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T3 Bickerton Giegerig Menon Norhein-Martinsen
Transcript of T3 Bickerton Giegerig Menon Norhein-Martinsen
- How does the evolution of CSDP affect the EUrsquos standing as a lsquocivilian actorrsquo in international affairs - Is there a common agenda among the Member-States for a European Security and Defence Policy - Does the EU have a security strategy - Are EU capabilities in defence policy enough to play a role on the international stage
lsquoSecurity Co-operation beyond the Nation-State The EUs Common Security and Defence PolicyBickerton C J Irondelle B amp Menon A (2011) Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 1-21
1 CSDP a moving target
Characterize by disagreements (st malo declaration UKFR)- Autonomy EU relationship with Nato- View FR tool for ldquoEurope politiquerdquo construction UK improve military capabilities and
revitalize NATO
Originality meant for military mission =gt evolved long term civilian stabilization ops
Achievements
CSDP ambitions
- to enhance the Unionrsquos ability to intervene in international security affairs through an internal process of institutional development
- to give the EU the practical means of intervening through a co-ordination and pooling of military and civilian capabilities
many opearation varying- term of size- autonomy (nato or not)- nature (civilianmilitary)
EU missionsrsquo impact seem to be beneficial Limit include
o Failure of interventiono Mission serve as an alibi to avoid broader intal securities responsabiitieso Lack of ressourcescapabilities
Capability improved via- 2001 CIC (capability improvement Conference)- 2003 Capability Development Mechanism- 2004 Headline Goal 2010 +European Defense Agency creation (EDA)
Institutions
the institutional system of CSDP overlaps to some extent with that of CFSP
Initial steps include creation of
- Political and Security Committee- EU Military Staff - EU Military Committee
Later Civilian Crisis Management Committee
Decision-making is characterised by complex interactions between the Council Secretariat (headed by the Secretary GeneralHigh Representative for CFSP) the Brussels-based Political and Security Committee and decision- makers in national capitals Require consensus between MS
2 Evolution performance effectiveness the debate
Discussion often on technical matters of militarycivilian capabilities (lack of) =gt descriptionprescription - Capabilities-expectation gap - Distincion presenceactorness- Assessment often on the policies but not on the process
+ lack of institutional history
Apparence of CSDPExternal drivers- declining American interest in euorpe- return of cold war- growing demand for for international crisis management resources- changing balance of power of the international and European state systems
Internal drivers
- permissive public opinion- leadership of some governments (in particular that of France) - concerns on the part of the Labour government in the United Kingdom to avoid
marginalization in the EU- the need to ratio- nalize the European defence industry - the habits of co-operation developed between Europeans within Nato and the WEU - awareness on the part of European governments that ever increasing costs have led to a need
to share the defence burden
Critic of EU CSDP
Pragmatic (impracticability)+ ethical concerns
3 Theoretical Approaches to CSDP Towards a lsquoSecond Waversquo
4 core concerns characterize all the approaches adopted
1 Debates interested with notion of power
2 Impossible to study CSDP without having some- thing to say about the nature role and impact of institutions
3 Debates about CSDP are intimately concerned with questions of structure and agency4 Relative balance between material and ideational factors in constituting state interests and
driving their behavior (p11)
Question asked
What is CSDP exactly and why and how has it developed How does CSDP work and what aspect of its functioning does the article explore Finally what impact has it had
CSDP and IR theorizing
structural realism EUrsquos adaptation to the changing structural dynamics of the international system but structural realismrsquos inattention to agency means that it cannot account for the peculiar nature of CSDP
classical realism focus on the agency of political leaders and the importance of their own social and historical background Understand the EU in the perspective of a small power its dependence on leading powers its reliance upon multilateral frameworks as means through which it can exercise its influence its risk-aversion
Neo-realist and constructivist scholars over the relationship between material and ideational factors in determining state behavior changes in economic growth and spending the distribution of coercive capabilities and the adequacy of existing capabilities to deal with emergent problems can all help understand ideational change
Focus on institutions
- synthesis of the of realist and institutionalism in an attempt to grasp some of the distinctive features of the CSDP as an emerging institution in its own right
- institutional overlap is a key feature of the CSDPrsquos development and its operational capacities (overlapping of nato OSCE UN) p15
less conventional approaches
CSDP kind of governance different approach from p15m
- network analysis- CSDP through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality theory- CSDP as a process is driven above all by the transformation of the nation-state in Europe
o a preference for consensus and compromise over any conflicts of interesto dominance of bureaucratic rationales over ideologically driven political narrativeso a functional organization and treatment of issue areao a leading role for national officials and representatives in lieu of leading political
representatives
lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European DefencersquoGiegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
defence spending is in a decline that is unlikely to be reversed
Defense spending in Europe
Defense spending in NATO decreased by 7 between 2006-2010 Decrease doesnrsquot obviously mean Europe military capability diminishes
Gvt wishes to decrease but not always possible eg long-term deployments
Rudimentary measure of the efficiency of spending is the break- down between personnel equipment and operations and maintenance
Deploying and using European forces
2008 study showed that armed forces of European countries with some exceptions were falling short of the ambitions defined by governments
up to 2011 still decline of deployed troops reason
- EU MS reduced manpower of the militaries EU is doing less with less- Withdrawal from Iraq reduce Kosovo Lebanon- Intervention fatigue Always mixed results
Not all cuts are harmful eg governments use the financial pressure to retire obsolete equipment focus on what is needed for modern operations
BUT lack of coordination
Huge difference in spending per MS some countries have adjusted their levels of ambition and have shed capability
MS cuts in defense are made on a national basis No coordination with NATO EU or other MS P62
Governments must collectively decide to balance cuts within a multinational setting in a complementary way
Closer cooperation in NATO and the EU
Progress in both organizations so far appears limited EU always lacking behind MS (ex Libya) NATO did send a mission but seem to have problems with states participation was possible thx to US filling the gap
A crucial constraint on the CSDP is willingness of member states to spend enough on defence to spend wisely and to deploy the capabilities so acquired
Pooling and sharing is a solution Benefit in financial and capability terms but at cost of national autonomy
Condition for pooling and sharing to work
- similar strategic cultures- countries whose forces were roughly similar in quantity and quality- defence-industrial policies of states wanting to cooperate needed to be compatible and risks
needed to be shared-
BUT will not allow governments to avoid difficult political choices about capabilities it require investment and will not simply be a vehicle for cost-cutting
Equipment procurement and industry
Why collaboaration only way to build complex platforms that could no longer be produced by any single countryrsquos industrial base
BUT limited cost effectiveness Work had to be alllocated to each countryrsquos industry based on the proportion of the production that its government planned to buy rather than on the efficiency of particular companies
2008 analysis showed few projects were collaborative and nhealthy proportion of equipment spending was on programmes that had begun during the Cold War
2011 ratio of collaborative project is higher but there are no new one
- no visible move in larger programmes towards greater pooling of requirements and collaboration (despite MS say so)
- signs that countries are moving more towards lsquooff-the-shelfrsquo purchases (that is buying versions of tried and tested products) approach avoids high development costs and at least in theory opens procurement to more straightforward competition on value-for-money grounds
Off the shelf good option for countries needing to replace obsolete equipment or expand military capabilities + purchases of lsquomodularrsquo platforms is that they are simply the vessel for the systems that they contain and that it is these systems that provide modern technology
But in the long run manufacturers want to be able to develop new technologies for both platforms and the systems they contain meaning MS should invest in new research to compete with American firm who receive high amounts
Mostly cooperation is done now in civilian sector No new significant entrance into the European defence business (established companies)
the driving aim should be that militaries have access to the technologies theyneed at the best value P77t
2010 UK amp FR signed Defence and Security Co-operation Treaty lsquoto develop co-operation between our Armed Forces the sharing and pooling of materials and equipment including through mutual interdepen- dence the building of joint facilities mutual access to each otherrsquos defence markets and industrial and technological co-operationrsquo
Combined Joint Expeditionary Force to be established
Promising they are by far the largest defence powers in Europe they could catalyse cooperation across Europe more e1113175ectively than the many previous NATO- and EU-wide ini- tiative
However for now strong cultural barriers
CONCL defence in Europe remains primarily a national affair If European countries are to build future capabilities that match the still sig- nificant amounts that they spend on defence there is no escaping the fact that more effective cooperation on investments force structures and equip- ment requirements will be necessary
Power Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist Menon A (2011)Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
RQ institutionalist approaches can enhance our understanding of CSDP and using it as a case study it can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism
Institutions here are defined as formal humanly devised rules stipulating expected behaviour lsquoInformalrsquo institutions such as conventions and customs are deliberately excluded
I Debating International Institutions
Realist emphasis on state power its evolution will be dictated by the most powerful states and institutions whatever their precise nature will not exert any independent effect on out- comes Institutions = no impact on the returns to power
Institutionalist emphasize the way that institutions shape outcomes not least because in reducing the returns to power they empower smaller states + institutional lsquostickinessrsquo and resistance to change render it difficult for new institutions to emerge or for existing ones to change ndash whatever the preferences of their Member States
II Institutional Change
Why institutional stability
- lock inrsquo whereby social groups and individuals invest in existing institutional structures and hence create resistance to change
- lsquoincreasing returnsrsquo involve high start-up costs for new institutions imply significant learning effects when groups and individuals operate under a particular institutional framework and are char- acterized by interlocking relationships with other institutions ndash all of which increase the costs involved in change
critics
- stability is assumed but When institutionalist see change they see it as dramatic infrequent critical Thus not continual adjustment
- elide the notions of lsquoinstitutionrsquo and lsquoorganizationrsquo =gt tends to equate organizational persistence with institutional stability
WHY
Core assumption is institutions are the object of consensus
Thus infrequent critical junctures when change occurs between these rare occasions settled consensual relations exist between members who all benefit from the fact that institutions lsquoenforce mutually beneficial exchange and co-operationrsquo
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
Institutions
the institutional system of CSDP overlaps to some extent with that of CFSP
Initial steps include creation of
- Political and Security Committee- EU Military Staff - EU Military Committee
Later Civilian Crisis Management Committee
Decision-making is characterised by complex interactions between the Council Secretariat (headed by the Secretary GeneralHigh Representative for CFSP) the Brussels-based Political and Security Committee and decision- makers in national capitals Require consensus between MS
2 Evolution performance effectiveness the debate
Discussion often on technical matters of militarycivilian capabilities (lack of) =gt descriptionprescription - Capabilities-expectation gap - Distincion presenceactorness- Assessment often on the policies but not on the process
+ lack of institutional history
Apparence of CSDPExternal drivers- declining American interest in euorpe- return of cold war- growing demand for for international crisis management resources- changing balance of power of the international and European state systems
Internal drivers
- permissive public opinion- leadership of some governments (in particular that of France) - concerns on the part of the Labour government in the United Kingdom to avoid
marginalization in the EU- the need to ratio- nalize the European defence industry - the habits of co-operation developed between Europeans within Nato and the WEU - awareness on the part of European governments that ever increasing costs have led to a need
to share the defence burden
Critic of EU CSDP
Pragmatic (impracticability)+ ethical concerns
3 Theoretical Approaches to CSDP Towards a lsquoSecond Waversquo
4 core concerns characterize all the approaches adopted
1 Debates interested with notion of power
2 Impossible to study CSDP without having some- thing to say about the nature role and impact of institutions
3 Debates about CSDP are intimately concerned with questions of structure and agency4 Relative balance between material and ideational factors in constituting state interests and
driving their behavior (p11)
Question asked
What is CSDP exactly and why and how has it developed How does CSDP work and what aspect of its functioning does the article explore Finally what impact has it had
CSDP and IR theorizing
structural realism EUrsquos adaptation to the changing structural dynamics of the international system but structural realismrsquos inattention to agency means that it cannot account for the peculiar nature of CSDP
classical realism focus on the agency of political leaders and the importance of their own social and historical background Understand the EU in the perspective of a small power its dependence on leading powers its reliance upon multilateral frameworks as means through which it can exercise its influence its risk-aversion
Neo-realist and constructivist scholars over the relationship between material and ideational factors in determining state behavior changes in economic growth and spending the distribution of coercive capabilities and the adequacy of existing capabilities to deal with emergent problems can all help understand ideational change
Focus on institutions
- synthesis of the of realist and institutionalism in an attempt to grasp some of the distinctive features of the CSDP as an emerging institution in its own right
- institutional overlap is a key feature of the CSDPrsquos development and its operational capacities (overlapping of nato OSCE UN) p15
less conventional approaches
CSDP kind of governance different approach from p15m
- network analysis- CSDP through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality theory- CSDP as a process is driven above all by the transformation of the nation-state in Europe
o a preference for consensus and compromise over any conflicts of interesto dominance of bureaucratic rationales over ideologically driven political narrativeso a functional organization and treatment of issue areao a leading role for national officials and representatives in lieu of leading political
representatives
lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European DefencersquoGiegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
defence spending is in a decline that is unlikely to be reversed
Defense spending in Europe
Defense spending in NATO decreased by 7 between 2006-2010 Decrease doesnrsquot obviously mean Europe military capability diminishes
Gvt wishes to decrease but not always possible eg long-term deployments
Rudimentary measure of the efficiency of spending is the break- down between personnel equipment and operations and maintenance
Deploying and using European forces
2008 study showed that armed forces of European countries with some exceptions were falling short of the ambitions defined by governments
up to 2011 still decline of deployed troops reason
- EU MS reduced manpower of the militaries EU is doing less with less- Withdrawal from Iraq reduce Kosovo Lebanon- Intervention fatigue Always mixed results
Not all cuts are harmful eg governments use the financial pressure to retire obsolete equipment focus on what is needed for modern operations
BUT lack of coordination
Huge difference in spending per MS some countries have adjusted their levels of ambition and have shed capability
MS cuts in defense are made on a national basis No coordination with NATO EU or other MS P62
Governments must collectively decide to balance cuts within a multinational setting in a complementary way
Closer cooperation in NATO and the EU
Progress in both organizations so far appears limited EU always lacking behind MS (ex Libya) NATO did send a mission but seem to have problems with states participation was possible thx to US filling the gap
A crucial constraint on the CSDP is willingness of member states to spend enough on defence to spend wisely and to deploy the capabilities so acquired
Pooling and sharing is a solution Benefit in financial and capability terms but at cost of national autonomy
Condition for pooling and sharing to work
- similar strategic cultures- countries whose forces were roughly similar in quantity and quality- defence-industrial policies of states wanting to cooperate needed to be compatible and risks
needed to be shared-
BUT will not allow governments to avoid difficult political choices about capabilities it require investment and will not simply be a vehicle for cost-cutting
Equipment procurement and industry
Why collaboaration only way to build complex platforms that could no longer be produced by any single countryrsquos industrial base
BUT limited cost effectiveness Work had to be alllocated to each countryrsquos industry based on the proportion of the production that its government planned to buy rather than on the efficiency of particular companies
2008 analysis showed few projects were collaborative and nhealthy proportion of equipment spending was on programmes that had begun during the Cold War
2011 ratio of collaborative project is higher but there are no new one
- no visible move in larger programmes towards greater pooling of requirements and collaboration (despite MS say so)
- signs that countries are moving more towards lsquooff-the-shelfrsquo purchases (that is buying versions of tried and tested products) approach avoids high development costs and at least in theory opens procurement to more straightforward competition on value-for-money grounds
Off the shelf good option for countries needing to replace obsolete equipment or expand military capabilities + purchases of lsquomodularrsquo platforms is that they are simply the vessel for the systems that they contain and that it is these systems that provide modern technology
But in the long run manufacturers want to be able to develop new technologies for both platforms and the systems they contain meaning MS should invest in new research to compete with American firm who receive high amounts
Mostly cooperation is done now in civilian sector No new significant entrance into the European defence business (established companies)
the driving aim should be that militaries have access to the technologies theyneed at the best value P77t
2010 UK amp FR signed Defence and Security Co-operation Treaty lsquoto develop co-operation between our Armed Forces the sharing and pooling of materials and equipment including through mutual interdepen- dence the building of joint facilities mutual access to each otherrsquos defence markets and industrial and technological co-operationrsquo
Combined Joint Expeditionary Force to be established
Promising they are by far the largest defence powers in Europe they could catalyse cooperation across Europe more e1113175ectively than the many previous NATO- and EU-wide ini- tiative
However for now strong cultural barriers
CONCL defence in Europe remains primarily a national affair If European countries are to build future capabilities that match the still sig- nificant amounts that they spend on defence there is no escaping the fact that more effective cooperation on investments force structures and equip- ment requirements will be necessary
Power Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist Menon A (2011)Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
RQ institutionalist approaches can enhance our understanding of CSDP and using it as a case study it can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism
Institutions here are defined as formal humanly devised rules stipulating expected behaviour lsquoInformalrsquo institutions such as conventions and customs are deliberately excluded
I Debating International Institutions
Realist emphasis on state power its evolution will be dictated by the most powerful states and institutions whatever their precise nature will not exert any independent effect on out- comes Institutions = no impact on the returns to power
Institutionalist emphasize the way that institutions shape outcomes not least because in reducing the returns to power they empower smaller states + institutional lsquostickinessrsquo and resistance to change render it difficult for new institutions to emerge or for existing ones to change ndash whatever the preferences of their Member States
II Institutional Change
Why institutional stability
- lock inrsquo whereby social groups and individuals invest in existing institutional structures and hence create resistance to change
- lsquoincreasing returnsrsquo involve high start-up costs for new institutions imply significant learning effects when groups and individuals operate under a particular institutional framework and are char- acterized by interlocking relationships with other institutions ndash all of which increase the costs involved in change
critics
- stability is assumed but When institutionalist see change they see it as dramatic infrequent critical Thus not continual adjustment
- elide the notions of lsquoinstitutionrsquo and lsquoorganizationrsquo =gt tends to equate organizational persistence with institutional stability
WHY
Core assumption is institutions are the object of consensus
Thus infrequent critical junctures when change occurs between these rare occasions settled consensual relations exist between members who all benefit from the fact that institutions lsquoenforce mutually beneficial exchange and co-operationrsquo
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
2 Impossible to study CSDP without having some- thing to say about the nature role and impact of institutions
3 Debates about CSDP are intimately concerned with questions of structure and agency4 Relative balance between material and ideational factors in constituting state interests and
driving their behavior (p11)
Question asked
What is CSDP exactly and why and how has it developed How does CSDP work and what aspect of its functioning does the article explore Finally what impact has it had
CSDP and IR theorizing
structural realism EUrsquos adaptation to the changing structural dynamics of the international system but structural realismrsquos inattention to agency means that it cannot account for the peculiar nature of CSDP
classical realism focus on the agency of political leaders and the importance of their own social and historical background Understand the EU in the perspective of a small power its dependence on leading powers its reliance upon multilateral frameworks as means through which it can exercise its influence its risk-aversion
Neo-realist and constructivist scholars over the relationship between material and ideational factors in determining state behavior changes in economic growth and spending the distribution of coercive capabilities and the adequacy of existing capabilities to deal with emergent problems can all help understand ideational change
Focus on institutions
- synthesis of the of realist and institutionalism in an attempt to grasp some of the distinctive features of the CSDP as an emerging institution in its own right
- institutional overlap is a key feature of the CSDPrsquos development and its operational capacities (overlapping of nato OSCE UN) p15
less conventional approaches
CSDP kind of governance different approach from p15m
- network analysis- CSDP through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality theory- CSDP as a process is driven above all by the transformation of the nation-state in Europe
o a preference for consensus and compromise over any conflicts of interesto dominance of bureaucratic rationales over ideologically driven political narrativeso a functional organization and treatment of issue areao a leading role for national officials and representatives in lieu of leading political
representatives
lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European DefencersquoGiegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
defence spending is in a decline that is unlikely to be reversed
Defense spending in Europe
Defense spending in NATO decreased by 7 between 2006-2010 Decrease doesnrsquot obviously mean Europe military capability diminishes
Gvt wishes to decrease but not always possible eg long-term deployments
Rudimentary measure of the efficiency of spending is the break- down between personnel equipment and operations and maintenance
Deploying and using European forces
2008 study showed that armed forces of European countries with some exceptions were falling short of the ambitions defined by governments
up to 2011 still decline of deployed troops reason
- EU MS reduced manpower of the militaries EU is doing less with less- Withdrawal from Iraq reduce Kosovo Lebanon- Intervention fatigue Always mixed results
Not all cuts are harmful eg governments use the financial pressure to retire obsolete equipment focus on what is needed for modern operations
BUT lack of coordination
Huge difference in spending per MS some countries have adjusted their levels of ambition and have shed capability
MS cuts in defense are made on a national basis No coordination with NATO EU or other MS P62
Governments must collectively decide to balance cuts within a multinational setting in a complementary way
Closer cooperation in NATO and the EU
Progress in both organizations so far appears limited EU always lacking behind MS (ex Libya) NATO did send a mission but seem to have problems with states participation was possible thx to US filling the gap
A crucial constraint on the CSDP is willingness of member states to spend enough on defence to spend wisely and to deploy the capabilities so acquired
Pooling and sharing is a solution Benefit in financial and capability terms but at cost of national autonomy
Condition for pooling and sharing to work
- similar strategic cultures- countries whose forces were roughly similar in quantity and quality- defence-industrial policies of states wanting to cooperate needed to be compatible and risks
needed to be shared-
BUT will not allow governments to avoid difficult political choices about capabilities it require investment and will not simply be a vehicle for cost-cutting
Equipment procurement and industry
Why collaboaration only way to build complex platforms that could no longer be produced by any single countryrsquos industrial base
BUT limited cost effectiveness Work had to be alllocated to each countryrsquos industry based on the proportion of the production that its government planned to buy rather than on the efficiency of particular companies
2008 analysis showed few projects were collaborative and nhealthy proportion of equipment spending was on programmes that had begun during the Cold War
2011 ratio of collaborative project is higher but there are no new one
- no visible move in larger programmes towards greater pooling of requirements and collaboration (despite MS say so)
- signs that countries are moving more towards lsquooff-the-shelfrsquo purchases (that is buying versions of tried and tested products) approach avoids high development costs and at least in theory opens procurement to more straightforward competition on value-for-money grounds
Off the shelf good option for countries needing to replace obsolete equipment or expand military capabilities + purchases of lsquomodularrsquo platforms is that they are simply the vessel for the systems that they contain and that it is these systems that provide modern technology
But in the long run manufacturers want to be able to develop new technologies for both platforms and the systems they contain meaning MS should invest in new research to compete with American firm who receive high amounts
Mostly cooperation is done now in civilian sector No new significant entrance into the European defence business (established companies)
the driving aim should be that militaries have access to the technologies theyneed at the best value P77t
2010 UK amp FR signed Defence and Security Co-operation Treaty lsquoto develop co-operation between our Armed Forces the sharing and pooling of materials and equipment including through mutual interdepen- dence the building of joint facilities mutual access to each otherrsquos defence markets and industrial and technological co-operationrsquo
Combined Joint Expeditionary Force to be established
Promising they are by far the largest defence powers in Europe they could catalyse cooperation across Europe more e1113175ectively than the many previous NATO- and EU-wide ini- tiative
However for now strong cultural barriers
CONCL defence in Europe remains primarily a national affair If European countries are to build future capabilities that match the still sig- nificant amounts that they spend on defence there is no escaping the fact that more effective cooperation on investments force structures and equip- ment requirements will be necessary
Power Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist Menon A (2011)Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
RQ institutionalist approaches can enhance our understanding of CSDP and using it as a case study it can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism
Institutions here are defined as formal humanly devised rules stipulating expected behaviour lsquoInformalrsquo institutions such as conventions and customs are deliberately excluded
I Debating International Institutions
Realist emphasis on state power its evolution will be dictated by the most powerful states and institutions whatever their precise nature will not exert any independent effect on out- comes Institutions = no impact on the returns to power
Institutionalist emphasize the way that institutions shape outcomes not least because in reducing the returns to power they empower smaller states + institutional lsquostickinessrsquo and resistance to change render it difficult for new institutions to emerge or for existing ones to change ndash whatever the preferences of their Member States
II Institutional Change
Why institutional stability
- lock inrsquo whereby social groups and individuals invest in existing institutional structures and hence create resistance to change
- lsquoincreasing returnsrsquo involve high start-up costs for new institutions imply significant learning effects when groups and individuals operate under a particular institutional framework and are char- acterized by interlocking relationships with other institutions ndash all of which increase the costs involved in change
critics
- stability is assumed but When institutionalist see change they see it as dramatic infrequent critical Thus not continual adjustment
- elide the notions of lsquoinstitutionrsquo and lsquoorganizationrsquo =gt tends to equate organizational persistence with institutional stability
WHY
Core assumption is institutions are the object of consensus
Thus infrequent critical junctures when change occurs between these rare occasions settled consensual relations exist between members who all benefit from the fact that institutions lsquoenforce mutually beneficial exchange and co-operationrsquo
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European DefencersquoGiegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
defence spending is in a decline that is unlikely to be reversed
Defense spending in Europe
Defense spending in NATO decreased by 7 between 2006-2010 Decrease doesnrsquot obviously mean Europe military capability diminishes
Gvt wishes to decrease but not always possible eg long-term deployments
Rudimentary measure of the efficiency of spending is the break- down between personnel equipment and operations and maintenance
Deploying and using European forces
2008 study showed that armed forces of European countries with some exceptions were falling short of the ambitions defined by governments
up to 2011 still decline of deployed troops reason
- EU MS reduced manpower of the militaries EU is doing less with less- Withdrawal from Iraq reduce Kosovo Lebanon- Intervention fatigue Always mixed results
Not all cuts are harmful eg governments use the financial pressure to retire obsolete equipment focus on what is needed for modern operations
BUT lack of coordination
Huge difference in spending per MS some countries have adjusted their levels of ambition and have shed capability
MS cuts in defense are made on a national basis No coordination with NATO EU or other MS P62
Governments must collectively decide to balance cuts within a multinational setting in a complementary way
Closer cooperation in NATO and the EU
Progress in both organizations so far appears limited EU always lacking behind MS (ex Libya) NATO did send a mission but seem to have problems with states participation was possible thx to US filling the gap
A crucial constraint on the CSDP is willingness of member states to spend enough on defence to spend wisely and to deploy the capabilities so acquired
Pooling and sharing is a solution Benefit in financial and capability terms but at cost of national autonomy
Condition for pooling and sharing to work
- similar strategic cultures- countries whose forces were roughly similar in quantity and quality- defence-industrial policies of states wanting to cooperate needed to be compatible and risks
needed to be shared-
BUT will not allow governments to avoid difficult political choices about capabilities it require investment and will not simply be a vehicle for cost-cutting
Equipment procurement and industry
Why collaboaration only way to build complex platforms that could no longer be produced by any single countryrsquos industrial base
BUT limited cost effectiveness Work had to be alllocated to each countryrsquos industry based on the proportion of the production that its government planned to buy rather than on the efficiency of particular companies
2008 analysis showed few projects were collaborative and nhealthy proportion of equipment spending was on programmes that had begun during the Cold War
2011 ratio of collaborative project is higher but there are no new one
- no visible move in larger programmes towards greater pooling of requirements and collaboration (despite MS say so)
- signs that countries are moving more towards lsquooff-the-shelfrsquo purchases (that is buying versions of tried and tested products) approach avoids high development costs and at least in theory opens procurement to more straightforward competition on value-for-money grounds
Off the shelf good option for countries needing to replace obsolete equipment or expand military capabilities + purchases of lsquomodularrsquo platforms is that they are simply the vessel for the systems that they contain and that it is these systems that provide modern technology
But in the long run manufacturers want to be able to develop new technologies for both platforms and the systems they contain meaning MS should invest in new research to compete with American firm who receive high amounts
Mostly cooperation is done now in civilian sector No new significant entrance into the European defence business (established companies)
the driving aim should be that militaries have access to the technologies theyneed at the best value P77t
2010 UK amp FR signed Defence and Security Co-operation Treaty lsquoto develop co-operation between our Armed Forces the sharing and pooling of materials and equipment including through mutual interdepen- dence the building of joint facilities mutual access to each otherrsquos defence markets and industrial and technological co-operationrsquo
Combined Joint Expeditionary Force to be established
Promising they are by far the largest defence powers in Europe they could catalyse cooperation across Europe more e1113175ectively than the many previous NATO- and EU-wide ini- tiative
However for now strong cultural barriers
CONCL defence in Europe remains primarily a national affair If European countries are to build future capabilities that match the still sig- nificant amounts that they spend on defence there is no escaping the fact that more effective cooperation on investments force structures and equip- ment requirements will be necessary
Power Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist Menon A (2011)Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
RQ institutionalist approaches can enhance our understanding of CSDP and using it as a case study it can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism
Institutions here are defined as formal humanly devised rules stipulating expected behaviour lsquoInformalrsquo institutions such as conventions and customs are deliberately excluded
I Debating International Institutions
Realist emphasis on state power its evolution will be dictated by the most powerful states and institutions whatever their precise nature will not exert any independent effect on out- comes Institutions = no impact on the returns to power
Institutionalist emphasize the way that institutions shape outcomes not least because in reducing the returns to power they empower smaller states + institutional lsquostickinessrsquo and resistance to change render it difficult for new institutions to emerge or for existing ones to change ndash whatever the preferences of their Member States
II Institutional Change
Why institutional stability
- lock inrsquo whereby social groups and individuals invest in existing institutional structures and hence create resistance to change
- lsquoincreasing returnsrsquo involve high start-up costs for new institutions imply significant learning effects when groups and individuals operate under a particular institutional framework and are char- acterized by interlocking relationships with other institutions ndash all of which increase the costs involved in change
critics
- stability is assumed but When institutionalist see change they see it as dramatic infrequent critical Thus not continual adjustment
- elide the notions of lsquoinstitutionrsquo and lsquoorganizationrsquo =gt tends to equate organizational persistence with institutional stability
WHY
Core assumption is institutions are the object of consensus
Thus infrequent critical junctures when change occurs between these rare occasions settled consensual relations exist between members who all benefit from the fact that institutions lsquoenforce mutually beneficial exchange and co-operationrsquo
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
Condition for pooling and sharing to work
- similar strategic cultures- countries whose forces were roughly similar in quantity and quality- defence-industrial policies of states wanting to cooperate needed to be compatible and risks
needed to be shared-
BUT will not allow governments to avoid difficult political choices about capabilities it require investment and will not simply be a vehicle for cost-cutting
Equipment procurement and industry
Why collaboaration only way to build complex platforms that could no longer be produced by any single countryrsquos industrial base
BUT limited cost effectiveness Work had to be alllocated to each countryrsquos industry based on the proportion of the production that its government planned to buy rather than on the efficiency of particular companies
2008 analysis showed few projects were collaborative and nhealthy proportion of equipment spending was on programmes that had begun during the Cold War
2011 ratio of collaborative project is higher but there are no new one
- no visible move in larger programmes towards greater pooling of requirements and collaboration (despite MS say so)
- signs that countries are moving more towards lsquooff-the-shelfrsquo purchases (that is buying versions of tried and tested products) approach avoids high development costs and at least in theory opens procurement to more straightforward competition on value-for-money grounds
Off the shelf good option for countries needing to replace obsolete equipment or expand military capabilities + purchases of lsquomodularrsquo platforms is that they are simply the vessel for the systems that they contain and that it is these systems that provide modern technology
But in the long run manufacturers want to be able to develop new technologies for both platforms and the systems they contain meaning MS should invest in new research to compete with American firm who receive high amounts
Mostly cooperation is done now in civilian sector No new significant entrance into the European defence business (established companies)
the driving aim should be that militaries have access to the technologies theyneed at the best value P77t
2010 UK amp FR signed Defence and Security Co-operation Treaty lsquoto develop co-operation between our Armed Forces the sharing and pooling of materials and equipment including through mutual interdepen- dence the building of joint facilities mutual access to each otherrsquos defence markets and industrial and technological co-operationrsquo
Combined Joint Expeditionary Force to be established
Promising they are by far the largest defence powers in Europe they could catalyse cooperation across Europe more e1113175ectively than the many previous NATO- and EU-wide ini- tiative
However for now strong cultural barriers
CONCL defence in Europe remains primarily a national affair If European countries are to build future capabilities that match the still sig- nificant amounts that they spend on defence there is no escaping the fact that more effective cooperation on investments force structures and equip- ment requirements will be necessary
Power Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist Menon A (2011)Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
RQ institutionalist approaches can enhance our understanding of CSDP and using it as a case study it can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism
Institutions here are defined as formal humanly devised rules stipulating expected behaviour lsquoInformalrsquo institutions such as conventions and customs are deliberately excluded
I Debating International Institutions
Realist emphasis on state power its evolution will be dictated by the most powerful states and institutions whatever their precise nature will not exert any independent effect on out- comes Institutions = no impact on the returns to power
Institutionalist emphasize the way that institutions shape outcomes not least because in reducing the returns to power they empower smaller states + institutional lsquostickinessrsquo and resistance to change render it difficult for new institutions to emerge or for existing ones to change ndash whatever the preferences of their Member States
II Institutional Change
Why institutional stability
- lock inrsquo whereby social groups and individuals invest in existing institutional structures and hence create resistance to change
- lsquoincreasing returnsrsquo involve high start-up costs for new institutions imply significant learning effects when groups and individuals operate under a particular institutional framework and are char- acterized by interlocking relationships with other institutions ndash all of which increase the costs involved in change
critics
- stability is assumed but When institutionalist see change they see it as dramatic infrequent critical Thus not continual adjustment
- elide the notions of lsquoinstitutionrsquo and lsquoorganizationrsquo =gt tends to equate organizational persistence with institutional stability
WHY
Core assumption is institutions are the object of consensus
Thus infrequent critical junctures when change occurs between these rare occasions settled consensual relations exist between members who all benefit from the fact that institutions lsquoenforce mutually beneficial exchange and co-operationrsquo
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
Promising they are by far the largest defence powers in Europe they could catalyse cooperation across Europe more e1113175ectively than the many previous NATO- and EU-wide ini- tiative
However for now strong cultural barriers
CONCL defence in Europe remains primarily a national affair If European countries are to build future capabilities that match the still sig- nificant amounts that they spend on defence there is no escaping the fact that more effective cooperation on investments force structures and equip- ment requirements will be necessary
Power Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist Menon A (2011)Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
RQ institutionalist approaches can enhance our understanding of CSDP and using it as a case study it can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism
Institutions here are defined as formal humanly devised rules stipulating expected behaviour lsquoInformalrsquo institutions such as conventions and customs are deliberately excluded
I Debating International Institutions
Realist emphasis on state power its evolution will be dictated by the most powerful states and institutions whatever their precise nature will not exert any independent effect on out- comes Institutions = no impact on the returns to power
Institutionalist emphasize the way that institutions shape outcomes not least because in reducing the returns to power they empower smaller states + institutional lsquostickinessrsquo and resistance to change render it difficult for new institutions to emerge or for existing ones to change ndash whatever the preferences of their Member States
II Institutional Change
Why institutional stability
- lock inrsquo whereby social groups and individuals invest in existing institutional structures and hence create resistance to change
- lsquoincreasing returnsrsquo involve high start-up costs for new institutions imply significant learning effects when groups and individuals operate under a particular institutional framework and are char- acterized by interlocking relationships with other institutions ndash all of which increase the costs involved in change
critics
- stability is assumed but When institutionalist see change they see it as dramatic infrequent critical Thus not continual adjustment
- elide the notions of lsquoinstitutionrsquo and lsquoorganizationrsquo =gt tends to equate organizational persistence with institutional stability
WHY
Core assumption is institutions are the object of consensus
Thus infrequent critical junctures when change occurs between these rare occasions settled consensual relations exist between members who all benefit from the fact that institutions lsquoenforce mutually beneficial exchange and co-operationrsquo
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
Power Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist Menon A (2011)Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
RQ institutionalist approaches can enhance our understanding of CSDP and using it as a case study it can illustrate some of the strengths and weaknesses of institutionalism
Institutions here are defined as formal humanly devised rules stipulating expected behaviour lsquoInformalrsquo institutions such as conventions and customs are deliberately excluded
I Debating International Institutions
Realist emphasis on state power its evolution will be dictated by the most powerful states and institutions whatever their precise nature will not exert any independent effect on out- comes Institutions = no impact on the returns to power
Institutionalist emphasize the way that institutions shape outcomes not least because in reducing the returns to power they empower smaller states + institutional lsquostickinessrsquo and resistance to change render it difficult for new institutions to emerge or for existing ones to change ndash whatever the preferences of their Member States
II Institutional Change
Why institutional stability
- lock inrsquo whereby social groups and individuals invest in existing institutional structures and hence create resistance to change
- lsquoincreasing returnsrsquo involve high start-up costs for new institutions imply significant learning effects when groups and individuals operate under a particular institutional framework and are char- acterized by interlocking relationships with other institutions ndash all of which increase the costs involved in change
critics
- stability is assumed but When institutionalist see change they see it as dramatic infrequent critical Thus not continual adjustment
- elide the notions of lsquoinstitutionrsquo and lsquoorganizationrsquo =gt tends to equate organizational persistence with institutional stability
WHY
Core assumption is institutions are the object of consensus
Thus infrequent critical junctures when change occurs between these rare occasions settled consensual relations exist between members who all benefit from the fact that institutions lsquoenforce mutually beneficial exchange and co-operationrsquo
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
BUT
Institutions are not all about mutual benefit contest among actors to establish rules structuring outcomes to those equi-libria most favourable for them
In ESDP perpetual conflict shaped ESDP
- states favoring EUNATO joint action- states with different conception of balance betwwen militaryciviliam- states with contrasting views on the role of the military (force or territorial defense)
Trade off inevitable
III Power in Institutions
Inst Institutions reduce ldquoreturn to powerrdquo enjoy a capacity to lsquocushionrsquo the effects of anarchy notably by regulating the use of force and thereby reducing the importance of power asymmetries
desire to constrain stronger states can be the main intended function of international institutions
case in ESDP desire of other MS to equal weight European integration was born out of a desire to prevent aggression by Germany against its
neighbours translated into the so-called lsquoCommunity methodrsquo within which independent institutions
help insure against dominance by the larger Member States (consensus required between 27 MS)
power capa- bilities of the relevant states are highly constrainedrsquo
IV Institutions and Outcomes
Inst institutionalism is concerned institutions lsquoemerge as good things and it is their goodness that ultimately explains themrsquo
Rea U is engaged via ESDP in an attempt to lsquobalancersquo against American power Tensions
- European states have begun to aggregate resources through the EU to increase power and project it abroad thus raising their capability
- states are jealous guardians of their autonomy Major EU foreign policy and defence decisions have been made in European capitals rather than in Brussels
=gt effective centralization of decision-making implies a reduction in autonomy for individual Member States
BUT
treating the EU as if it were a state Unionrsquos attempts to lsquobalancersquo against American power have proven erroneous
these claims are based on predictions of the future rather than analysis of contemporary outcomes
Europeans are not unwilling to intervene militarily as long as the humani- tarian rewards are high the costs in blood and treasure are low ndash and twenty- seven states are able to agree that this is the case
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
supposed ability to lend legitimacy to military interventions activities that might be unacceptable in their original state- to-state form become acceptable when run through an independent [ ] IOrsquo p94b
- EU has fulfilled such a function states use organizations as a cover for the pursuit of their own national objectives (operation artemis) Dangers1 Member States might begin to resent the Union being used in this way2 resentment in those states that are the venue for such interventions
- Institutions can also play the role of an alibi (replacing costly policies at the national level with far cheaper multilateral alternatives ndash Czech nato membership)
impact of institutions is not always positive and that they can on occasion serve less than salutary purposes and even hamper the kinds of domestic reform they were intended to foster
-
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534
- Giegerich B and Nicoll A (2012) lsquoThe Struggle for Value in European Defencersquo
Survival Global Politics and Strategy 54 (1) pp 53-82
- Menon A (2011) lsquoPower Institutions and the CSDP The Promise of Institutionalist
Theoryrsquo Journal of Common Market Studies 49 (1) pp 83-100
- Norheim-Martinsen Per M (2011) ldquoEU Strategic Culture When the Means Becomes
the Endsrdquo Contemporary Security Policy 32 (3) pp 517-534