Spcm101 (as of Oct4)
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There are a lot of reasons to believe that humans are above any other
creations. Humans can do a lot of things that other creatures cannot. Logical
thinking, cognition and writing are just few to name many. And one of these
special capacities that humans have is the power to speak.
The evolutionary adaptation of certain physiological mechanisms for
linguistic ends has occurred only in humans. The so-called speech organs did
not originally evolve for speech; rather, they were-and still are-directly
concerned with ensuring the physical survival of the organism. In humans,
these organs have all become highly specialized not only for survival but also
for linguistic ends. (OGrady, 1989)
In other words, the human capacity for speech is superimposed on
already existing biological structures. Thus, humans bear this ultimate power
over others. Nevertheless, the acquisition of such power varies in everyone.
One may have less and others may gain more than the usual. The power
does not stop in the point where the person acquired it. The power is
developmental and is likewise subjected to change. Consequently, people
employ different modes to keep the hold tighter through practice and
present-day impositions. The study of these developments in the power of
speech dates back to the time of the Greeks where Rhetoric was born.
Contextualizing it in the contemporary, people wish to retain the power
and to expand the power through various modes. All of these in pursuit to
have power unlimitedly, to emanate power over less powerful, to leave a
legacy and to become perfect embodiment of power itself: to hold the CARTE
BLANCHE. 1
1Carte Blanche is the Latin expression for unlimited power.
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BIOGRAPHY OF GEORGE CAMPBELL
George Campbell is the son of the Aberdeen minister Colin Campbell
and a merchants daughter Margaret Walker. He was born in Scotland on the
Christmas day of 1917, the second son of the Campbell couple and the fifth
from the brood of six.
He received an education that paved the way for the three focuses of
his intellectual life: language, theology and rhetoric. His education at the
Aberdeen Grammar School and Marischal College provided him strong
foundation in Latin and Greek that benefited him a lot as a translator of the
gospels. After attaining a degree in his arts course at Marischal in 1738, he
ought to study Law. But in 1741, he began studying theology in Edinburgh.
He pursued his theological studies at Kings and Marischal Colleges both in
Aberdeen.
Completing the normal divinity course and passing the tests by the
presbytery of Aberdeen, Campbell became a licensed probationer or preacher
of the gospel on June 11, 1746. Two years later, 2 nd June of 1748, he was
ordained as a minister at Banchory-Ternan Aberdeenshire, a post he held for
the next nine years. For the nine years of service as a minister, he was able
to establish himself a "scripture critic, and lecturer of holy writ. At first, he
was determined to translate the gospels. But around 1750, he composed the
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first two chapters ofThe Philosophy of Rhetoric. He married Grace
Farquharson on 1755. Campbell was appointed one of the ministers of
Aberdeen on June
23, 1757. Six months from his appointment, he and five other colleagues
established the Philosophical Society. Four years after, he sought
appointment as principal of his alma mater, Marischal College.
One of the pieces that gave him fame is his Dissertation on Miracles2.
This was a refutation of David Humes essay Of Miracles (1748).The piece
gained popularity in Great Britain and was translated into a variety of
languages like French, Dutch and German.
In 1764, his other alma mater, Kings College honoured him with a
Doctor of Divinity degree and in June, 1771, he was given a teaching post as
Professor of Divinity at Marischal. He resigned his ministerial post in the city
of Aberdeen, for he to be able to assume the ministry at Greyfriars Church. In
1776, he published in The Philosophy of Rhetoric revised versions of all the
discourses he had read before.
Campbell was certainly a pillar of the Philosophical Society. He
delivered eighteen discourses (all dealing with rhetoric). After completing The
Philosophy of Rhetoric, Campbell published several sermons and one other
major work, The Four Gospels, Translated from the Greek(1789).
2 The Dissertation of Miracles was written in 1762 and was originally drafted as a sermon
delivered to the provincial synod on October, 1760.
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He survived a severe illness in 1791, but ill health finally compelled
him to resign his professorship and ministry on 11 June 1795 and his
principalship soon after. He died of a paralytic stroke on 6 April 1796.
His Lectures on Ecclesiastical History(1800), Lectures on Systematic
Theology and Pulpit Eloquence (1807), and Lectures on the Pastoral
Character(1811) appeared posthumously. Of all his published works,
however, The Philosophy of Rhetoric has had the most lasting influence.
(Walzer, 2003)
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THE NATURE OF ELOQUENCE
Rhetoric was born during the height of Greek civilization. When
democracy is attempted in Greece, particularly in the city states in Athens,
people started to learn to speak for themselves to exercise and defend their
rights. Among these people who initiated the study of Rhetoric were Corax,
Protagoras, Isocrates and Aristotle. When the Greek civilization was crunched
by the rise of Roman civilization, their rhetorical philosophies were also taken
by the Romans. They presented these in a more systematized manner. Cicero
and Quintilian were among the forerunners of Rhetoric in the Roman
tradition. Early Christians moved to Rome and then the famed success of
Constantine the Great chronicled. Medieval period came into picture and out
of this period, St. Augustine emerged.
Change comes of system and Renaissance marked the history. Some
writer looked back and revived the study of communication. Some of the
significant writers during Early Renaissance were Sir Francis Bacon, Leonard
Cox and Thomas Wilson. They spoke of ornamental language. Rhetoric
became the dominant discipline in English grammar schools and universities.
The long tradition of classical Rhetoric and its revivals is generally regarded
as having ended with the emergence of the late Renaissance period.
During the Late Renaissance or Modern Period, communication
scholars and enthusiasts began formulating and writing their own ideas on
Rhetoric through their publications of the rhetorical texts. George Campbell
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(1776), Hugh Blair3 (1783) and Richard Whately4 (1828) are among those who
gave Rhetoric their own perspectives and philosophies. (Grolier Encyclopedia
of Knowledge, 1994)
This trend of giving Rhetoric new and revolutionized meanings
continues to the Contemporary Period, which dates from the aftermath of the
Modern Period to present.
Among the forefathers that gave a new trend to Rhetoric is George
Campbell. His Philosophy of Rhetoric written in 1776 is one of the innovative
ideas that marked popularity in the world of communication studies.
According to Thonssen (1942), Campbells masterpiece gained
popularity due to three notable contributions to the study of communication.
First, he suggests a clear and incisive treatment of style that serves as a
guide to practice and critical appraisal. Second, he develops in a
comprehensive and profound study of a body of material to emotional proof.
And lastly, he considers the ends of speaking in terms of audience response.
Campbell defines eloquence as the art or talent by which the discourse is
adapted to its end. All of these ends are subdivided into four categories: to
enlighten the understanding, to please the imagination, to move the passions
and to influence the will.
3 Hugh Blairs 1783 book, Lectures on Rhetoric and Belle Letres, became a popular
communication trend. Blair accepted the notion that a message should be directed toward the receiver for a
specific purpose, but he differed from Campbell by claiming only three purposes: to inform, to persuade
and to amuse.4 Richard Whatelys 1828 book, The Elements of Rhetoric andElements of Logic (1830) viewed
rhetoric as an offshoot from logic.
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Communication is essential in every way it is. But effective and
developmental communication does not merely lie on the power of words or
delivery. It is a holistic matter that also entails the importance of the
addressees, the material, the purposive motives, the speaker and a whole lot
more. But communication does not remain constant; just like everything else;
it is also subject to change and development. From this light, there is the
necessity of the application of communicative studies and the idea of
communication research.
One of the rich areas to dwell when it comes to communicative studies
is human communication. The study of persons in positions of political power
has been a source of fascination to communication scholars. Human
communication is a sequence of events set by a source for the sole purpose
of achieving audience compliance. (Sanders and Kaid, 1978) Audience
compliance will lead to change and development. The field of development
and change is constitutive; it was the musings of scholars seeking the
political and social orders and the conditions initiating them. (Migdal, 1983)
OBJECTIVES
In response to this call for communicative studies, this paper on the
analysis of the speeches of a prominent Filipino speaker is constructed.
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The paper aims to show that Rhetoric (as based on the principles and
philosophies of George Campbell) can better maximize the powers of a
speaker through the aid of Sociolinguistics. Rhetoric works well with
Sociolinguistics5 because the latter focuses on the societal scenario that
builds up the motive of a speaker. This is based on the SPEAKING mnemonic
(Setting & Scene, Participants, End, Acts, Key/Mood, Instrumentalities, Norms,
and, Genre) that pursuits in reaching the E (End). This can be equated to the
philosophy and rhetoric of George Campbell where it is stated that the
success of a speaker depends on the way his /her speech is adapted to a
certain end. With this light, the paper seeks modes on how a speaker
manipulates and thread words into speech acts that enchants the audience
towards his/her own end.
METHODOLOGY
As aforementioned, this paper will show the tie-up work of Rhetoric
and Sociolinguistics in the definition that speaking is in pursuit of reaching an
end.
One of the methods that are utilized by communication scholars in
analyzing speeches is the Critical Discourse Analysis. CDA is a research
approach that aims to question and criticize discourse. According to Van Dijk
(1998), it studies the way social power abuse; dominance and inequality are
5 As defined by Anshen & Sutherland (1989), Sociolinguistics is the subdiscipline that treats the
social aspect of language.
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enacted, reproduced and resisted by text and talk in social and political
context. It takes explicit position and thus wants to understand and expose.
The rhetorical philosophies of George Campbell will likewise be
employed particularly his concept of his species essential in the knowledge of
speaking. To influence a will and persuade to a certain conduct is indeed a
powerhouse combination that tends to convince the judgment and interests
the passions, the argumentative and pathetic incorporated together creating
a distinguishable excellence. This united force evicts contention and is
admirably fitted for persuasion. Likewise, this artful mixture has been
regarded as the supreme qualification in an orator, bearing down every
obstacle and endowing him/her an irresistible power over the thoughts and
purposes of his audience. (Thonssen, 1942)
Having CDA as a framework, the study will identify the speakers
different modes and chronicles to reach the irresistible power over her
audience.
To aid the framework, the method of analyzing speeches through
speech situations will be applied. Anshen and Sutherland (1989) defined
speech situations as social situations in which there is use of speech.
Analyzing the speech situations, its components have been mnemonically
arranged to form the acronym SPEAKING. S for setting and scene
(distinguishing between physical locale and the type of activity), P for
participants (the addressee and the speaker), E for ends (the functions and
outcomes), A for the act sequence (this includes the content and form of
speech), K for key tone (refers to the mood or manner), I for instrumentalities
(includes channel and the code), N for norms of interaction and interpretation
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(basic rules that seem to underlie the interaction and G for genre (any one of
a class of named speech acts).
The chosen specimens in this study are ten selected speeches of
former President Corazon Aquino. The speeches to be studied are particularly
delivered during her post-presidency era (circa 1997 to 2001).
Historically, democracy has long been fought and spirited. As
aforementioned, the long story of democracy dates back to the times of the
ancient Greek civilization. In pursuit of achieving a democratic life in the city
of Athens, people started to learn to speak for themselves to exercise and
defend their rights that eventually gave birth to Rhetoric.
In the Filipino context, the struggle to attain democracy has also
existed for a long time over different scenarios in history.
More than three centuries of resentment against the Spanish rule,
perpetual inclination towards the Americans who stressed the idea of
democracy to the Filipino minds, and the howling wilderness of the
Japanese occupation are just some of the accounts of Filipino democratic
struggles. The Filipinos were freemen for decades after the Japanese
occupation until one Filipino rose to hold the dictatorial belt over the Filipino
populace. About twenty years of dictatorial rule in the hands of the Filipinos
co-countrymen ignited the birth of one of the most acclaimed democratic
struggles in history, the People Power I.
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The people power revolution or EDSA I is against the Martial Law rule
of former Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos. Many had arisen to fight and win
liberation. Many shed blood and sacrificed for this arduous battle for
democracy and freedom. One name stands clinging with the concept of
Philippine democracy, and that is former President Corazon C. Aquino.
THE L IFE OF CORY AQUINO
Maria Corazon Cory Cojuangco-Aquino was born in Manila on January
25, 1933. She was the sixth of eight children of Jose Cojuangco 6, a former
congressman, and Demetria Sumulong7 Cojuangco, a pharmacist.
She topped her class in Saint Scholasticas College during her
elementary days. But during the war, the school was bombed badly resulting
to her transfer to Assumption College for her secondary school. After the war
ended, the Cojuangco children were sent to the United Studies to pursue their
studies. The Assumption-run Ravenhill Academy in Philadelphia became their
6 Corys paternal side roots to Fujian Province, China. Her father, a lawyer, owned one of the
largest sugar plantation in the province of Tarlac.7 She came from the famous Sumulong clan. Her mother was the daughter of Senator Juan
Sumulong, a famed statesman from the Rizal province.
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academic home. The next year, Cory transferred to Notre Dame Convent
School in New York City, where she finished high school. She went on to
major in French and Mathematics at the College of Mount Saint Vincent in the
same city.
Cory returned to Manila in 1953 to study law. She had wanted to enroll
at the University of the Philippines, whose College of Law had educated many
of the countrys political leaders. But because her father was chair of the
board of trustees of Far Eastern University, she was entitled to go there.
She was doing well in her studies but she never became a lawyer. On
October 11, 1954, she married Benigno Ninoy Aquino Jr. They first met
when they were nine years old. Their fathers were both congressmen in
Tarlac. Love began to blossom when Cory spent her summer vacation in the
Philippines during her junior year. A journalist for the Manila Times since he
was sixteen, Ninoy had just returned from Korea, where he covered the
exploits of the Philippine expeditionary force in the war there. At twenty-two,
Ninoy won the election for mayor of his hometown of Concepcion, despite
being nearly three weeks short of the minimum age for candidacy. Cory had
recently given birth to Maria Elena, the first of their five children, so she was
spared from the hustings. When the Supreme Court upheld a lower judges
ruling that Ninoys electoral win was illegal because he was underaged when
he ran, the family returned to Manila and Ninoy became special assistant to
President Carlos Garcia.
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She gave birth to their second daughter Aurora Corazon in 1957 when
Ninoy was on the loose for the vice-gubernatorial post in Tarlac. He was
appointed as a governor in 1961 and got his real gubernatorial post in 1963.
In 1967, Ninoy was elected senator, the only oppositionist who made it
through the allies of Ferdinand Marcos. The tables were turned when Ninoy
led the anti-Marcos forces to victory in 1971, winning six out of eight
senatorial slots. Ninoy became the frontrunner for the 1973 presidential polls.
Alongside with this, Cory had been such a supportive politicians wife. (Bacani
Jr. & Sicam, 2002)
Nevertheless, presidential election never took existence. Martial Law
was declared on September 21, 1972. Oppositionists were arrested and
Ninoy, being the administrations chief nemesis, was detained. According to
Quezon III (2002), Ninoy Aquino continued to defy the dictatorship even in
the bars of his prison cell. He suggested to her that she and the children
leave for Australia. Then, Maria Elena, the eldest child, was seventeen, while
the youngest child, Kristina Bernadette, was only a year old.8 Luckily, Ninoy
was allowed to travel to Dallas, Texas in 1980 for a heart surgery. For the
next three years, the Aquino family resided in Boston, Massachusetts. The
Philippines was never far from Ninoys thoughts that made him decided to
return in August 21, 1983. Ninoy was assassinated on the airport tarmac
while under military guard.
8 Ninoy and Corys only son Benigno III was born in 1960 and third daughter Victoria Elisa in
1961.
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This set an impact to the Filipino people. Many were called into to
honor the man who declared when he was dissuaded from returning home:
The Filipino is worth dying for. Many also came to protest the repression,
grinding poverty, and corruption of the Marcos regime. All too soon, Cory was
under pressure to continue Ninoys mission. The death of her husband
shoved Cory Aquino into the political limelight. And this is where Corys
ardent struggle for democracy began. She played a pivotal role in organizing
and providing a moral anchor to the scattered opposition to the dictatorship.
The political scene was set for a battle between the widow and the
administrator. Marcos derided Cory as just a woman whose place was in the
bedroom. The election was held on February 7, 1986. As expected, Marcoss
henchmen did everything to ensure victory, from bribery to coercion, to
stealing ballot boxes, to manipulating the counting.
Defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile and Armed Forces Vice Chief of
Staff Fidel Ramos holed up in Camp Crame, along Manilas main
thoroughfare, Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA). Jaime Cardinal Sin
appealed for civilian support over Radio Veritas. In a repear of Ninoys funeral
and Corys campaign rallies, Filipinos came in the thousands to form a human
shield against Marcoss minions.
It was the birth of People Power, a nonviolent way for ordinary citizens
to reclaim their freedom and bring about a peaceful transfer of power.
Television viewers across the world marvelled as hundreds of thousands of
praying Filipinos, armed only with rosaries and flowers, repulsed tanks and
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armored vehicles. Cory took her oath of office as the countrys eleventh
president at 11:00 a.m. on February 25, 1986, at Club Filipino. One hour later,
Marcos held his own oath taking within the forbidding walls of the presidential
palace. That night, American helicopters took the Marcos family and their
associates to Clark Air Base, north of Manila, where they later took a plane to
exile in Hawaii. Marcos died there in 1989. (Bacani Jr. & Sicam, 2002)
Corazon C. Aquino, as President of the Republic of the Philippines
(1986-1992), restored democracy and after re-establishing all the democratic
institutions, she made them work fully so as to bring about substantive
economic and social reforms. She presided over the difficult transition from a
dictatorship to democracy, but by her courage she able to cap her term
successfully with a peaceful transfer of power to her successor, President
Fidel V. Ramos. (Aquino, 2002)
She has conferred twenty-four honorary degrees from universities in
the Philippines, U.S.A., Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Thailand, Korea and Italy.
She was named Time Magazines Woman of the Year for 1986. In August
1999, she was recognized by Time Magazine as one of the 20 Most Influential
Asians of the Century. She also received numerous awards and distinctions
including the Martin Luther King Jr. Nonviolent Peace Prize, the Noel Awards
for Political Leadership by the United Nations Development Fund for Women,
the Pearl S. Buck Womans Award, the 1998 Ramon MagsaysayAward for
International Understanding, the Fullbright Award and the Ateneos Tanglaw
ng Bayan Award.
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She served as the Chairperson of the Benigno S. Aquino, Jr.
Foundation, Chairperson of the Board of Advisers of the Metrobank
Foundation, Member of the Board of Governors of the Asian Institute of
Management and Chairperson of Sulung Pampanga Foundation.
She had been diagnosed with colorectal cancer 9on March 24, 2008.
By July 2009, she was hospitalized due to loss of appetite and chronic
baldness.Later on, it was announced that Aquino and her family had decided
to cease chemotherapy and other medical interventions for her. On August 1,
2009, after one and a half year battle with cancer, the 76 year-old Aquino
died peacefully at the Makati Medical Center at around 3:18 a.m. due to
complications of cardiorespiratory arrest.
It is few months away from the 1998 National Elections. As part of the
culture of dirty politics that exists in the Philippines even way back, there is a
threatening possibility of another manipulated election through the Dagdag-
9 Colorectal cancer is commonly termed as colon cancer.
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Bawas operations. With this, the Ecumenical Prayer Service for Clean and
Honest Elections was called for. According to former President Cory Aquino
herself, the Ecumenical Prayer Service for Clean and Honest Elections was
pushed through by Senator Aquilino Nene Pimentel, a prime victim of the
Dagdag-Bawas operations. It was delivered on the 20th day of November,
1997 at the Manila Cathedral. The prayer service took effect for the purpose
of eradicating or implementing clean and honest elections for the upcoming
1998 elections.
With this scenario in mind, I can say that the direct addressees in the
speech are the politicians. Likewise, the speech employs the English
language to spread its plea. This somehow shows that English, being the
language of the educated Filipinos, addresses the politicians as
intellectuals, intellectuals that are critical and ethical enough not to cheat in
the upcoming elections. This mechanism appeals to the argumentative.
The speech also speaks to the morals of those addressed for it uses a
prayer in paragraph 9 and the setting, which is the Manila Cathedral, itself
implies a conscience-building mood towards the addressees (politicians).
Meanwhile, this mechanism appeals to the pathetic.
Moreover, the speech is categorized as a keynote speech. According to
Toastmasters International, speeches of this genre tends to mobilize the
sympathy and understanding of the listeners, to win the listeners over to
your side and to support your convictions about youve just told them. This
hypothesis is supported by the flow of her speech acts.
The speech opens as she defines the foreground of her soon-to-be
requests; followed by the accounts of history and then supported by linking
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We can see that Aquinos pattern of speech acts tend to do Campbells
concept of supreme qualification in an orator--- the artful mixture of the
argumentative and pathetic. Also, according to Campbells philosophies this
is the best way to induce persuasion among hearers and since the speech
embodies a persuasive tone: to persuade politicians to have a clean and
honest election (can be equated that its principal end is to influence the will),
the artful mixture works. Likewise, the speech reflects the incorporation of
the argumentative and pathetic through historizing and affecting the affect.
This is evident even in the symbolism posed by the use of prayer and the
setting itself, which is the Church.
Being one of the upholder of democracy in the country that gained
popularity even in the international scene, Aquino takes pride as she won for
the Ramon Magsaysay Award for International Understanding. The speech
was delivered in the 1998 Ramon Magsaysay awards night held on the 31 st of
August, 1998.
Starting with the code used, it is delivered in English because as we all
know the Ramon Magsaysay awards are beyond the limits of Southeast Asia
community. Also, she is accepting a Ramon Magsaysay award for
International Understanding. Emphasizing the international, she must use a
code that also appeals to a universal audience. Presuming, the target
audience is not just the Filipino nation but the international scene as well.
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Furthermore, she historizes different international accounts in the body of her
speech such as the democratic struggle in Burma and the chronicles of
Gandhi and Mandela that further gives stress to this international
understanding.
The acceptance of an award speech is deductively delivered. Unlike
other acceptance of award speeches that gratifies first before saying their
other messages such as some anecdote, etc., this one starts with the
deepening. Instead of the usual thanksgiving and acknowledgment of the
people behind ones success, this one discusses a completely different thing
and serves a deeper purpose than just thanksgiving and acknowledgment.
The speech begins with the statements that tend to imply celebration
of the triumphs of democracy. Complimenting this celebration, Aquino
honored the perpetuity of honoring courage, conviction and right that never
failed to restore and exercise democracy. This may give presumption that
this speech is not just an acceptance of an award speech. It somehow implies
that has something more than that of the walls of the gratitude of an
acceptance of an award speech. Seemingly, the speech implicitly speaks of
persuasive tone for people to restore democracy in every single way they
can.
Another not so usual speech act that is employed in this speech is the
way of gratifying people. It is not said in just saying simple thanks; Aquino
does it by saying I accept this award on behalf of. This peculiarity
supports my aforementioned assumption that this is not just an acceptance
of an award speech.
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She is not just thanking the Filipino people in paragraphs 4 to 7, she is
praising these people for the purpose of stressing the claim that people who
preserve and fight for the restoration of democracy are/will be honored. In
the 8th paragraph, she even uses accounts to historize. She uses the accounts
of restoration of democracy in other country maybe for the purpose to imply
that restoration of democracy happens in the international scene and
Filipinos are part of this international democratic struggle.
However, she pseudo-digresses in during the nearing conclusion of the
speech. She utters of the heroism of Ninoy that somehow promotes the
image of Ninoy, his image as the prime struggler and hero of democracy in
the country. The usual gratitudes are just stated only in the last paragraphs
(12 and 13).
Outlining this, the first three paragraphs serve grounds for this
motivational speech (motive: restore democracy) and provide a logical
premise for the acts of persuasion. It is followed by four paragraphs intending
to praise and honor the people who have struggled for democracy, accounts
of history and proofs to prove that Ninoy is indeed the real embodiment of
democracy restoration. Praising is a mode to excite passion. Then, it is
concluded by the usual gratitude given in an acceptance of an award speech.
The outline itself exemplifies Campbells idea of how a speaker adapts and
delivers a speech towards a certain end. It implies that her prime intention of
delivering this speech is not just to accept the award or thank the people
behind her success, rather it is a motivational speech intended to speak of
her democratic endeavor.
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During the aftermath of the Mount Pinatubo eruption in Pampanga, the
people in some areas still continued to suffer due to rampaging lahar flows
during the rainy season. The occasion where the speech is given is the
inauguration of the Sulung Pampanga Housing Project 10, delivered in the 16th
of December, 1999 at the Wenceslao Village, San Roque Dau I, Lubao,
Pampanga.
The speech is a goodwill speech about the Sulung Pampanga Housing
Project. According to Toastmasters International, speeches of this kind are
modes of public relations. The goal of goodwill speeches is to build the
publics favorable feeling toward a company or organization. People
delivering these speeches employ information to establish an institution as
knowledgeable, trustworthy and helpful.
The achievement of this goal is seen even in the first two paragraphs
of the speech because it conveys the organizations visions and how is it met
through the projects through their projects. As part of building the favorable
feeling, I can say that it is courteous in the part of the organization to thank
10Sulung Pampanga is a housing project initiated by former Pres. Aquino and her friends that isintended to help the homeless victims of the Mount Pinatubo eruption.
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The Philippines hosts the First International Conference of Asian
Political Parties12 on September 18, 2000 and in line with the celebration,
Cory Aquino was invited to deliver a keynote speech.
Occasionwise, Aquino is speaking to an international audience (to
delegates of Asian political parties to be exact). Of course, in consideration
with the occasion, it is to deliver the speech in the English language.
Likewise, I would like to acknowledge the last word of the speech: Mabuhay.
Maybe it is also in convention that if we are to speak with other nationals,
one of the Filipino phrases aside from Mahal ko kayo that would be uttered to
the them is Mabuhay.
Since it is also a keynote speech it can be safely said that it does have
the same goals as the first speech, The Next Trial of Democracy. That is to
mobilize the sympathy and understanding of the listeners, to win the
listeners over to your side and to support your convictions about youve just
told them.
12 Political parties are political organizations that typically seeks to attain and
maintainpolitical power withingovernment, usually by participating inelectoral campaigns, educational
outreach or protest actions. Parties often espouse an expressedideologyor vision bolstered by a
writtenplatformwith specific goals, forming a coalition among disparate interests. (Wikipedia.org, n.d)
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Putting those speech goals in context, we can see that during the first
two paragraphs, Aquino is giving a background on the purpose of calling for
the conference. Then, it is followed by a paragraph informing the audience of
how globalization tends to crush poor people/countries into bits. Likewise, I
also deemed that the fourth and fifth paragraphs are indeed appropriate as
supplementary to the aforementioned paragraph because it give
perspectives on globalization from a developing country like us. These
statements would somehow take vitality in the course of the speech.
By the turn of the sixth paragraph, the speech takes turning point by
asking the listeners a rhetorical question that sets off the foreground where
the speech is deeply rooting from. As you may see, this turning point
compliments the beginning of the speech for both define the purpose of the
conference and its corresponding action being called upon. The conference is
to convene and unite the different Asian political parties to develop new
leaders that would treat and act upon the issues of globalization. The speech
contained the effects of globalization to a third-world perspective.
Having been able to define the purpose of this gathering, this point
onwards will apply modes to appease the audience/participants through the
statement of why they are crucial at these points (paragraph 8). I deemed
that this statement on the essentiality of the political parties is intended to
incite them to be part of the advocacy.
Moreover, it is appears intriguing for me that Aquino digresses from
discussing about the topic and aims of the conference to the accounts of her
personal stories that somehow appeared to be promotions of her.
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From here she jumps back to the main course of this keynote address,
the call for political parties to respond to the necessity of time to develop
new leaders ready to face the trials of time and society. Here we could see
that this keynote address presents a problem (poverty caused by the
aftermaths of globalization) and suggests solutions
appeasing/encouraging/persuading the political parties to hone new leaders
adapted to resolve the problem implied.
At this time, former President Joseph Ejercito-Estrada was ruling the
country and by the date the speech was delivered, anomalies about his
regime are starting to unveil themselves to reality. But according to Quezon
III (2002), Estrada continued to sally forth, pleading that he was
misunderstood, maligned, slandered; and yet the old lines did not work
anymore. The more he protested innocence was his soon-to-be eviction from
the presidential Palace. This did not only lead to the doom of Estradas
presidency but also it gave birth to the comeback of the chronicles that once
liberated the country, the EDSA Revolution.
The speech was delivered on October 17, 2000 at the EDSA Shrine. It
was generally delivered for the majority of the Filipino populace (the middle
class) to call for their support towards the fight to restore democracy and to
make the President pay for his anomalous deeds.
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This assumption can likewise be reflected in the symbolism embedded
in the image of the EDSA Shrine. The EDSA is not only a historical landmark
but it is also a living proof of how the Filipino people flag their democratic
rights and ideals. This is not just an avenue to emanate the power of
democracy, but likewise the live up the power through the people. It has
been the mouthpiece of the restorers of democracy and freedom fighters
over history and this legacy of EDSA reiterates as Cory Aquino delivered this
speech. Nevertheless, this speech is not only explicitly to call for action and
support from the Filipino people but also, this is implicitly directed to the
president- to call for his attention and to lead him to his sacrificial
resignation/impeachment.
The speech sets off with the first four paragraphs informing the
listeners of what is contemporarily happening in the country. It is narrating
accounts resulting from the aftermath of the issues faced by the Estrada
administration. We can see the progression in the mood/key of Aquino by the
turn of the fifth paragraph.
The claims are becoming more intense. Succeeding this point are
paragraphs that imply pain and threat to the hearers for it recounts the
effects of the horrors of the twenty years of Marcos dictatorship and Martial
Law rule. At the same time, these accounts likewise tend to build and ignite
agitation among the hearers for pain and anger are strong passions that can
create great impact on the affect of the hearers. This mode of agitation is
essential for the purpose of the speech: the call for action.
The necessity for response to Aquinos call for action is even
exemplified in the ninth paragraph. After the presentation of the need for the
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call for action and its importance to the contemporary, Cory makes use of the
appeal to the pathetic through the use of the idea of the Church and prayer.
This mode is strengthened through the application of the mode of agitation in
the succeeding paragraphs from paragraphs 12 to 15. This mode is still
preserved in the turn of paragraph 16. Nevertheless, from paragraph 16 to
18, Aquino substantiated her mode of agitation through facts from history
and statistics which is incremented the strength of her arguments and
persuasion.
Furthermore, she reinvented her tactics in the further strengthening of
her claims. Varying her mode of persuasion, she makes use of the pathetic
mode this time. As seen in paragraph 19 to 22, she talks of idealistic yet
strong passions like anger, pain, disgust, etc.
Paragraph 23 and 24 impart actions that somehow served as pledges
that add up to her credibility and good-natured image as a defender of the
Filipino people and their democracy.
She imparts of the people of what the Constitution says about the legal
action that should be done for the moment in paragraph 26, which was
supported by the succeeding two paragraphs citing the importance and pros
of the impeachment. Lastly, Cory gels all of the elements she said and mixed
up in the aforementioned parts through the implication and explicit
statement of various passions that could move and influence the will of the
people. Among these that are stated in the last three paragraphs of the
speech are hope, patriotism (love of country), self-sacrifice, honor and etc.
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As for history, the first KOMPIL chronicled few months after the
assassination of Ninoy. Way back then, KOMPIL was the done to convene, to
unite and to make plans of improving the chances seeing the end of Marcos
dictatorship. History repeats itself. Protests against the Estrada
administration are becoming rampant and here comes another call for
KOMPIL, the convention and union of the opposition to fight against
dictatorship and defend the democracy of the people.
This speech is delivered just twelve days from the speech, Praying for
Enlightenment. It is delivered October 29, 2000 during the Kongreso ng
Mamamayang Pilipino (KOMPIL II) at the Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon
City.
Unlike the above speeches, this speech does code mixing in some
parts of it. Needless to say, it is not purely written in English and therefore, it
implies something. Presuming, Cory would want to address not just her usual
audiences and maybe, she would likewise like to appear more nationalistic
about this issue by addressing the speech with mix up of the Filipino
language.
At the first three English paragraphs (1st, 3rd and 4th), Aquino tries to
historize and live back the aura of the scenario during the first KOMPIL. This is
crucial because by doing this, Aquino does not only live back the aura from
the first KOMPIL but likewise shows the analogy that the Estrada
administration is a repetitive product of history and resembles that of the
dictatorial rule of former Pres. Ferdinand Marcos. Therefore, what is
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happening should be acted upon as soon as possible before it would go worse
as the Martial Law era.
The passion moving modes can be seen in the accounts in the 4th
paragraph as well as the 7th paragraph. In the 8th and 9th paragraphs, she
furthered this passion build-up by presenting the importance of the action
and support from the Filipino people. 11th paragraphs passion moving mode
explicitly addresses the president while paragraph 12 challenges the
conscience of President Estrada by presenting the feelings and current status
of the welfare of the Filipino people. At the same time that she is challenging
the conscience of Estrada she is likewise agitating the Filipino people by
showing right on each and everyones faces the effects of the presidents
pseudo-dictatorial anomalous rule. This mode of challenging the presidents
conscience simultaneous with the agitation of the masses continues to
reverberate till paragraph 16.
Paragraphs 17 to 19 tends to enlighten Estrada about Aquinos
perception of his claimed class war between the rich and poor clearing out
that the far worse side in this story is Pres. Estrada himself because of his evil
wrongdoings. The succeeding paragraphs till the end is not that anymore
directed to Estrada rather it is a message and a persuasive call for action of
the people.
Paragraphs 21 to 28 are witty models aimed to combine the
argumentative and pathetic in a hodgepodge. For the argumentative, Aquino
presents the contemporary picture of dooming Philippines caused by the
inefficiencies and anomalous rule of President Estrada that if not acted upon
the immediate time possible it will cause the doom not for the country alone
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but to the citizens and their futures as well. As for the pathetic, she induces
passions as well as conscience-challenging strategies and tactics.
Besides the fact that the speech has gained a strong edifice to
persuade the addressed parties, I would like to stress out the presence of
code-mixing. This mode of mixing Filipino and English codes, this speech has
obtained a greater impact to a broader number of people, not only for the
middle classes and elites but likewise to the masses--- the totality of the
Filipino people. All of this in the pursuance of the occasion: to convene, to
unite and to fight together against the Estradas pseudo-dictatorial rule that
suppresses the democracy of the people.
Delivered on the 4th day of November during the Prayer Rally held in
the EDSA Shrine, another speech that ignited the spark of the coming of the
second EDSA revolution is on the line. This speech is just five days interval
from the speech, Between Right and Wrong. Again, this is delivered in the
walls of the EDSA as the venue. Seemingly, it does embody the same
ambience as the aforementioned speech, Praying for Enlightenment. The
speech was addressed for the Filipino people, to call for their participation
towards the fight to restore democracy and to make the president leave his
post. This assumption can likewise be reflected in the implication created by
the term EDSA, not to mention the occasion where this speech is called for
--- a prayer rally.
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Rallies are generally done to call the attention of a high office, in this
context, the government. Rallies are avenue for people to flag their
perspectives and advocacies over a certain issues. Prayer is a different thing.
It is a something of divinity that is subjective to every individual, but is
generally something of pathetic category. We could deem here that the event
itself is a perfect venue for the powerful mash-up of the argumentative
(represented by the rallies, which is evident-exposing and agitating) and
pathetic (represented by the prayers/element of Church that is conscience-
challenging and moving).
Just like the previous speech, Between Right and Wrong, the speech
makes use of mixed Filipino and English codes. This can be deeply rooted in
the purpose of the speech as well as the venue, EDSA Shrine. The venue of
the occasion implies that the speaker is in a free country and in a democratic
scenario to shout out her advocacies and to further persuade others to be
part of this democratic struggle.
At the onset of the speech, it talks about the connotative implication of
the shrine. In the succeeding parts of the speech, it utilizes modes to get
through the pathetic faculty with her prayers (paragraphs 2 to 4) and good-
natured black mails directed towards Estrada (paragraphs 5 to 9). However,
Aquino changes the course of addressing Estrada. In paragraphs 10 to 14,
she is becoming gradually harsh and frank to Estrada exposing the causes
and effects of the turmoil that the Filipino people are facing.
The next two paragraphs explicitly call for the support of the military
and police force, a vital element that the Palace holds on tightly. This plea for
the military and police force support is strategically included in the speech for
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the assumption that Aquino as well as the other members of the opposition
would really want to leave the administration helpless.
The following paragraphs are likewise explicitly directed to Estrada,
with emphasis on its constitutional tone during the 18th paragraph. The
Constitution, being the most powerful law that governs any state, is a mode
of evidence that can question the legality of the Estrada administration. Also,
it is the governing abstract that rules higher than the president. Likewise,
Aquino pronounces her requests of immediate action from President Estrada
in paragraph 22 to 24. This particularly pertains to his safe and peaceful
resignation as the head of state.
After these strong assertions, she turns to her prime goal in this
speech: to mobilize the people. She echoes her call for the action of the
Filipino populace, again through the argumentative and pathetic modes. She
even uses accounts of tried and tested preservation and restoration of
democracy to further agitate and persuade people to get mobilized. This
accounts led to her gratification of the presence and efforts of Jaime Cardinal
Sin. Seemingly, this gratification has a two-way purpose: to gratify Cardinal
Sin and to make people see that people who have done much to restore
democracy are honored, in this way more people are encouraged to be part
of this advocacy to uplift and to preserve the democracy.
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As part of the rampant campaign against the administration of Pres.
Estrada, former President Cory Aquino speaks to different sectors to persuade
them to be part of their democratic restoration against the hands of President
Estrada. This speech was delivered during the Luncheon Dialogue with the
Business Associations13 at the Hotel Intercontinental, Makati City on
November 17, 2000. Purposely, this luncheon dialogue is called for to
convene the leaders of the business community regarding the current issue
the country is facing, the presidency of Pres. Joseph Estrada.
The speech is written and delivered in a pure English code. She makes
us of a language fitted for her audience. Analyzing the composition of the
audience, I can say that the Philippine business sector is not just consisted of
Filipino businessmen. It may further pertain to other nationals venturing in
the country and even to those future ventures in the Philippine economy.
Therefore, the language that Cory is using must be a language that is
universally directing.
The speech opens with an attempt to inform the business sector about
the cause of the political crisis that the country is facing. Appeal to the
pathetic is applied in the first paragraph as it speaks of credibility,
independence and integrity.
This is followed by agitating the business sector through the
presentation of the fact that Estrada is violating the Constitution. This
agitation successfully supplemented the introduction of the call for action
towards the sector. Evidences together with the inclusions of the economic
perspective which is stated in fifth paragraph are presented. I presume that
13 This luncheon dialogue is initiated by Jaime Augusto de Ayala.
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Cory chose to give emphasis on the economical effects of the political crisis
since it is where those business associations are most interested of. Aquino
further agitates her audience by recounting the issue of class war claimed by
President Estrada. This claim says that the political crisis is the upper
classes/elites way of disrupting his utopian plans for the masses. Of course,
the business associations hearing these would claim that theyre not. With
this light, Aquino imparts various ways against this Estradas assumption of
the class wars. Thence so, she suggested practical and concrete ways to
eradicate the impression. These suggestions that she imparted are
prioritizing social development, investing to existing programs that tends to
alleviate poverty, forming foundations, educating social responsibility to the
youth, giving budget allocations for more social development projects,
encouraging the company to voluntarism and emanating the value of social
development & responsibility through media.
Increment to this, she recounts historical accounts when she was still a
president and compared it with how President Estradas administration treats
social development & responsibility.
Having been able to construct a strong edifice for her arguments and
persuasive motives, she addresses and calls for immediate action to
everyone. And with this, she mentioned people power. She tags it as a vital
element towards creating a responsible, caring and sharing society. And by
people power, it does not only mean to pertain to the masses or the elite
alone. It must be the powerful combination of both. This answers the question
of why this occasion is called for.
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She strengthened this claim by citing the importance of the immediate
action (paragraph 21). As it was nearing the conclusion of the speeches,
Aquino seals her words through entreaties and prayers.
It is still part of the chronicles of ousting the Estrada administration.
This speech is delivered in a particular rally wherein Jaime Cardinal Sin,
former President Cory Aquino and former President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
(Vice President during those times) are invited to speak. This speech was
delivered at the Malate Church Plaza, Manila on December 7, 2000, wherein
most of the participants were people from Catholic schools.
The speech is code-mixed. This may be in consideration of the
addressees welfare. As aforementioned, most of the participants are people
from Catholic schools. Therefore, the composition of audience may range to
the students, the teachers, the nuns and friars, the school administrators etc.
Likewise, the venue (which is a church plaza) implies that it is large gathering
that caters to an open public. Therefore, Aquino may not approximate or limit
her audience to just the people from the Catholic schools. It can be anyone so
better it is delivered in a code-mixed (English and Filipino) way.
The speech opens with a recollection of the recent past prayers/prayer
rallies wherein passions such as strength, wisdom, truth and justice are
roused. Furthermore, the victory of the unified efforts and prayers aimed to
preserve democracy is recalled and celebrated (paragraph 6). I may say that
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this reiteration serves foregrounds for agitation and empowerment that are
to be embedded in the succeeding parts of the speech.
After setting up the mood, Aquino presented the real agenda of the
talk: the pursuit of the presidents resignation. Addressing it to the people,
the aforementioned modes of agitation as well as the presentation of the real
agenda can be equated to the continuous call for the peoples participation in
this struggle against the contemporary political crisis. Addressing it to Pres.
Estrada, proofs like the constitutionality of his presidency tends to convince
his moral judgment to go with the resignation in order for him to be saved
from much more humiliation. In the other side, the idea of deeming
resignation as a final act of service to the nation somehow tries to move his
passion to go with the resignation for it is an act of honor.
Aquino likewise utilizes an effective allegory to prove that President
Estrada is a bad president and further strengthen her case ----- the allegory of
the caring President. The allegory is a description of the image of a good
President, a President that tends to negate the image of Estrada as the
President. Her accusations also contain moral deepening when she addressed
the plea of the people to the President. (Paragraphs 16 to 22)
In agitating the people, she continues to uplift the high passions
contained in the mindset of the people through the inclusion of what will
happen to their futures if the Presidents act will be tolerated. This also led to
the threats to Estradas future if he does not make himself accountable for all
these political crises and its after-effects that are happening during that time.
After agitating the people addressed in this speech, Aquino reverberate her
purposed immediate action called upon: the senators cooperation towards
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this goal to oust Estrada out of office, the appearances of witness that could
further strengthen the grounds for Estradas impeachment and the continued
prayer, cooperation and watchfulness on the part of the Filipino people.
The spark of the first EDSA started with the assassination of the
forerunner that will be leading the country against the Marcos dictatorial rule.
His death shoved his wife, former Pres. Cory Aquino to the limelight of politics
and the chronicles of democracy restoration started here. Three years from
that assassination the marked in the minds of the Filipinos is another
historical spectacle. This historical spectacle was led and anchored by the
Jaime Cardinal Sin, Cory Aquino and the Filipino people. History repeats itself
in the birth of EDSA II, the death of the pseudo-dictatorial, extravagant and
anomalous rule of Pres. Joseph Estrada. It is again through the unending
efforts and dedication to preserve democracy by Cardinal Sin, Aquino and the
Filipino people. And here comes a celebration of the triumph of democracy
over suppressive rule and presidential inaccountabilities.
Former President Cory Aquino, along with Jaime Cardinal Sin, is chosen
by the Parangal ng Ateneo as awardees for the Tanglaw ng Bayan14. Cory
14It was the first time that the Parangal ng Ateneo would award the Tanglaw ng Bayan. Thiswas awarded by the following Jesuits institutions: Ateneo de Manila University, Ateneo de Zamboanga,
Xavier University, Sacred Heart School, Ateneo de Davao, Ateneo de Naga, Xavier School and Santa
Maria Catholic School.
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delivers a speech in acceptance for this award. This happened during the
Parangal ng Ateneo awarding ceremony during the 20th day of February, 1981
at the Ateneo de Manila University.
Aquino is not anymore in the mood of ousting the president. By this
point of time, Estrada is already out of office and Vice President then, former
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo takes post.
The opening statements of the acceptance of the award speech speak
of praises. At the beginning, Aquino praises Cardinal Sin and followed by the
inclusion of the award giving body that granted them the honor of having the
award. Nevertheless, the course of praising turned to the Filipino people
(turning point on last part of 2nd paragraph).
This mode is similar with the way she accepted the Ramon Magsaysay
award for International Understanding. She recycled her phrase accept the
award on behalf of. In praising the Filipino people, she does not only praise
and gratifies the participation of the Filipinos in the success of the two EDSA
Revolutions. This participation is equated to the attribution of people as
becoming the most powerful element of the society and how people
determine sovereignty. Her assertion is supported by her citation of the
phrase we, the people in the Constitutions preamble. She even
expounded this citation into an analogy that this phrase is not just the
stronghold where the countrys Constitution stands but likewise, it is a
constant reminder of the accountability of the leaders of the country to the
Filipino people. To further exemplify the celebration of the people power, she
tells accounts in history how people power took effect over personal
interests. Some of these accounts are the largest electoral mandate that
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brought Estrada to presidency and the recent people power mandate that
ousted him out of his presidential post, the resistance against attempts to
change the constitution for term extensions and the response over Ninoys
assassination.
Aquinos speech fed the celebrated outraged citizenry during the
aftermaths of the EDSA II or People Power II. Citing different points of history
where people power took eminence is a witty way to uplift and to glorify the
Filipino people. Likewise, it tends to persuade and remind the Filipino people
to continue becoming watchful and arduous defendants of democracy and to
do what is always righteous.
AnalysEs and genera l conc lus ions
The rhetorical philosophies of George Campbell imply that the perfect
combination to create a distinguishable excellence in the knowledge of
speaking is the incorporation of the argumentative and the pathetic. In order
to influence someones will and persuade someone towards a certain action
he/she needs to incorporate modes that tend to convince the judgment and
to interest the passions at the same time. Through this powerhouse
combination, the speaker will be able to evict contention and obtain the
supreme qualification to persuade. With these two embedded in ones words
and speech acts, he/she can bear down every obstacle and bequeath him/her
an irresistible power over his/her audience.
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A speaker may therefore make use of various passions that elevates
the soul and incites action. Some of these are hope, patriotism, ambition,
anger, etc. Likewise passions like joy, love, esteem and compassion induces
action by operating on our will. These passions should be rightfully mixed
with arguments, the fittest for producing the desired end.
To maximize the application of passions in a speakers persuasion,
he/she must take in consideration different circumstances that operate on
passion. These are probability (evidence), plausibility (natural and feasible),
importance (add brightness and strength), proximity of time (recency),
connection (links), power of relation (person concerned attached to scene of
action) and interest (the most important of all).
Applying these philosophies in the speeches of former Pres. Corazon
Cory Aquino, I can say that she was able to master and utilize Campbells
philosophies in perfect metamorphosis. This can be supported by a lot of
evidences in her speeches.
She uses a lot of passion-moving and will-influencing modes in her
speeches. As you can see in the transcript of her speeches, she always talks
about ideas like peace, love, love of country (patriotism), strength, freedom,
justice, wisdom, fear, rage, honor, hope, righteousness and many more.
But though she makes use of a lot of abstract ideas like these, she
substantiates these together with logical arguments. She backs up her
statements with things that happen in reality. That is why as you may notice,
she always historizes in her speeches. Some of the accounts of history that
she frequently uses and is visible in the ten selected speeches are the horrors
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of Martial Law (proofs of effects of a dictatorial or anomalous presidential rule
that is used in the speeches nearing the EDSA II), the enlightenment and
mobilization sparked by the assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr. (proofs that
history or a historical spectacle can shape a nation that is used in speeches
aimed at empowering the Filipino people to become part of the democratic
struggle to defend sovereignty) and, the victory of People Power I or EDSA I
(proofs that people power is the most powerful force that could exist in a
state that is used to mobilize or agitate the Filipino people against dictatorial
rule and that is likewise used in speeches to celebrate the triumph of
democracy and to live up the people power over the presidency of Estrada).
Definitely, it is not only the evidence that backs up the passions
presented by Aquino. You can see that her line of speech acts is also backed
up by the citation of the importance of the call for action. Most of the times,
importance goes hand-in-hand with the challenge of the speaker towards
his/her listeners. This mode recurs in different parts of Aquinos speeches and
usually appears after the call for action is presented.
Another tactic Aquino employs in her speeches is the use of
connections. She often use analogies just like the analogy linking cheating to
Martial Law rule and charter-change maneuvers that was used in The Next
Trial for Democracy and her witty allegories just like the allegory of the
Caring President employed in the Quick, Peaceful and Just Resolution.
In terms of the power of relation, Aquino seriously takes this in
consideration. This can be reflected in the numerous times she mentioned
Ninoy when it comes to democracy restoration for Ninoy had been a model
and hero of this endeavor to restore democracy and fight for freedom. He
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had died because of his opposing ideologies with the Marcos administration.
Another concrete model of this circumstance is Marcos that in contrast with
Ninoys images application is applied to pertain to dictatorial reign and
suppressive rule. That is why she equates Estrada with Marcos. This may
create an effect that they are congruent and that Estradas administration
will just result to the same suppression and doom experienced by the
Philippines during the rule of Martial Law. Another link that she did was when
she compared President Estradas reign to hers, in terms of social
development and responsibility this is to show how the Estrada
administration undermined or less prioritize a vital element of society. All of
these are intelligently embedded in Aquinos speeches.
Of course, Aquino in her persuasive speeches would want to rouse the
interest of the masses or the totality of the Filipino race. This rousing of
interest is prerequisite to meet the ends of her speech acts. Reading the
speeches, you can see that each of these speeches is serving a certain
interest.
With all these implications and artful results of her speech acts, what
do you think would be Aquinos underlying end that she is trying to meet in
her rhetoric?
I have come up with the hypothesis that she would want to establish
an image of a preserver of democracy, that resembles with that of Ninoys
established image as democratic restoration personified. She would want to
make herself an emblem of democracy. These are the basis for my
hypothesis:
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I divided the ten speeches into three categories. First, there are the
speeches that call for action: The Next Trial of Democracy, Nurturing New
Leaders beyond Politics, Praying for Enlightenment, Between Right and
Wrong, Quick, Peaceful and Just Revolution, Towards a Responsible Society
and We Demand for Truth,We Call for Justice. The next cluster would be the
one that promotes goodwill: Building Homes, Building Lives. Last group would
be the celebration of the triumph of democracy, the speeches delivered
during award nights: For Ninoy and the People and People Power 2.
As you can see, there are three subdivisions of speeches these are
according to the would-be goals to be met by each speeches: which are
calling for action, promoting goodwill and exemplifying democracy
respectively. These speeches are delivered in different occasions despite the
fact that some came from the same cluster because they do have similar
goals to be meet. In spite of this variety in the occasion and goals of her
speeches, each have the similar underlying goal and that is to restore and
emanate the power of democracy.
You can see that these call for action speeches are directed toward
something. They are directed to eradicate the irresponsible and anomalous
rule that threatens democracy and peoples sovereignty. It can be a logical
reason why former President Aquino is that much agitated with the Estrada
administration because it tends to dilute the democracy that shed the lives of
many including his beloved husband and it tends to eradicate the hope that
democracy is endowing to the people.
With the promotion of goodwill, we can take a look back to the speech
that findings and even the speech itself say that the goodwill is for the
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preservation and application of democracy, the idea of people power to
alleviate poverty.
Meanwhile, in terms of the exemplification of the triumph of
democracy in the acceptance of award speeches, Aquino may be trying to
emanate the power of democracy, particularly the Philippine democracy, to
the international scene. Likewise, venues to honor the persons who did much
to restore democracy is a living inspiration to others to be part of this
democratic restoration and struggle by doing their little parts.
Furthermore, despite the speeches varied purposes they all dwell into
one single purpose: to always persuade people to be part of the advocacy in
restoring and exercising democracy. This might be the core foreground where
the Rhetoric of Cory Aquino stands. Also, this claim is evident in the way that
the three categories of rhetoric define the baseline, all for the pursuit of
democracy. Likewise, this can be found in the key or mood upheld by the
speeches of Aquino that are generally in a persuasive tone.
Subsequent to my first proof regarding my hypothesis, I would like to
support it by saying that Aquino employs different modes to establish this
image that Im pertaining above. This is likewise reflected in her speeches.
She recounts the positive points during her administration. One
example is when she compared the Estrada administration to her. She
promotes image of being the embodiment of democracy through constant
reiteration of democracy and democracy restoration as if she was the living
concept and artifice of democracy (this is inherent with her speech, People
Power 2).
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Another thing is that when she digresses in her speech, Building
Homes,Building Lives. The goodwill speech that should be intended for the
organization slips off to promote goodwill about her and her charities. Like
this incidents, she cited much about her term during her speech, Nurturing
New Leaders beyond Politics, while she intends to discuss the effects of
globalization.
Probably, the strongest thing that could prove my hypothesis that
Aquino would want to make herself an emblem of democracy is her success
as a Filipino speaker.
Going back to the George Campbells rhetorical philosophies, it is
implied that the perfect combination to create a distinguishable excellence in
speaking is the incorporation of the argumentative and the pathetic. Through
this powerhouse combination, the speaker will be able to evict contention
and obtain the supreme qualification to persuade. With these two embedded
in ones words and speech acts, he/she can bear down every obstacle and
bequeath him/her an irresistible power over his/her audience. From this, we
could equate this to the character of Cory Aquino.
From the plain housewife of a liberator she grew to become a liberator
herself. She was able to establish a lasting legacy that lives up until today
and emanates even in her children---the cory magic. Her persuasive powers
has surpassed trials of history just like the nine coup attempts during her
term and the rebuilding challenge from the aftermath of a dictatorial rule. As
for now, Cory Aquino has left but is now living a legacy that would forever
perpetuate through the Cory Magic lived by her rhetoric.
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Anshen, F. & Sutherland, R. (1989). Language in Social Contexts. InDobrovolsky. Contemporary Linguistics. New York: St. Martins Press.
Aquino, C. (2002). Inspiration and Images: Selected Speeches and Paintings.Makati City: Benigno S. Aquino Jr. Foundation, Inc.
Grolier Encyclopedia of Knowledge. (1994). Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier Inc.
OGrady,W. (1989). Specialization. In Dobrovolsky. Contemporary Linguistics.New York: St. Martins Press.
Quezon III, M. (2002). 20 Speeches that Moved a Nation. Pasig City: AnvilPublishing
Sanders, K. & Kaid, L. (1978). Political Communication Theory and Research:An Overview 1976-1977. In Ruben. Communication Yearbook 2. USA:ICA.
Thonssen, L. (1942). George Campbell. In Thonssen. Selected Readings inRhetoric and Public Speaking. New York: The H.W. Wilson Company
Van Dijk, T. (1998). Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Routledge & KeganPaul.
Walzer, A. (2003). George Campbell: Rhetoric in the Age of Enlightenment.New York: State University of New York.
Toastmasters International. (n.d.). Handbook on Public Speaking.
ELECTRONIC REFERENCES
Bacani Jr., C., & Sicam, P. (2002). Essential Cory Aquino. Retrieved September15, 2010, from Cory Aquino: http://www.coryaquino.ph/section.asp?
id=44
George Campbell biography. (n.d.). Retrieved September 28, 2010, from The
Ohio State University: http://people.cohums.ohio-
state.edu/Ulman1/Campbell/Campbell_bio.htm
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Political Parties. (n.d.). Retrieved September 30, 2010, from Wikipedia:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_Parties
THE NEXT TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY
Ecumencial Prayer Service for Clean and Honest Elections, Manila CathedralNovember 20, 1997
Paragraph 1: The aim of democracy is freedom the freedom to think, tospeak, to act and to choose. But the essence of democracy is elections the right to vote. And, the right to have the President, the Vice-President, the Congress and the local officials, who have garnered thehighest number of votes from the people. The choices of the peopleand not dagdag-bawas operations.
Paragraph 2: We opposed martial law because it did away with our right tochange and elect the government of our choice.
Paragraph 3: We defeated self-serving Charter changes because certainofficials tried to do away with elections through term extension or byentrenching a government in power so long, it would eventually doaway with elections.
Paragraph 4: Like martial law, like dictatorial charter-change maneuvers,cheating also takes away our right to vote, and defeats our prerogativeto be governed by people we really chose.
Paragraph 5: Cheating is as bad as martial law and self-serving charterchanges. Cheating insults us and makes fools of us. It gives us a
government that pretends it is our own, making us wonder if we havethe moral right to fight it.
Paragraph 6: We are gathered here to fight a great danger to democracy. Weare here to fight cheating in the 1998 elections. We are here to makesure that the next man who takes his oath as our next President willnot be laughing at us, because he did not really win the election; heand his cohorts just bought it.
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Paragraph 7: Of course, it is very important to choose the right candidates inthe next elections. But it is infinitely more important to respect thepeople's choice, whoever she or he may be. And that means cleanelections.
Paragraph 8: As we prepare for the elections of 1998, let us all pray togetherand work together for clean elections. We must be ready to fight andcommit ourselves to stand long hours and watch long nights for thesafety of our ballots and the integrity of their count.
Paragraph 9: Almighty God, have mercy on us and bless us with Your loveand peace. Give us the intelligence, the fortitude, the patience andthe strength to acquit ourselves well in the next trial of ourdemocracy. And, most Loving Father, give us men and women ofconscience to govern us again.
Paragraph 10: God, save our country.
FOR NINOY AND THE PEOPLE
Ramon Magsaysay Awards, ManilaAugust 31, 1998
Paragraph 1: It is never too late to advance the cause of democracy byhonoring its struggles and celebrating its victories. For somewhere inthe world, there are always women and men who see what their jailerscannot, through the bars or their prison: in the distant triumphs of
democracy the hope of freedom.
Paragraph 2: There is never a wrong time to honor courage, conviction andright, because these qualities are always in short supply yet ever ininfinite demand, wherever freedom is sought and democracy isthreatened.
Paragraph 3: Every tribute advances these causes, encourages thesequalities, and brings so much closer their victory and vindication.
Paragraph 4: I accept this award on behalf of those great individuals who firstglimpsed the potential of peace at a time when the conventionalwisdom prescribed force for the attainment of justice, and war for theachievement of freedom.
Paragraph 5: I accept this award on behalf of that man, who having readabout this vision of the power of peace, dared to put it into practice inthe age of extremes in which he live and in the face of theannihilation he read in the eyes of his escorts.
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Paragraph 6: I accept this award on behalf of those people, who seeing withtheir own eyes, on the tarmac of the Manila International Airport, howviolence answers peace and force reacts to fortitude, yet dared torepeat the example of that man first each person by himself, thenall together in the millions.
Paragraph 7: I accept this award on behalf of those women and men today,who still dare to make the same fateful commitment to People Power,despite its uneven record of success. For every EDSA, Prague andBerlin, there has been an East Timor, a Rangoon and a TienanmenSquare.
Paragraph 8: I accept the Ramon Magsaysay Award with humility in the lightof history's most earth-shaking yet peaceful events Gandhigathering a handful of salt, that unknown Chinese blocking a column oftanks with only a brief-case of officework in his hand, Nelson Mandela
putting 27 years of imprisonment behind him to lead all South Africans black and white, his jailers and their victims to a greater country.
Paragraph 9: I accept this award on behalf of the man who perhaps mostdeserved it, because he idolized and served President RamonMagsaysay and paid The Guy the ultimate tribute of imitation by givinghis life for his country.
Paragraph 10: I accept this award on behalf of the Filipino People whofollowed in Ninoy's potentially fatal footsteps and proved whatNinoyalways believed about them: THE FILIPINO IS WORTH DYINGFOR.
Paragraph 11: I accept this award on behalf of the people of Burma who havehad a longer and bloodier road to freedom than we had travelled, butwho plod on regardless.
Paragraph 12: I accept this award, finally, for my five children, Ballsy, Pinky,Noy-Noy, Viel and Kris, whose unquestioning support anduncomplaining sacrifices, gave me the strength to complete what myhusband began and my people continued: the victory of People Powerfor democracy.
Paragraph 13: I thank with all my heart Mrs. Luz Magsaysay and her family,
the trustees of the Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation and all thepeople who have been praying for me and with me. Maraming salamatpo!
BUILDING HOMES, BUILDING LIVES
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Wenceslao Village, San Roque Dau I, Lubao, PampangaDecember 16, 1999
Paragraph 1:Today, we, the trustees of the Sulung Pampanga Foundation arehappy to inaugurate fifty additional houses in Wenceslao Village. We
are truly proud to be able to contribute our humble share to therebuilding of this new community.
Paragraph 2: Supporting this very laudable initiative was an easy decision forall of us in Sulung Pampanga Foundation. We are very impressed bythe holistic approach of community building implemented in thisproject which has been designed not just to build houses but toreconstruct the spiritual, psycho-emotional, social, physical,environmental and economic make-up of displaced families.
Paragraph 3: We are in great admiration of the untiring work of the men andwomen of the Social Action Center of Pampanga (SACOP) under theleadership of His Grace, Archbishop Paciano Aniceto.
Paragraph 4: Of course, all of these would not have been possible without thegenerous donation of the property of the de Mesa sisters, Diana, Rubyand Erlinda.
But this success formula need not be exclusive to Pampanga. It is my hopethat successful initiatives like this can be replicated in other towns and citiesto address our nation's massive housing backlog and its attendant socio-economic problems.
Paragraph 5: For our part, we of the Sulung Pampanga Foundation will studyways and means to propagate this kind of project in the future.
Paragraph 6: Today, however, I would like to acknowledge the active andselfless participation of the people of Sulung Pampanga Foundation.
Paragraph 7: Let me make special mention of Sulung Pampanga's President,Mr. Menardo Jimenez, big boss of GMA-7 who called me up a few yearsago to express his desire to be involved in a major undertaking toextend assistance to the victims of Mt. Pinatubo eruption. I in turncontacted my good friend, the late Bren Guiao and it was on hisrecommendation that we organized the Sulung Pampanga Foundation,
together with other concerned citizens, like Secretary Jose T. Pardo,Antonio Cojuangco, Ping de Jesus, Chito Sobrepena representingGeorge Ty of Metrobank and my nephew Rapa Lopa.
Paragraph 8: I also would like to take this opportunity in behalf of SulungPampanga, to thank our generous friends for supporting our programin helping the victims of the Mount Pinatubo eruption. Among ourdonors are: Alcatel, GMA Foundation, the Metrobank Foundation, Inc.,
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PLDT Foundation, Project Silungan Foundation, PAGCOR, SANYOPhilippines and SGS Far East Limited.
Paragraph 9: All of us in civil society, in the business sector, in religiouscongregations, as well as government leaders and workers in ourrespective communities have to pitch in to get things moving.
Paragraph 10: People Power gave US our finest hour in EDSA. With ourvibrant democracy restored, let us now use People Power to help ourless fortunate countrymen achieve a more dignified and progressivelife.
Paragraph 11:Thank you and good day.
NURTURING NEW LEADERS BEYOND POLITICS
First International Conference of Asian Political Parties, Manila HotelSeptember 18, 2000
Paragraph 1: Ladies and Gentlemen: I have come here to extend my goodwishes to all of you who are participating in the First InternationalConference of Asian Political Parties. I also welcome this opportunityto share with you some thoughts on the issues facing us today in Asiaand in the rest of the world, and what organized groups such aspolitical parties can do about them.
Paragraph 2: This meeting of Asian political parties attended by theirrepresentatives is happening at a time of crisis for the poor peoples onthis earth. This is not to say that the poor are not in perpetual crisis so needy are they of material resources and services, and so meager isthe response of governments. But they are even more at risk at thistime as the world grapples with the phenomenon of globalization.
Paragraph 3: The globalization of trade, of products and of services, hasmade the products of industry available almost anywhere in the wor