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Saskia Sassen

THE CITY: ITS RETURN AS A LENS FOR SOCIAL THEORY

The city has long been a strategic site for the exploration of many major subjectsconfronting society and sociology. But it has not always been a heuristic space -- aspace capable of producing knowledge about some of the major transformations of anepoch. In the first half of the 20th century, the study of cities was at the heart ofsociology. This is evident in the work of Simmel, Weber, Benjamin, Lefebvre, and mostprominently the Chicago School, especially Park and Wirth, both deeply influenced byGerman sociology. These sociologists confronted massive processes --industrialization,urbanization, alienation, a new cultural formation they called urbanity. Studying the citywas not simply studying the urban. It was about studying the major social processes ofan era. Since then the study of the city, and with it urban sociology, gradually lost this

privileged role as a lens for the discipline and as producer of key analytic categories.There are many reasons for this, most important among which are questions of theparticular developments of method and data in sociology generally. Critical was the factthat the city ceased being the fulcrum for epochal transformations and hence a strategicsite for research about non-urban processes. Urban sociology became increasinglyconcerned with what came to be called social problems.

Today, as we enter a new century, the city is once again emerging as a strategic site forunderstanding some of the major new trends reconfiguring the social order. The city andthe metropolitan region emerge as one of the strategic sites where major macro-socialtrends materialize and hence can be constituted as an object of study. Among these

trends are globalization, the rise of the new information technologies, the intensifying oftransnational and translocal dynamics, and the strengthening presence and voice ofspecific types of socio-cultural diversity. Each one of these trends has its own specificconditionalities, contents and consequences. The urban moment is but one moment inoften complex multi-sited trajectories.

Urban sociology can capture some of these features. Other branches of sociology canuse the urban moment to construct their object of research even when it is non-urban.Cities are also sites where each of these trends interacts with the others in distinct,often complex manners, in a way they do not in just about any other setting. Thisresurgence of the city as a site for research on these major contemporary dynamics isalso evident in other disciplines. Anthropology, economic geography, cultural studies,and literary criticism, all have developed an extensive urban scholarship; most recently,economists are beginning to address the urban and regional economy in their analysesin ways that differ from an older tradition of urban economics, one that had lost much ofits vigor and persuasiveness.

All of this raises one of the questions organizing the chapter. Can the sociological studyof cities produce scholarship and analytic tools that help us understand the broader

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social transformations under way today as it once did early in the preceding century?One critical issue here is whether these larger transformations evince sufficientlycomplex and multivalent urban instantiations as to allow us to construct suchinstantiations as objects of study. The urban moment of a major process makes thelatter susceptible to empirical study in ways that other phases of such a process might

not. At the same time, this urbanization, albeit it partial, of major dynamics repositionsthe city as an object of study: what is it we are actually naming today when we use theconstruct city? This is the second question organizing this chapter.

The chapter examines these questions of research and theorization by focusingparticularly on globalization, the rise of the new information technologies, theintensifying of transnational and translocal dynamics, and the strengthening presenceand voice of specific types of socio-cultural diversity. All of these are at a cutting edgeof actual change that social theory needs to factor in to a far greater extent than it has.By far the best developed conceptually and empirically is socio-cultural diversity. Thusas regards this subject I will confine my treatment here to those issues of socio-cultural

diversity that are bound up with the other major trends I am focusing. There is a strongemerging new literature on the other three trends, but mostly in disciplines other thansociology and, specifically, urban sociology.

These trends do not encompass the majority of social conditions; on the contrary, mostsocial reality probably corresponds to older continuing and familiar trends. That is whymuch of sociology's traditions and well established subfields will remain important andconstitute the heart of the discipline. Further, there are good reasons why most ofurban sociology has not quite engaged the characteristics and the consequences ofthese three trends as they instantiate in the city: current urban data sets are quiteinadequate for addressing these major trends at the level of the city. Yet, although thesethree trends may involve only parts of the urban condition and cannot be confined to theurban, they are strategic in that they mark the urban condition in novel ways and makeit, in turn, a key research site for major trends.

CONCEPTUAL ELEMENTS.

Among today's dominant forces reconfiguring the social, the economic, thepolitical, and the subjective are globalization and advanced forms of telecommunication.These in turn have enabled a proliferation of transnational and translocal networks thatcut across the boundaries of cities and states and hence also across the boundaries

of major sociological framings and data sets. The traditional tools of sociology andsocial theory, let alone urban sociology, can accommodate only some aspects of thesetrends. The exception is an early generation (e.g. Castells, 1989; Feagin and Rodriguez1986; Gottdiener, 1985; Timberlake 1985; Chase-Dunn ;King 1990; Zukin 1991;Sassen 1984, to cite but a few) of what is today a still small but rapidly growingsociological scholarship that explicitly sought to theorize these new conditions and tospecify them empirically. Economic geography (e.g. Knox and Taylor 1995; Short andKim 1999) and cultural studies (e.g. Palumbo-Liu 1999; Bridges and Watson 1999) also

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produced key contributions.

A number of social theorists (e.g. Giddens 1990;Taylor 1997; Brenner 1998;Beck 2000) have examined the "embedded statism" that has marked the socialsciences generally and become one obstacle to a full theorization of some of these

issues. At the heart of embedded statism is the explicit or implicit assumption that thenation-state is the container of social processes. To this I would add two furtherfeatures: the implied correspondence of national territory with the national, and theassociated implication that the national and the non-national are two mutually exclusiveconditions.

These various assumptions work well for many of the subjects studied in thesocial sciences. But they are not helpful in elucidating a growing number of situationswhen it comes to globalization and to a whole variety of transnational processes nowbeing studied by social scientists. Nor are those assumptions helpful for developing therequisite research techniques. Further, while they describe conditions that have held for

a long time --throughout much of the history of the modern state since WWI and insome cases even earlier-- we are now seeing their partial unbundling.1For instance,one of the features of the current phase of globalization is that the fact a processhappens within the territory of a sovereign state does not necessarily mean it is anational process. Conversely, the national (e.g. firms, capital, cultures) may increasinglybe located outside national territory, for instance, in a foreign country or in digitalspaces. This localization of the global, or of the non-national, in national territories, andthe localization of the national outside national territories, undermines a key dualityrunning through many of the methods and conceptual frameworks prevalent in thesocial sciences --that the national and the non-national are mutually exclusive.

This partial unbundling of the national has significant implications for our analysisand theorization of major social transformations such as globalization and the possibilityof focusing on the city to get at some of their critical empirical features. And it hassignificant implications for the city as an object of study. The city has long been adebatable construct, whether in early writings (Lefebvre 1974; Castells 1977; Harvey1979) or in very recent ones (Brenner 1998; Lloyd 2005; Paddison 2001; Drainville2004). Today we are seeing a partial unbundling of national space and of the traditionalhierarchies of scale centered on the national, with the city nested somewhere betweenthe local and the region. This unbundling, albeit it partial, makes it problematic toconceptualize the city as nested in such hierarchies. Major cities have historically beennodes where a variety of processes intersect in particularly pronounced concentrations.In the context of globalization, many of these processes are operating at a global scalecutting across historical borders, with the added complexities this brings with it.

Cities emerge as one territorial or scalar moment in a trans-urban dynamic.2Thisis however, not the city as a bounded unit, but the city as a complex structure that canarticulate a variety of cross-boundary processes and reconstitute them as a partly urbancondition (Sassen 2001). Further, this type of city cannot be located simply in a scalarhierarchy that puts it beneath the national, regional and global. It is one of the spaces of

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the global, and it engages the global directly, often by-passing the national. Some citiesmay have had this capacity long before the current era; but today these conditions havebeen multiplied and amplified to the point that they can be read as contributing to aqualitatively different urban era. Pivoting theorization and research on the city is oneway of cutting across embedded statism and recovering the rescaling of spatial

hierarchies under way.

Besides the challenge of overcoming embedded statism, there is the challenge ofrecovering place in the context of globalization, telecommunications, and theproliferation of transnational and translocal dynamics. It is perhaps one of the ironies atthe start of a new century that some of the old questions of the early Chicago School ofUrban Sociology should re-surface as promising and strategic to understand certaincritical issues today. One might ask if their methods might be of particular use inrecovering the category place (Park et al. 1967; Suttles 1968; see also Duncan 1959) ata time when dominant forces such as globalization and telecommunications seem tosignal that place and the details of the local no longer matter. Robert Park and the

Chicago School conceived of "natural areas" as geographic areas determined byunplanned, subcultural forces. This was an urban sociology that used fieldwork within aframework of human ecology and contributed many rich studies mapping detaileddistributions and assuming functional complentarity among the diverse "natural areas"they identified in Chicago.3

Yet the old categories are not enough. Some of the major conditions in citiestoday, including the urban moment of non-urban dynamics, challenge mainstream formsof theorization and urban empirical analysis. Fieldwork is a necessary step in capturingmany of the new aspects in the urban condition, including those having to do with themajor trends focused on in this chapter. But assuming complementarity or functionalismbrings us back to the notion of the city as a bounded space rather than one site, albeit astrategic one, where multiple trans-boundary processes intersect and produce distinctsocio-spatial formations. Recovering place can only partly be met through the researchtechniques of the old Chicago School of Urban Sociology (see e.g. the debate in Citiesand Communities vol.1, nr.1 2001; Soja 2000; Dear 2001; see also Smith 1995). I dothink we need to go back to some of the depth of engagement with urban areas that theSchool represented and the effort towards detailed mappings. The type ofethnographies done by Duneier (1999) and Wright 1997, the scholars in Burawoy et al.(1999), the type of spatial analysis developed by Sampson (2001) are excellentexamples, using many of the techniques yet working within a different set of framingassumptions.

But that is only part of the challenge of recovering place. Large cities around theworld are the terrain where multiple globalization processes assume concrete, localizedforms. These localized forms are, in good part, what globalization is about. Recoveringplace means recovering the multiplicity of presences in this landscape. The large city oftoday has emerged as a strategic site for a whole range of new types of operations --political, economic, "cultural," subjective (Anderson 1990; Lloyd 2005; Abu-Lughod1994; Bridges and Watson 1999; Yuval-Davis 1999; Clark and Hoffman-Matinot 1998;

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Allen et al. 1999; Fincher and Jacob 2000; Krause and Petro 2003; Bartlett, in process;Hagedorn 2004). It is one of the nexi where the formation of new claims materializesand assumes concrete forms. The loss of power at the national level produces thepossibility for new forms of power and politics at the subnational level. Further, insofaras the national as container of social process and power is cracked (e.g. Taylor 1995;

Sachar 1990; Garcia 2002; Parsa and Keivafi 2002) it opens up possibilities for ageography of politics that links subnational spaces across borders. Cities are foremostin this new geography. One question this engenders is how and whether we are seeingthe formation of a new type of transnational politics that localizes in these cities.

Immigration, for instance, is one major process through which a newtransnational political economy is being constituted both at the macro level of globallabor markets and at the microlevel of translocal household survival strategies. It is onelargely embedded in major cities insofar as most immigrants, certainly in the developedworld, whether in the US, Japan or Western Europe, are concentrated in major cities(Castles and Miller 2003; Bachu 1985; Mahler 1995; Hondagneu-Sotelo 1994; Boyd

1989; Georges 1990). It is, according to some scholars (Castles and Miller 2003;Sassen 1998: Part One; Ehrenreich and Hochschild 2003; Skeldon 1994; Samers2002), one of the constitutive processes of globalization today, even though notrecognized or represented as such in mainstream accounts of the global economy. Thecity is one of the key sites for the empirical study of these transnational flows andhousehold strategies.

Global capital and the new immigrant workforce are two major instances oftransnationalized actors with features that constitute each as a somewhat unitary actoroverriding borders while at the same time in contestation with each other inside cities(Sassen 1998: Chapter 1; Ehrenreich and Hochschild 2003; see also e.g. Bonilla et al.1999; Cordero-Guzman et al. 2001). Researching and theorizing these issues willrequire approaches that diverge from the more traditional studies of political elites, localparty politics, neighborhood associations, immigrant communities, and others, throughwhich the political landscape of cities and metropolitan regions has been conceptualizedin sociology.

In the next three sections I focus on some of these issues in greater detail.

THE CITY AS A SITE FOR RESEARCH ABOUTTHE GLOBAL INFORMATION ECONOMY

The concept of the city is complex, imprecise, and charged with specific historicalmeanings (e.g. Park et al. 1967; Castells 1977; Harvey 1985; Sennett 1994; Thrift and

Amin 2002). A more abstract category might be centrality, one of the propertiesconstitutive of cities, and, in turn, one they have historically provided and produced.Historically centrality has largely been embedded in the central city. One of the changesbrought about by the new conditions is the reconfiguring of centrality: the central city is

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today but one form of centrality. Important emerging spaces for the constitution ofcentrality are the new transnational networks of cities, global city-regions, and electronicspace (Sassen 2001; Graham and Marvin 1996; Castells 1996; Rutherford 2004;

Abramson 2004; Scott 2001; Simmonds and Hack 2000).

A focus on centrality does not necessarily address matters such as theboundaries of cities or what cities actually are. These are partly empirical questions(each city is going to have a different configuration of boundaries and contents) andtheoretical ones (is a city necessarily a civitas, is any large urban agglomeration a city).The question is, rather, what are the conditions for the continuity of centrality inadvanced economic systems in the face of major new organizational forms andtechnologies that maximize the possibility for geographic dispersal at the regional,national and indeed, global scale, and simultaneous system integration?

A second major issue for thinking about the city as a site for researching non-urban dynamics concerns the narratives we have constructed about the city and its

relation to the global economy and to the new technologies. The understandings andthe categories that dominate mainstream discussions about the future of advancedeconomies imply the city has become obsolete for leading economic sectors. We needto subject these notions to critical examination. There are at least two sets of issues thatneed to be teased out if we are to understand the role if any of cities in a globalinformation economy, and hence the capacity of urban research to produce knowledgeabout that economy. One of these concerns the extent to which these new types ofelectronic formations, such as electronic financial markets, are indeed disembeddedfrom social contexts. The second set of issues concerns possible instantiations of theglobal economy and of the new technologies that have not been recognized as such orare contested representations. I have addressed these issues at greater lengthelsewhere (2003; 2004) and return to them only briefly in the last two sections of thischapter.

Finally, and on a somewhat more theorized level, there are certain properties ofpower that make cities strategic. Power needs to be historicized to overcome theabstractions of the concept. Power is not simply an attribute or a sort of factorendowment. It is actively produced and reproduced. Many of the studies in urbansociology focused on the local dimensions of power (e.g. Logan and Molotch 1987;Porter 1965; Nakhaie 1997; Domhoff 1991) have made important contributions in thisregard. Beyond this type of approach, one of the aspects today in the production ofpower structures has to do with new forms of economic power and the re-location ofcertain forms of power from the state to the market, partly due to deregulation andprivatisation. In the case of cities, this brings with it also questions about the builtenvironment and the architectures of centrality that represent different types of power(Krause and Petro 2003). Cities have long been places for the spatialization of power.More generally, we might ask whether power has spatial correlates, or a spatialmoment? In terms of the economy this question could be operationalized moreconcretely: Can the current economic system, with its strong tendencies towardsconcentration in ownership and control, have a space economy that lacks points of

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physical concentration? It is hard to think about a discourse on the future of cities thatwould not include this dimension of power.

To some extent, it is the major cities in the highly developed world which mostclearly display the processes discussed here, or best lend themselves to the heuristics

deployed. However, increasingly these processes are present in cities in developingcountries as well (Santos et al. 1994; Cohen et al. 1996; Knox and Taylor 1995; Stren1996). Their lesser visibility is often due to the fact they are submerged in the megacitysyndrome. Sheer population size and urban sprawl create their own orders ofmagnitude (e.g. Dogan and Kasarda 1988; Gugler 2004); and while they may not muchalter the power equation I describe, they do change the weight, and the legibility, ofsome of these properties (e.g. Cohen et al. 1996; Marcuse and Van Kempen 2000;Portes et al. 1989; Stren 1996).

One way of framing the issue of centrality is by focusing on larger dynamicsrather than beginning with the city as such. For instance, we could note that the

geography of globalization contains both a dynamic of dispersal and of centralization,the latter a condition that has only recently been recognized in macro-level globalizationstudies. Most of the latter has focused on dispersal patterns. The massive trendstowards the spatial dispersal of economic activities at the metropolitan, national andglobal level which we associate with globalization have contributed to a demand for newforms of territorial centralization of top-level management and control operations(Sassen 2001: Parts One and Two). The fact, for instance, that firms worldwide nowhave well over half a million affiliates outside their home countries signals that the sheernumber of dispersed factories and service outlets that are part of a firm's integratedoperation creates massive new needs for central coordination and servicing. In brief, thespatial dispersal of economic activity made possible by globalization andtelecommunications contributes to an expansion of central functions if this dispersal isto take place under the continuing concentration in control, ownership and profitappropriation that characterizes the current economic system.

It is at this point that the city enters the discourse. Cities regain strategicimportance because they are favored sites for the production of these central functions.National and global markets as well as globally integrated organizations require centralplaces where the work of globalization gets done. Finance and advanced corporateservices are industries producing the organizational commodities necessary for theimplementation and management of global economic systems. Cities are preferred sitesfor the production of these services, particularly the most innovative, speculative,internationalized service sectors.4Further, leading firms in information industries requirea vast physical infrastructure containing strategic nodes with hyperconcentration offacilities; we need to distinguish between the capacity for globaltransmission/communication and the material conditions that make this possible.Finally, even the most advanced information industries have a production process thatis at least partly place-bound because of the combination of resources it requires evenwhen the outputs are hypermobile; the tendency in the specialized literature has been tostudy these advanced information industries in terms of their hypermobile outputs rather

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than the actual work processes which include top level professionals as well as clericaland manual service workers.

When we start by examining the broader dynamics in order to detect theirlocalization patterns, we can begin to observe and conceptualize the formation, at least

incipient, of transnational urban systems. The growth of global markets for finance andspecialized services, the need for transnational servicing networks due to sharpincreases in international investment, the reduced role of the government in theregulation of international economic activity and the corresponding ascendance of otherinstitutional arenas with a strong urban connection -- all these point to the existence of aseries of transnational networks of cities. These are of many different kinds and types.Business networks are probably the most developed given the growth of a globaleconomy. But we also see a proliferation of social, cultural, professional, and politicalnetworks connecting particular sets of cities.

To a large extent the major business centers in the world today draw their

importance from these transnational networks. There is no such entity as a single globalcity--and in this sense there is a sharp contrast with the erstwhile capitals of empires.5These networks of major international business centers constitute new geographies ofcentrality. The most powerful of these new geographies of centrality at the global levelbinds the major international financial and business centers: New York, London, Tokyo,Paris, Frankfurt, Zurich, Amsterdam, Los Angeles, Sydney, Hong Kong, among others.But this geography now also includes cities such as Bangkok, Seoul, Taipei, Shanghai,Sao Paulo, Mexico City. The intensity of transactions among these cities, particularlythrough the financial markets, trade in services, and investment has increased sharply,and so have the orders of magnitude involved. There has been a sharpening inequalityin the concentration of strategic resources and activities between each of these citiesand others in the same country. This has consequences for the role of urban systems innational territorial integration. Although the latter has never quite been what its modelsignals, the last decade has seen a further acceleration in the fragmentation of nationalterritory. National urban systems are being partly unbundled as their major citiesbecome part of a new or strengthened transnational urban system.

But we can no longer think of centers for international business and financesimply in terms of the corporate towers and corporate culture at their center. Theinternational character of major cities lies not only in their telecommunicationinfrastructure and foreign firms: it lies also in the many different cultural environments inwhich these workers and others exist. This is one arena where we have seen thegrowth of an enormously rich scholarship (King 1990; Smith and Guarnizo 2001; Valleand Torres 2000; Zukin 1991; Ruggiero and Smith 1997; Skillington 1998; Feagin andVera 1996). Today's major cities are in part the spaces of post-colonialism and indeedcontain conditions for the formation of a postcolonialist discourse. This is likely tobecome an integral part of the future of such cities.

A NEW TRANSNATIONAL POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY

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The incorporation of cities into a new cross-border geography of centrality also

signals the emergence of a parallel political geography. Major cities have emerged as astrategic site not only for global capital, but also for the transnationalization of labor andthe formation of translocal communities and identities or subjectivities (e.g. Smith 1995;

Mahler 1995; Boyd 1989; Cordero et al. 2001). In this regard cities are a site for newtypes of political operations. The centrality of place in a context of global processesmakes possible a transnational economic and political opening for the formation of newclaims and hence for the constitution of entitlements, notably rights to place. At the limit,this could be an opening for new forms of "citizenship" (e.g. Dawson 1999; Holston1996; Torres et al. 1999; Sassen 2003). The emphasis on the transnational andhypermobile character of capital has contributed to a sense of powerlessness amonglocal actors, a sense of the futility of resistance. But an analysis that emphasizes placesuggests that the new global grid of strategic sites is a terrain for politics andengagement. (King 1996; Abu-Lughod 1994; Dunn 1994; Drainville 2004; Sandercok2003).

This is a space that is both place-centered in that it is embedded in particular andstrategic locations; and it is transterritorial because it connects sites that are notgeographically proximate yet are intensely connected to each other through variousnetworks. Is there a transnational politics embedded in the centrality of place and in thenew geography of strategic places, such as is for instance the new worldwide grid ofglobal cities? This is a geography that cuts across national borders and the old North-South divide. But it does so along bounded "filieres"(e.g. Bonilla et al. 1998). It is a setof specific and partial rather than all-encompassing dynamics. It is not only thetransmigration of capital that takes place in this global grid, but also that of people, bothrich, i.e. the new transnational professional workforce, and poor, i.e. most migrantworkers; and it is a space for the transmigration of cultural forms, the reterritorializationof "local" subcultures.

If we consider that large cities concentrate both the leading sectors of globalcapital and a growing share of disadvantaged populations --immigrants, many of thedisadvantaged women, people of color generally, and, in the megacities of developingcountries, masses of shanty dwellers -- then we can see that cities have become astrategic terrain for a whole series of conflicts and contradictions ( Drainville 2004;Body-Gendrot 1999; Sennett 1990; Soja 2000; Isin 2000; Wilson 1997; Massey andDenton 1993; Allen at al. 1999). We can then think of cities also as one of the sites forthe contradictions of the globalization of capital, even though, heeding Katznelsons(1992) observation, the city cannot be reduced to this dynamic.

One way of thinking about the political implications of this strategic transnationalspace anchored in cities is in terms of the formation of new claims on that space. Thecity has indeed emerged as a site for new claims: by global capital which uses the cityas an "organizational commodity", but also by disadvantaged sectors of the urbanpopulation, frequently as internationalized a presence in large cities as capital. The de-nat i onal i z i ng of ur ban space and t he f ormat i on of new cl ai ms by

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t r ansnat i onal act or s, r ai se t he quest i on Whose ci t y i s i t ?

For ei gn f i r ms and i nt er nat i onal busi ness peopl e havei ncr easi ngl y been ent i t l ed t o do busi ness i n what ever count r y andci t y t hey chose - - ent i t l ed by new l egal r egi mes, by t he neweconomi c cul t ur e, and t hr ough pr ogr essi ve der egul at i on of

nat i onal economi es. They are among t he new ci t y user s. The newci t y user s have made an of t en i mmense cl ai m on t he ci t y and haver econst i t ut ed st r at egi c spaces of t he ci t y i n t hei r i mage. Thei rcl ai m t o the ci t y i s r ar el y cont est ed, even t hough t he cost s andbenef i t s t o ci t i es have barel y been exami ned. They havepr of oundl y mar ked the ur ban l andscape. For Mar t i not t i ( 1993) , t heycont r i but e t o change t he soci al mor phol ogy of t he ci t y; t he newci t y of t hese ci t y user s i s a f r agi l e one, whose sur vi val andsuccesses ar e cent er ed on an economy of hi gh pr oduct i vi t y,advanced t echnol ogi es, i nt ensi f i ed exchanges ( Mar t i not t i 1993) .I t i s a ci t y whose space consi st s of ai r por t s, t op l evel busi nessdi str i ct s, t op of t he l i ne hot el s and r estaur ant s, i n br i ef , asor t of ur ban gl amour zone. Ur ban t our i sm f ur t her adds t o t hi semer gence of ci t y users( Fai nst ei n and J udd 1999) .

Per haps at t he ot her ext r eme, are t hose who use urbanpol i t i cal vi ol ence t o make t hei r cl ai ms on t he ci t y, cl ai ms t hatl ack t he de f act o l egi t i macy enj oyed by t he new "ci t y users. "These ar e cl ai ms made by act or s st r uggl i ng f or r ecogni t i on,ent i t l ement , cl ai mi ng t hei r r i ght s t o t he ci t y. ( Body- Gendr ot1999; Wacquant 1997; Hagedorn 2004) . These cl ai ms have, ofcour se, a l ong hi st or y; ever y new epoch br i ngs speci f i ccondi t i ons t o t he manner i n whi ch the cl ai ms ar e made. Thegr owi ng wei ght of "del i nquency" ( e. g. smashi ng cars andshopwi ndows; r obbi ng and bur ni ng st ores) i n some of t heseupr i si ngs over t he l ast decade i n maj or ci t i es of t he devel opedwor l d i s per haps an i ndi cat i on of t he shar pened soci o- economi ci nequal i t y - - t he di st ance, as seen and as l i ved, bet ween t heur ban gl amour zone and t he ur ban war zone. The ext r eme vi si bi l i t yof t he di f f er ence i s l i kel y t o cont r i but e t o f ur t herbr ut al i zat i on of t he conf l i ct : t he i ndi f f er ence and gr eed of t henew el i t es ver sus t he hopel essness and r age of t he poor( Merr i f i el d and Swyngedouw 1997) .

There ar e t wo aspect s i n t hi s f or mat i on of new cl ai ms t hat

have i mpl i cat i ons f or t he t r ansnat i onal pol i t i cs t hat ar ei ncr easi ngl y bei ng pl ayed out i n maj or ci t i es. One i s t he shar pand per haps shar peni ng di f f er ences i n t he r epr esent at i on ofcl ai ms by di f f er ent sect or s, not abl y i nt er nat i onal busi ness andt he vast popul at i on of l ow i ncome "ot her s i mmi grants, women,peopl e of col or gener al l y. The second aspect i s t he i ncr easi ngl yt r ansnat i onal el ement i n bot h t ypes of cl ai ms and cl ai mant s. I tsi gnal s a pol i t i cs of cont est at i on embedded i n speci f i c pl acesbut t r ansnat i onal i n char act er . One chal l enge f or urban

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soci ol ogy i s how t o capt ur e such a cr oss- border dynami c wi t hexi st i ng or new cat egor i es and, i n doi ng so, how not t o l ose t heci t y as a s i t e.

CI TI ES AND POLI TI CAL SUBJ ECTI VI TY

Thi s chapt er st ar t ed wi t h a consi derat i on of t he Chi cagoSchool of Ur ban Soci ol ogy and i t s possi bl e cont r i but i on t o someof t he chal l enges cur r ent devel opment s pose f or ur ban t heory.Thi s concl udi ng sect i on of t he chapt er goes back t o Weber ' s TheCi t y i n or der t o exami ne t he pr oduct i on of pol i t i cal subj ect i vi t ysi gnal ed by t he pr ecedi ng sect i on.

I n hi s ef f or t t o speci f y t he i deal - t ypi cal f eat ur es of whatconst i t ut es t he ci t y, Weber sought out a cer t ai n t ype of ci t y - -most pr omi nent l y t he ci t i es of t he l at e mi ddl e ages r at her t hant he moder n i ndust r i al ci t i es of hi s t i me. Weber sought a ki nd ofci t y whi ch combi ned condi t i ons and dynami cs t hat f or ced i t sr esi dent s and l eader s i nt o cr eat i ve and i nnovat i ver esponses/ adapt at i ons. Fur t her , he posi t ed t hat t hese changespr oduced i n t he cont ext of t he ci t y si gnal ed t r ansf or mat i ons t hatwent beyond the ci t y and coul d i nst i t ut e of t en f undament alt r ansf or mat i ons. I n t hat r egar d t he ci t y of f er ed t he possi bi l i t yof under st andi ng f ar r eachi ng changes t hat coul d - - under cer t ai ncondi t i ons- - event ual l y encompass soci et y at l ar ge.

There ar e t wo aspect s of Weber ' s The Ci t y t hat ar e ofpart i cul ar i mport ance her e. Weber hel ps us under st andunder what condi t i ons ci t i es can be posi t i ve and cr eat i vei nf l uences on peopl es' l i ves. For Weber ci t i es ar e a set ofsoci al st r uct ur es t hat encour age i ndi vi dual i t i y and i nnovat i onand hence ar e an i nst r ument of hi st or i cal change. Ther e i s, i nt hi s i nt el l ectual pr oj ect a deep sense of t he hi st or i ci t y oft hese condi t i ons. Moder n ur ban l i f e di d not cor r espond t o t hi sposi t i ve and cr eat i ve power of ci t i es; Weber saw moder n ci t i es asdomi nated by l arge f actor i es and of f i ce bur eaucr aci es. My ownr eadi ng of t he For di st ci t y cor r esponds i n many ways t o Weber ' si n t he sense t hat t he st r at egi c scal e under For di sm i s t henat i onal scal e and ci t i es l ose si gni f i cance. I t i s t he l ar gef or di st f act or y and t he mi nes whi ch emer ge as key si t es f or t he

pol i t i cal wor k of t he di sadvant aged and t hose wi t hout or wi t honl y l i mi t ed power .

St r uggl es ar ound pol i t i cal , economi c, l egal , cul t ur al ,i ssues cent er ed i n t he r eal i t i es of ci t i es can become t hecat al yst s f or new t r ans- ur ban devel opment s i n al l t hesei nst i t ut i onal domai ns - - mar ket s, par t i ci pat or y gover nance,r i ght s f or member s of t he ur ban communi t y regardl ess of l i neage,j udi ci al r ecour se, cul t ures of engagement and del i berat i on. For

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Weber , i t i s par t i cul ar l y t he ci t i es of t he l at e Mi ddl e Ages t hatcombi ne t he condi t i ons t hat pushed ur ban r esi dent s, mer chant s,ar t i sans and l eader s t o addr ess t hem and deal wi t h t hem. Theset r ansf ormat i ons coul d make f or epochal change beyond t he ci t yi t sel f : Weber shows us how i n many of t hese ci t i es t hesest r uggl es l ed t o t he cr eat i on of t he el ement s of what we coul d

cal l gover nance syst ems and ci t i zenshi p.

The par t i cul ar anal yt i c el ement I want t o ext r i cat e f r omt hi s aspect of Weber ' s under st andi ng and t heor i zat i on of t he ci t yi s t he hi st or i ci t y of t hose condi t i ons t hat make ci t i es st r at egi csi t es f or t he enact ment of i mpor t ant t r ansf or mat i ons i n mul t i pl ei nst i t ut i onal domai ns. Today a cer t ai n t ype of ci t y - - t he gl obalci t y- - has emer ged as a st r at egi c si t e f or i nnovat i ons andt r ansf or mat i ons i n mul t i pl e i nst i t ut i onal domai ns. Sever al of t hekey component s of economi c gl obal i zat i on and di gi t i zat i oni nst ant i at e i n t hi s t ype of ci t y and pr oduce di sl ocat i ons anddest abi l i zat i ons of exi st i ng i nst i t ut i onal or der s andl egal / r egul at or y/ nor mat i ve f r ames f or handl i ng ur ban condi t i ons.I t i s t he hi gh l evel of concent r at i on of t hese new dynami cs i nt hese ci t i es whi ch f or ces cr eat i ve r esponses and i nnovat i ons.Ther e i s, most probabl y, a t hr eshol d ef f ect at wor k here.

The hi st or i ci t y of t hi s process r est s i n t he f act t hat underKeynesi an pol i ci es, par t i cul ar l y t he f or di st cont r act , and t hedomi nance of mass manuf act ur i ng as t he organi zi ng economi cdynami c, ci t i es had l ost st r at egi c f unct i ons and wer e not t hesi t e f or cr eat i ve i nst i t ut i onal i nnovat i ons. The st r at egi c si t eswer e t he l ar ge f act or y at t he hear t of t he l ar ger pr ocess of massmanuf act ur i ng and mass consumpt i on, and t he nat i onal gover nmentwhere r egul at ory f r ameworks were devel oped and t he f ordi stcont r act i nst i t ut ed. The f act or y and the gover nment wer e t hest r at egi c si t es wher e t he cr uci al dynami cs pr oduci ng t he maj ori nst i t ut i onal i nnovat i ons of t he epoch wer e l ocat ed. Wi t hgl obal i zat i on and di gi t i zat i on - - and al l t he speci f i c el ement st hey ent ai l - - gl obal ci t i es emer ge as such st r at egi c si t es. Whi l et he st r at egi c t r ansf or mat i ons ar e shar pl y concent r at ed i n gl obalci t i es, many ar e al so enact ed ( besi des bei ng di f f used) i n ci t i esat l ower or der s of nat i onal ur ban hi er ar chi es. 6

A second anal yt i c el ement I want t o ext r i cat e f r om Weber ' s

The Ci t y i s t he par t i cul ar t ype of embeddedness of t het r ansf or mat i ons he descr i bes and r ender s as i deal - t ypi calf eatur es. Thi s i s not an embeddedness i n what we mi ght t hi nk ofas deep st r uct ur es because t he l at t er ar e pr eci sel y t he ones t hatare bei ng di sl ocat ed or changed and ar e creat i ng openi ngs f or newf undament al ar r angement s t o emerge. The embeddedness i s, r at her ,i n ver y speci f i c condi t i ons, oppor t uni t i es, const r ai nt s, needs,i nt er act i ons, cont est at i ons, i nt er est s. The aspect t hat mat t er sher e i s t he compl exi t y, det ai l and soci al t hi ckness of t he

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par t i cul ar condi t i ons and t he dynami cs he i dent i f i es as enabl i ngchange and i nnovat i on. Thi s compl exi t y and t hi ckness al sopr oduces ambi gui t i es i n t he meani ng of t he changes andi nnovat i ons. I t i s not al ways cl ear whet her t hey ar e posi t i ve - -wher e we mi ght i nt er pr et posi t i ve as meani ng t he cr eat i on orst r engt heni ng of some el ement , even i f ver y par t i al or mi nor , of

par t i ci pator y democr acy i n t he ci t y- - and i n what t i me f r amet hei r posi t i veness woul d become evi dent . I n t hose ci t i es of t hel at e Mi ddl e Ages he saw as bei ng what t he ci t y i s about , he f i ndscont r adi ct or y and mul t i - val ent i nnovat i ons. He di ssect s t hesei nnovat i ons t o under st and what t hey can pr oduce or l aunch.

The ar gument I der i ve f r om t hi s par t i cul ar t ype ofembeddedness of change and i nnovat i on i s t hat cur r ent condi t i onsi n gl obal ci t i es ar e creat i ng not onl y new st r uct ur at i ons ofpower but al so oper at i onal and r het or i cal openi ngs f or new t ypesof pol i t i cal act or s whi ch may have been submer ged, i nvi si bl e orwi t hout voi ce. A key el ement of t he argument her e i s t hat t hel ocal i zat i on of st r at egi c component s of gl obal i zat i on i n t heseci t i es means t hat t he di sadvant aged can engage t he new f orms ofgl obal i zed corporate power , and secondl y t hat t he gr owi ng number sand di ver si t y of t he di sadvant aged i n t hese ci t i es under t hesecondi t i ons assumes a di st i nct i ve "presence. " Thi s ent ai l s adi st i nct i on bet ween power l essness and i nvi si bl i t y/ i mpot ence. Thedi sadvant aged i n gl obal ci t i es can gai n "presence" i n t hei rengagement wi t h power but al so vi s a vi s each other . Thi s i sdi f f er ent f r om t he 1950s- 1970s per i od i n t he U. S. , f or i nst ance,when whi t e f l i ght and t he si gni f i cant depar t ur e of maj orcor por at e headquar t es l ef t ci t i es hol l owed out and thedi sadvant aged i n a condi t i on of abandonment . Today, t hel ocal i zat i on of t he gl obal creat es a set of obj ect i ve condi t i onsof engagement , e. g. t he st r uggl es agai nst gent r i f i cat i on whi chencr oaches on mi nor i t y and di sadvant aged nei ghborhoods and l ed t ogrowi ng number s of homel ess begi nni ng i n t he 1980s and t hest r uggl es f or t he r i ght s of t he homel ess, or demonst r at i onsagai nst pol i ce br ut al i zi ng mi nor i t y peopl e. These st r uggl es ar edi f f er ent f r om t he ghet t o upr i si ngs of t he 1960s whi ch wer eshor t , i nt ense er upt i ons conf i ned t o t he ghet t os and causi ng mostof t he damage i n t he nei ghborhoods of t he di sadvantagedt hemsel ves. I n t hese ghet t o upr i si ngs t here was no engagementwi t h power .

An i mpor t ant el ement i s Weber ' s emphasi s on cer t ai n t ypes ofi nnovat i on and change: t he const r uct i on of r ul es and normspreci sel y because deeper ar r angement s on whi ch nor ms had beencondi t i oned ar e bei ng dest abi l i zed. 7

Her ei n al so l i e openi ngs f or new pol i t i cal act or s t o emer ge, aswel l as changes i n t he r ol e or l ocus of ol der nor ms, pol i t i calact or s and f or ms of aut hor i t y. Thi s i s a hi ghl y dynami cconf i gur at i on wher e ol der f or ms of aut hor i t y may st r uggl e and

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succeed i n rei mposi ng t hemsel ves. 8

The condi t i ons t hat t oday mar k t he possi i bl i t y of ci t i es as

st r at egi c si t es ar e basi cal l y t wo, and bot h capt ur e maj ort r ansf or mat i ons t hat ar e dest abi l i zi ng ol der syst ems or gani zi ngt er r i t or y and pol i t i cs, as br i ef l y di scussed i n t he f i r st hal f of

t he chapt er . One of t hese i s t he r e- scal i ng of what ar e t hest r at egi c terr i t or i es t hat ar t i cul at e t he new pol i t i co- economi csyst em. The ot her i s t he par t i al unbundl i ng or at l east weakeni ngof t he nat i onal as cont ai ner of soci al pr ocess due t o t he var i et yof dynami cs encompassed by gl obal i zat i on and di gi t i zat i on. 9 Theconsequences f or ci t i es of t hese t wo condi t i ons ar e many: whatmat t er s her e i s t hat ci t i es emer ge as st r at egi c si t es f or maj oreconomi c pr ocesses and f or new t ypes of pol i t i cal act or s. Mor egener al l y one coul d posi t t hat i nsof ar as ci t i zenshi p i s embeddedand i n t urn marked by i t s embeddedness ( Tur ner 1993) , t hese newcondi t i ons may wel l si gnal t he possi bi l i t y of new f or ms ofci t i zenshi p pr acti ces and i dent i t i es. 10

What i s bei ng engender ed t oday i n t er ms of pol i t i cal

pr act i ces i n t he gl obal ci t y i s qui t e di f f er ent f r om what i tmi ght have been i n t he medi eval ci t y of Weber . I n t he medi evalci t y we see a set of pr act i ces t hat al l owed t he bur gher s t o setup syst ems f or owni ng and pr ot ect i ng pr opert y and t o i mpl ementvar i ous i mmuni t i es agai nst despot s of al l sor t s. 11 Today' spol i t i cal pr act i ces, I woul d ar gue have t o do wi t h t he pr oduct i onof "pr esence" by t hose wi t hout power and wi t h a pol i t i cs t hatcl ai ms r i ght s t o t he ci t y r at her t han pr ot ect i on of pr oper t y. 12What t he t wo si t uat i ons shar e i s t he not i on t hat t hr ough t hesepr act i ces new f or ms of pol i t i cal subj ect i vi t y, i . e. ci t i zenshi p,ar e bei ng const i t ut ed and t hat t he ci t y i s a key si t e f or t hi st ype of pol i t i cal wor k. The ci t y i s, i n t ur n, par t l y const i t ut edt hrough t hese dynami cs. Far more so t han a peacef ul andhar moni ous subur b, t he cont est ed ci t y i s wher e t he ci vi c i sget t i ng bui l t . Af t er t he l ong hi st or i cal phase t hat saw t heascendance of t he nat i onal st ate and t he scal i ng of key economi cdynami cs at t he nat i onal l evel , t he ci t y i s once agai n t oday ascal e f or st r at egi c economi c and pol i t i cal dynami cs.

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Yuval-Davis, N. 1999 Ethnicity, Gender Relations and Multiculturalism, in R. Torres, L. Miron

and J. X. Inda (eds) Race, Identity, and Citizenship, Oxford: Blackwell.

Zukin, S. 1991 Landscapes of Power, Berkeley: California University Press.

BI OBIO:Saskia Sassen is the Ralph Lewis Professor of Sociology at the University of Chicago, and CentennialVisiting Professor at the London School of Economics. Her new book is Territory, Authority and Rights:From Medieval to Global Assemblages ( Princeton University Press 2006). She has just completed forUNESCO a five-year project on sustainable human settlement for which she set up a network ofresearchers and activists in over 30 countries. Her most recent books are the edited Global Networks,Linked Cities,(New York and London: Routledge 2002) and the co-edited Socio-Digital Formations: New

Architectures for Global Order (Princeton University Press 2005). The Global City is out in a new fully

updated edition in 2001. Her books are translated into sixteen languages. She serves on several editorialboards and is an advisor to several international bodies. She is a Member of the Council on ForeignRelations, a member of the National Academy of Sciences Panel on Cities, and Chair of the InformationTechnology and International Cooperation Committee of the Social Science Research Council (USA). Hercomments have appeared in The Guardian, The New York Times, Le Monde Diplomatique, TheInternational Herald Tribune, the Financial Times, among others.

1There have been many epochs when territories were subject to multiple, or at leastmore than one, system of rule. In this regard the current condition we see developingwith globalization is probably by far the more common one and the period from WorldWar I --when we saw the gradual institutional tightening of the national state's exclusiveauthority over its territory-- the historical exception. However, the categories foranalysis, research techniques and data sets in the social sciences have largely beendeveloped in that particular period. Thus we face the difficult and collective task ofdeveloping the theoretical and empirical specifications that allow us to accommodatethe fact of multiple relations between territory and institutional encasement, rather thanthe singular one of national state and sovereign rule.

2I have theorized this in terms of the network of global cities, where the latter are partlya function of that network. For example, the growth of the financial centers in New Yorkor London is fed by what flows through the worldwide network of financial centers given

deregulation of national economies. The cities at the top of this global hierarchyconcentrate the capacities to maximize their capture of the proceeds so to speak.

3We can see this in early works such as The Taxi Dance Hall and The Gold Coast andthe Slum and later in e.g. Suttles (1968).

4For instance, only a small share of Fortune 500 firms, which are mostly large industrialfirms, have their headquarters in NYC, but over 40% of firms who earn over half of their

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revenues from overseas are located in NYC. Furthermore, even large industrial firmstend to have certain specialized headquarter functions in NYC. Thus Detroit-based GM,and many other such firms, has its headquarters for finance and public relations inManhattan.

5The data are still inadequate; one of the most promising data sets at this time is thatorganized by Taylor and his colleagues (GaWC); see also Meyer 2002; Smith andTimberlake 2002). But much remains to be done in this field.

6Furthermore, in my reading, particular institutions of the state also are such strategicsites even as there is an overall shrinking of state authority through deregulation andprivatisation.

7Much of Weber's examination focuses on the gradual emergence and structuring ofthe force-composition of the city in various areas under different conditions and itsgradual stabilization into a distinct form. He traces the changing composition of forces

from the ancient kingships through the patrician city to the demos of the ancient world,from the episcopal structures and fortresses through the city of notables, to the guilddominated cities in Europe. He is always trying to lay bare the complex processesaccompanying the emergence of urban community which for Weber is akin to whattoday we might describe in terms of governance and citizenship.

8Cf. his examination of how these types of changes and innovations derive from his keyconcepts, or categories for analysis: social actions, social relations, and socialinstitutions --all critical to his theory of the urban community.

9The impact of globalization on sovereignty has been significant