SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND INTERACTION 4 IN …fasnafan.tripod.com/socialstructure.pdf · Dramaturgical...

4S O C I A L S T R U C T U R E

A N D I N T E R A C T I O N

I N E V E R Y D AY L I F E

Social Structure: The Macrolevel Perspective

Components of Social StructureStatusRolesGroupsSocial Institutions

Societies: Changes in Social StructureMechanical and Organic SolidarityGemeinschaft and GesellschaftSocial Structure and Homelessness

Social Interaction: The Microlevel PerspectiveSocial Interaction and MeaningThe Social Construction of RealityEthnomethodologyDramaturgical AnalysisThe Sociology of EmotionsNonverbal Communication

Changing Social Structure and Interaction in the Future

I BEGAN DUMPSTER DIVING [scavenging ina large garbage bin] about a year before Ibecame homeless. . . . The area I frequent isinhabited by many affluent college students.I am not here by chance; the Dumpsters inthis area are very rich. Students throw outmany good things, including food. In partic-ular they tend to throw everything out whenthey move at the end of a semester, beforeandafter breaks, and around midterm, when manyof them despair of college. So I find it advanta-geous to keep an eye on the academic calendar.I learned to scavenge gradually, on my own.Sincethen I have initiated several companions into thetrade. I have learned that there is a predictableseries of stages a person goes through in learning to scavenge.

At first the new scavenger is filled with disgustand self-loathing. He is ashamed of being seen andmay lurk around, trying to duck behind things, orhe may dive at night. (In fact, most people instinc-tively look away from a scavenger. By skulkingaround, the novice calls attention to himself andarouses suspicion. Diving at night is ineffectiveand needlessly messy.) . . . That stage passes withexperience. The scavenger finds a pair of run-ning shoes that fit and look and smell brand-new. . . . He begins to understand: Peoplethrow away perfectly good stuff, a lot of per-fectly good stuff.

At this stage, Dumpster shyness begins todissipate. The diver, after all, has the lastlaugh. He is finding all manner of goodthings that are his for the taking. Those whodisparage his profession are the fools, not he.

—AUTHOR LARS EIGHNER recalling his experiences

as a Dumpster diver while living under a shower

curtain in a stand of bamboo in a public park.

Eighner became homeless when he was evicted from

his “shack” after being unemployed for about a

year. (Eighner, 1993: 111–119)

Eighner’s “diving” activities reflect a specificpattern of social behavior. All activities in life—including scavenging in garbage bins and living“on the streets”—are social in nature. Homelesspersons and domiciled persons (those withhomes) live in social worlds that have pre-dictable patterns of social interaction. Socialinteraction is the process by whichpeople act toward or respond toother people and is the foundation for allrelationships and groups in society. In thischapter, we look at the relationship betweensocial structure and social interaction. In theprocess, homelessness is used as an exampleof how social problems occur and may beperpetuated within social structures andpatterns of interaction.

Social structure is the stable pat-tern of social relationships that existwithin a particular group or society.This structure is essential for the survival ofsociety and for the well-being of individualsbecause it provides a social web of familial

support and social relationships that connectseach of us to the larger society. Many homelesspeople have lost this vital linkage. As a result,

they often experience a loss of personal dignityand a sense of moral worth because of their

“homeless” condition (Snow and Anderson, 1993).Who are the homeless? Before reading on, take

the quiz on homelessness in Box 4.1. The characteris-tics of the homeless population in the United Statesvary widely. Among the homeless are single men,single women, and families. In recent years, familieshave accounted for almost half of the homeless popu-lation (U.S. Conference of Mayors, 1996). Further,people of color are overrepresented among thehomeless. In 1996, African Americans made up 57 percent of the homeless population, whites (Cau-casians) 30 percent, Latinas/os (Hispanics) 10 per-

cent, Native Americans 2 percent, and AsianAmericans 1 percent (U.S. Conference of Mayors,1996). These percentages obviously vary acrosscommunities and different areas of the country.

Homeless persons come from all walks of life.They include aliens, parolees, runaway youthsand children, Vietnam veterans, the elderly, andformer flower children. They live in cities, suburbs,and rural areas (U.S. Department of Agriculture,1996). Contrary to popular myths, most of thehomeless are not on the streets by choice or be-cause they were deinstitutionalized by mental hos-pitals. Not all of the homeless are unemployed.About 20 percent of homeless people hold full- or part-time jobs but earn too little to find anaffordable place to live (U.S. Conference of Mayors, 1996).

QUESTIONS AND ISSUES

CHAPTER FOCUS QUESTION: How is homelessness re-lated to the social structure of a society?

What are the components of social structure?

How do societies maintain social solidarity and continueto function in times of rapid change?

Why do societies have shared patterns of social interaction?

How are daily interactions similar to being onstage?

Do positive changes in society occur through individualefforts or institutional efforts?

SOCIAL STRUCTURE: THEMACROLEVEL PERSPECTIVE

Social structure provides the framework withinwhich we interact with others. This framework isan orderly, fixed arrangement of parts that togethermake up the whole group or society (see Figure4.1). At the macrolevel, the social structure of asociety has several essential elements: social insti-tutions, groups, statuses, roles, and norms.

Functional theorists emphasize that socialstructure is essential because it creates order andpredictability in a society (Parsons, 1951). Socialstructure is also important for our human develop-ment. As we saw in Chapter 3, we develop a self-concept as we learn the attitudes, values, and be-haviors of the people around us. When theseattitudes and values are part of a predictable struc-ture, it is easier to develop that self-concept.

Social structure gives us the ability to interpretthe social situations we encounter. For example,we expect our families to care for us, our schools toeducate us, and our police to protect us. When ourcircumstances change dramatically, most of us feelan acute sense of anxiety because we do not knowwhat to expect or what is expected of us. For ex-ample, newly homeless individuals may feel disori-ented because they do not know how to functionin their new setting. The person is likely to won-der, “How will I survive on the streets?” and“Where do I go to get help?” Social structure helpspeople make sense out of their environment, evenwhen they find themselves on the streets.

In addition to providing a map for our encoun-ters with others, social structure may limit our op-tions and place us in arbitrary categories not ofour own choosing. Conflict theorists maintainthat there is more to the social structure than isreadily visible and that we must explore thedeeper, underlying structures that determine so-

100 C H A P T E R F O U R / S O C I A L S T R U C T U R E A N D I N T E R A C T I O N I N E V E R Y D A Y L I F E

All activities in life—including scavenging in garbage bins and

living “on the streets”—are social in nature.

C O M P O N E N T S O F S O C I A L S T R U C T U R E 101

cial relations in a society. Karl Marx suggestedthat the way economic production is organized isthe most important structural aspect of any soci-ety. In capitalistic societies, where a few peoplecontrol the labor of many, the social structure re-flects a system of relationships of dominationamong categories of people (for example, owner–worker and employer–employee).

Social structure creates boundaries that definewhich persons or groups will be the “insiders” andwhich will be the “outsiders.” Social marginality isthe state of being part insider and part outsider inthe social structure. Sociologist Robert Park(1928) coined this term to refer to persons (suchas immigrants) who simultaneously share the lifeand traditions of two distinct groups. Social mar-ginality results in stigmatization. A stigma is anyphysical or social attribute or sign that so deval-ues a person’s social identity that it disqualifiesthat person from full social acceptance (Goffman,1963b). A convicted criminal, wearing a prisonuniform, is an example of a person who has beenstigmatized; the uniform says that the person hasdone something wrong and should not be allowedunsupervised outside the prison walls.

COMPONENTS OF SOCIALSTRUCTURE

The social structure of a society includes its socialpositions, the relationships among those positions,and the kinds of resources attached to each of thepositions. Social structure also includes all of thegroups that make up society and the relationshipsamong those groups (Smelser, 1988). We begin byexamining the social positions that are closest tothe individual.

StatusA status is a socially defined position in a groupor society characterized by certain expectations,rights, and duties. Statuses exist independently ofthe specific people occupying them (Linton,1936); the statuses of professional athlete, rockmusician, professor, college student, and homelessperson all exist exclusive of the specific individu-als who occupy these social positions. For exam-ple, although thousands of new students arrive on

HOW MUCH DO YOU KNOW ABOUT HOMELESS PERSONS?

BOX 4.1 S O C I O L O G Y A N D E V E R Y D A Y L I F E

TRUE FALSE

T F 1. Many homeless people choose to be homeless.T F 2. Homelessness is largely a self-inflicted condition.T F 3. Homeless people do not work.T F 4. Most homeless people are mentally ill.T F 5. Homeless people typically panhandle (beg for money) so that they can buy alcohol or drugs.T F 6. Most homeless people are heavy drug users.T F 7. A large number of homeless persons are dangerous.T F 8. Homeless persons have existed throughout the history of the United States.T F 9. One out of every four homeless persons is a child.T F 10. Some homeless people have attended college and graduate school.

Answers on page 102.

college campuses each year to occupy the status offirst-year student, the status of college student andthe expectations attached to that position re-mained relatively unchanged for most of the twen-tieth century.

Does the term status refer only to high-levelpositions in society? No, not in a sociologicalsense. Although many people equate the term sta-tus with high levels of prestige, sociologists use itto refer to all socially defined positions—high-rank and low-rank.

Take a moment to answer the question “Whoam I?” To determine who you are, you must thinkabout your social identity, which is derived from

the statuses you occupy and is based on your statusset. A status set is made up of all the statuses thata person occupies at a given time. For example,Maria may be a psychologist, a professor, a wife, amother, a Catholic, a school volunteer, a Texasresident, and a Mexican American. All of thesesocially defined positions constitute her status set.

ASCRIBED AND ACHIEVED STATUS Statuses are distin-guished by the manner in which we acquire them.An ascribed status is a social position conferredat birth or received involuntarily later in life,based on attributes over which the individual haslittle or no control, such as race/ethnicity, age, and


ANSWERS TO THE SOCIOLOGY QUIZ ON HOMELESS PERSONS

BOX 4.1 S O C I O L O G Y A N D E V E R Y D A Y L I F E

1. False. Less than 6 percent of all homeless people are that way by choice.2. False. Most homeless persons did not inflict upon themselves the conditions that produced their homeless-

ness. Some are the victims of child abuse or violence.3. False. Many homeless people are among the working poor. Minimum wage jobs do not pay enough for

an individual to support a family or pay inner-city rent.4. False. Most homeless people are not mentally ill; estimates suggest that about one-fourth of the homeless

are emotionally disturbed.5. False. Many homeless persons panhandle to pay for food, a bed at a shelter, or other survival needs.6. False. Most homeless people are not heavy drug users. Estimates suggest that about one-fourth of the

homeless are substance abusers. Many of these are part of the same one-fourth of the homelesswho are mentally ill.

7. False. Although an encounter with a homeless person occasionally ends in tragedy, most homeless per-sons are among the least threatening members of society. They are often the victims of crime, notthe perpetrators.

8. True. Scholars have found that homelessness has always existed in the United States. However, thenumber of homeless persons has increased or decreased with fluctuations in the national economy.In the past, individuals without homes were referred to as “hobos,” “tramps,” and “vagrants”;today, they are lumped into the category of “homeless.”

9. True. Families with children are the fastest growing category of homeless persons in the United States.The number of such families nearly doubled between 1984 and 1989, and continues to do so.Many homeless children are alone. They may be runaways or “throwaways” whose parents do notwant them to return home.

10. True. Some homeless persons have attended college and graduate school. Many have completed highschool.

Sources: Based on Kroloff, 1993; Liebow, 1993; and Snow and Anderson, 1993.


gender. For example, Maria is a female born toMexican American parents; she was assigned thesestatuses at birth. An achieved status is a social po-sition that a person assumes voluntarily as a re-sult of personal choice, merit, or direct effort.Achieved statuses (such as occupation, education,and income) are thought to be gained as a result ofpersonal ability or successful competition. Mostoccupational positions in modern societies areachieved statuses. For instance, Maria voluntarilyassumed the statuses of psychologist, professor,wife, mother, and school volunteer. However, notall achieved statuses are positions most peoplewould want to attain; being a criminal, a drug ad-dict, or a homeless person, for example, is a nega-tive achieved status.

Ascribed statuses have a significant influenceon the achieved statuses we occupy. Race/ethnic-ity, gender, and age affect each person’s opportu-nity to acquire certain achieved statuses. Thosewho are privileged by their positive ascribed sta-tuses are more likely to achieve the more presti-

gious positions in a society. Those who are disad-vantaged by their ascribed statuses may more eas-ily acquire negative achieved statuses.

MASTER STATUS If we occupy many different sta-tuses, how can we determine which is the most im-portant? According to sociologist Everett Hughes,societies resolve this ambiguity by determiningmaster statuses. A master status is the most im-portant status that a person occupies; it domi-nates all of the individual’s other statuses and isthe overriding ingredient in determining a person’sgeneral social position (Hughes, 1945). Being pooror rich is a master status that influences manyother areas of life, including health, education, andlife opportunities. Historically, the most commonmaster statuses for women have related to posi-tions in the family, such as daughter, wife, andmother. For men, occupation has usually been themost important status, although occupation is in-creasingly a master status for many women as well.“What do you do?” is one of the first questions

FamilyReligionEducationGovernmentEconomy

Family membersClose friendsPeers

SchoolsChurchesCorporations

SOCIETY

Social Institutions

TraditionalSportsMass mediaScience/medicineMilitary

Emergent

Social Groups

Primary groups Secondary groups

Statuses and Roles

OccupationEducationIncome level

Achieved statusRace/ethnicityAgeGenderClass

Ascribed status

Soc ia l S t ruc ture F rameworkF I G U R E 4 . 1

Trace your life experiences through this framework. What influence have thesecomponents had on you?

many people ask when meeting each other. Occu-pation provides important clues to a person’s edu-cational level, income, and family background. Anindividual’s race/ethnicity also may constitute amaster status in a society in which dominant groupmembers single out members of other groups as“inferior” on the basis of real or alleged physical,cultural, or nationality characteristics (see Feaginand Feagin, 1999).

Master statuses confer on people high or lowlevels of personal worth and dignity. Those are notcharacteristics that we inherently possess; they arederived from the statuses we occupy. For those whohave no residence, being a homeless person read-ily becomes a master status regardless of the per-son’s other attributes. Homelessness is a stigma-tized master status that confers disrepute on itsoccupant because domiciled people often believethat a homeless person has a “character flaw.” Thecircumstances under which someone becomeshomeless determine the extent to which that per-son is stigmatized. For example, individuals whobecome homeless as a result of natural disasters(such as a hurricane or a brush fire) are not seen ascausing their homelessness or as being a threat tothe community. Thus, they are less likely to bestigmatized. However, in cases in which homelesspersons are viewed as the cause of their own prob-lems, they are more likely to be stigmatized and

marginalized by others. Snow and Anderson(1993: 199) observed the effects of homelessnessas a master status:

It was late afternoon, and the homeless werecongregated in front of [the Salvation Armyshelter] for dinner. A school bus approachedthat was packed with Anglo junior highschool students being bused from an eastsidebarrio school to their upper-middle andupper-class homes in the city’s northwestneighborhoods. As the bus rolled by, a fusil-lade of coins came flying out the windows, asthe students made obscene gestures andshouted, “Get a job.” Some of the homelessgestured back, some scrambled for the scat-tered coins—mostly pennies—others angrilythrew the coins at the bus, and a few seemedoblivious to the encounter. For the passingjunior high schoolers, the exchange washarmless fun, a way to work off the restlessenergy built up in school; but for the home-less it was a stark reminder of their stigma-tized status and of the extent to which theyare the objects of negative attention.

STATUS SYMBOLS When people are proud of a par-ticular social status they occupy, they often chooseto use visible means to let others know about their


How does your perception of

Ruth Bader Ginsberg’s master

status change when you

compare these photographs?


position. Status symbols are material signs that in-form others of a person’s specific status. For exam-ple, just as wearing a wedding ring proclaims thata person is married, owning a Rolls-Royce an-nounces that one has “made it.”

In our daily lives, status symbols both announceour statuses and further our interactions with oth-ers. In hospitals affiliated with medical schools, thelength and color of a person’s uniform coat (wornover street clothing) indicates the individual’s sta-tus within the medical center. Physicians wearlonger white coats, medical students wear shorterwhite coats, laboratory technicians wear short bluecoats, and so forth.

Status symbols for the domiciled and for thehomeless may have different meanings. Among af-fluent persons, a full shopping cart in the grocerystore and bags of merchandise from expensive de-partment stores indicate a lofty financial position.By contrast, among the homeless, bulging shop-ping bags and overloaded grocery carts suggest acompletely different status. Carts and bags are es-sential to street life; there is no other place to keepthings, as shown by this description of Darian, ahomeless woman in New York City:

The possessions in her postal cart consist ofa whole house full of things, from pots andpans to books, shoes, magazines, toilet arti-cles, personal papers and clothing, most ofwhich she made herself. . . .

Because of its weight and size, Dariancannot get the cart up over the curb. Shekeeps it in the street near the cars. Thismeans that as she pushes it slowly up anddown the street all day long, she is living al-most her entire life directly in traffic. Shestops off along her route to sit or sleep forawhile and to be both stared at as a specta-cle and to stare back. Every aspect of her lifeincluding sleeping, eating, and going to thebathroom is constantly in public view . . . shehas no space to call her own and she neverhas a moment’s privacy. Her privacy, herhome, is her cart with all its possessions.(Rousseau, 1981: 141)

For homeless women and men, possessions are notstatus symbols as much as they are a link with thepast, a hope for the future, and a potential source

of immediate cash. As Snow and Anderson (1993:147) note, selling personal possessions is not un-common among most social classes; members ofthe working and middle classes hold garage sales,and those in the upper classes have estate sales.However, when homeless persons sell their per-sonal possessions, they do so to meet their imme-diate needs, not because they want to “cleanhouse.”

RolesRole is the dynamic aspect of a status. We occupy astatus, but we play a role (Linton, 1936). A role isa set of behavioral expectations associated with agiven status. For example, a carpenter (employee)hired to remodel a kitchen is not expected to sitdown uninvited and join the family (employer) fordinner.

Role expectation is a group’s or society’s defi-nition of the way that a specific role ought to beplayed. By contrast, role performance is how aperson actually plays the role. Role performancedoes not always match role expectation. Some sta-tuses have role expectations that are highly spe-cific, such as that of surgeon or college professor.Other statuses, such as friend or significant other,have less structured expectations. The role expec-tations tied to the status of student are more spe-cific than those for being a friend. Role expecta-tions are typically based on a range of acceptablebehavior rather than on strictly defined standards.

Our roles are relational (or complementary);that is, they are defined in the context of roles per-formed by others. We can play the role of studentbecause someone else fulfills the role of professor.Conversely, to perform the role of professor, theteacher must have one or more students.

Role ambiguity occurs when the expectations as-sociated with a role are unclear. For example, it isnot always clear when the provider–dependent as-pect of the parent–child relationship ends. Shouldit end at age eighteen or twenty-one? When a per-son is no longer in school? Different people willanswer these questions differently depending ontheir experiences and socialization, as well as onparents’ financial capability and psychologicalwillingness to continue contributing to the wel-fare of their adult children.

ROLE CONFLICT AND ROLE STRAIN Most people occupya number of statuses, each of which has numerousrole expectations attached. For example, Charlesis a student who attends morning classes at theuniversity, and he is an employee at a fast-foodrestaurant where he works from 3:00 to 10:00 P.M.He also is Stephanie’s boyfriend, and she wouldlike to see him more often. On December 7,Charles has a final exam at 7:00 P.M., when he issupposed to be working. Meanwhile, Stephanie ispressuring him to take her to a movie. To top it off,his mother calls, asking him to fly home becausehis father is going to have emergency surgery. Howcan Charles be in all of these places at once? Suchexperiences of role conflict can be overwhelming.

Role conflict occurs when incompatible roledemands are placed on a person by two or morestatuses held at the same time. When role con-flict occurs, we may feel pulled in different direc-tions. To deal with this problem, we may prioritizeour roles and first complete the one that we con-sider to be most important. Or we may compart-mentalize our lives and “insulate” our various roles(Merton, 1968). That is, we may perform the ac-tivities linked to one role for part of the day, andthen engage in the activities associated with an-other role in some other time period or elsewhere.

Role conflict may occur as a result of changingstatuses and roles in society. Research has foundthat women who engage in behavior that is gender-typed as “masculine” tend to have higher rates ofrole conflict than those who engage in traditional“feminine” behavior (Basow, 1992). According tosociologist Tracey Watson (1987), role conflict cansometimes be attributed not to the roles themselvesbut to the pressures people feel when they do notfit into culturally prescribed roles. In her study ofwomen athletes in college sports programs, Watsonfound role conflict in the traditionally incongruentidentities of being a woman and being an athlete.Even though the women athletes in her study woremakeup and presented a conventional image whenthey were not on the basketball court, their peersin school still saw them as “female jocks,” thus lead-ing to role conflict.

Whereas role conflict occurs between two ormore statuses (such as being homeless and being atemporary employee of a social services agency),role strain takes place within one status. Rolestrain occurs when incompatible demands are

built into a single status that a person occupies(Goode, 1960). For example, many women experi-ence role strain in the labor force because theyhold jobs that are “less satisfying and more stress-ful than men’s jobs since they involve less money,less prestige, fewer job openings, more career road-blocks, and so forth” (Basow, 1992: 192). Simi-larly, married women may experience more rolestrain than married men, because of work over-load, marital inequality with their spouse, exclu-sive parenting responsibilities, unclear expecta-tions, and lack of emotional support.

Recent social changes may have increased rolestrain in men. In the family, men’s traditional po-sition of dominance has eroded as more womenhave entered the paid labor force and demandedmore assistance in child-rearing and homemakingresponsibilities. Despite the role strain that somemen and women may experience in marriage, re-


How do working parents deal with competing demands on

their time and energy? What term do sociologists use to de-

scribe the situation reflected in this photograph?


cent studies indicate that married people tend tohave lower rates of alcohol and drug abuse and de-pression than single individuals (Marano, 1998).

Sexual orientation and occupation are fre-quently associated with role strain. Lesbians andgay men often experience role strain because of thepressures associated with having an identity heav-ily stigmatized by the dominant cultural group(Basow, 1992). Dentists, psychiatrists, and policeofficers have been found to experience high levelsof occupation-related role strain, which may resultin suicide. (The concepts of role orientation, roleperformance, role conflict, and role strain are illus-trated in Figure 4.2.)

ROLE EXIT Role exit occurs when people disengagefrom social roles that have been central to theirself-identity (Ebaugh, 1988). Sociologist Helen

Rose Fuchs Ebaugh studied this process by inter-viewing ex-convicts, ex-nuns, retirees, divorcedmen and women, and others who had exited vol-untarily from significant social roles. According toEbaugh, role exit occurs in four stages. The firststage is doubt, in which people experience frustra-tion or burnout when they reflect on their existingroles. The second stage involves a search for alter-natives; here, people may take a leave of absencefrom their work or temporarily separate from theirmarriage partner. The third stage is the turningpoint at which people realize that they must takesome final action, such as quitting their job or get-ting a divorce. The fourth and final stage involvesthe creation of a new identity.

Exiting the “homeless” role often is very difficult.The longer a person remains on the streets, themore difficult it becomes to exit this role. Personal

Role Expectation: a group’s or society’sdefinition of the way a specific role oughtto be played.

Role Performance: how a person actuallyplays a role.

Role Conflict: occurs when incompatibledemands are placed on a person by twoor more statuses held at the same time.

Role Strain: occurs when incompatibledemands are built into a single status thatthe person holds.

Oh, yes, ProfessorBright. I know theanswer, which is...

Do I need to knowthat concept in orderto pass this course?

I appreciate you lettingme have Thursday offfrom work so I can studyfor my sociology exam!

Being a student is alot more stressful thanI thought it would be!

Ro le Expec ta t ion , Per formance , Conf l i c t , and S t ra inF I G U R E 4 . 2

As a student, have you encountered situations such as these?

resources diminish over time. Personal possessions(such as tools, clothes, and identification papers)are often stolen, lost, sold, or pawned. Work experi-ence and skills become outdated, and physical dis-abilities that prevent individuals from working arelikely to develop on the streets. However, a numberof homeless people are able to exit this role. For ex-ample, Christopher, a former crack addict who hadlived in New York subway stations, was able to be-come a domiciled person after completing a drug re-habilitation program and receiving assistance froma community service agency:

I felt like I had reached the end of my life. I felt awful talking to people with dirty ten-nis shoes and ripped pants, smelling bad. Icouldn’t look anybody in the eye. Once you’retaking drugs, nobody respects you, especiallyyou. (qtd. in R. Kennedy, 1993: A15)

Of course, many of the homeless do not beat theodds and exit this role. Instead, they shift theirfocus from role exiting to survival on the streets.

GroupsGroups are another important component of so-cial structure. To sociologists, a social group con-sists of two or more people who interact fre-

quently and share a common identity and a feel-ing of interdependence. Throughout our lives,most of us participate in groups: our families andchildhood friends, our college classes, our workand community organizations, and even society.

Primary and secondary groups are the two basictypes of social groups. A primary group is a small,less specialized group in which members engagein face-to-face, emotion-based interactions overan extended period of time. Typically, primarygroups include our family, close friends, andschool- or work-related peer groups. By contrast,a secondary group is a larger, more specializedgroup in which members engage in more imper-sonal, goal-oriented relationships for a limitedperiod of time. Schools, churches, the military,and corporations are examples of secondarygroups. In secondary groups, people have few, ifany, emotional ties to one another. Instead, theycome together for some specific, practical pur-pose, such as getting a degree or a paycheck. Sec-ondary groups are more specialized than primaryones; individuals relate to one another in termsof specific roles (such as professor and student)and more limited activities (such as course-re-lated endeavors).

Social solidarity, or cohesion, relates to a group’sability to maintain itself in the face of obstacles.


For many years, capitalism

has been dominated by

powerful “old-boy” social

networks. How does social

solidarity help some people

maintain a privileged

position in society?


Social solidarity exists when social bonds, attrac-tions, or other forces hold members of a group ininteraction over a period of time (Jary and Jary,1991). For example, if a local church is destroyedby fire and congregation members still worship to-gether in a makeshift setting, then they have ahigh degree of social solidarity.

Many of us build social networks from our per-sonal friends in primary groups and our acquain-tances in secondary groups. A social network is a se-ries of social relationships that links an individualto others. Social networks work differently for menand women, for different races/ethnicities, and formembers of different social classes. Traditionally,people of color and white women have been ex-cluded from powerful “old-boy” social networks(Kanter, 1993; McPherson and Smith-Lovin,1982, 1986). At the middle-class and upper-classlevels, individuals tap social networks to find em-ployment, make business deals, and win politicalelections. However, social networks typically donot work effectively for poor and homeless indi-viduals. Snow and Anderson (1993) found thathomeless men have fragile social networks that areplagued with instability. Often, homeless men donot even know one another’s “real” names.

Sociological research on the homeless haslargely emphasized the social isolation experiencedby people on the streets. Sociologist Peter H. Rossi(1989) found that a high degree of social isolationexists because the homeless are separated fromtheir extended family and former friends. Rossinoted that among the homeless who did have fam-ilies, most either did not wish to return or believedthat they would not be welcome. Most of the ave-nues for exiting the homeless role and acquiringhousing are intertwined with the large-scale, sec-ondary groups that sociologists refer to as formalorganizations.

A formal organization is a highly structuredgroup formed for the purpose of completing cer-tain tasks or achieving specific goals. Many of usspend most of our time in formal organizations,such as colleges, corporations, or the government.In Chapter 5 (“Groups and Organizations”), weanalyze the characteristics of bureaucratic organi-zations; however, at this point, we should note thatthese organizations are a very important compo-nent of social structure in all industrialized soci-eties. We expect such organizations to educate us,

solve our social problems (such as crime andhomelessness), and provide work opportunities.

Many formal organizations today have been re-ferred to as “people-processing” organizations. Forexample, the Salvation Army and other caregivergroups provide services for the homeless and oth-ers in need. However, these organizations mustwork with limited monetary resources and at thesame time maintain some control of their clien-tele. This control is necessary in order to providetheir services in an orderly and timely fashion, ac-cording to a major at the Salvation Army:

I’ll sleep and feed almost anybody, but suchhelp requires that they be deserving. Somepeople would say I’m cold-hearted, but I rulewith an iron hand. I have to because theseguys need to respect authority. . . . The experience of working with these guys has

Professional women have increasingly turned to sporting

activities such as golf or tennis to create social networks that

enhance their business opportunities.

taught us the necessity of rules in order toavoid problems. (qtd. in Snow and Ander-son, 1993: 81)

Because of rules and policies, the “Sally” (as theSalvation Army is sometimes called) tends to closeits doors to those who are currently inebriated, arechronic drunks, or are viewed as “troublemakers.”Likewise, a number of women’s shelters have re-strictions and regulations that some of the womenfeel deprive them of their personhood. One shelterused to require a compulsory gynecological exami-nation of its residents (Golden, 1992). Another re-quired that the women be out of the building by7:00 A.M. and not return before 7:00 P.M. Never-theless, organizations such as the Salvation Armyand women’s shelters do help people within thelimited means available.

Social InstitutionsAt the macrolevel of all societies, certain basic ac-tivities routinely occur—children are born and so-cialized, goods and services are produced and dis-tributed, order is preserved, and a sense of purposeis maintained (Aberle et al., 1950; Mack and Brad-ford, 1979). Social institutions are the means bywhich these basic needs are met. A social institu-tion is a set of organized beliefs and rules that es-tablishes how a society will attempt to meet itsbasic social needs. In the past, these needs havecentered around five basic social institutions: thefamily, religion, education, the economy, and thegovernment or politics. Today, mass media, sports,science and medicine, and the military are alsoconsidered to be social institutions.

What is the difference between a group and asocial institution? A group is composed of specific,identifiable people; an institution is a standardizedway of doing something. The concept of “family”helps to distinguish between the two. When wetalk about your family or my family, we are refer-ring to a family. When we refer to the family as asocial institution, we are talking about ideologiesand standardized patterns of behavior that orga-nize family life. For example, the family as a socialinstitution contains certain statuses organized intowell-defined relationships, such as husband–wife,parent–child, and brother–sister. Specific familiesdo not always conform to these ideologies and be-havior patterns.

Functional theorists emphasize that social insti-tutions exist because they perform five essentialtasks:

1. Replacing members. Societies and groups musthave socially approved ways of replacing mem-bers who move away or die. The family providesthe structure for legitimated sexual activity—and thus procreation—between adults.

2. Teaching new members. People who are borninto a society or move into it must learn thegroup’s values and customs. The family is essen-tial in teaching new members, but other socialinstitutions educate new members as well.

3. Producing, distributing, and consuming goods andservices. All societies must provide and distrib-ute goods and services for their members. Theeconomy is the primary social institution fulfill-ing this need; the government is often involvedin the regulation of economic activity.

4. Preserving order. Every group or society mustpreserve order within its boundaries and pro-tect itself from attack by outsiders. The govern-ment legitimates the creation of law enforce-ment agencies to preserve internal order andsome form of military for external defense.

5. Providing and maintaining a sense of purpose. Inorder to motivate people to cooperate with oneanother, a sense of purpose is needed.

Although this list of functional prerequisites isshared by all societies, the institutions in each so-ciety perform these tasks in somewhat differentways depending on their specific cultural valuesand norms.

Conflict theorists agree with functionalists thatsocial institutions are originally organized to meetbasic social needs. However, they do not believethat social institutions work for the common goodof everyone in society. The homeless, for example,lack the power and resources to promote their owninterests when they are opposed by dominant so-cial groups. From the conflict perspective, socialinstitutions such as the government maintain theprivileges of the wealthy and powerful while con-tributing to the powerlessness of others (seeDomhoff, 1983, 1990). For example, U.S. govern-ment policies in urban areas have benefited somepeople but exacerbated the problems of others.Urban renewal and transportation projects causedthe destruction of low-cost housing and put largenumbers of people “on the street” (Katz, 1989).


S O C I E T I E S : C H A N G E S I N S O C I A L S T R U C T U R E 111

Similarly, the shift in governmental policies to-ward the mentally ill and welfare recipients re-sulted in more people struggling—and often fail-ing—to find affordable housing. Meanwhile, manywealthy and privileged bankers, investors, devel-opers, and builders benefited at the expense of thelow-income casualties of those policies.

Functionalist and conflict perspectives providea macrosociological overview because they con-centrate on large-scale events and broad social fea-tures. For example, sociologists using the macroso-ciological approach to study the homeless mightanalyze how social institutions have operated toproduce current conditions. By contrast, the inter-actionist perspective takes a microsociological ap-proach, asking how social institutions affect ourdaily lives. We will discuss the microlevel perspec-tive in detail later in this chapter.

SOCIETIES: CHANGES INSOCIAL STRUCTURE

Changes in social structure have a dramatic im-pact on individuals, groups, and societies. Socialarrangements in contemporary societies havegrown more complex with the introduction of newtechnology, changes in values and norms, and therapidly shrinking “global village.” How do societiesmaintain some degree of social solidarity in theface of such changes? Sociologists Emile Durkheimand Ferdinand Tönnies developed typologies toexplain the processes of stability and change in thesocial structure of societies. A typology is a classifi-cation scheme containing two or more mutuallyexclusive categories that are used to compare dif-ferent kinds of behavior or types of societies.

Mechanical and Organic SolidarityEarly sociologist Emile Durkheim (1933/1893) wasconcerned with the question “How do societiesmanage to hold together?” Durkheim asserted thatpreindustrial societies were held together by strongtraditions and by the members’ shared moral beliefsand values. As societies industrialized and devel-oped more specialized economic activities, socialsolidarity came to be rooted in the members’ shareddependence on one another. From Durkheim’s per-spective, social solidarity derives from a society’s

social structure, which, in turn, is based on the so-ciety’s division of labor. Division of labor refers tohow the various tasks of a society are divided upand performed. However, people in diverse soci-eties (or in the same society at different points intime) divide their tasks somewhat differently, basedon their own history, physical environment, andlevel of technological development.

To explain social change, Durkheim developeda typology that categorized societies as having ei-ther mechanical solidarity or organic solidarity.Mechanical solidarity refers to the social cohe-sion in preindustrial societies, in which there isminimal division of labor and people feel unitedby shared values and common social bonds.Durkheim used the term mechanical solidarity be-cause he believed that people in such preindustrialsocieties feel a more or less automatic sense of be-longing. Social interaction is characterized byface-to-face, intimate, primary-group relation-ships. Everyone is engaged in similar work, and lit-tle specialization is found in the division of labor.

Organic solidarity refers to the social cohesionfound in industrial societies, in which peopleperform very specialized tasks and feel united bytheir mutual dependence. Durkheim chose theterm organic solidarity because he believed that

Who benefits from urban redevelopment projects? How might

functionalists and conflict theorists differ in their interpretations

of projects such as the one shown in this photo?

individuals in industrial societies come to rely onone another in much the same way that the organsof the human body function interdependently. So-cial interaction is less personal, more status ori-ented, and more focused on specific goals and ob-jectives. People no longer rely on morality orshared values for social solidarity; instead, they arebound together by practical considerations.

Gemeinschaft and GesellschaftSociologist Ferdinand Tönnies (1855–1936) usedthe terms Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft to charac-terize the degree of social solidarity and social con-trol found in societies (1963/1887). Tönnies wasespecially concerned about what happens to socialsolidarity in a society when a “loss of community”occurs.

The Gemeinschaft (guh-MINE-shoft) is a tra-ditional society in which social relationships arebased on personal bonds of friendship and kin-ship and on intergenerational stability. These re-lationships are based on ascribed rather thanachieved status. In such societies, people have acommitment to the entire group and feel a senseof togetherness. Tönnies used the German termGemeinschaft because it means “commune” or“community”; social solidarity and social controlare maintained by the community. Members havea strong sense of belonging, but they also have verylimited privacy.

By contrast, the Gesellschaft (guh-ZELL-shoft) is a large, urban society in which socialbonds are based on impersonal and specialized re-lationships, with little long-term commitment tothe group or consensus on values. In such soci-eties, most people are “strangers” who perceivethat they have very little in common with mostother people. Consequently, self-interest domi-nates, and little consensus exists regarding values.Tönnies selected the German term Gesellschaft be-cause it means “association”; relationships arebased on achieved statuses, and interactionsamong people are both rational and calculated.

Social Structure and HomelessnessIn Gesellschaft societies such as the United States,a prevailing core value is that people should beable to take care of themselves. Thus, many peo-ple view the homeless as “throwaways”—as beyondhelp or as having already had enough done forthem by society. Some argue that the homelessmade their own bad decisions, which led them intoalcoholism or drug addition, and should be heldresponsible for the consequences of their actions.In this sense, homeless people serve as a visible ex-ample to others to “follow the rules” lest they ex-perience a similar fate (see White, 1992).

Alternative explanations for homelessness inGesellschaft societies have been suggested. ElliotLiebow (1993) notes that homelessness is rooted in


Contrary to a popular myth

that most homeless people

are single drifters, an

increasing number of

families now are homeless.

S O C I E T I E S : C H A N G E S I N S O C I A L S T R U C T U R E 113

poverty; homeless people overwhelmingly are poorpeople who come from poor families. Homelessnessis a “social class phenomenon, the direct result of asteady, across-the-board lowering of the standard ofliving of the working class and lower class” (Liebow,1993: 224). As the standard of living falls, those atthe bottom rungs of society are plunged into home-lessness. The problem is exacerbated by a lack ofjobs. Of those who find work, a growing numberwork full-time, year-round, but remain poor becauseof substandard wages. Half of the households living

below the poverty line pay more than 70 percent oftheir income for rent—if they are able to find ac-commodations that they can afford at all (Roob andMcCambridge, 1992). Clearly, there is no simpleanswer to the question about what should be doneto help homeless people. Nor, as discussed in Box4.2, is there any consensus on what rights the home-less have in public spaces, such as parks and side-walks. The answers that we derive as a society andas individuals are often based on our social construc-tion of this reality of life.

HOMELESS RIGHTS VERSUS PUBLIC SPACE

BOX 4.2 S O C I O L O G Y A N D S O C I A L P O L I C Y

Should homeless persons be allowed to sleep inparks and other public areas? This issue has been thesource of controversy in a number of cities, includingSan Francisco, Portland, Seattle, Baltimore, and SantaMonica. As cities have sought to improve their down-town areas and public spaces, they have taken mea-sures to enforce city ordinances controlling loitering(standing around or sleeping in public spaces) anddisorderly conduct.

Advocates for the homeless and civil libertiesgroups have filed lawsuits in several cities claimingthat the rights of the homeless are being violated bythe enforcement of these laws. The lawsuits assert thatthe homeless have a right to sleep in parks becauseno affordable housing is available for them. Advo-cates also argue that panhandling is a legitimatemeans of livelihood for some of the homeless and isprotected speech under the First Amendment. In addi-tion, they accuse public and law enforcement officialsof seeking to punish the homeless on the basis of their“status,” a cruel and unusual punishment prohibitedby the Eighth Amendment.

The “homeless problem” is not a new one for citygovernments. Of the limited public funding that is des-ignated for the homeless, most has been spent on shel-

ters that are frequently overcrowded and otherwiseinadequate. Officials in some cities have given home-less people a one-way ticket to another city. Still oth-ers have routinely run them out of public spaces. Theissue has become more pressing for homeless advo-cates because cities such as Santa Monica and SanFrancisco, which previously tolerated the homeless,have now grown weary of the individuals who begon the streets and live in public spaces.

What responsibility does society have to the home-less? Are laws restricting the hours that public areasor parks are open to the public unfair to homeless per-sons? Should city workers remove cardboard boxes,blankets, and other “makeshift” homes created by thehomeless in parks? Some critics have argued that ifthe homeless and their advocates win these lawsuits,what they have won (at best) is the right for the home-less to live on the street, where few options for helpare available to them. Others believe that if societydoes not provide affordable housing and job oppor-tunities, the least it can do is stop harassing homelesspeople who are getting by as best they can. What doyou think? What rights are involved? Whose rightsshould prevail?

Sources: Based on Kozol, 1988; Teir, 1994; and Kaufman, 1996.

SOCIAL INTERACTION: THE MICROLEVELPERSPECTIVE

So far in this chapter, we have focused on societyand social structure from a macrolevel perspec-tive. We have seen how the structure of society affects the statuses we occupy, the roles we play,and the groups and organizations to which we belong. We will now look at society from the mi-crolevel perspective, which focuses on social in-teractions among individuals, especially in face-to-face encounters.

Social Interaction and MeaningWhen you are with other people, do you oftenwonder what they think of you? If so, you are notalone! Because most of us are concerned about themeanings that others ascribe to our behavior, wetry to interpret their words and actions so that wecan plan how we will react toward them (Blumer,1969). We know that others have expectations ofus. We also have certain expectations about them.For example, if we enter an elevator that has onlyone other person in it, we do not expect that indi-vidual to confront us and stare into our eyes. As amatter of fact, we would be quite upset if the per-son did so.

Social interaction within a given society hascertain shared meanings across situations. For in-stance, our reaction would be the same regardlessof which elevator we rode in which building. Soci-ologist Erving Goffman (1963b) described theseshared meanings in his observation about twopedestrians approaching each other on a publicsidewalk. He noted that each will tend to look atthe other just long enough to acknowledge theother’s presence. By the time they are about eightfeet away from each other, both individuals willtend to look downward. Goffman referred to thisbehavior as civil inattention—the ways in which anindividual shows an awareness that others are pres-ent without making them the object of particularattention. The fact that people engage in civilinattention demonstrates that interaction doeshave a pattern, or interaction order, that regulatesthe form and processes (but not the content) of so-cial interaction.

Does everyone interpret social interaction ritu-als in the same way? No. Race/ethnicity, gender,and social class play a part in the meanings wegive to our interactions with others, includingchance encounters on elevators or the street. Ourperceptions about the meaning of a situation varywidely based on the statuses we occupy and ourunique personal experiences. For example, sociol-ogist Carol Brooks Gardner (1989) found thatwomen frequently do not perceive street encoun-ters to be “routine” rituals. When they walk downthe street, they fear for their personal safety andtry to avoid comments and propositions that aresexual in nature. African Americans may also feeluncomfortable in street encounters. A middle-class African American college student describedhis experiences walking home at night from acampus job:

So, even if you wanted to, it’s difficult justto live a life where you don’t come into con-flict with others. . . . Every day that you liveas a black person you’re reminded how you’reperceived in society. You walk the streets atnight; white people cross the streets. I’veseen white couples and individuals dart infront of cars to not be on the same side of thestreet. Just the other day, I was walking downthe street, and this white female with achild, I saw her pass a young white maleabout 20 yards ahead. When she saw me, shequickly dragged the child and herself acrossthe busy street. . . . [When I pass,] white mentighten their grip on their women. I’ve seenpeople turn around and seem like they’regoing to take blows from me. . . . So, everyday you realize [you’re black]. Even thoughyou’re not doing anything wrong; you’re justexisting. You’re just a person. But you’re ablack person perceived in an unblack world.(qtd. in Feagin, 1991: 111–112)

As this passage indicates, social encounters havedifferent meanings for men and women, whitesand people of color, and individuals from differentsocial classes. Members of the dominant classes re-gard the poor, unemployed, and working class asless worthy of attention, frequently subjectingthem to subtle yet systematic “attention depriva-tion” (Derber, 1983). The same can certainly besaid about how members of the dominant classes“interact” with the homeless.


S O C I A L I N T E R A C T I O N : T H E M I C R O L E V E L P E R S P E C T I V E 115

The Social Construction of Reality

If we interpret other people’s actions so subjec-tively, can we have a shared social reality? Someinteraction theorists believe that there is very lit-tle shared reality beyond that which is socially cre-ated. Interactionists refer to this as the social con-struction of reality—the process by which ourperception of reality is shaped largely by the sub-jective meaning that we give to an experience(Berger and Luckmann, 1967). This meaningstrongly influences what we “see” and how we re-spond to situations.

As discussed previously, our perceptions and be-havior are influenced by how we initially define sit-uations: We act on reality as we see it. Sociologistsdescribe this process as the definition of the situation,meaning that we analyze a social context in whichwe find ourselves, determine what is in our best in-terest, and adjust our attitudes and actions accord-ingly. This can result in a self-fulfilling prophecy—a false belief or prediction that produces behaviorthat makes the originally false belief come true(Thomas and Thomas, 1928: 572). An examplewould be a person who has been told repeatedlythat she or he is not a good student; eventually, thisperson might come to believe it to be true, stopstudying, and receive failing grades.

People may define a given situation in very dif-ferent ways, a tendency demonstrated by the soci-ologist Jacqueline Wiseman (1970) in her study of“Pacific City’s” skid row. She wanted to know how

people who live or work on skid row (a run-downarea found in all cities) felt about it. Wisemanfound that homeless persons living on skid rowevaluated it very differently from the social work-ers who dealt with them there. On the one hand,many of the social workers “saw” skid row as asmelly, depressing area filled with men who were“down-and-out,” alcoholic, and often physicallyand mentally ill. On the other hand, the men wholived on skid row did not see it in such a negativelight. They experienced some degree of satisfac-tion with their “bottle clubs [and a] remarkably in-domitable and creative spirit”—at least initially(Wiseman, 1970: 18). As this study shows, we de-fine situations from our own frame of reference,based on the statuses that we occupy and the rolesthat we play.

Dominant group members with prestigious sta-tuses may have the ability to establish how otherpeople define “reality” (Berger and Luckmann,1967: 109). For example, the media often set thetone for our current opinions about homelessness,either with negative stories about the problems thehomeless “cause” or with “human interest” stories,as discussed in Box 4.3.

EthnomethodologyHow do we know how to interact in a given situa-tion? What rules do we follow? Ethnomethodolo-gists are interested in the answers to these ques-tions. Ethnomethodology is the study of the

According to interactionists, people may have sharply contrasting perceptions of the same reality. How is this concept evident in

these people’s views about the death penalty in the United States?

commonsense knowledge that people use to un-derstand the situations in which they find them-selves (Heritage, 1984: 4). Sociologist HaroldGarfinkel (1967) initiated this approach andcoined the term: ethno for “people” or “folk” andmethodology for “a system of methods.” Garfinkelwas critical of mainstream sociology for not recog-nizing the ongoing ways in which people create re-

ality and produce their own world. Consequently,ethnomethodologists examine existing patterns ofconventional behavior in order to uncover peo-ple’s background expectancies—that is, their sharedinterpretation of objects and events, as well astheir resulting actions (Zimmerman, 1992). Ac-cording to ethnomethodologists, interaction isbased on assumptions of shared expectancies. For


THE HOMELESS AND THE HOLIDAYS

BOX 4.3 S O C I O L O G Y A N D T E C H N O L O G Y

Why do newspaper and television stories on thehomeless proliferate in November, December, andJanuary, as shown in Figure 1? Journalists may findthe plight of the homeless more newsworthy duringthe cold winter months and the holiday season be-cause of the stark contrast between their situation andthat of the domiciled. Homeless people constitute“human interest” stories for the holiday season. Mem-bers of the press barrage service providers at “soupkitchens” and homeless shelters for interviews and sto-ries about “Jimmy G.” or “Sherry P.,” and volunteersare shown as they serve turkey dinners to the home-less on Thanksgiving.

From one viewpoint, the media serve an importantfunction by keeping the public aware of the plight ofhomeless people. A recent television public serviceannouncement featured homeless people in NewYork. The commercial begins with a voice singing“New York, New York,” the first line of a song from apopular Broadway musical that emphasizes the im-portance of success. Next, the camera shows that thevoice singing “Start spreading the news, I’m leavingtoday” belongs to a homeless man sitting on a bench.Then, line by line, the rest of the song is sung by a se-ries of homeless men and women in tattered clothing.Gradually, the disparity between being home andbeing homeless for the holidays (and every other day)is made vivid. Then, after one homeless person sings“If I can make it there, I’ll make it anywhere,” the

screen abruptly fades to black. The words to the nextline of the song appear, addressing the viewer: “It’sup to you, New York, New York. The Coalition for theHomeless.” Similar media campaigns for the home-less have employed billboards, newspapers, andmagazines. One newspaper ad and billboard posterhad a drawing of Jesus above the headline “How canyou worship a homeless man on Sunday and ignoreone on Monday?”

From another viewpoint, the media perpetuatenegative images and myths about the homeless. Insome articles and news stories, the homeless are de-picted as drug addicts, alcoholics, or con artists whochoose to be homeless. Photographs of homelesswomen and men in alcohol- or drug-induced stuporslying on park benches, heat grates, and the street re-inforce these stereotypes. After decrying the societalproblems caused by the homeless, one journalist sug-gested quarantining homeless men on military bases.By using the money currently spent on shelters for thispurpose, this writer continued, the men would receiverequired medical treatment and an education inethics, philosophy, art, and music.

What do you think about the media’s coverage ofthe homeless? Does extensive coverage at the holidayseason perhaps appeal to the “guilty conscience” ofdomiciled individuals who have a place to live whilethe homeless do not?

Sources: Based on Leonard and Randell, 1992; Elliott, 1993; Hamill, 1993; and Snow and Anderson, 1993.


example, when you are talking with someone,what expectations do you have that you will taketurns? Based on your background expectancies,would you be surprised if the other person talkedfor an hour and never gave you a chance to speak?

To uncover people’s background expectancies,ethnomethodologists frequently break “rules” oract as though they do not understand some basic

rule of social life so that they can observe otherpeople’s responses. In a series of breaching experi-ments, Garfinkel assigned different activities to hisstudents to see how breaking the unspoken rules ofbehavior created confusion. In one experiment,when students participating in the study wereasked “How are you?” by persons not in the study,they were instructed to respond with very detailed

100

150

200

250

300

350

400

MayAprilMarchFeb.Jan.Dec.Nov.Oct.Sept.Aug.JulyJune

F I G U R E 1 New York T imes S tor ies on the Homeless , by Month , 1975–1993

Sources: Snow and Anderson, 1993; Bunis, Yancik, and Snow, 1996.

accounts of their health and personal problems, asin this example:

Acquaintance: How are you?Student: How am I in regard to what? Myhealth, my finances, my school work, mypeace of mind, my . . .Acquaintance (red in the face and suddenlyout of control): Look! I was just trying to bepolite. Frankly, I don’t give a damn how youare. (Garfinkel, 1967: 44)

In this encounter, the acquaintance expected thestudent to use conventional behavior in answeringthe question. By acting unconventionally, the stu-dent violated background expectancies and effec-tively “sabotaged” the interaction.

The ethnomethodological approach con-tributes to our knowledge of social interaction bymaking us aware of subconscious social realities inour daily lives. However, a number of sociologistsregard ethnomethodology as a frivolous approachto studying human behavior because it does notexamine the impact of macrolevel social institu-tions—such as the economy and education—onpeople’s expectancies. Women’s studies scholarssuggest that ethnomethodologists fail to do whatthey claim to: look at how social realities are cre-ated. Rather, they take ascribed statuses (such asrace, class, gender, and age) as “givens,” not as so-cially created realities. For example, in the experi-ments that Garfinkel assigned to his students, hedid not account for how gender affected their ex-periences. When Garfinkel asked students to re-duce the distance between themselves and a non-relative to the point that “their noses were almosttouching,” he ignored the fact that gender was asimportant to the encounter as was the proximityof the two persons. Scholars have recently empha-sized that our expectations about reality arestrongly influenced by our assumptions relating togender, race, and social class (see Bologh, 1992).

Dramaturgical AnalysisErving Goffman suggested that day-to-day interac-tions have much in common with being on stageor in a dramatic production. Dramaturgicalanalysis is the study of social interaction thatcompares everyday life to a theatrical presenta-

tion. Members of our “audience” judge our perfor-mance and are aware that we may slip and revealour true character (Goffman, 1959, 1963a). Con-sequently, most of us attempt to play our role aswell as possible and to control the impressions wegive to others. Impression management, or presen-tation of self, refers to people’s efforts to presentthemselves to others in ways that are most favor-able to their own interests or image.

For example, suppose that a professor has re-turned graded exams to your class. Will you discussthe exam and your grade with others in the class?If you are like most people, you probably play yourstudent role differently depending on whom youare talking to and what grade you received on theexam. Your “presentation” may vary depending onthe grade earned by the other person (your “audi-ence”). In one study, students who all receivedhigh grades (“Ace–Ace encounters”) willinglytalked with one another about their grades andsometimes engaged in a little bragging about howthey had “aced” the test. However, encounters be-tween students who had received high grades andthose who had received low or failing grades(“Ace–Bomber encounters”) were uncomfortable.The Aces felt as if they had to minimize their owngrades. Consequently, they tended to attributetheir success to “luck” and were quick to offer theBombers words of encouragement. On the otherhand, the Bombers believed that they had to praisethe Aces and hide their own feelings of frustrationand disappointment. Students who received lowor failing grades (“Bomber–Bomber encounters”)were more comfortable when they talked with oneanother because they could share their negativeemotions. They often indulged in self-pity and re-lied on face-saving excuses (such as an illness oran unfair exam) for their poor performances(Albas and Albas, 1988).

In Goffman’s terminology, face-saving behaviorrefers to the strategies that we use to rescue ourperformance when we experience a potential orcurrent loss of face. When the Bombers made ex-cuses for their low scores, they were engaged inface-saving; the Aces attempted to help them saveface by asserting that the test was unfair or that itwas only a small part of the final grade. Whywould the Aces and Bombers both participate inface-saving behavior? In most social interactions,



all role players have an interest in keeping the“play” going so that they can maintain their over-all definition of the situation in which they per-form their roles.

Goffman noted that people consciously partici-pate in studied nonobservance, a face-saving tech-nique in which one role player ignores the flaws inanother’s performance to avoid embarrassment foreveryone involved. Most of us remember timeswhen we have failed in our role and know that itis likely to happen again; thus, we may be more for-giving of the role failures of others.

Social interaction, like a theater, has a frontstage and a back stage. The front stage is the areawhere a player performs a specific role before anaudience. The back stage is the area where a playeris not required to perform a specific role because itis out of view of a given audience. For example,when the Aces and Bombers were talking with oneanother at school, they were on the “front stage.”When they were in the privacy of their own resi-dences, they were in “back stage” settings—theyno longer had to perform the Ace and Bomberroles and could be themselves.

The need for impression management is mostintense when role players have widely divergent ordevalued statuses. As we have seen with the Acesand Bombers, the participants often play different

roles under different circumstances and keep theirvarious audiences separated from one another. Ifone audience becomes aware of other roles that aperson plays, the impression being given at thattime may be ruined.

The dramaturgical approach helps us think aboutthe roles we play and the audiences who judge ourpresentation of self. Like all approaches, it has itscritics. Sociologist Alvin Gouldner (1970) criticizedthe dramaturgical approach for focusing on appear-ances and not the underlying substance. Others haveargued that Goffman’s work reduces the self to “a pegon which the clothes of the role are hung” (seeBurns, 1992) or have suggested that this approachdoes not place enough emphasis on the ways inwhich our everyday interactions with other peopleare influenced by occurrences within the larger soci-ety. For example, if some members of Congress be-little the homeless as being lazy and unwilling towork, it may become easier for people walking downa street to do likewise. Goffman’s defenders counterthat he captured the essence of society because so-cial interaction “turns out to be not only where mostof the world’s work gets done, but where the solidbuildings of the social world are in fact constructed”(Burns, 1992: 380). Goffman’s work was influentialin the development of the sociology of emotions, arelatively new area of theory and research.

According to the sociologist

Erving Goffman, our day-to-

day interactions have much

in common with a dramatic

production. What everyday

emotions are the actors in

Rent, the Broadway play,

expressing here?

The Sociology of EmotionsWhy do we laugh, cry, or become angry? Are theseemotional expressions biological or social in na-ture? To some extent, emotions are a biologicallygiven sense (like hearing, smell, and touch), butthey also are social in origin. We are socialized tofeel certain emotions, and we learn how and whento express (or not express) those emotions(Hochschild, 1983: 219).

How do we know which emotions are appropri-ate for a given role? Sociologist Arlie Hochschild(1983) suggests that we acquire a set of feeling rulesthat shapes the appropriate emotions for a givenrole or specific situation. These rules include how,where, when, and with whom an emotion should

be expressed. For example, for the role of amourner at a funeral, feeling rules tell us whichemotions are required (sadness and grief, for exam-ple), which are acceptable (a sense of relief thatthe deceased no longer has to suffer), and whichare unacceptable (enjoyment of the occasion ex-pressed by laughing out loud) (see Hochschild,1983: 63–68).

Feeling rules also apply to our occupationalroles. For example, the truck driver who handlesexplosive cargos must be able to suppress fear. Al-though all jobs place some burden on our feelings,emotional labor occurs only in jobs that requirepersonal contact with the public or the produc-tion of a state of mind (such as hope, desire, or fear) in others (Hochschild, 1983). With emotional labor, employees must display certaincarefully selected emotions. For example, flightattendants are required to act friendly toward pas-sengers, to be helpful and open to requests, andto maintain an “omnipresent smile” in order toenhance the customer’s status. By contrast, billcollectors are encouraged to show anger andmake threats to customers, thereby supposedlydeflating customers’ status and wearing downtheir presumed resistance to paying past-due bills.In both jobs, the employees are expected to showfeelings that are often not their true feelings(Hochschild, 1983).

Emotional labor may produce feelings of es-trangement from one’s “true” self. C. Wright Mills(1956) suggested that when we “sell our personal-ity” in the course of selling goods or services, weengage in a seriously self-alienating process. Inother words, the “commercialization” of our feel-ings may dehumanize our work role performanceand create alienation and contempt that spill overinto other aspects of our life (Hochschild, 1983;Smith and Kleinman, 1989).

Those who are unemployed and homeless arealso required to engage in emotional labor. Gov-ernmental agencies and nonprofit organizationsthat function as caregivers to the homeless some-times require emotional labor (such as feelings of gratitude or penitence) from their recipients.Homeless people have been denied social serviceseven when they were eligible and have been askedto leave shelters when they did not show the ap-propriate deference and gratitude toward staffmembers (Liebow, 1993).


Biker gangs like the Hell’s Angels are very good at impression

management. How do you think their front stage and back

stage roles differ?


Is it acceptable for men to cry? In our society, males generally

learn to suppress strong displays of emotion in everyday life.

But in certain settings, such as high-stakes athletic competition,

the same behavior may be seen as perfectly natural.

Do all people experience and express emotionsthe same way? It is widely believed that women ex-press emotions more readily than men; as a result,very little research has been conducted to deter-mine its accuracy. In fact, women and men maydiffer more in the way they express their emotionsthan in their actual feelings (Fabes and Martin,1991). Differences in emotional expression mayalso be attributed to socialization; the extent towhich men and women have been taught that agiven emotion is appropriate (or inappropriate) fortheir gender certainly plays an important part intheir perceptions (Lombardo et al., 1983).

Social class is also a determinant in managedexpression and emotion management. Emotionallabor is emphasized in middle- and upper-classfamilies. Since middle- and upper-class parentsoften work with people, they are more likely toteach their children the importance of emotionallabor in their own careers than are working-classparents, who tend to work with things, not people(Hochschild, 1983). Race is also an important fac-tor in emotional labor. People of color spend much

of their life engaged in emotional labor, becauseracist attitudes and discrimination make it contin-ually necessary to manage one’s feelings.

Clearly, Hochschild’s contribution to the soci-ology of emotions helps us understand the socialcontext of our feelings and the relationship be-tween the roles we play and the emotions we ex-perience. However, her thesis has been criticizedfor overemphasizing the cost of emotional laborand the emotional controls that exist outside theindividual (Wouters, 1989). The context in whichemotions are studied and the specific emotions ex-amined are important factors in determining thecosts and benefits of emotional labor.

Nonverbal CommunicationIn a typical stage drama, the players not only speaktheir lines but also convey information by nonver-bal communication. In Chapter 3, we discussed theimportance of language; now we will look at themessages we communicate without speaking. Non-verbal communication is the transfer of informa-tion between persons without the use of speech.It includes not only visual cues (gestures, appear-ances) but also vocal features (inflection, volume,pitch) and environmental factors (use of space, po-sition) that affect meanings (Wood, 1994). Facialexpressions, head movements, body positions, andother gestures carry as much of the total meaningof our communication with others as our spokenwords do (Wood, 1994: 151).

Nonverbal communication may be intentionalor unintentional. Actors, politicians, and salesper-sons may make deliberate use of nonverbal com-munication to convey an idea or “make a sale.” Wealso may send nonverbal messages through gesturesor facial expressions or even our appearance with-out intending to let other people know what weare thinking.

FUNCTIONS OF NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION Nonverbalcommunication often supplements verbal commu-nication (Wood, 1994). Head and facial move-ments may provide us with information aboutother people’s emotional states, and others receivesimilar information from us (Samovar and Porter,1991a). We obtain first impressions of others fromvarious kinds of nonverbal communication, suchas the clothing they wear and their body positions.

Our social interaction is regulated by nonverbalcommunication. Through our body posture andeye contact, we signal that we do or do not wish tospeak to someone. For example, we may look downat the sidewalk or off into the distance when wepass homeless persons who look as if they are goingto ask for money.

Nonverbal communication establishes the rela-tionship between people in terms of their respon-siveness to and power over one another (Wood,1994). For example, we show that we are respon-sive toward or like another person by maintainingeye contact and attentive body posture and perhapsby touching and standing close. By contrast, we sig-

nal to others that we do not wish to be near themor that we dislike them by refusing to look them inthe eye or to stand near them. We can even expresspower or control over others through nonverbalcommunication. Goffman (1956) suggested thatdemeanor (how we behave or conduct ourselves) isrelative to social power. People in positions of dom-inance are allowed a wider range of permissible ac-tions than are their subordinates, who are expectedto show deference. Deference is the symbolic meansby which subordinates give a required permissiveresponse to those in power; it confirms the exis-tence of inequality and reaffirms each person’s rela-tionship to the other (Rollins, 1985).


Nonverbal communication may be thought of as an international language. What message do you receive from the facial expres-

sion, body position, and gestures of each of these people? Is it possible to misinterpret their messages?


FACIAL EXPRESSION, EYE CONTACT, AND TOUCHING Def-erence behavior is important in regard to facial ex-pression, eye contact, and touching. This type ofnonverbal communication is symbolic of our rela-tionships with others. Who smiles? Who stares?Who makes and sustains eye contact? Whotouches whom? All of these questions relate to de-meanor and deference; the key issue is the statusof the person who is doing the smiling, staring, ortouching relative to the status of the recipient(Goffman, 1967).

Facial expressions, especially smiles, also reflectgender-based patterns of dominance and subordi-nation in society. Typically, white women havebeen socialized to smile and frequently do so evenwhen they are not actually happy (Halberstadt andSaitta, 1987). Jobs held predominantly by women(including flight attendant, secretary, elementaryschoolteacher, and nurse) are more closely associ-ated with being pleasant and smiling than are“men’s jobs.” In addition to smiling more fre-quently, many women tend to tilt their heads indeferential positions when they are talking or lis-tening to others. By contrast, men tend to displayless emotion through smiles or other facial expres-sions and instead seek to show that they are “re-served and in control” (Wood, 1994: 164).

Women are more likely to sustain eye contactduring conversations (but not otherwise) as ameans of showing their interest in and involve-ment with others. By contrast, men are less likelyto maintain prolonged eye contact during conver-sations but are more likely to stare at other people(especially men) in order to challenge them andassert their own status (Pearson, 1985).

Eye contact can be a sign of domination ordeference. For example, in a participant observa-tion study of domestic (household) workers andtheir employers, the sociologist Judith Rollins(1985) found that the domestics were supposedto show deference by averting their eyes whenthey talked to their employers. Deference also re-quired that they present an “exaggeratedly sub-servient demeanor” by standing less erect andwalking tentatively.

Touching is another form of nonverbal behav-ior that has many different shades of meaning.Gender and power differences are evident in tac-tile communication from birth. Studies have shownthat touching has variable meanings to parents:

Boys are touched more roughly and playfully,whereas girls are handled more gently and protec-tively (Condry, Condry, and Pogatshnik, 1983).This pattern continues into adulthood, withwomen touched more frequently than men. Sociol-ogist Nancy Henley (1977) attributed this patternto power differentials between men and womenand to the nature of women’s roles as mothers,nurses, teachers, and secretaries. Clearly, touchinghas a different meaning to women than to men(Stier and Hall, 1984). Women may hug and touchothers to indicate affection and emotional support,whereas men are more likely to touch others to givedirections, assert power, and express sexual interest(Wood, 1994: 162). The “meaning” that we giveto touching is related to its “duration, intensity, fre-quency, and the body parts touching and beingtouched” (Wood, 1994: 162).

PERSONAL SPACE Physical space is an importantcomponent of nonverbal communication. Anthro-pologist Edward Hall (1966) analyzed the physicaldistance between people speaking to one anotherand found that the amount of personal space thatpeople prefer varies from one culture to another.Personal space is the immediate area surround-ing a person that the person claims as private.Our personal space is contained within an invisi-ble boundary surrounding our body, much like asnail’s shell. When others invade our space, wemay retreat, stand our ground, or even lash out, de-pending on our cultural background (Samovar andPorter, 1991a).

Age, gender, kind of relationship, and socialclass are important factors in the allocation ofpersonal space. Power differentials between peo-ple (including adults and children, men andwomen, and dominant group members and peo-ple of color) are reflected in personal space andprivacy issues. With regard to age, adults gener-ally do not hesitate to enter the personal space ofa child (Thorne, Kramarae, and Henley, 1983).Similarly, young children who invade the per-sonal space of an adult tend to elicit a more fa-vorable response than do older uninvited visitors(Dean, Willis, and la Rocco, 1976). The need forpersonal space appears to increase with age (Bax-ter, 1970; Aiello and Jones, 1971), although itmay begin to decrease at about age forty (Heshkaand Nelson, 1972).

For some people, the idea of privacy or personalspace is an unheard-of luxury afforded only to thosein the middle and upper classes. As we have seenin this chapter, homeless bag ladies may have astheir only personal space the bags they carry or theshopping carts they push down the streets. Some ofthe homeless may try to “stake a claim” on a heatgrate or the same bed in a shelter for more than onenight, but such claims have dubious authenticity ina society in which the homeless are assumed to ownnothing and to have no right to lay claim to any-thing in the public domain.

In sum, all forms of nonverbal communicationare influenced by gender, race, social class, and thepersonal contexts in which they occur. Although itis difficult to generalize about people’s nonverbalbehavior, we still need to think about our own non-verbal communication patterns. Recognizing thatdifferences in social interaction exist is important.We should be wary of making value judgments—the differences are simply differences. Learning tounderstand and respect alternative styles of socialinteraction enhances our personal effectiveness byincreasing the range of options we have for com-municating with different people in diverse con-texts and for varied reasons (Wood, 1994).

CHANGING SOCIALSTRUCTURE ANDINTERACTION IN THE FUTURE

The social structure in the United States has beenchanging rapidly in recent decades. Currently, thereare more possible statuses for persons to occupy androles to play than at any other time in history. Al-though achieved statuses are considered very impor-tant, ascribed statuses still have a significant effecton the options and opportunities that people have.

Ironically, at a time when we have more tech-nological capability, more leisure activities andtypes of entertainment, and more quantities of ma-terial goods available for consumption than everbefore, many people experience high levels ofstress, fear for their lives because of crime, and faceproblems such as homelessness. In a society thatcan send astronauts into space to perform complex

scientific experiments, is it impossible to solvesome of the problems that plague us here on earth?Homelessness is not just a problem in the UnitedStates, however.

Individuals and groups often show initiative intrying to solve some of our pressing problems (seeBox 4.4). For example, Ellen Baxter has single-handedly tried to create housing for hundreds ofNew York City’s homeless by reinventing well-maintained, single-room-occupancy residentialhotels to provide cheap lodging and social services(Anderson, 1993). According to many social ana-lysts, however, individual initiative alone will notsolve all our social problems in the future: Large-scale, formal organizations must become more re-sponsive to society’s needs.

What would happen if we began to view socialproblems as everyone’s problem? What can be doneabout homelessness in the future? Martha R. Burt,director of the Urban Institute’s national study ofurban homeless shelter and soup kitchen users, be-lieves that people must move beyond seeing per-sonal problems such as mental illness, alcoholism,and drug addiction as the primary causes of home-lessness. According to Burt, only changes in struc-tural factors can reduce the homeless population:

To undo the effects of changing structuralfactors we will have to address the factorsthemselves, not the vulnerabilities of thepeople caught by changing times. We cantake a short-term approach, raising benefitlevels and expanding eligibility to coverthose most vulnerable to homelessness. Suchactions would prevent homelessness ratherthan ameliorate it, and are therefore prefer-able to building emergency shelters. Theywould not, however, change the underlyingconditions, and the need for public supportwould be likely to continue indefinitely. Afar better approach is to fulfill our commit-ments to support people, such as those withsevere mental illness, who cannot be ex-pected to support themselves, and also ad-dress simultaneously the employer and theemployee requirements for increasing pro-ductivity, by reshaping the work environ-ment and improving education and training.If we succeed at this much larger agenda, we


C H A N G I N G S O C I A L S T R U C T U R E A N D I N T E R A C T I O N I N T H E F U T U R E 125

will solve not only the problem of homeless-ness, but also the problem of declining liv-ing standards for a much broader spectrumof American workers. (Burt, 1992: 225–226)

In sum, the future of the United States may wellrest on our collective ability to understand andseek to reduce major social problems at both themacrolevel and the microlevel of society.

OVERCOMING COMPASSION FATIGUE

BOX 4.4 Y O U C A N M A K E A D I F F E R E N C E

Homelessness is such an overwhelming problemthat many of us believe there is nothing we can do tohelp homeless people. Rabbi Charles A. Kroloff, se-nior rabbi of Temple Emanu-El in Westfield, New Jer-sey, disagrees. As an advocate for the homeless andfounder of the Interfaith Council for the Homeless, hehas written 54 Ways You Can Help the Homeless, list-ing ways that everyday people can do something forhomeless persons. Some of his most novel suggestionsinclude how we can help children who are homeless.For example, Rabbi Kroloff (1993: 2) believes thatpeople can use their hobbies and personal interests—such as cooking, repairing, gardening, or photogra-phy—to help these children:

Jim Hubbard, a Washington, D.C., profes-sional photographer whose specialty is pho-tographing the homeless, developed “Shoot-ing Back,” a program that teaches homelesschildren photography. Each week, Hubbardteaches eight children how to use a cameraand provides them with free film. According toHubbard, the children rarely shoot images ofdecay. Instead, they prefer to take pictures ofother children, particularly those leaping intoswimming pools or playing in the water sprayfrom fire hydrants. Hubbard explains that thechildren have an urgent need for housing, butthey also need an opportunity to develop self-esteem. He has found that mastering the cam-era and seeing their own images in print havegreatly increased their self-confidence andfeelings of self-worth.

Like Jim Hubbard, each of us can make a differencefor homeless children. We can contribute hands-onknowledge and experience by tutoring children athomeless shelters, or we can donate funds so that vol-unteers can provide the children with clothing, toi-letries, school supplies, and toys. We can also lookinto groups such as Children First, which was foundedby the Interfaith Council for the Homeless of UnionCounty, New Jersey, and help support enrichmentprojects—such as workshops and field trips to thezoo, museums, and other settings where homelesschildren and their parents can participate together inthe simple pleasures that many other parents and chil-dren take for granted. If you would like to know moreabout helping homeless persons, contact your localSalvation Army, Coalition for the Homeless, Interfaithgroup, or one of the following agencies:

■ The National Alliance to End Homelessness, 1518K Street, N.W., Suite 206, Washington, DC20043-4103. (202) 638-1526.

■ National Coalition for the Homeless, 1612 Con-necticut Avenue, N.W., Washington, DC 20009.(202) 460-8112.

You can purchase 54 Ways You Can Help theHomeless by writing to P.O. Box 712, Westfield, NJ07091. (Profits are donated to organizations thatserve homeless people.) On the Internet:

http://ecosys.drdr.virginia.edu/ways/54.html

CHAPTER REVIEW

How does social structure shape our social interactions?The stable patterns of social relationships within aparticular society make up its social structure. Socialstructure is a macrolevel influence because it shapes anddetermines the overall patterns in which social interac-tion occurs. Social structure provides an ordered frame-work for society and for our interactions with others.

What are the main components of social structure?Social structure is made up of statuses, roles, groups, andsocial institutions. A status is a specific position in agroup or society and is characterized by certain expecta-tions, rights, and duties. Ascribed statuses, such asgender, class, and race/ethnicity, are acquired at birthor involuntarily later in life. Achieved statuses, such aseducation and occupation, are assumed voluntarily as aresult of personal choice, merit, or direct effort. Weoccupy a status, but a role is the set of behavioral expec-tations associated with a given status. A social groupconsists of two or more people who interact frequentlyand share a common identity and sense of interdepen-dence. A formal organization is a highly structuredgroup formed to complete certain tasks or achievespecific goals. A social institution is a set of organizedbeliefs and rules that establishes how a society attemptsto meet its basic needs.

What are the functionalist and conflict perspectives on social institutions?According to functionalist theorists, social institutionsperform several prerequisites of all societies: replacemembers; teach new members; produce, distribute, andconsume goods and services; preserve order; and pro-vide and maintain a sense of purpose. Conflict theoristssuggest that social institutions do not work for thecommon good of all individuals. Institutions may en-hance and uphold the power of some groups but ex-clude others, such as the homeless.

How do societies maintain stability in times of social change?According to Emile Durkheim, although changes insocial structure may dramatically affect individuals andgroups, societies manage to maintain some degree ofstability. People in preindustrial societies are united bymechanical solidarity because they have shared valuesand common social bonds. Industrial societies are char-

acterized by organic solidarity, which refers to thecohesion that results when people perform specializedtasks and are united by mutual dependence.

How do Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaftsocieties differ in social solidarity?According to Ferdinand Tönnies, the Gemeinschaft is atraditional society in which relationships are based onpersonal bonds of friendship and kinship and on inter-generational stability. The Gesellschaft is an urbansociety in which social bonds are based on impersonaland specialized relationships, with little group commit-ment or consensus on values.

Is all social interaction based on shared meanings?Social interaction within a society, particularly face-to-face encounters, is guided by certain shared meanings ofhow we should behave. All meanings may not beshared—race/ethnicity, gender, and social class ofteninfluence people’s perceptions of meaning.

What is the dramaturgical perspective?According to Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical analysis,our daily interactions are similar to dramatic produc-tions. Presentation of self refers to efforts to present ourown self to others in ways that are most favorable to ourinterests or self-image.

Why are feeling rules important?Feeling rules shape the appropriate emotions for a givenrole or specific situation. Our emotions are not alwaysprivate, and specific emotions may be demanded of uson certain occasions.

Key Termsachieved status 103ascribed status 102dramaturgical analysis 118ethnomethodology 115formal organization 109Gemeinschaft 112Gesellschaft 112master status 103mechanical solidarity 111nonverbal communication 121organic solidarity 111personal space 123presentation of self 118primary group 108role 105


C H A P T E R R E V I E W 127

role conflict 106role expectation 105role performance 105role strain 106secondary group 108self-fulfilling prophecy 115social construction of reality 115social group 108social institution 110social interaction 99social structure 99status 101status set 102stigma 101

Questions for Critical Thinking1. Think of a person you know well who often irritates

you or whose behavior grates on your nerves (itcould be a parent, friend, relative, or teacher). First,list that person’s statuses and roles. Then analyze the person’s possible role expectations, role perfor-mance, role conflicts, and role strains. Does anythingthat you find in your analysis help to explain theirritating behavior? How helpful are the concepts ofsocial structure in analyzing individual behavior?

2. Are structural problems responsible for homeless-ness, or are homeless individuals responsible for theirown situation?

3. You are conducting field research on gender differ-ences in nonverbal communication styles. How areyou going to account for variations among age, race,and social class?

4. When communicating with other genders, races, andages, is it better to express and acknowledge differentstyles or to develop a common, uniform style?

Internet Exercises1. Using the Lycos search engine

(http://www.altavista.digital.com/), try a search ofthe word homeless. Visit five of the sites it identifies,

and try to fit the theme of the pages you choose intoone of the perspectives used in this book (e.g., con-flict, functionalist, interactionist). With whichperspective do you feel the most comfortable?

2. Societies find ways to censure those who would actoutside their norms. In addition to alt.sci.sociology,also start reading alt.sci.psychology. How do peoplein these newsgroups deal with those who act outsidethe norms of the group? What ways seem to workbest? How does someone become familiar with thenorms of a newsgroup?

3. This chapter discusses nonverbal communication.Most people who use e-mail or post to newsgroupswill use symbols such as ;-) or :) to indicate emotionswithout having to type out the words. Do you thinkthat these symbols qualify as nonverbal symbols?How easy is it to determine the meaning of thesesymbols?

Sociology Internet ResourcesSee the Wadsworth Sociology Resource Center “VirtualSociety” (http://sociology.wadsworth.com) for addi-tional links, quizzes, and learning tools related to thischapter.

Either from the “Virtual Society” web site or di-rectly from your web browser, you may access

InfoTrac College Edition, an online university librarythat includes over 600 popular and scholarly journals inwhich you can find articles related to the topics in thischapter.

Sociology CD-ROMGo to Wadsworth’s Sociology CD-ROM for furtherstudy on the concepts in this chapter. The CD-ROMalso includes quizzes and additional activities to expandyour learning experience.

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND INTERACTION 4 IN …fasnafan.tripod.com/socialstructure.pdf · Dramaturgical...

Documents

Transcript of SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND INTERACTION 4 IN …fasnafan.tripod.com/socialstructure.pdf · Dramaturgical...