring nothing to its goal.

24

25 Parakolouqei/ de. tau,th|

25


25

[The demon of pride] is followed with

26 ovrgh

anger

26

27 lu,ph

and sadness

27

28 kai. to. teleutai/on kako,n(

and the ultimate evil,

28

29 e;kstasij frenw/n

the derangement of mind,

29

30 kai. mani,a madness,

30

31 kai. daimo,nwn evn tw|/ ave,ri plh/qoj

or`w,menon) and the vision of a multitude of

demons in the air.

31


26

4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38

Praktikos 14

A the demon The demon of pride produces in the soul a very hard fall.

B

pro

gre

ss o

f th

e

sou

l's

fall

It persuades [the soul]: not to confess God as helper,

C but to believe that it is itself the cause of its good

deeds,

D and to look down on the brethren, treating them all

as unintelligent, for not recognizing this about it.

D

pro

gre

ss o

f

dem

on

s

vic

tory

[The demon of pride] is followed with anger

C and sadness

B and the ultimate evil, the derangement of mind, madness,

A mobs of demons and the vision of a multitude of demons in the air.

Centuries 2, 38

A THE DEMON of pride The demon of pride has dual malice:

B our weakness and we

he either persuades (wrongly) the monk to

attribute his success to himself and not to

C GOD God,

D the provider of goodness

E and helper for successful accomplishment [of

things],

F disdain of the brethren or, failing to persuade him in this, [the demon]

suggests contempt for his brethren who are as yet

imperfect.

G The bedeviled man In this manner, it leads [the monk], unknowingly,

H DENIAL GOD'S HELP to deny the help of God,

G' The bedeviled man for, despising others as men unable to act rightly,

F' Believing in own power he brings up himself forward as doing good deeds

by his own strength,

E' which is impossible,

D' THE LORD as the Lord says:

C' For apart from me you can do nothing. (John15:5)

B' our weakness and the Lord Because our weakness, [though] oriented towards

the good can bring nothing to its goal, without

A' GOD PANTOCRATOR the provider of goodness.

CHAPTER TWO:

THE DEMON OF BLASPHEMY

1. Translation: Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2:14

Praktikos 46 Centuries 2:14

Mh. taratte,tw de. h`ma/j o` dai,mwn o` sunarpa,zwn to.n nou/n pro.j blasfhmi,an Qeou/ kai. pro.j ta.j avpeirhme,naj fantasi,aj evkei,naj a]j e;gwge ouvde. grafh|/ paradou/nai teto,lmhka( mhde. th.n proqumi,an h`mw/n evkkopte,tw\ kardiognw,sthj ga,r evstin o` Ku,rioj kai. oi=den o[ti ouvde. evn tw|/ ko,smw| o;ntej pote. toiau,thn mani,an evma,nhmen) Skopo.j de. tou,tw| tw|/ dai,moni pau/sai h`ma/j th/j proseuch/j( i[na mh. stw/men evnantoi,on Kuri,ou tou/ Qeou/ h`mw/n( mhde. ta.j cei/raj evktei/nai tolmh,swmen kaq v ou- toiau/ta dienoh,qhmen)

{Otan a;rchtai o` nou/j eivj th.n avga,phn tou/ Qeou/ proko,ptein( to,te kai. o` dai,mwn th/j blasfhmi,aj a;rcetai evkpeira,zein auvto.n kai. toiou,touj auvtw|/ logismou.j u`poba,llei( oi[ouj avnqrw,pwn me.n ouvdei,j( mo,noj de. o` tou,twn path.r dia,boloj evfeuri,skei) Tou/to de. poiei/ fqonw/n tw|/ qeofilei/( i[na eivj avpo,gnwsin evlqw.n w`j toiau/ta dianohqei,j( mhke,ti tolmh,sh| dia. th/j sunh,qouj proseuch/j pro.j auvto.n avnapth/nai) Ouvde.n de. evnteu/qen wvfelei/tai o` avla,stwr pro.j to.n i;dion skopo,n( avlla. kai. ma/llon bebaiote,rouj h`ma/j avperga,zetai) Polemou,menoi ga.r kai. avntipolemou/ntej dokimw,teroi kai. gnhsiw,teroi eivj th.n avga,phn tou/ Qeou/ eurisko,meqa\ h` de. r`omfai,a auvtou/ eivse,lqoi eivj kardi,an auvtou/ kai. ta. to,xa auvtou/ suntribei,h)

Let the demon not stir us up who carries

off our intellect toward blaspheming God

and toward the forbidden fantasies which I

have not dared to deliver in writing, nor let

[it] cut off our zeal. For the Lord is

knower of hearts and he knows that, even

we were formerly in the world, we did not

do such kind of madness. The intention of

this demon is to stop our prayer so that we

not stand in front of the Lord our God, nor

dare to stretch out our hands, for having

had such intentions.

When the intellect starts to advance in the

love of God then the demon of the

blasphemy begins to tempt it and suggests

to it such kind of thoughts, as no man

invents but only their father, the devil. He

does all this because of jealously towards

the God-lover so that, having arrived at

despair as one conceiving such things, [the

God-lover] no longer has the courage to

dare to approach God with his habitual

prayer. But the destroying angel gains

nothing from this towards his own goal.

Rather, he makes us now steadfast more

than ever. For, being attacked and fighting

back, we find ourselves more tested and

more genuine in the love of God. May his

sword enter his heart and his bows be

shattered. (Ps 37:15)

CHAPTER TWO: THE DEMON OF BLASPHEMY

28

2. Commentary on Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2, 38

The chapter which stands before us speaks of the demon of blasphemy.

Palladius, Evagrius disciple in his Historia Lausiaca, regarding Evagrius life in

Egyptian desert, reports to us that Evagrius had a very painful and difficult combat with

demons who tempted him to blasphemy, but he nevertheless successfully completed this

agonizing struggle:

On another occasion again the spirit of blasphemy troubled him. And for forty days he

did not enter under a roof, as he told us himself, so that his body threw out ticks, like

the bodies of irrational animals. Three demons attacked him by day disguised as clerics,

questioning him on the faith. And one said he was an Arian, the other an Eunomian, the

third an Apollinarian; and he vanquished these in his wisdom by means of a few

words.35

A similar testimony can be heard also from the mouth of Dorotheus of Gaza in

his Instructiones.36

After such painful personal experiences, Evagrius could write lines

such as we find in chapter 46 of the Praktikos. It is this chapter that will be our subject

for research and analysis. It belongs to the fourth section of the first part of the

Praktikos (40-53) concerning advice and instructions against demons (see structure of

the Praktikos in the Introduction).

Who is this demon which gave so much trouble to Evagrius and about whom

Evagrius left so many references in his works? Evagrius describes him as the demon

who carries off our intellect toward blaspheming God and toward the forbidden

fantasies [sp4.6]. The eighth part of the Antirrhetikos Evagrius states almost the

35 PALLADIUS, Historia Lausiaca 38:11; PG 43, 1194 B; Quoted from: PALLADIUS, The Lausiac

History, pp. 136-137; the critical editions see in: PALLADIO, La storia Lausiaca, 200-201.

36 DOROTHE de Gaza, Oeuvres Spirituelles, SCh 92, pp. 206-207.


29

same.37

This eighth part of the Antirrhetikos is dedicated to pride and in a many places

describes blasphemous thoughts as tempting-thoughts by the demon of pride. Therefore,

this demon of blasphemy is none other than the demon of pride.38

But Evagrius

distinguish them because of different types of pride. Carefully reading this chapter, we

recognize that behind blasphemous thoughts is hidden the demon of pride or the

original evil39 as Evagrius called him in the Prologue of the Praktikos.

This demon produces two effects: 1) carries off our intellect toward

blaspheming God [sp4] and 2) [carries off our intellect] toward the forbidden

fantasies [sp6]. According to the testimony, Evagrius blasphemous fantasies are so

unbearable that he does not even want to leave them on the paper [sp5]. What are these

thoughts? In this chapter Evagrius does not give us the answer, but in other places of his

written corpus we can find out more about it.

In the quoted passage from Palladius Historia Lausiaca about Evagrius combat

with the demon of blasphemy, we see that he calls them an Arian, the other an

Eunomian, the third an Apollinarian,40 which means that they are related to the denial

of the deity of the Son and the Holy Spirit, and also could be such thoughts that degrade

the Holy Trinity to the level of creatures.41

37 Cf. Antirrehtikos, 8:41, in Evagrius of Pontus, Antirrhetikos Talking Back. A Monastic Handbook for Combating Demons, p. 168.

38 See the note on the Praktikos 46 in GUILLAUMONT, SCh 71, 603-604: Comme le precise ce texte de lAntirrhtique (dont la section VIII est consacre lorgueil), se dmon nest autre que celui de lorgueil.

39 Praktikos, Prolog, 2, SCh 71, pp. 486-487.

40 PALLADIUS, Historia Lausiaca 38:11, p. 136.

41 Cf. Ad Monachos, 134; DRISCOLL, p. 65.


30

There are blasphemous thoughts which deny free will which is directly

connected to the question of Gods righteousness because these thoughts suggest to us

that we commit sins involuntarily, without our will; and consequently, the judgment of

God against us is unfair42

because we have not sinned with the consent of our free will.

Other blasphemous thoughts are about God's existence, i.e. they ask whether God is

among us or not,43

or, they deny Gods help,44 and bring us to consider the demons as

gods.45

Some even suggest for man to regard the human body as something sinful and

unworthy. 46

Behind all these thoughts that terrorize men, is lurking a very specific goal or

intention (skopo.j) of this demon. The man who has been assaulted by this demon is

overflowing with such painful thoughts and those causing sadness,47

that in this way he

loses confidence and trust in prayer.48

In this context Guillaumont commenting on our

chapter from the Praktikos49

provides a quotation from the Antirrehetikos where we can

see how blasphemous thoughts persist in us and destroy the frankness of prayer.50

Guillaumont underlines the importance of the word parrhsi,a. It is a favorite New

Testament term meaning courage, confidence, boldness, fearlessness, joyfulness,

openness to the public, publicly. Remaining without these important things, such as

42 Cf. Antirrehtikos, 8:16; p. 162.



45 Cf. Antirrehtikos, 8:47.49c; pp. 169, 170.

46 Cf Kephalia gnostica IV,60.62; GUILLAUMONT Antoine, Les six centuries des Kephalia Gnostica in PO 28, p. 163.

47 Cf Antirrehtikos 8:49a; p. 169.

48 Cf Antirrehtikos 8:10; p. 161.

49 Cf. GUILLAUMONT, SCh 71, p. 605.

50 Antirrehtikos 8:10; p. 161.


31

confidence and trust in our relationship with God, man despairs of Gods presence and

therefore neglects prayer. In this way the demon reaches his goal of preventing one

from praying: so that we might not stand before the Lord our God nor dare to lift up

our hands to him [sp12.13].

To be involved in a mesh of so despairing thoughts is, indeed, a great danger and

it is not easy to resist them, especially when a man feeling far from God ceases to pray.

To turn man away from prayer is the intention of this demon who is opposed to our

prayer.51

Therefore, Evagrius seems to want to restore the ascetic trust and confidence

in the Lord, because God knows what is in our hearts because he is kardiognw,sthj52

[sp7] unlike the demons who do not know what lies in the human heart.53

God knows

that these thoughts did not enter our minds with our consent and it is not we who have

committed such madness [sp10], therefore, in our weakness, we need a greater

confidence to direct our prayers to the Lord:

To the Lord concerning the words by which the demon spoke in us unspeakable

blasphemies against the Lord, things that I cannot write, lest I shake heaven and earth;

for in anger this demon stands without fear and speaks great blasphemy against God and

the holy angels those who have been tempted by it understand what I am saying and at the time of this temptation what is excellent is fasting, reading of the scriptures, and

unceasing pryers offered with tears. 54

Maximus chapter Centuries 2:14 sounds, generally speaking, very similar to

Evagrius' Praktikos 46: The demon of blasphemy tempts the ascetic with blasphemous

51 Cf. Antirrehtikos 8:20.49b; pp. 164, 170.

52 See. Act 1:24 and 15:8; Kardiognw,sthj the Lord knows the human heart God can and humans cannot [know] that. God is able to make judgment in terms of internal dispositions rather then on

external criteria. JOHNSON Luke Timothy, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 37 and 262.

53 Ouvk evpi,stantai ta.j kardi,aj h`mw/n oi`dai,monej see in De cog., 37. vagre le Pontique, Sur les penses, SCh 438, pp. 280-281.

54 Antirrehtikos, 8:21; p. 164.


32

thoughts in order that the man full of shame, no longer dares to pray to the Lord. But

Maximus, in his own way, expands Evagrius thought, adding his own observation and

attention.

The first thing we can notice in Maximus Centuries 2:14 that is not present in

Praktikos 46 is the way Maximus connects this blasphemous temptation with the

spiritual progress of man. He notes that this demon tends to assail those who are more

advanced in the spiritual life, that is, those who grant perfect prayer and worship to the

creator through love.55 This is a very important element that should be noted: the

reason why the demon attacks man is because of his love or his progress in love [sc2].

In his Introduction to Maximus the Centuries, Sharwood gives a very nice summary of

Maximus doctrine of love:

Love is the fulfillment of faith and hope, it embraces the ultimate in desire and puts a

term to that motion; it restores man to unity within himself and with other men, because

of the harmony already established with God. Than love there is nothing higher to be

sought. The love given God and man is one and the same, due to God and joining men.

The activity and proof of perfect love for God is love for our neighbor. Love is the way

of Truth which is the Word, that places us in the calm of detachment before the Father;

it is the door by which he who enters makes his entrance into the holy of holies and is

made worthy to see the holy and royal Trinity; it is the true vine. The whole of the Law

and the prophets and the Gospel is directed towards it; by it God is honored above the

creature and all men are equally honored. In all this it is to be noted that love knows no

limits; or rather its limits are those of God.56

In light of this insight, we can easily understand why the demon has a special

intention (skopoj) to prevent man in the progress and growth in love.


56 SHERWOOD Polycarp, Introduction. Charity in: MAXIMUS the Confessor, The Ascetic Life. The Four Centuries on Charity, ACW vol. 21, p. 97.


33

The results or effects of this demon that we find in Evagrius: carries off our

intellect toward blaspheming God and toward the forbidden fantasies [sp4.6],

Maximus simply summarizes: that the demon of blasphemy begins to tempt it [the

intellect] and suggests to it such kind of thoughts, as no man invents but only their

father, the devil. [sc4.5.7] Also we will not find in Maximus the autosuggestion to

encouragement: Let us neither be stirred up by the demon [...] nor cut off our zeal.

[sp1.3.8] The text of Maximus also does not emphasize forbidden fantasies

(avpeirhme,naj fantasi,aj) [sp6], or the Lords knowing of the human heart

(kardiognw,sthj) [sp9] and our acts in this world, and that even we have blasphemous

thoughts, we do not fall into this with our will, that it is not from our free will but from

the enemy of our tempter [sp10]. Finally, Maximus does not speak about his fear in

writing about the temptations [sp7]. All these elements omitted in Maximus, but present

in Evagrius, seem to further indicate the hidden autobiographical background of their

origin, and which outline Evagrius painful torment which he endured to overcome this

temptation.

The somewhat common element present in both authors is the intention of the

demons to use such blasphemous thoughts in order to stop mans prayer [sp11.13 =

sc11.13]. But Maximus here notices an important additional point, and that is the inner

rationale of the demons intentions: He does all this because of jealously [sp11].

Fqo,noj - invidia, envy, jealousy is the main reason for the attack on man. Through the

Devil's envy Death came into the world. (Wisdom 2:24) Envying the mans intimacy

with God in love through prayer, the demon tries to do everything just to separate the

man from his Source and in this way to sow death. Prayer filled with love and


34

confidence, boldness, fearlessness (parrhsi,a) toward God is the main reason for envy

of the demon, and therefore becomes the main reason of the demons attack.

Another and more significant difference in Maximus is that he shows us a

deeper meaning in these attacks [sc16-19], which is not found in Evagrius [sp16-19].

Maximus, namely, in this section, reveals to us why God allows such a difficult ordeal

for man, qeofilh,j:

Demons serve a purpose, since they act as unwilling instruments in the training of the

monk. In battling demons the ascetic develops his natural powers of resistance and

becomes more open to the love of God in his life. Maximus give the monk greater

reason for perseverance during a skirmish with the diabolical source of blasphemy.57

From all of that we get a double result: the growth in our humanity (a

strengthening and consolidating) and growth in the love of God and with God [sc18].

Despite repeating some of the same or similar elements in Evagrius, in his

description of the demon of blasphemy Maximus goes much further and deeper.

Evagrius put forward the cruel reality of the demon, his temptations and our struggles

with him. Maximus, following the essential Evagrian elements, takes another step and

brings us to the inner meaning that lies behind the temptation, the whole theology of

combat with evil.

The conclusion of Maximus chapter [sc19] ends like a crown with this

pericope: May his sword enter his heart and his bows be shattered. (Ps 37:15) At the

beginning of Maximus pericope (see the structural analysis for Centuries 2:14) we

have the demon who with the sword of the tempting-blasphemous-thoughts attacks a



35

man who is advancing in love for God (A) and the pericope ends with Gods sword that

pierces the heart of the enemy (A). Before the attacks of demons, the man was

advanced in the love of God (A) but after the attacks, he is even more advanced in love

(A). Temptation, which was aimed to destroy the man of God (B) does the opposite,

instead of destroying him, it reinforces and strengthens the man. The demon of Envy by

whom death comes into this world, with his intention directed by that envy wants also

the death of man (C) but his plan fails (C'). The mans communion with God through

the prayer, which was at the heart of the demons attacks (D) in the end, like a

boomerang turns against the demon.

If we try to analyze Evagrius' chapter we can see a different internal dynamic to

the text (see the structural analysis for Praktikos 46): beginning with an encouraging

note that we should not be afraid to be tempted by the demon of blasphemy (A) but

ending with the possible danger that this brings with it a temptation (A). The effects

produced by the temptation (B) seem to go together with the intention of tempter (B).

However, as an opposite of the ugliness of the demons attack (C) we see the goodness

of God (C).


36


Praktikos 46 Cent 2:14

1 Mh. taratte,tw de. h`ma/j

Let us neither be stirred up

1

2 {Otan a;rchtai o` nou/j eivj th.n

avga,phn tou/ Qeou/ proko,ptein(

When the intellect starts to advance in the

love of God

2

3 o` dai,mwn

by the demon

to,te kai. o` dai,mwn th/j blasfhmi,aj

then the demon of the blasphemy

3

4 o` sunarpa,zwn to.n nou/n pro.j

blasfhmi,an Qeou/

who carries off our intellect toward

blaspheming God

a;rcetai evkpeira,zein auvto.n

begins to tempt it 4

5 kai. toiou,touj auvtw|/ logismou.j

u`poba,llei(

and suggests to it such kind of thoughts,

5

6 kai. pro.j ta.j avpeirhme,naj

fantasi,aj

and toward the forbidden fantasies

6

7 evkei,naj a]j e;gwge ouvde. grafh|/

paradou/nai teto,lmhka(

which I will not endure to deliver in

writing,

oi[ouj avnqrw,pwn me.n ouvdei,j( mo,noj de. o` tou,twn path.r dia,boloj evfeuri,skei)

as no man invents but only their father, the

devil.

7

8 mhde. th.n proqumi,an h`mw/n

evkkopte,tw\

nor cut off our zeal.

8

9 kardiognw,sthj ga,r evstin o` Ku,rioj

For the Lord is knower of hearts

9

10 kai. oi=den o[ti ouvde. evn tw|/ ko,smw|

o;ntej pote. toiau,thn mani,an evma,nhmen)

and he knows that, even we were formerly

in the world, we did not do such kind of

madness.

10

11 Skopo.j de. tou,tw| tw|/ dai,moni

The intention of this demon is

Tou/to de. poiei/ fqonw/n tw|/ qeofilei/(

He does all this because of jealously towards

the God-lover

11


37

12 i[na eivj avpo,gnwsin evlqw.n w`j

toiau/ta dianohqei,j(

so that, through despair at the appearance of

such considerations,

12

13 pau/sai h`ma/j th/j proseuch/j(

to stop our prayer

mhke,ti tolmh,sh| dia. th/j sunh,qouj proseuch/j pro.j auvto.n avnapth/nai)

[the God-lover] no longer has the courage to

dare to approach God with his habitual

prayer.

13

14 i[na mh. stw/men evnantoi,on Kuri,ou

tou/ Qeou/ h`mw/n(

so that we not stand in front of the Lord

our God,

14

15 mhde. ta.j cei/raj evktei/nai

tolmh,swmen kaq v ou- toiau/ta dienoh,qhmen)

nor bear to stretch out our hands, for

having had such intentions.

15

16 Ouvde.n de. evnteu/qen wvfelei/tai o`

avla,stwr pro.j to.n i;dion skopo,n(

But the destroying angel gains nothing from

this towards his own goal.

16

17 avlla. kai. ma/llon bebaiote,rouj h`ma/j

avperga,zetai)

Rather, he makes us now steadfast more

than ever.

17

18 Polemou,menoi ga.r kai.

avntipolemou/ntej dokimw,teroi kai. gnhsiw,teroi eivj th.n avga,phn tou/ Qeou/ eurisko,meqa\

For, being attacked and fighting back, we

find ourselves more tested and more genuine

in the love of God.

18

19 h` de. r`omfai,a auvtou/ eivse,lqoi eivj

kardi,an auvtou/ kai. ta. to,xa auvtou/ suntribei,h)

May his sword enter his heart and his bows

be shattered. (Ps 37:15)

19


38

4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2, 14

Praktikos 46

A we and the demon Let us neither be stirred up by the demon

B effects of temptation who carries off our intellect toward blaspheming God

and toward the forbidden fantasies

C ugliness of temptation which I will not endure to deliver in writing, nor cut off

our zeal.

C'

goodness of the Lord

For the Lord is knower of hearts and he knows that, even

we were formerly in the world, we did not do such kind

of madness.

B' intention of temptation The intention of this demon is to stop our prayer

A'

wickedness of temptation

so that we not stand in front of the Lord our God, nor

bear to stretch out our hands, for having had such

intentions.

Centuries 2, 14

A

sword of the demon against man

+

advance in love

When the intellect starts to advance in the love

of God

then the demon of the blasphemy begins to

tempt it

B temptation for distroid man and suggests to it such kind of thoughts, as no

man invents but only their father, the devil.

C intention He does all this because of jealously towards the

God-lover so that, through despair at the

appearance of such considerations,

D the demon and prayer [the God-lover] no longer has the courage to

dare to approach God with his habitual prayer.

C' fulier of intetion But the destroying angel gains nothing from this

towards his own goal.

B' man is stronger from temptation Rather, he makes us now steadfast more than

ever.

A'

more progress in love

+

sword of God against the demon

For, being attacked and fighting back, we find

ourselves more tested and more genuine in the

love of God.

May his sword enter his heart and his bows be

shattered. (Ps 37:15)

CHAPTER THREE:

THE DEMON OF VAINGLORY

1. Translation: Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60


:Egnwn to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj dai,mona scedo.n u`po. pa,ntwn diwko,menon tw/n daimo,nwn kai. evpi. toi/j tw/n diwko,ntwn ptw,masin avnaidw/j parista,menon kai. tw|/ monacw|/ me,geqoj avretw/n evmfani,zonta)

Pa,nta ta. a;tima pa,qh kratou/nta th/j yuch/j to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj evx auvth/j avpelau,nousi logismo,n\ kai. pa,ntwn tw/n proeirhme,nwn h`tthme,nwn( evp v auvth.n auvto.n avnalu,ousin)

I have known the demon of vainglory,

driven away by almost all the demons, but

when those pursuers fall, he shamelessly

approaches and shows the monk the

greatness of his virtues.

All dishonorable passions which possess

the soul [they] drive away the thought of

vainglory from her [the soul]; and when all

of them are defeated, they return it

[thought of vainglory] to her [the soul].

CHAPTER THREE: THE DEMON OF VAINGLORY

40

2. Commentary on Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60

Vainglory is an irrational passion and it readily gets tangled up with any work

of virtue.58 This is the penultimate of thoughts from Evagrius vices hierarchy. It is

mentioned in the first part of the Praktikos where there is a question concerning On the

Eight Thoughts in the chapter 1359

. In second part concerning remedies against the

eight thoughts (15-33), for questions concerning vainglory, Evagrius dedicates three

chapters: the chapter 30, 31 and 32. On this subject he will refer back in second section

of the Praktikos where there is a question concerning on the state that is near to

impassibility, in chapter 58.

According to Evagrius demonology the demons do not tempt us all at the same

time, nor do they instill their thoughts in us at the same moment.60 The Demons

temptations follow the hierarchy of vices and they follow one after another, so

vainglory is the vice of the advanced and plays on the monks self-esteem61 and it

takes the penultimate places in the hierarchy i.e. just before pride. Evagrius says that the

demon of vainglory is driven out by other demons. For a beginner in asceticism which

is still grappling with gluttony, fornication, avarice, or even later, for one who has

seriously problems with sadness, anger and acedia, it is almost impossible to be attacked

by this demon. Battle with these kinds of vices, still present in the soul, will fill man

more with embarrassment than with vainglory and pride. After the uphill struggle with

all these vices and after the monk has invested great trouble and effort to overcome

58 De cog 7:1; GAC p. 85.

59 Cf. Praktikos 13; SCh 71, pp. 528-531; GAC p. 100.

60 De octo spir. 24:1-2; SCh 438, pp. 236-237; GAC, p 169.

61 SINKEWICZ Robert E., Commentary on Praktikos, note 39, in GAC, p. 253.


41

them and to be free of them, the monk comes closer to a certain degree of impassibility.

After the demons have been defeated up to this point and a state of victory has been

achieved, a blissful state of the soul now becomes a source of vainglory62 and its

demon shamelessly approaches [sp6]. However, any success in the practice of the

virtues is an opportunity for vainglory.63

Yet, before that monk came to clash with this demon, it is necessary to defeat all

the other demons and get rid of all the vices of thoughts.64

After this battle the monk

attains some small degree of impassibility.65 Such success and freedom brings the

monk to the condition that he returns to self-esteem, and with this state his achieving

respect among people.66

But within himself grows a natural desire and intention of

publishing his struggles and hunting after the esteem that comes from people.67 And it

can be the beginning of defeat for the monk for it is a temptation to which even the

brightest angels could not resist: From this thought is born that of pride, which cast

down from the heavens to earth the Seal of the Likeness and the Crown of Beauty

(Ezek 28:12).68

In our observations and analysis we are limiting ourselves just to chapter 31

from the Praktikos.

62 Praktikos 30; SCh 71, pp.570-571.

63 SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction, in GAC, p. xxx.

64 Cf. De octo spir. 14:8-11, SCh 438, pp. 200-201; GAC, p 162-163.

65 De octo spir. 15; SCh 438, 202-203; GAC, p. 163.

66 Cf. Antirrhetikos 7:5,38; pp. 148, 156.

67 Praktikos 13; SCh 71, pp. 528-531; GAC, p. 100.

68 De octo spir. 14; GAC, p. 162.


42

The chapter is shorter than all the others in the Praktikos which talk about

vainglory. Evagrius begins the chapter appealing to his own experience: :Egnwn to.n

th/j kenodoxi,aj dai,mona [sp1.3]. Although in the prologue he tells us that he will convey

to us what he learned from the holy fathers69, he not only transmits to us the tradition

which he had learned passively by listening; but he provides us with first-hand

knowledge of this demon by whom he had been tormented. We can find evidence of

this struggle with the demon in his letter to John of Jerusalem.70

After this very brief statement he very briefly summarizes the position of the

demon of the vainglory in the mans straggle with demons, i.e. that the demon is driven

out by the anterior demons [sp4] and only when they are defeated, does he approache

the man [sp6]. This brief and condensed summary assumes, as mentioned above,

Evagrius doctrine on demons: demons do not attack at the same time, but one demon

follows after another one, corresponding to the hierarchy of vices. Since the demon of

vainglory is in the penultimate place, there is no place for him as long as the other

demons predecessors have not been defeated and pursued [sp4]. Having pursued and

defeated all of the previous demons, the demon of vainglory [sp5] now shamelessly

(avnaidw/j) enters on the scene [sp6] and he begin to play his game with the monk,

calling to his mind the greatness and deservedness which he achieved in the struggle

with evil demons [sp7].

69 Praktikos. Prologue 1. See also Prologue 9.

70 Cf. Letter 9:2; Evagrios Pontikos, Briefe aus der Wste, p. 222: I, however, am a wretch, incapable of leading even a single sheep to graze, nor am I willing to snatch it from the mouth of the wolf. Behold it

is thus bitterly wounded, sometimes by wrath, and at other times by sadness; sometimes it is torn by

pride and again by vainglory. English translation by DYSINGER Luke (translation in public domain) http://www.ldysinger.com/Evagrius/11_Letters/00a_start.htm.


43

How Evagrius finished his battle, he does not give us a report; however, a report

that we have from others about him gives us a hint that he did not remain defeated by

the evil tempter, but he beat him with humility.71

Regarding Maximus, if we observe the chapters from the Centuries where he is

speaking about vainglory,72

we see that Maximus more or less in this chapter

follows Evagrius. In our observations we are limiting ourselves to just Centuries 3:60.

Unlike Evagrius, however, Maximus does not make note of his own experience

[sc1] which we find in Evagrius [sp1]. But that does not mean that he talks about what

he has not experienced.

The first thing that we notice in Maximus speaking about vices is that he speaks

about ta. a;tima pa,qh (the dishonored passions) which possess the soul [sc2] we do not

find this term in Evagrius [sp2]. The expression is very interesting for several reasons.

These passions have the same role as the demons in Evagrius. In several chapters of the

Centuries before our chapter 3:60 and in several after, where he speaks about vainglory,

Maximus, instead of using the word demon, uses the word passions ta. pa,qh . He

gives the passions an important role, and speaking of them in a personified, mythical

way was very familiar to the man of Hellenic culture. Building on the personification of

71 On a certain occasion when the Council of Elders of Cells was in session discussing problems of interest to the community Evagrius came forth with his own views and an elder said to him: 'We know,

Abba, that if you had remained in your own country where you are a bishop and the governor of many

[your speech would have been quite in order]; but in this place you sit as a stranger. Evagrius was chagrined but he did not take offense. He just shook his head and looked down to the ground and wrote

with his finger and told them: You are right my fathers: I have spoken once. But I will not do so a second time. FESTUGIRE A. J. Historia Monachorum in Aegyto, (Brussels, 1961) p. 606-607. Translation quoted by BAMBERGER John Eudes, Introduction in EVAGRIUS Ponticus, The Praktikos. Chapters on Prayer, p. xvi.

72 Vainglory is spoken about in Centuries: I, 30, 46, 80; II, 9, 23, 35, 59, 63, 65; III, 4, 7, 17, 20, 56, 59-

62, 75, 77, 83, 84; IV, 43.


44

the virtues and vices, which often occurred in Greek mythology, Maximus goes much

deeper in personifying the passions of vainglory. In this, Maximus more deeply

emphasizes their interior, sensible, dynamic, and destructive activity in the soul of the

man.73

This is in contrast to Evagrius who, using the term the demon of vainglory,

seems to give more emphasis on exterior action while not having a strongly outlined

interior meaning and struggle of the soul.

In all other things, we can say that Maximus almost completely follows Evagrius

in this chapter: all the passions which are present in the soul drive away the thought of

vainglory [sc3.4] like the demons in Evagrius [sp3.4]. When these passions are driven

away [sc5 sp5], the passion of vainglory can start its role [sc6 sp6]. Evagrius

describes the approach of the demon of vainglory to the soul, with the expression

avnaidw/j (shamelessly) [sp6], which we will not find in Maximus. Another obvious

difference is that Maximus omits letting us know in an explicit way, which work or

action the passion of vainglory does in the soul of the man [sc7], as in Evagrius [sp7].

But perhaps Maximus personification of the passions, with their interior, possessive,

destructive action in the soul, says much more than Evagrius noted in an explicit way

[sp7].

However, the similarity between Maximus and Evagrius in these chapters is

obvious.

Maximus certainly owes a debt to the keen analysis of his master. Yet, at the

same time, the student did not remain content with simply reproducing the

73 More about role of the passions in Maximus see in: GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the heaven, pp. 147148; BALTHASAR Hans Urs von, Cosmic Liturgy. The universe According to

Maximus the Confessor, pp. 193-196; JEVREMOVI Petar, Dynamism of yuch in the works of St Maximus the Confessor, pp. 28-29.


45

teachings of the past, rather he shaped these observations through his own

personal experience and theological wisdom.74

If we observed the inner dynamics of Maximus Centuries (see structural

analysis) we can see an internal connection: at the beginning we have all dishonorable

passions which possess the soul (A) and at the end there is just the thought of vainglory

(A). The passions which are opposed to and drive away thought of vainglory (B) at the

end they are driven away (B).

The inner dynamic in Evagrius chapter 31 from the Praktikos, in contrast,

begins with the monk who knows the demon of vainglory (A) but ends with the

demon who knows the monk and shows to him the greatness of his virtues, in order

that the man fall into the trap of vainglory. (A). The demon of vainglory, which had

been driven away by the other demons (B), now shamelessly approaches the soul (B')

after the defeat of his demonic persecutors (D) before which time he could not return.

74 GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the heaven, pp. 169-170.


46



1 :Egnwn

I have known

1

2 Pa,nta ta. a;tima pa,qh kratou/nta th/j

yuch/j

All dishonorable passions which

possess the soul

2

3 to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj dai,mona

the demon of vainglory,

to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj evx auvth/j avpelau,nousi logismo,n\

[they] drive away the thought of

vainglory from her [the soul];

3

4 scedo.n u`po. pa,ntwn diwko,menon

tw/n daimo,nwn

driven away by almost all the

demons,

4

5 kai. evpi. toi/j tw/n diwko,ntwn

ptw,masin

but when those pursuers fall,

kai. pa,ntwn tw/n proeirhme,nwn h`tthme,nwn(

and when all of them are defeated,

5

6 avnaidw/j parista,enon

he shamelessly approaches

evp v auvth.n auvto.n avnalu,ousin)

they return it [thought of vainglory]

upon her [the soul].

6

7 kai. tw|/ monacw|/ me,geqoj avretw/n

evmfani,zonta)

and shows the monk the greatness

of his virtues.

7


47

4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60

Praktikos 31

A the monk who know the demon I have known the demon of vainglory,

B the demon is driven away driven away by almost all the demons,

C failure of the pursuers but when those pursuers fall,

B' The demon approaches he shamelessly approaches

A' the demon who knows the monk and shows the monk the greatness of his virtues.

Centuries 3:60

A the passions possess the soul All dishonorable passions which possess the soul

B The passions cast out vainglory [they] drive away the thought of vainglory

from her [the soul];

B The passions are cast out and when all of them are defeated,

A vainglory posses the soul they return it [thought of vainglory] upon her [the

soul].

CONCLUSION

Duo cum faciunt idem, non est idem.75

In our research we met with two great masters of the spiritual life which have

made great contributions and had undeniable influence on Christian asceticism and

monasticism up until the present day. For all their similarities, though, they were

destined for quite different fates: Evagrius, the humble citizen of the Kellia Desert, left

behind a group of disciples and monks who were already in his lifetime calling him by

the honorable title abba. He died in peace with the Church, only to be declared by

that same Church after a full one hundred and fifty years a heretic and to have his

teaching condemned; Maximus, after a fearless and tireless struggle for orthodoxy and

dogmatic purity in the Church, was abandoned and forgotten by all, and he spent the last

years of his life exiled from the very same Church for whose orthodox doctrine he

fought. He was proclaimed an enemy of the Church and the Empire. Subjected to

torture, he died in remote seclusion on the edge of the empire as an anathematized,

dangerous heretic. Just under twenty years after his death, however, the Church which

had anathematized his teaching as heretical, declared it orthodox and embraced his

dogmatic definitions in its cannons and declared him a saint and confessor of

orthodoxy.

The destiny of the lives of these two men of the Church so different and so

close has only one goal: God! It is to seek the road toward Him, to return to the

original state of human nature before the fall in the paradise of Eden, and to desire the

75 "When two do the same, it isn't the same." (Latin proverb)

CONCLUSION

49

deification of his human existence. It is this unquenchable thirst of the soul for his

Creator, which is the

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