Social equality or social disaster

7/29/2019 Social equality or social disaster

1/33

SC/ST Promotions:

Social equalityorsocial disaster?
http://www.firstpost.com/


2/33

iPhoneiPad

Android

Scan or click to download our Android, iPad/ iPhone apps
http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost/id445829858?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://twitter.com/#!/firstpostinhttps://www.facebook.com/firstpostinhttp://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost/id445829858?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost/id445829858?mt=8http://bit.ly/SmsN0Khttps://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.firstpost#?t=W251bGwsMSwyLDIxMiwiY29tLmZpcnN0cG9zdCJd


3/33

Table of contents

A diversion from Coalgate?

PM plays quota card in govt promotions to trump Coalgate 05Govt using quota bill to divert attention from Coalgate: BJP 07

UPA allies SP and BSP go to war over quota bill 08

NDA, UPA are responsible for not passing quota bill: Mayawati 10

A bad, bad idea?

Why quotas for promotions are a bad, bad idea 13

SC/ST quotas in promotions, and the coming caste wars 16

Quotas in promotions: No party is willing to say no 18

Why SC/ST promotions quota puts India on the road to disaster 20

Maya makes a fool of everybody, including herself 22

Why a promotions quota could work

Reservations have united India better 25

When quota champions speak the upper caste language 26

SC/ST quota in promotions: The reality of the core constituency 28

What do you think?
http://www.firstpost.com/debates/the-quota-for-promotions-bill-should-be-scrapped_opinion-134.html?unid=20120906111547&utm_source=debate_rhs&utm_medium=hphttp://www.firstpost.com/


4/33

A diversion from Coalgate?


5/33

PM plays quota card ingovt promotions to trump CoalgateUnder pressure over the coal blocks scam, the

Manmohan Singh government has opted for

a diversionary tactic by approving quotas

in promotions

Sanjay Singh, Sep 4, 2012

Even as the coal blocks controversy(Coalgate) refuses to die out, the UnionCabinet chaired by Prime Minister Man-

mohan Singh approved the draft for a Consti-tutional amendment bill to give reservation inpromotions for Scheduled Castes and ScheduledTribes.

The Cabinet, which usually meets on Thurs-days, met on Tuesday in Parliament House andcleared the draft. It is indicative of the govern-ments sense of urgency and purpose. Also,

while the monsoon session of Parliament has

virtually been washed out (it will formally closeon Friday), the government obviously wantsto be seen as being sincere in promoting thecause of Dalits and tribals. It is likely that theConstitutional Amendment Bill for amend-ing the relevant provisions in Article 16 for thefth time will be introduced in the Rajya Sabhaon Wednesday amid protests by the BJP on

Coalgate.

The Samajwadi Party (SP) was quick to blastthe UPA government for this move. Party leaderRam Gopal Yadav termed it as a diversionary


6/33

tactic by the government when it was facingpolitical heat on Coalgate. The Cabinet deci-sion in this regard is wrong. This is a ploy by thegovernment to divert attention from the coalscam. Their idea is to fool the people, he said.The SP has been consistently opposed to it.

The Samajwadi Party was the only one to op-pose the idea at an all-party meet convened bythe Prime Minister last month on the subject. Itmaintains that if quotas were to be given to Dal-its and tribals in promotion, why not to OBCs(Other Backward Castes) and Muslims, the twosocial and religious communities that form the

base of SPs strength. Tuesdays Cabinet deci-sion may sour SPs relations with the Congresssince it reveals a tilt towards its rival, Mayawa-tis Bahujan Samaj Party.

The Cabinet stamp over quotas in promotionsmade Bahujan Samaj Party leaders (BSP) ju-

bilant. Party chief Mayawati claimed exclusivecredit and went on an overdrive to garner sup-port. She met two top BJP leaders, SushmaSwaraj and Arun Jaitley, in Parliament House,urging them to put the brakes on their Coalgateprotests to allow the quota bill to be passed.

Given the social and political sensitivity on thequota issue, BJP leaders remained guarded intheir response. They told Mayawati that they

would speak to other leaders in the party andthen formulate their response. The BJP doesnot want to dilute its agenda on Coalgate andcontinue targeting Prime Minister ManmohanSingh. At the same time it does not want to door say anything that might be called an anti-Dalit or anti-tribal move.

The BSP chief was not satised yet. She wanted

the bill to somehow be passed in the remainingthree days of this session. She put the onus onthe UPA government. If they dont do it thenit would be clear that Congress was Nagnathand BJP was Sanpnath (the two synonymsfor snake). Once she achieved the goal of reser-

vation in promotions for SC/STs, she said shewould not mind the quota to be extended toOther Backward Castes, religious minorities andeconomically weaker sections among the UpperCastes.

Its a politically tricky issue that most main-stream political parties want to avoid. But dic-tated by the compulsions of vote-bank politics,and with assembly elections due in seven im-portant states over the next 12 months, seniorleaders of these political parties either remain

silent or support the quota proposal.

A senior BJP leader, requesting anonymity,said the proposal for this bill must not be sup-ported. Quota in promotion was not justied.More so because its long-term implications areunhealthy both for administration and govern-ance. But that certainly could not be their public

view, he said.

Mayawati has been at the forefront asking for aconstitutional amendment. The problem aroseafter the Supreme Court, on 27 April, in a caseinvolving the UP Power Corporation Ltd, struckdown a provision for reservation in promotionsto SCs and STs in UP.

The Prime Minister made his intentions clear inlast months all-party meet convened to discussthe issue. He had asked the parties to provide

valuable suggestions so that a legally sustain-able solution may be arrived at.
http://av.firstpost.com/2012/09/161733_khurshidon-quota-1.mp4http://www.firstpost.com/


7/33

Govt using quota bill todivert attention from Coalgate: BJP

New Delhi: BJP today accused the Gov-ernment of bringing the Bill providingfor quota for Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes in promotions in governmentjobs to divert attention from Coalgate.

BJP leaders insisted that the party has alwaysstood for social justice and espoused the causeof SCs/STs and the most backward and that nosection of the party was opposed to the Bill.

The manner in which the Bill seeking a con-stitutional amendment for reservation in pro-motions for SC/ST was brought shows that the

government is using it as a diversionary tactic.This is a clear ploy of diversion from the ghtagainst corruption, BJP Chief spokespersonRavi Shankar Prasad said.

BJP sources said government brought the Bill ina hurried manner without discussing it in theBusiness Advisory Committee meeting of the

Rajya Sabha though all parties, barring SP, hadpledged their support to it.

The main Opposition also questioned the mo-tive behind calling an unscheduled Cabinetmeeting at short notice yesterday just to clearthis Bill. This was also done on a day when theCBI was conducting raids in coal block alloca-tion anomalies and Congress MP Vijay Darda

was one of those who were raided, a BJP leadersaid.

BJP today accused the Government of bringing

the Bill providing for quota for Scheduled Castesand Scheduled Tribes in promotions in government

jobs to divert attention from Coalgate.

PTI, Sep 5, 2012


8/33

UPA allies SP and BSPgo to war over quota bill

The Congress managed to introduce the bill toensure quotas in promotions in the Rajya Sabha,

but two of its big allies are at war now

Sanjay Singh, Sep 5, 2012

The UPA government on Wednesdayplayed its quota card to overshadow theBJPs unyielding stance on the allocation

of coal blocks (a.k.a. Coalgate), but in the proc-

ess it set two of its own allies against each other.

The government succeeded in introducing aconstitution amendment bill to ensure quotasfor SC/STs in promotions in the Rajya Sabha,

but the two parties that are supporting the UPAfrom the outsideMulayam Singhs SamajwadiParty and Mayawatis BSPwere at each othersthroats. The UPA needs the support of both theSP and the BSP to survive the next 18 months toMay 2014, when the next general elections aredue.

As the bill was introduced in the din, unprec-edented scenes of sticuffs between SamajwadiMP Naresh Agarwal and Bahujan Samaj Partys

Avtar Singh were witnessed. Proceedings in the

Upper House have generally been more sober inthe past.

The political fallout of the Congress move tointroduce the bill found its reection almost

immediately. An angry Samajwadi Party chiefMulayam Singh Yadav came out and declaredthat his party will go to the public on this issueand the Congress will have to pay a heavy price

for it. He termed the bill as unconstitutional.Slogan-shouting Samajwadi Party members hadtrooped to the well of the House, to prevent theintroduction and passage of the Bill.

With its vociferous opposition, the party hopesto nd support not just from its two traditionalsocial constituents, OBCs and Muslims, but alsofrom the Upper Castes.

Ironically, the UPA governments move did notentirely please the Bahujan Samaj Party, themain protagonist of this quota bill. It was atBSP chief Mayawatis behest that the govern-ment came up with the present bill in double-quick time. The bill essentially seeks to circum-

vent a Supreme Court ruling barring reservationin promotions. While Mayawati claimed solecredit for the bill, she blasted the Congress fordelaying the bill during the budget session and

bringing it only after Coalgate exploded in mon-

soon session.

Despite our repeated pleas, the Congress didnot bring the bill in the previous budget session

because they wanted to have their President andVice-President elected. Then, they could not af-ford the displeasure of any other political party.The ruling UPAs self-interest overrode otherconsiderations, Mayawati said.

She also vented her ire against the BJP. Moreso, because the main opposition party refusedto budge from its stand on blocking parliamentover Coalgate even after she made a rare gestureof meeting the two leaders of the Opposition


9/33

Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley in their ofces.She requested them to temporarily keep theirdemand for the resignation of the PM and thecancellation of coal blocks in abeyance till thequota bill was passed.

The BJPs behaviour is condemnable. It did notheed to my request because it is dreaming offorming a government after the next parliamen-tary elections, she said.

Mayawatis barbs were swiftly countered by theBJP. The partys deputy leader in the UpperHouse and chief spokesperson, Ravi ShankarPrasad, sarcastically said that Our appeal toMayawati is that she should at least once stand

with us in the ght against corruption. She hasremained silent on corruption in Common-

wealth games, in 2G and now also she is silenton UPAs corruption in the coal scam. We willnot allow the governments plan to sidetrack theght against corruption.

He also took a dig at Prime Minister ManmohanSingh on an article published in the WashingtonPost headlined Indias Silent Prime Minister

becomes Tragic Figure.

The quota bill was moved in the Rajya Sabhafor two strategic reasons. Bills passed in theRajya Sabha do not lapse since the Upper Houseis a permanent body unlike the Lok Sabha.Moreover, the Samajwadi Party, which is openlyopposed to it, has much just nine members inthe Rajya Sabha as compared to 22 in the LokSabha. The government will now try to intro-duce the bill in the Lok Sabha on Thursday.

Given the scufe between the SP and BSP inthe Upper House today, the Lok Sabha is all setto see a greater amount of ruckus when the billcomes there. The main opposition party seemsto be happy playing its card. After all, it is veryrare to see both Bahujan Samaj Party and Sa-majwadi Party come knocking at its door forsupport. Following Mayawatis meeting withSushma Swaraj and Jaitley, Samajwadi Partyleader Ram Gopal Yadav spoke to Jaitley to stallquota bill.

The constitutional amendment bill seeks toreplace Article 16(4A), which enables the stateto provide promotion quotas for SC/STs, with

a new formulation that would render irrelevantthe need to prove backwardness and inadequateshare in services. It seeks to delete two wordsinadequate representation from the said arti-cle in the Constitution.

The revised article, cleared by the Cabinet,reads: Notwithstanding anything containedelsewhere in the Constitution, the SCs and STsnotied under Articles 341 and 342 shall bedeemed to be backward and nothing in this arti-cle, or in article 335, shall prevent the state frommaking any provision for reservation in mattersof promotions, with consequential seniority,to any class or classes of posts in the servicesunder the state in favour of SC/STs to the extentof the percentage of reservation provided to SC/STs in the services of the state.

The amended 16 (4A) would come into forcefrom 17 June 1995, to ensure that promotionseffected in the past remained unaffected by theSC order in the Nagaraj case of November 2006as well as another ruling in April this year. Theruling set out the need for states to justify pro-motion quotas by evidence that SC/STs wereinadequately represented and that the beneci-aries were backward.

Earlier, Parliamentary Affairs Minister PawanBansal had justied plans for a quick vote with-out discussion, saying the house needs to con-sider just a four-line amendment and that the

bill need not go to a standing committee.

A constitution amendment bill cannot be passedamidst pandemonium in the house. The provi-sions under the constitution require that such

a bill should have the support of members whoare not less than half the strength of a houseand two-thirds of those present and voting.For voting to be done, the house needs to be inorder all members on their seats and with asincere intent to participate in voting.

On Wednesday, the Rajya Sabha chairman triedto get the bill passed, but amidst the generaldin, it could not be taken up for voting.


10/33

NDA, UPA are responsible fornot passing quota bill: Mayawati

New Delhi: BSP today blamed both UPAand NDA for the delay in passing the

bill providing for reservation to SCsand STs in promotions in government jobs.

Though the Bill relating to SC/ST promotionwas introduced, it has not been passed yet andfor this both Congress and its allies and BJP andits allies are responsible, BSP chief Mayawati

told reporters outside Parliament.

The Constitution Amendment Bill relating toreservation for promotion of SC/ST employees

was introduced in Rajya

Sabha amid din.

The BSP leader has blamed all major parties forpreventing the bill from being passed. PTI

I am happy that the Bill was introduced. Butthe way the House is being disrupted, it looksthat it would not be possible to pass the Bill,she said.

Criticising the BJP for not supporting the Bill,she said, We strongly condemn the stand taken

by the BJP. As far as coal block allocation isconcerned, it is also an important matter. But

The BSP leader has said that both the BJP and

Congress had attempted to protect their political

self interests instead of passing the bill.

PTI, Sep 5, 2012


11/33

the reservation for SC/ST employees is alsoequally important.

She said she had appealed the BJP to supportthe Bill. Because this is an issue concerning theentire country, she said.

Taking on the UPA, she said, Congress hasvested political interest in delaying in bringingthe Bill. It should have come in the last session.But they wanted to have their candidates winthe President and Vice-President elections andfor this they did not want to annoy any party.

Mayawati said there is no difference betweenCongress and BJP and their allies as far as theirattitude towards the SC/ST promotion Bill isconcerned.

Both parties (Congress and BJP) for theirvested political interest did not push the Bill,she said.

They delayed the Bill and they will pay for itin the next elections and SC/ST people will nottolerate this, she said.

Asked what was their political interest, she said,

Their (BJPs) calculation is that the Housewould not function and they would be able toform the government in 2014. They are dream-

ing of forming government in the next elec-tions.

Had they allowed voting, the Bill would havebeen passed toady. Even if they had allowedonly two and half hours in the House for theBill, it would have been passed. But they are notinterested about SC/ST employees, she said.

For Congress, she said, their interest was tohave their nominees in the post of Presidentand Vice-President.

Congress and its allies are also equally re-sponsible as they prolonged the issue for longotherwise it would have been passed in the lastsession, she said.

The BSP supremo said BJP and its allies andCongress and its allies kept their political inter-est above others and did not support the Bill.

The SC/ST promotion issue was secondary forthem, she said.

When it was pointed out that BSP is supportingthe UPA, she said, We are not part of the gov-ernment. We are supporting the UPA to weaken

the communal forces in the country.


12/33

A bad, bad idea?


13/33

Why quotas for promotions

are a bad, bad ideaSixty years after promising job reservations,

we are extending this bad idea even further -

to job promotions. Its time to abandon it.

R Jagannathan, Aug 23, 2012

Its easy to dismiss any argument againstcaste-based reservations on the groundthat it comes largely from the upper castes.

But this is an illiberal stand, for an argumentshould stand on its own and not depend on

who is saying it. One could use the same logic tosay reservations are supported only by its prime

beneciaries and hence suspect by denition.

Now, with the UPA government planning tointroduce caste-based promotions in govern-ment services, it is time to re-examine all thearguments again. But let me plead guilty up-front to being an upper caste writer though Ideny being overly caste-conscious. If you want

to dismiss my arguments for that reason, pleasedont read any further.

In the kind of rst-past-the-post and fractiouspolitical system we have built, bad ideas have a

way of expanding beyond their original intent.Since elections are won by tiny margins of votes,no party wants to anger any caste group, how-soever small. This is why barring the SamajwadiParty which is gung-ho about reservations ingeneral no one was willing to oppose caste-

based promotions when the PM called an all-party meeting to discuss the issue.

Caste-based reservations are an idea whose


14/33

time has gone. Sixty years was long enough toprove its efcacy or lack of it. But one can becertain it will remain forever. We started with

Ambedkars promise that Dalits need it for only10 years, but have found various excuses to ex-tend it forever, and for all kinds of groups, andfor all kinds of reasons. From SC/STs, we nowhave reservations extended to OBCs, Muslims,and even economically backward upper castes.

Worse, we are not even willing to ask toughquestions of the ideas backers (read here). Thisis nothing but incentivising backwardness.

Centuries after some backward castes aban-doned Hinduism for Islam and Christianity, thelatter have not found nirvana. Now they wantreservations.

Ambedkar called for the annihilation of caste.What we have erected instead is a complete po-litical and institutional support system for theregeneration of casteism. Indian secularism issupposed to root out discrimination on the basisof religion, but when it comes to caste anotherform of communalism we water its roots andapply fertiliser.

Today, the only forces working against caste are

urbanisation (which is erasing caste conscious-ness in the metros) and the market economy(where talent is what matters, not your caste-mark). Politics is helping and hindering theerasure of caste: it is helping, because in therace to win seats, different castes end their un-

willingness to sup with other castes by bandingtogether to aggregate votes; its also hindering,

because castes become vote-banks that also em-phasise stronger caste identity consciousness.

Coming back to issue of caste-based promotionsin government services, our starting point, letssee where the arguments are coming from.

The main reason adduced for giving promotionson a caste basis is that there are very few SC/ST candidates in the higher echelons of govern-ment. This is why Mayawati introduced a law inUttar Pradesh to ensure this, but it was struckdown last April by the Supreme Court on the

ground that it was ultra vires of the constitu-tion. While some constitutional amendmentsafter the Indira Sawhney judgment (which de-clared this ultra vires) provided for reservations

in promotion, the Supreme Court said this couldnot be done unless a state could demonstratethat a particular caste was backward and grosslyunder-represented in a service.

This should normally have been easy to prove,but our politicians do not even want to provideeven data to support their cause. So, clearly,this is not about giving SC/STs a helping handagainst discrimination, but a political ploy tofurther complicate the reservations issue. Maya-

wati wants this small caveat squashed througha constitutional amendment that guaranteesreservations in promotions with no riders. Therest of the political class, with Dalit vote-bankpolitics in mind, is willy-nilly acquiescing in thisgameplan.

In any case, the question really is this: why arethe SC/STs under-represented in central andstate services despite 60 years of reservations?

The answer is counter-intuitive. Governmentjobs usually go by seniority upto a point, andthen by merit. The reason why so few Dalits areup there near the top is that their average ageof entry is around 29-31, when other candidatesenter in the range of 24-26. Little wonder they

lose on the seniority criteria.

The solution is clearly not reservations in pro-motion, but lowering the age of entry of SC/ST candidates in the administrative services.

What the government really needs to do is focuson getting younger Dalits to enter the servicesthrough quotas, whether by giving them bettermentors, or spotting them earlier, or nanc-ing better for pre-test coaching, or some other

means.

The second argument pro-reservationists use isthat the merit claim of the upper castes is bo-gus. This is both right and wrong. It is a goodpoint to make but also beside the point. Incompetitive exams like the IIMs CAT or theIITs JEE, what is being tested is a certain kindof narrow intelligence, and no less a personthan Infosys ex-chairman NR Narayana Murthyhas criticised the quality of students the IITs are

now getting via the coaching classes route. It isalso a moot point whether maxing CAT makes

you t to be a manager after being processedthrough an IIM. SC/STs, with no resources to


15/33

attend coaching classes, clearly dont face a leveleld here.

But what is the real argument here? One, thatmerit may be wrongly dened, and that, gamingthe system by attending coaching classes is notthe same as merit, for which SC/STs should beexcluded.

Nobody is saying that merit is not important;just that what is now considered merit may notbe real merit. There is no substitute for compe-tence. We can always redene what constitutesmerit, and use other yardsticks to avoid thiskind of bias against Dalit candidates. But the ar-gument for promotions, and reservations basedon caste, and not merit, is clearly without merit.

A third argument is to say, see, it alreadyworks. In TV shows, we often nd Dalits say-ing that they would never have made it withoutreservations. The case of Tamil Nadu (wherereservations now are close to 69 percent, de-spite a Supreme Court order capping it at 49percent) will also be trotted out. See, here is astate making progress due to reservations.

Of course, if you do give me a job, I will say it

works for me. Very few interviews are conduct-ed with Dalits who made it even without reser-

vations. This is a selection bias in the samplewhich talks of reservations.

I doubt if any serious experimenter would ac-cept this logic. The only way one can prove thatquotas work better than no quotas is by com-paring two states which undertake oppositepolicies one through reservations, and an-

other through mere voluntary afrmative actioncoupled with growth-oriented, employment-generating policies that benet everybody.

So when anyone in India says reservations haveworked, the answer is that they have no proof.We know a medicine works only when we canshow a placebo given to another control groupdoes not work. If the placebo works as well,then the medicine is worthless.

So there is no compelling reason to claim thatreservations work for we dont have a placebocase where there was no reservation, and thesystem worked just as well, or even better.

I would conclude thus:

It is time to abandon quotas and substituteit with a time-bound afrmative action pro-gramme.

To give Dalits or OBCs or even Muslims theopportunities that they are justly entitled to,

we need to create alternative programmes thatallow states, government bodies or even privateorganisations to do it differently.

Rather than embedding a proviso in the consti-

tution that ensures reservations in promotions,what we need is a constitutional amendmentthat will give any state or institution currentlysubject to reservations a 10-year window in

which to try out alternate afrmative ideas andplans, subject to periodic reviews.

At the end of 10 years, if the plan is a op, theamendment can be made to automatically lapseand compulsory reservations mandated instead.

It is time for India to take the road not taken tohelp the classes that have been most discrimi-nated against. The worst baggage our Dalitscarry is the stamp of mediocrity writ large ontheir foreheads all their lives, thanks to mind-less quotas.

If Ambedkar could do it without reservation, itis downright insulting to argue that all his fol-

lowers are so incapable that they deserve reser-vations.

Indians need to have the courage to admit thatquotas may be mere placebos they are not thecure for social backwardness.


16/33

SC/ST quotas in promotions,and the coming caste wars

The political atmospherics over quotas in

promotions for Scheduled Castes and ScheduledTribes bears an eerie echo of post-Mandal

politics. This wont end nicely.

Venky Vembu, Sep 6, 2012

If there were any doubts that the proposedConstitutional amendment to remove legalobstacles to the provision of quotas in pro-

motions for the Scheduled Castes and Sched-

uled Tribes will drag the debate down to thelowest common denominator of caste-basedidentity politics, what we witnessed in Parlia-ment on Wednesday should remove them.

The pushing and shoving between SamjawadiParty MP Naresh Aggarwal and Bahujan SamajParty MP Avtar Singh Karampuri is merely atrailer, as they say. The real picture will unfoldonly now. The physical jostling is only a meta-phor for the larger scramble in the politicaldomain as each of these parties and otherstoo seek to advance the interests of their coreconstituencies.

Although the Samjawadi Partys objection to theconstitutional amendment proposal is voiced on

the ground that the provision is unconstitution-al, the real objection lies elsewhere, and is un-connected with any high-minded principle. TheSamajwadi Party will be persuaded to give up

its inhibitions about the unconstitutionality ofthe provision if, for instance, the provision forquotas in promotion were not restricted to theScheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes alone,

but extended to the Other Backward Classes aswell.

DMK president M Karunanidhi, who has el-evated casteist politics to a high art, too backsthe Samajwadi Partys stand, and wants thequotas in promotions to be extended to OtherBackward Classes as identied by the MandalCommission.

And suddenly, the Congress, which initiated thisconstitutional amendment provision in the hopeof harvesting political benets in the guise ofadvancing social justice is caught in the cross-re of the identity politics that characterisesUttar Pradesh, between the Samajwadi Partyand the Bahujan Samaj Party, both of whichnotionally support the UPA government fromthe outside.

That disquiet over being at the risk of falling be-tween two stools was manifest in Parliament on

Wednesday, when the Congress treasury bench-es barring the Dalit MPs in the Congress didnot rise to challenge the Samajwadi Partysobjections to the constitutional amendment billthat its own Minister, V Narayanaswamy, intro-duced in the Rajya Sabha.

In effect, the caste-based tensions are comingto the surface because the proposed measure is

seen as pitting the Scheduled Castes and Sched-uled Tribes against Other Backward Classes inthe most cynical fashion. The clamour for reser-

vations within government is increasingly being


17/33

seen as a zero-sum game, where a concession toone is seen as a loss to another.

Of course, if history is any precedent, partiesacross the spectrum will nd a way ahead byextending the quote in promotions benet toOther Backward Classes too either now or at alater date. But that will only trigger off anotherround of competitive casteism, because onceall lower castes and Scheduled Castes becomeentitled to the same benets, they now have toseen to be advancing the case of their constitu-encies relative to other sub-castes as well.

This is entirely in keeping with the way thediscourse over reservations has evolved overthe decades. Introduced as an exception to onesegment of the population that had legitimate

claims to having been socially discriminatedagainst, it has become the rule, where evengroups that dont quite deserve the benet(since they never faced social discrimination) such as Jats in Rajasthan have begun toqualify for it. At every successive stage, the pro-

visions for reservations have been so debasedas to take them farther and farther away fromthe original intent of providing an exceptional,time-bound benet to a small constituency of

socially backward people.

And a provision that was intended as merely anenabling instrument has perversely gone on to

become a right, to be claimed by ever wideningcircles of caste groups.

When the Mandal Commission recommenda-tions, under which reservations were extendedto Other Backward Classes, were introduced in

1989-90, the opposition came principally fromupper caste groups. At least some of the op-position came from genuine concerns that theMandal Commissions methodology for arriving

at its classication of other backward classeswas awed. For instance, the then Left Frontgovernment in West Bengal found it could nottrace some of the castes that the Mandal Com-mission had listed: the same was the case inOdisha. Odisha Chief Minister Biju Patnaik atthat time pointed out that some 20-plus castesthat had been listed by the Mandal Commissionas belonging to the OBCs were already recog-nised as Scheduled Castes, and that some of thesurnames that the Commission had listed asidentifying lower castes were used by uppercastes as well.

Yet, the attempt then and now has been toproject all opposition to the awed recommen-dations of the Mandal Commission as arisingfrom upper caste elitisim. The hollowness of

that claim is increasingly becoming manifest,with the tussle now principally between theSCs/STs and Other Backward Classes.

The Mandal Commissions recommendationsdecisively churned Indian politics, not alwaysfor the better. The politicking over Mandal alsodistracted the country from a looming economiccrisis, which erupted in full force in 1991.

The political atmospherics, and the economicbackdrop, of Mandal present a striking paral-lel to the events of today. At a time when theeconomy is on a downward spiral, a new caste

war politics is being unleashed, which will, itspatrons hope, shift focus momentarily awayfrom the succession of scandals that have besetthis government and from its colossal under-performance on the economic front.

As it did in the post-Mandal era, this new politi-cal churn, based entirely on caste-based identi-ty, has serious negative consequences for Indianpolity, economy and society.


18/33

Quotas in promotions:No party is willing to say no

Many parties see a danger in introducing

quotas in job promotions, but no one is willingto antagonise the Dalit votebank.

Sanjay Singh, Aug 22, 2012

At the all-party meeting convened by thePrime Minister to discuss quotas for thescheduled castes and tribes (SC/ST) in

promotions, only the Samajwadi Party was clearin its opposition.

Its only vocal supporter is the Bahujan SamajParty (BSP) for obvious reasons.

But almost nobody else was willing to take astand clearly against it. The PM merely sought

the oppositions valuable suggestions to getaround the Supreme Courts verdict in Aprilstriking down a Uttar Pradesh decision to pro-

vide quotas in promotions.

The BJP, while paying lip-service to the uplift-ment of the weaker sections, muttered cave-ats about adhering to constitutional and legalnorms. The Left too made similar proformastatements (Read here).

The undertone is clear: no party, barring theBSP, really wants to do this, but vote-bank poli-tics is forcing them to bury their real views.

The Congress is running with the hare andhunting with the hounds since both the BSPand the Samajwadi Party are UPA backers, withone of them for it and the other against.

Every party (other than the BSP) realises thatthe bill to ensure this will be disliked by its base.

As a senior BJP leader told Firstpost on condi-tion of anonymity: If you ask me privately theproposal for such a bill must not be supported.Quota in promotion, after already giving them(SC/STs) one for entry into a job, is not justi-ed. More so because the long-term implica-tions are unhealthy both for the structure andfor governance. But that certainly cant be our

public view. We have to support, or at least seento be supporting the idea, of advancement ofSCs and STs. Remember, we have good supportamong these communities.

The Congress, which traditionally has had thesupport of these communities, is trying to pilotthe bill, to get even with BSP leader Mayawatiin the game of political brinkmanship. A Con-gress leader said the UPA government needed

to go with this bill. It was after all the Congresswhich had provided reservations for Dalits andtribals at all levels. Now we cant be seen to

be lagging behind. We understand some of itsadverse implications but in a democracy where

you have to go to the electorate after quick in-tervals, one needs to be pragmatic.

Mayawati has been at the forefront asking fora constitutional amendment to ensure reserva-tions in promotions. The problem arose afterthe Supreme Court, on 27 April, in a case in-

volving the UP Power Corporation vs RajeshKumar & Others, struck down a clause for res-ervations in promotion to SCs and STs in UP.


19/33

The Samajwadi Party says if quotas are given toSC/STs in promotion, the same have to be givento other backward classes (OBCs) as well. It alsosays that Muslims wont be beneted from thereservations. According to the SP, OBCs consti-tute 52 percent of the population and if quotasare given to SC/STs, OBCs will be the worstimpacted by this.

The Prime Minister, in his opening remarks,said he was seeking the counsel of all parties todiscuss a way out of the Supreme Courts order.Singh asked the parties to provide valuablesuggestions so that a legally sustainable solutionmay be arrived at.

Though no formal announcement was made af-ter the meeting, a minister said the government

will try to present a bill by end of the monsoonsession. With parliamentary proceedings beingdisrupted on the BJPs insistence that Manmo-han Singh resign over Coalgate, legislative workis no longer a priority for the government andthe opposition. In this case it suits them ne.

You may be aware that the government has al-ways been committed to protect the interests ofthe scheduled castes and scheduled tribes and

on certain occasions did not hesitate even tobring constitutional amendments, the PM saidat the meeting.

The Supreme Court, in its 1992 judgment in theIndra Sawhney case, had held that reservationsin promotions are ultra vires of the Constitu-tion, but allowed its continuation for ve yearsas a special case. The 77th amendment to theConstitution was made in 1995 to insert clause

(4A) to Article 16 before the ve-year periodexpired to continue with reservations for SC/STs in promotions. Clause (4A) was furthermodied through the 85th amendment so asto give the benet of consequential seniority to

SC/ST candidates promoted by reservation, heexplained.

Singh went to some length to explain the legalposition. The 81st amendment was made to theConstitution whereby clause (4/B) was incor-porated in Article 16 to permit the governmentto treat the backlog of reserved vacancies as aseparate and distinct group, to which the limitof 50 percent ceiling on reservation may notapply. The 82nd amendment incorporated aproviso in Article 335 to enable states to giverelaxations/concessions to SC/ST candidates inmatters of promotion.

These aforesaid four Constitutional amend-ments were made in order to protect the inter-ests of the backward classes, including SC/STs.

The validity of all these four amendments waschallenged before the Supreme Court through

various writ petitions clubbed together in MNagaraj & Others vs. Union of India & Others,mainly on the ground that these altered the ba-sic structure of the Constitution.

The Supreme Court upheld these four amend-ments but stipulated that the concerned state

will have to show in each case the existence of

compelling reasons, namely, backwardness, in-adequacy of representation and overall admin-istrative efciency, before making provisionsfor reservation. The court further held that theimpugned provision is an enabling provision. Ifa state government wishes to make provisionsfor reservation to SC/STs in promotion, thestate has to collect quantiable data showing

backwardness of the class and inadequacy ofrepresentation of that class.

No party, of course, is planning to prove anysuch thing. In electoral politics, quota politicshas always needed no proof.


20/33

Why SC/ST promotions quotaputs India on the road to disaster

Although it is packaged as an afrmative action

proposal intended to uplift the Scheduled Castes

and Scheduled Tribes, the measure is regressive.

Venky Vembu, Sep 5, 2012

If the Idea of India as envisaged at the timeof Independence was premised on the ero-sion of caste identities, two developments

today validate the shameful fact that not onlydoes caste-based discrimination persist, it con-tinues to be perpetuated, including as an instru-

ment of state policy.

The rst of these reports relates to the experi-ence of a Dalit cook in a school in a Tamil Nadu

village, who faces social ostracism from casteHindu Vanniyar parents who are refusing to

send their children for the nutritious noon mealscheme on the grounds that it is a sin to eatfood cooked by a Dalit.

That such regressive caste-based notions ofuntouchability continue to be perpetuated even65 years after independence may seem shockingenough, but the response of the district admin-istration was even more astounding. Accordingto The Hindu, rather than sensitise the Van-niyars in the village and caution them on the

folly of what was at its core a criminal act ofdiscrimination, ofcials transferred the cook toanother school on deputation. But even in hernew posting, she faces a social boycott, as do six

other Dalit cooks in the village.

Meanwhile, over in Delhi, the Union Cabinetput its stamp of approval on a Constitutional

Amendment provision to clear the residual legalhurdles in formalising reservations for Sched-

uled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in promotionsin government jobs. Although it is packaged asan afrmative action proposal intended to upliftthe Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes

who, as the Tamil Nadu experience illustrates,continue to face discrimination, the measure

will end up accentuating and reinforcing casteidentities in a regressive way.

If passed and it surely will, given the near-

unanimity across political parties to be seen tobe advancing the interests of Schedule Castesand Schedule Tribes it will be the 98thamendment to the Constitution in only the66th year of independence. Its a sign of how far

weve come from the sterling document that ourfounding fathers, in their innite wisdom, haddrawn up.

Like artless monkeys shredding a garland, our

leaders and political parties have over the dec-ades hacked and plucked away at the Constitu-tion that had been drawn up by minds that werefar more visionary than anything weve seensince. In the name of improving upon that docu-ment, they have effectively ripped it to pieces.

The supreme irony of the upcoming Constitu-tional amendment provision to strike down allthe legal challenges in implementing and in-stitutionalising the quotas-in-promotion en-

terprise is that it violates the spirit and letter of what everybody from BR Ambedkar andJawaharlal Nehru downward wanted to see: theerosion of divisions along caste lines, and the


21/33

winding down, over time, of all reservations.

The evolution of the reservation policy in these65 years and the manner in which the abuseof the original intent has played out over thedecades portends ill for the country. From be-ing a mere enabling provision to confer a dis-cretionary power on the State as a temporaryexpedient to uplift a small section of the sociallyoppressed, it has become an instrument thatadvances competitive casteism and institution-alises caste-based divisions, with vast numbersclamouring to claim reservations as their birth-right.

What started off as a temporary provision forjust Scheduled Castes has over time extendedto cover Other Backward Classes, and is being

sought to be extended to religions minorities aswell. And successive governments have over theyears been pushing to extend the provision topromotions as well. The proposed Constitution-al amendment will do it for Schedule Castes andScheduled Tribes, but you can be sure giventhe precedent that the facility will be extendedto OBCs as well.

Every time the provision for quotas in promo-

tions was struck down by the Supreme Court orother courts, successive governments have re-sponded with alacrity to amend the Constitution and dilute and expand the provisions of thelaw to drag it to the lowest common denomina-tor. In that enterprise, virtually every politicalparty has been complicit.

The most striking warning of what lies in storecame long ago, from Nehru. Addressing theConstitutent Assembly, Nehru had said that heand the others were opposed to reservations,particularly on caste and religions considera-tions, but had reluctantly agreed to carryon with some measure of reservation for theScheduled Castes, given the history of discrimi-nation that they faced and the expectation thatthe reservation would be limited to just 10

years.

It was a theme he would return to over theyears, with a sense of growing alarm and de-spondency. In June 1961, in a letter to ChiefMinisters, Nehru wrote: It is true that we aretied up with certain rules and conventions abouthelping the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. They

deserve help, but even so I dislike any kind ofreservation I react strongly against anything

which leads to inefciency and second-ratestandards.

The notion that reservations were being extend-ed even to promotions caused Nehru immenseanguish. It has amazed me to learn that evenpromotions are based on communal or casteconsiderations. This way lies not only folly, but

disaster, he warned, with amazing prescience.

With todays approval for the Constitutionalamendment that will overcome the repeatedlegal challenges that the proposal faced, Indiamay be well on the road to folly and disaster.


22/33

Maya makes a fool of everybody,

including herselfIndia is sliding towards another bad decision on

quotas in promotions. It does not benet anybody

except Mulayam Singh - but no one is opposing it.

R Jagannathan, Sep 5, 2012

Its called the Abilene Paradox.

Named after a mythical family which is playingdominoes on the porch one lazy afternoon, thestory begins with the father-in-law asking, moreto keep the conversation going than anythingelse, why dont we go to Abilene?

Abilene is a distant place with a hot, dusty roadto traverse. Nobody would want to go there for

fun, but his family members, in the erroneousbelief that the others were all keen on the trip,agree. All of them go to Abilene unhappily andthen come back to regret it.

The paradox is about people making a choicewhich nobody wants due to a lack of properarticulation and a misunderstanding about whateverybody really is thinking.

India now stands on the brink of its ownAbilene paradox following the Union cabinetsdecision to extend reservations in promotionsto the scheduled castes and tribes (SC/STs) ingovernment services.

Does this decision benet anybody?

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati issaid to be the main sponsor of this bad idea. Butshe already has almost the entire Dalit vote inUttar Pradesh. So how does she expect to aug-ment it further? Her party has not made greatprogress outside Uttar Pradesh, but since otherDalit parties with pockets of inuence in Ma-harashtra and elsewhere will surely support thesame idea, she has nothing really to gain.

Moreover, Mayawati, who rode to power in2006 with the help of a chunk of Brahmin andupper caste votes in UP, is essentially cutting off

these possibilities by banking on this bankruptidea.

Mayawati is surely intelligent enough to knowthis. At best, this is her way of getting even withthe Supreme Court, which has shot down caste-

based reservation in promotions in a case in-volving the Uttar Pradesh Power Corporation.

The Congress, which is using the reservations

idea to shift attention from its Coalgate andother corruption-related embarrassments, isdoing all this just to obtain momentary relieffrom public scrutiny. Mayawatis Dalit voters

wont desert her for the Congress in UP, andDalits elsewhere are anyway Congress back-ers at least where there is no alternative. Butthere is no vote-bank to gain.

Like VP Singhs Mandal politics, this is Con-gress stupid votebank idea only, its evenmore bankrupt, for there is no votebank thatis really on offer here. It would have beenmore sensible for the Congress to deal with theCoalgate issue head-on by cancelling the coal


23/33

block allocations and starting on a clean slatewith auctions. Despite a temporary loss of face,in the long term it has more to gain by puttingCoalgate behind instead of watering the roots ofcasteism once more.

The BJP, which is clearly the party with themost to lose, is still undecided on whether to

back this Congress move for a constitutionalamendment to allow for caste-based reserva-tion in promotions. The partys prime votebankis the upper castes, and so one wonders what itsees in the Mayawati idea. It is still hesitating,since it wrongly believes that it can some-how expand its base beyond the upper castesand urban votes by willy-nilly going along withMayawati.

If the BJP does this, Mayawati will eat the partyfor breakfast.

Perhaps the only party with something to gainis Mulayam Singhs Samajwadi Party, with itsstrong base in other backward classes (OBCs)and minorities in UP. By opposing the caste-

based promotions or stalling it, he may hope tobenet from upper caste crossover votes in thenext round of elections in Uttar Pradesh. This

way, he can make up for the partys failure ingovernance over the last one year.

In other words, the only theoretical beneciaryof Mayawatis move is her rival Mulayam Singh if at all.

The biggest losers will be the Congress and theBJP who are anyway marginalised in UttarPradesh since they will be angering their up-

per caste voters in the state without bargainingfor something in return.

The Congress looks pathetic as it abandons themodernist ideas of its greatest leader Jawa-harlal Nehru who was against these kinds ofreservations.

The BJP is even more pathetic. It is shootingitself in the foot by gifting away its core vote inthe mythical search for a broader coalition of

castes.

Perhaps, Mayawatis calculation is that by de-stroying both the Congress and the BJP, she will

become the only other option to Mulayam Singhin Uttar Pradesh. Once it is a two-horse race,all castes will have to choose the lesser evil and

vote either for her or Mulayam Singh.

Apart from Congress and BJP, the biggest los-ers will be Dalits themselves who will now

be ostracised for using political clout to seekundeserved promotions. Even deserving SC/ST candidates will now be seen as undeservingsince merit is no longer required for promo-tions.

As this writer noted in an earlier article, thereason why SC/ST candidates are under-repre-sented in central and state services is this: theyenter the services late. Government jobs usu-ally go by seniority up to a point, and then by

merit. The reason why so few Dalits are up therenear the top is that their average age of entry isaround 29-31, when other candidates enter inthe range of 24-26. Little wonder they lose onthe seniority criteria.

The solution is to get Dalits to enter the civilservices around the same age as their uppercaste peers. But instead of focusing on this, allparties are focusing on non-solutions.

However, even Mayawatis calculations andMulayams may not quite work out because allcastes are now discovering their vote power.The upper castes did not stay with Mayawati in2011; and the Muslims may move away fromMulayam as they rediscover the power of agen-cy.

Supercially, Mayawati may have made a fool

out of every other party by playing to their guiltcomplexes on caste. The Congress feels obligedto back the idea, and so does the BJP.

Only these two parties can call their bluff butthe Congress has already fallen into her trap.

And the BJP looks likely to follow suit. OnlyMulayam Singh is calling her bluff, but we dontknow if he will ultimately gain from it.

The Abilene paradox is at work. Only the BJP

and Mulayam can still call Mayawatis bluff. Ifthey dont, Mayawati would have made a fool ofnot only her rivals, but herself too.


24/33

Why a promotions quota

could work


25/33

Reservations have

united India betterWill the bill destroy merit in government serviceor will it provide much needed representation

to the backward castes?

FP Staff, Sep 5, 2012

Despite the bill to allow promotions

based on caste dividing opinion and

political parties, JNU professor VivekKumar has welcomed the governments decisionand said it will not divide the workplace, as itsopponents claimed.

The reservations have not divided (workplac-es), it is the political promotions and appoint-ments, Kumar told CNN-IBN.

Kumar also shot down the argument that from

hereon now on the merit of a person would notmatter when it came to promotion, since ac-cording to him, promotions in government jobs

were always linked to political support.

Merit is a construct used by the upper casteagainst the SCs, STs. One doesnt become cabi-

net secretary because of seniority(or merit), butbecause of political choice, he said.

Kumar said that reservations would not onlybenet the Scheduled Caste and ScheduledTribe employees but would also strengthendemocracy.

I think reservation has united India muchbetter. It has given representation to people. It

has brought a mass of people, who did not haveany representation in any institutions nearer todemocracy and therefore it has strengthenedIndian society and democracy, he said.
http://av.firstpost.com/2012/09/102505_onreservation5sep.mp4http://www.firstpost.com/


26/33

When quota champions speak

the upper caste languageThe OBCs or the parties dominated by them are

unlikely to agree unconditionally to a quota in

promotion bill. When it comes to the SCs/STs, they

have a logic that sounds like the age-old

anti-reservationist argument of the upper castes.

G Pramod Kumar, Aug 22, 2012

Its almost certain that the union govern-ment will bring a bill to amend the consti-tution to restore the much needed quota

in promotion for scheduled castes and sched-uled tribes (SCs and STs) that had been blocked

by a recent Supreme Court judgement.

Compared to the Lok Pal bill; which targets an

equally critical issue of corruption, on which theparties and the governments have been drag-ging their feet for decades; this piece of legisla-tion is politically expedient for the UPA as wellas others.

Its therefore not surprising that there is nearunanimity of opinion on the issue. Its delightfulto watch that the Congress, the BJP and the Leftparties are in it together.

However, the OBCs or the parties dominatedby them are unlikely to agree unconditionally.

They are the champions of afrmative action,but when it comes to the SCs/STs, they have alogic that sounds like the age-old anti-reserva-tionist argument of the upper castes.


27/33

The Samajwadi Party (SP) of Uttar Pradesh iscompletely against it while the DMK, anotherOBC reservation champion is ne with the idea,

but would want another bill for the backwardcastes. Incidentally, both the states have anSC population that is roughly 20% and have ahistory of violence against Dalits perpetratedmostly by the backward castes.

According to the latest National Crime RecordsBureau data, UP accounts for the highest shareof the crime against Dalits in the country.

Times of India reported that at the all partymeeting convened by the Prime Minister on theissue on Tuesday Samajwadi chief MulayamSingh Yadav and brother Ramgopal Yadav were

vocal in opposing the move, arguing it led to

social heartburn and vitiated social harmony.

They argued that all top positions in workdepartments in Uttar Pradesh were occupied

by SCs, with OBCs and general candidates un-able to move beyond the rank of superintendingengineer, TOI reported.

Sounds similar, isnt it?

The Mandal messiahs sound upper casteistwhen it comes to Dalits. In this argument, theyeven nd common cause with the upper castes(general candidates) in blocking the upwardmobility of Dalits. The riders such as a separate

bill for the OBCs by the JD(U) and DMK fortheir support stem from the same supremacistmindset.

The same logic was heard last when the coun-

try pushed for 30% reservation for women. Nowonder, Indias afrmative action story is thatof the rise of the backward or middle castes andthe continued oppression of Dalits and violenceagainst them by caste hindus.

Reservation is a contentious issue and the de-bate has mostly been between the OBCs and theupper castes. In simple terms, as was witnessedduring the Mandal agitation, the upper castesare forever peeved that their opportunities are

taken away by less meritorious people becausethey belong to backward castes. Instead of ap-pearing to be anti-OBC, they argue for respectfor merit as well a quota for economic back-

wardness, overlooking the fundamental logicbehind afrmative action empowerment ofsocially backward sections of society.

Mulayams argument of discontentment is nodifferent from the upper castes getting peeved

by the glass ceiling created by the OBCs.

Backward castes also gure prominently as theperpetrators of violence against Dalits, especial-ly in Tamil Nadu, UP and Bihar where the OBCdominated parties control electoral politics.The anti Dalit violence of the 1990s in TamilNadu and that in UP in the 1980s and 90s, forinstance, are commensurate with the politicalrise of the intermediate castes and oppressionof Dalits.

The role of backwards castes, who ironicallyfought for their rights against the oppression ofthe upper castes, in such incidents of violencehas been extensively reported. As academicZoya Hassan noted, the rise of middle and back-

ward classes in a number of districts in UP hasintensied the conicts between them and thelandless agricultural labourers.

The dominant role sought by the middle castes

also is reected in the famous Mandal Report,which notes that for some reasons, the sched-uled castes and the scheduled tribes and otherminor artisan castes like the potters, the weav-ers, the carpenters, etc. feel threatened by theintermediate castes also having a stake in landlike the upper castes.

It also said: There are many states in Indiawhere the weaker landless minority artisan

castes and the scheduled castes look to the up-per castes and not to the intermediate castes forprotection.

In the end, it is nothing but the ght for su-premacy by the intermediate castes and theirpolitical parties. They try to conate their de-mands for reservation with that of the severelyoppressed Dalits and are at the vanguard of this

willful conict.

That is precisely why the union governmentshould go ahead with the proposed Bill and en-sure that it is legally sustainable.


28/33

SC/ST quota in promotions:The reality of the core constituency

Core constituencies are the driving force in politics

and by extension democracy. Political parties

cannot ignore these.

Akshaya Mishra, Sep 6, 2012

On the face of it quota in promotions areregressive. It is easy to argue against it,

but lets get real. Core constituenciesare the driving force in politics and by extensiondemocracy. Political parties have no reason toexist and they will not if they dont cater to theneeds of their core constituencies. They have to

bargain hard to promote and protect the inter-est of the latter to stay relevant. Otherwise, thecore has the option to choose other alternatives.

Whenever it shifts, parties in governments col-lapse.

Both Mayawati and Mulayam Singh Yadavunderstand it well. In the heart of their support

and opposition to the quota bill are their coreconstituencies, the Dalits in the case of Maya-

wati and the middle castes in case of the latter.The BJPs opposition to the implementation ofthe Sachar panel recommendation on minori-ties, specically Muslims, and the Congressinsistence on quotas for the community insidethe OBC reservation also comes from the sameconcern. The only problem is that neither seemsto have a rock-solid core base now.

Theres no point in being in denial. It is theexistential truth in a party-based democracy.

And its not necessarily loaded with negativepossibilities. Core constituencies dont come out


29/33

of thin air. They are born out of specic expecta-tions of communities and as a collective bar-gaining tool in the democracy. The expectationsmany times militate against reason, like in thequota-based promotions case. But again, reasonis a highly subjective quantity and its interpre-tation and understanding depends a lot on from

which exact location in the social hierarchy youare looking at the subject in question.

Do the Dalits have the same aversion towardsquotas in promotions as the upper castes? Obvi-ously not. Would Mulayam or for that matterDMK chief M Karunanidhi be as aggressive inhis opposition if the government sweetened the

bill with promises for the OBCs? No. Both arecatering to their constituencies. The Congressand the BJP are trying to impress the Dalits by

coming to a rare agreement over the bill. Theyare trying to mark out imaginary or real con-stituencies for themselves.

Quota in promotions amounts to reverse dis-crimination and reinforcing and perpetuating asystem that should have been done away withlong ago, goes the age-old argument. But thatagain is poor understanding of both power ofthe caste, democratic politics and caste-politics

dynamics in the country. Politics will alwaysaddress to the concerns of identity and the per-ceived sense of victimhood among communi-ties. Since the caste system has already created

blocks of people with similar grievances, theyare easy to reach out to.

Its often a two-way process, rst, when peoplebind into a force and choose to use the political

system to their advantage; and second, whenparties reach out to them promising things inreturns. Either way, the caste groups benet.The Dalits wont be better off today in UttarPradesh without rallying strongly behind theBSP. Obviously, their empowerment and up-

ward movement on the social ladder has comeat the cost of the middle castes. It is natural thatthere will always be opposition to the BSP fromthis section.

But that is the beauty of democracy. It allows allgroups to be in a state of competitive bargainingfor power and benets. It calls for better man-agement skills from political parties. Democracyin India is certainly going deeper and wider,

bringing in more groups into its fold. The proc-ess and the outcomes may be difcult to digest

for many but thats the bland reality. Democracycannot be an institution to strengthen the statusquo, its far bigger role is to the instrument ofsocial change.

The merit argument in the context of promo-tions is valid but the support in its favour eitherfrom the political class or outside does not looktoo strong. That offers the parties scope to goahead with the proposal. Things could change

only if the upper castes or the sections who arelikely to be in a position of disadvantage organ-ise themselves into a vote bank and put pressureon the parties. That is essentially how democra-cies function.

Love it or hate it, you have to accept it.


30/33

What do you think?


31/33

The proposal to amend the Constitution toremove all residual legal obstacles to provid-

ing for reservations for Schedule Castes andScheduled Tribes in promotions in govern-ment service is a dangerous perversion.When the Constitution was being drawn up,its framers intended reservations for Sched-uled Castes as a temporary measure for 10years and an enabling provision not as amatter of birth right. The goal then was towork towards the erosion of caste divisions,not provide a crutch for perpetuity. Com-petitive casteism and political populism has

extended reservations and reinforced caste-based identities to extreme limits. They werethen subsequently sought to be extendedto promotions, and the courts have repeat-edly struck it down as unconstitutional. Thecurrent effort to circumvent those judicialpronouncements and formalise reservationsin promotions will only accentuate the socialdivide even further, in addition to weaken-ing governance at every level. If anything, themore compelling need is to initiate a debate

on the demerits of reservation in their en-tirety. There are many other ways in whichafrmative action programmes to uplift thesocially backward can be channelled. Thisproposal needs to be scrapped

Reservation is a contentious issue and thedebate has mostly been between the OBCs

and the upper castes. In simple terms, aswas witnessed during the Mandal agita-tion, the upper castes are forever peevedthat their opportunities are taken away

by less meritorious people becausethey belong to backward castes. Insteadof appearing to be anti-OBC, they arguefor respect for merit as well a quota foreconomic backwardness, overlooking thefundamental logic behind afrmative ac-

tion empowerment of socially backwardsections of society. In the end, it is nothingbut the ght for supremacy by the inter-mediate castes and their political parties.They try to conate their demands forreservation with that of the severely op-pressed Dalits and are at the vanguard ofthis willful conict. That is precisely whythe union government should go ahead

with the proposed Bill and ensure that it islegally sustainable.


32/33

Result till 6th Sep 2012


33/33

iPhoneiPad Android

Scan or click to download our Android, iPad/ iPhone apps
http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost/id445829858?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://bit.ly/SmsN0Khttp://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost/id445829858?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost-for-ipad/id458043826?mt=8http://itunes.apple.com/in/app/firstpost/id445829858?mt=8http://twitter.com/#!/firstpostinhttps://www.facebook.com/firstpostinhttp://www.firstpost.com/

Social equality or social disaster

Documents

Transcript of Social equality or social disaster