HART/McINTURFF March 2010 Interviews: 1,000 Adults, Including104
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August 2017 NBC-WSJ Social Trends Poll
Selected Key Trends
Bill McInturff, Partner
This does not reflect the opinions of Hart Research Associates, NBC News, or The Wall Street Journal.
Dave Wilson, Research Director
Micah Roberts, Partner
Tori Miller, Research Assistant
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The Way We Live/ Social Policy
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Religion
Since 1999, we have seen the percentage of Americans who “never” attend religious services rise 11 points from 13% to 24% today.
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Employment Status
The changes we observed in the American workforce occurred between 1992 and 2002: The percentage of those employed in the “Professional/Manager” category trended up during that decade (from 21% to 25% of the country), while those in both White Collar occupations (27% in 1992, 21% in 2002) and Blue Collar jobs (23% in 1992, 17% in 2002) trended downward. The percentage of those working in these three categories, Professional/Manager, White Collar, and Blue Collar is largely stable from 2002 through today.
One trend is becoming clearer though as those self-described as “retired” has moved up from 17% in 1992, to 20% in 2002 to 25% in the January 2017 survey.
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Type of Work January
1992
January
2002
January
2007
January
2012
January
2017
Professional/Manager 21% 26% 22% 24% 25%
White Collar 27% 21% 19% 17% 19%
Blue Collar 23% 17% 16% 15% 19%
Retired 17% 20% 26% 25% 25%
Type of Work of Respondents – Trend
Professional/Manager (Selected Examples):
Doctors, attorneys, CEOs, CPAs, all analysts, engineers, pilots,
ministers/ priests/ reverends/ rabbis, dentists, pharmacists,
brokers, Presidents/VP of companies, architects, teachers/
professors, and consultants.
White Collar (Selected Examples):
Any business owners, self employed, marketing, sales, restaurant owners,
jewelers, insurance, route sales, purchasing, import/ export, telemarketing,
real estate, retail sales, wholesaler, manufacturing rep, sales rep, basically any
desk-type job, and computer work.
Blue Collar (Selected Examples):
Construction, bakers, gardeners, electricians, painters, movers,
police/ fire/ EMS, investigators/ detective, cooks, bartenders, wait
staff, sheriff, dispatcher, manufacturing jobs/ assembly/
factory, and plumbers.
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Retirement
Expectations about retirement age have changed since 1999. Among those who are not already retired or a stay at home parent, in 1999, 23% expected to retire when they were younger than 60 years old. Today, that has dropped a full ten points down to only 13%. The percentage of respondents who say they will retire at 70 or older has climbed from 18% in 1999 to 28% today.
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Retirement Age
March 1999
August 2017
Under 60 23% 13%
61-64 15% 8%
65 24% 22%
66-69 5% 8%
70+ 9% 17%
Never 9% 11%
At what age do you expect to retire?
1999 2017 Net Diff.
Total 9% 17% +8%
Liberals 9% 20% +11%
Rural Residents 5% 16% +11%
Democrats 10% 21% +11%
Top Movers That Expect to Retire When They’re 70 or Older
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Household Composition
We are witnessing a shift in self-described household composition. In 2009, 13% of respondents said “a child over the age of twenty-one or another family member or relative is living in your household for financial or health reasons.” By 2014, this had climbed nine points to 22% and today’s data is stable at 21%.
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Same-Sex Marriage
The percentage of Americans who favor allowing same-sex marriage has doubled from 30% to 60% over the past 13 years.
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Attitudes Toward Same-Sex Marriage – Trend
Do you favor or oppose allowing gay and lesbian couples to enter into same-sex marriages?
32% 32% 30%
41%
49% 51%
53%
59% 60%
51%
56%
62%
49%
40% 40% 42%
33% 33%
July 2003 Dec. 2003 March 2004 Oct. 2009 March 2012 Dec. 2012 April 2013 March 2015 Aug. 2017
Favor allowing same-sex marriages Oppose allowing same-sex marriages
Dem: 40%/45% Ind: 36%/39% Rep: 22%/65%
Dem: 42%/45% Ind: 41%/46% Rep: 16%/75%
Dem: 49%/41% Ind: 30%/63% Rep: 11%/84%
Dem: 55%/35% Ind: 37%/50% Rep: 22%/70%
Dem: 67%/24% Ind: 46%/37% Rep: 31%/62%
Dem: 69%/22% Ind: 46%/43% Rep: 27%/63%
Dem: 73%/23% Ind: 54%/41% Rep: 27%/66%
Dem: 74%/21% Ind: 60%/30% Rep: 40%/49%
Dem: 77%/18% Ind: 59%/30% Rep: 42%/51%
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Gun Issue
In 1995, just 35% of Americans were concerned the government would go too far in putting restrictions on gun rights while 58% were worried the government would not do enough to regulate access to firearms. In the latest survey, with a record high (48%) of Americans saying they have a gun in their home, half (50%) of Americans are more concerned about government restrictions and 45% worry the government will not do enough to regulate access to firearms.
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Attitudes Towards Gun Rights – Trend
35%
52% 50% 50% 56% 58%
44% 47% 45%
41%
June 1995 Dec. 2015 June 2016 Aug. 2017 Gun rights/gun controlimpacts vote
Too far in restricting citizen gun rights Not enough to regulate access to firearms
Which of the following statements concerns you more…
Statement A: The government will go too far in restricting the rights of citizens to own guns Statement B: The government will not do enough to regulate access to firearms
-23% +8% +3% +5% +15%
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Confidence in Future Generation
The last time a majority (50%) of Americans said they were confident that life for their children's generation will be better than it has been for themselves was in 1990. The 35% of Americans holding this view today is the most optimistic we have measured on this topic in over a decade.
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Confidence in Children’s Generation – Trend
50%
44% 41%
25%
49%*
27%
33% 34% 31%
27% 27% 30%
21%
35%
Oct '90 Dec '91 Dec '92 Sep '93 Dec '01 July '06 Jan '07 Sep '08 June '09 Dec '09 Aug '10 May '10 Aug '14 Aug '17
% Feel Confident
Do you feel confident or not confident that life for our children’s generation will be better than it has been for us?
*First measurement post 9/11 when there was a surge of positive sentiment on a number of different questions.
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Economic Changes
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Economic Status
For whatever else has changed, this snapshot of America by self-described economic circumstances is identical to the America of 19 years ago.
But, if you look at the percent of Poor/Working Class (PWC) Americans in Urban, Suburban and Rural geography, there’s an 11 point spike in Rural areas (41% PWC in ’98 and 52% today), but really no change in Urban (35% in ’98 and 36% today) or Suburban (32% in ’98 and 30% today) areas.
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“Self-described” Economic Circumstances – Trend
1998 August 2017
Poor 6% 8%
Working Class 30% 28%
Middle Class 44% 44%
Upper Middle 16% 16%
Well To Do 2% 3%
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“Self-described” Economic Circumstances – Trend
Poor/Working Middle Upper/Well To Do
1998 2017 1998 2017 1998 2017
Total 36% 36% 44% 44% 18% 19%
18-49 38% 39% 43% 41% 19% 19%
50-64 32% 33% 43% 43% 23% 22%
65+ 34% 27% 50% 56% 13% 15%
Whites 34% 33% 45% 45% 20% 20%
African Americans 46% 44% 37% 44% 14% 11%
Northeast 35% 35% 44% 43% 17% 20%
Midwest 35% 41% 47% 45% 16% 15%
South 34% 32% 42% 46% 22% 20%
West 38% 38% 41% 41% 19% 19%
Urban 35% 36% 42% 45% 20% 17%
Suburban 32% 30% 44% 46% 21% 23%
Rural 41% 52% 44% 37% 13% 8%
Republicans 26% 32% 46% 44% 27% 22%
Independents 42% 35% 42% 45% 14% 18%
Democrats 40% 36% 44% 46% 15% 17%
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Globalization
During the beginning of the Great Recession years (2007-2009), majorities said globalization has been bad for the U.S. Today, more Americans feel positively than negatively toward globalization. This is the first time, since first asked twenty years ago, that there has been a net positive on this question.
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Thoughts on Increasing Globalization – Trend
42%
28% 25%
43%
49% 48%
57% 58%
48%
40%
June 1997 Dec 2007 March 2008 April 2014 Aug 2017
Globalization has been good Globalization has been bad
Dem: 54%/35% Ind: 49%/42% Rep: 42%/45%
Dem: 44%/46% Ind: 41%/52% Rep: 42%/50%
Dem: 16%/65% Ind: 26%/61% Rep: 37%/49%
Dem: 25%/63% Ind: 27%/55% Rep: 32%/55% Dem: 42%/47%
Ind: 35%/53% Rep: 47%/45%
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Immigration
Today, 64% of Americans agree immigration adds to our character and strengthens the United States while 28% say it detracts from our character and weakens the United states. Over the past twelve years the percentage of Americans who believe immigration strengthens the U.S. has increased 23 points from 41% in 2005 to 64% in 2017.
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Immigration Strengthens/Weakens the U.S. – Trend
41% 47%
54%
64%
48% 44%
36% 28%
April 2005 May 2010 April 2013 August 2017
Immigration strengthens the U.S. Immigration weakens the U.S.
-7% +3% +18% +36%
GOP 37% 49%
IND 42% 49%
DEM 45% 44%
GOP 34% 56%
IND 40% 50%
DEM 60% 33%
GOP 37% 52%
IND 53% 35%
DEM 68% 26%
GOP 44% 43%
IND 65% 25%
DEM 81% 16%
Which statement comes closer to your view…
Immigration adds to our character and strengthens the United States because it brings diversity, new workers, and new creative talent to this country.
Immigration detracts from our character and weakens the United States because it puts too many burdens on government services, causes language barriers, and creates housing problems.
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Public Figures
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Trump On 28 separate tracks over 27 years, Donald Trump has never had a net positive image
rating in a single NBC-WSJ survey. When NBC-WSJ first measured Donald Trump’s image rating in July 1990 he had a 14% positive-49% negative rating, or -35%. Nine years later in 1999, he had a net -41% image rating. Just after announcing his candidacy in 2015 he had a net -30% image rating, and just before he won the 2016 election he had a net -33% image rating.
Today he is at 36% positive-52% negative, or a -16%. His all-time best image rating of 43% positive - 47% negative was recorded just before his inauguration.
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Feelings Towards Trump From 2015 to Today
26% 25%
30% 27% 27%
29% 28% 25% 24%
29% 28% 30%
40% 38%
43% 39% 38% 38%
36%
56% 58%
53% 56%
59% 58% 59%
64% 65%
58% 61%
63%
46% 48% 47% 50%
52% 50%
52%
Jul-15 Sep-15 EarlyOct-15
LateOct-15
Dec-15 Jan-16 Feb-16 Mar-16 Apr-16 May-16 16-Sep Oct-16 Dec-16 Jan-17 Feb-17 Apr-17 May-17 Jun-17 Aug-17
Positive Negative
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Clinton
Hillary Clinton was first asked on the NBC-WSJ feeling thermometer in April 1992. Across 130 tracks of her image over 25 years she has had a net positive image on 70% of them with a high of 59% positive in February 2009 and a low of 56% negative in July 2016.
Hillary Clinton has had a net negative image rating in each track since July 2015. The 30% of Americans who have a positive image of her today is a record low across all the tracks since January 1993.
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Feelings Towards Clinton From 2015 to Today
39% 39% 40% 37%
40% 37% 38%
32% 34% 33% 34%
37% 37% 38% 40%
32% 30%
47% 48% 47% 48% 49% 50% 51%
56% 54% 55% 56%
53% 52% 51% 50%
54% 53%
Sep-15 EarlyOct-15
LateOct-15
Dec-15 Jan-16 Feb-16 Mar-16 Apr-16 May-16 Jun-16 Jul-16 Aug-16 Sep-16 EarlyOct-16
LateOct-16
Dec-16 Aug-17
Positive Negative
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Political Parties
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Republican Party Prior to February 2005, the GOP had a net negative rating in only 10 of 65 tracks
stretching back 15 years to 1990. Most of the 10 tracks where the GOP had a net negative rating were clustered around the elections of 1992 and 1998.
The Republican party has not had a net positive image rating in any NBC-WSJ track since February 2005 – just after George W. Bush won re-election and just before the Terri Schiavo court case and the U.S. Congress passing legislation regarding this case in March 2005.
The Republican party’s slight net negative (40% positive/41% negative) in the summer 2005 slipped to a larger net negative of -11 points (32% positive/43% negative) in the fall of that year following Hurricane Katrina. The Republican party has had a net negative image ever since except for one track in December 2010 when 38% of Americans held a positive opinion and 37% held a negative opinion of the GOP.
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38%
44%
33%
39% 42%
40% 40% 38% 39%
37%
43%
48% 46% 47%
44% 38%
35%
31% 33%
27%
31%
31% 33%
27% 28% 28% 27%
33% 34%
41%
45%
32%
29%
32%
36%
31% 34%
39%
31% 29%
28%
33%
37%
40%
45% 46% 46% 44%
41% 44% 44%
48% 45% 44%
48%
45%
Positive Negative
Feelings Towards the Republican Party – Trend
Yearly Average Rating
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Democratic Party
NBC-WSJ has taken 173 measures of the Democratic party’s image since 1990. Between 1990 and September 2013, the Democratic party only had a net negative rating 30 times, or 17% of the time. The Democratic party has had a net negative rating in 25 of the 30 surveys since October 2013, when the government was shutdown.
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39%
37%
46% 42%
38%
38%
45%
42%
43%
41%
47% 46%
40% 37%
42%
36%
36%
40%
44% 43%
38% 38%
40% 39%
37%
39%
38%
33%
27%
34%
28%
32% 34% 33% 32%
29%
26%
31%
29% 28%
31%
35%
35%
33%
36%
35% 34%
37%
42%
39%
38% 39%
40%
37%
42% 42%
Positive Negative
Feelings Towards the Democratic Party – Trend
Yearly Average Rating
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Party Identification and Ideology
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Party Identification
Since 1990, while it is true a stable trend is that Democrats have held an edge on party identification (ID) with leaners in almost every year, party ID is a volatile measure that does change over time. Looking at a snapshot in time, party ID in January of each year since 1990, one sees distinct trends. Democrats held their strongest advantages in the January following an election of a Democratic president (47% Democrat/30% Republican, +17% in 1993 after Clinton’s election and +13% in both January of 2009 and 2013 after Obama’s electoral victories).
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Party Identification
Republican net high water marks presaged the “Gingrich revolution” that would occur later that November as in January of 1994 (38% Democrat/36% Republican, the Democratic advantage had shrunk down to only +2% Democrat), while in January of 1995, Republicans would enjoy their only advantage to start a new year (36% Democrat/38% Republican, +2% Republican). Stronger Republican years also include the Bush re-election (January of 2004, a Democratic advantage of only +1%) and the aftermath of his election in January of 2005 (when party ID was tied).
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Party ID in January NBC-WSJ Surveys – Trend
38% 35%
33% 36% 35%
32% 34% 35%
16% 17% 21%
18% 18% 19% 18% 17%
43% 41% 40% 40%
42% 42% 43% 41%
Republicans Independents Democrats
Republicans - Democrats
Bush 41 (R) First Term*
Clinton (D) First Term
Clinton (D) Second Term
Bush 43 (R) First Term
Bush 43 (R) Second Term
Obama (D) First Term
Obama (D) Second Term
Trump (R) First Term
to date (merge)
-5% -6% -7% -4% -7% -10% -9% -6%
*1990-1992
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Party Identification Starting in 2010, we began to merge the interviews from every survey. This data set
allows for large scale comparisons of sub-groups over time. Comparing this year back to 2010, there has been a shift in the composition of the parties. Since 2010, the following sub-groups moved from a net Democratic advantage to a net Republican edge: ages 50-64, ages 65+, Whites Northeast region, high school or less, men less than college, and income $50-$75K. Conversely, the following sub-groups moved from a net Republican to a net Democratic advantage: college graduates, men college plus, Whites college plus, and income more than $75K.
The fundamental differences that are reshaping the parties by education, age, and income level are clear.
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Key Changes in Net Party ID 2010-2017 – Merge Data
More Republican Sub-Group Type More Democratic
Ages 50-64 Age
Ages 65+
Men Ages 50+ Gender/Age Women Ages 18-49
Women Ages 50+
Whites Northeast Geography West
South
Small Town/Rural Type of Community Suburban Women
Moderates Ideology
Conservatives
Education
College Grads
High School or Less Post Grads
Men Less Than College Men College +
Women College +
Whites Non-College White/Education Whites College +
$50-$75K Income $30-$50K
More Than $75K
= shifted from net Democratic to net Republican = shifted from net Republican to net Democratic
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Independents
On average over the Obama years, fewer Americans identified with either party and more said they were Independent than in the other four administrations of the NBC-WSJ surveys (Bush 41, Clinton, Bush 43, Trump).
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Independents
Presidential Administration
Bush 41* Clinton** Bush 43** Obama** Trump+
% Adults identifying as either GOP or DEM
64% 55% 55% 51% 57%
% Adults identifying as IND (including leaners)
33% 38% 39% 42% 35%
Note*: Note**: Note+:
Data for George H.W. Bush from 1990-1992 January surveys Data for Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama reflect the average party identification from the January survey across the span of their entire presidential administration Data for Donald Trump from the 2017 merge
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Political Ideology Over a generation, a particularly stable measure has been self-described ideology.*
Those who say they are “conservative” has only ranged from 33% to 36% during different presidential administrations. Those who describe themselves as “liberal” has dropped as low as 21% (Bush ’43 first administration) or 23% (Bush 43 second administration), but has generally been 24% to 25% of Americans.
During the second Obama administration and a merge so far of 2017 interviews, the percentage of those describing themselves as “liberal” has moved to a high water mark of 26%, even as “conservatives” continue to enjoy a net ten point advantage.
* We looked at self-described ideology in January of each year from 1990 through 2017.
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Ideology in January NBC-WSJ Surveys – Trend
34% 33% 33% 34% 35% 36% 35% 36%
28% 25%
27%
41% 37% 38% 37%
35%
24% 25% 25% 21%
23% 22% 26% 26%
Conservatives Moderates Liberals
Conservatives - Liberals
Bush 41 (R) First Term*
Clinton (D) First Term
Clinton (D) Second Term
Bush 43 (R) First Term
Bush 43 (R) Second Term
Obama (D) First Term
Obama (D) Second Term
Trump (R) First Term
to date (merge)
+10% +8% +8% +13% +12% +14% +9% +10%
*1990-1992
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Political scientists describe “polarization” as the difference in the job approval rating between respondents of the president’s party versus respondents of the opposite party. President Reagan was noteworthy for being the most polarizing president in modern polling history. President Reagan’s status was then eclipsed by President Clinton. As the Clinton era included only the second attempt to impeach a president, it may not have been surprising his was the most polarizing presidency. What may have been less expected is that each successive presidency after President Clinton then became the most polarizing in polling history. What is remarkable is this trend is observable even after only the first eight months in office! President Trump’s historically low ratings among Democrats is an important finding, but needs to be understood as the logical conclusion of a generational trend.
Political Polarization
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Political Polarization This puts even more premium on carefully monitoring President Trump’s ratings among
Republicans and Independents to be better able to calibrate his job approval rating in broader context with the last four administrations.
The impact though of this extreme polarization now goes deep into the balance of the data. Right direction/wrong track, economic ratings, and other data have always varied based on the president’s party versus the opposite party, but these gaps today are so large as to almost make meaningless the ability to trend and understand the findings from many of these questions. The enormous difference between Republicans and Democrats on economic trend questions is not only being witnessed in the NBCWSJ data. The Michigan Consumer Sentiment Index has been conducted going back to the 1950s and they too report the largest gap ever in their history between the two political parties about economic expectations.
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President President’s Party Opposite Party Net Difference
Dwight Eisenhower (R) 90% 60% -30% John Kennedy (D) 88% 59% -29% Richard Nixon (R) 80% 52% -28% Jimmy Carter (D) 70% 46% -24% Ronald Reagan (R) 85% 42% -43% George H.W. Bush (R) 83% 59% -24% Bill Clinton (D) 70% 20% -50% George W. Bush (R) 87% 21% -66% Barack Obama (D) 86% 16% -70% Donald Trump (R) 80% 8% -72%
Historical Presidential Job Approval by Party at About 8 Months into Presidency
*Pre-Clinton data from Gallup
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Historical Presidential Job Approval by Party at About 8 Months into Presidency
-30% -29% -28% -24%
-43%
-24%
-50%
-66% -70% -72%
Eisenhower (R)
Kennedy (D)
Nixon (R)
Carter (D)
Reagan (R)
Bush 41 (R)
Clinton (D)
Bush 43 (R)
Obama (D)
Trump (R)
President’s Party – Opposite Party
*Pre-Clinton data from Gallup
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President and Date Total
% Approve
President’s Party
% Approve
Independents
% Approve
Opposite Party
% Approve
Net Difference
(President’s Party
– Opposite Party)
George H.W. Bush (R)
October 1992 32% 65% 32% 10% +55%
Bill Clinton (D)
June 1993 41% 65% 39% 14% +51%
George W. Bush (R)
April 2008 27% 57% 31% 5% +52%
Barack Obama (D)
September 2014 40% 75% 31% 7% +68%
Donald Trump (R)
May 2017 39% 82% 35% 7% +75%
Donald Trump (R)
Today (August 2017) 40% 80% 32% 8% +72%
Presidential Job Approval at Lowest Point:
Putting Numbers Among Trump’s Base in Perspective
Selected Key Trends from August 2017 NBC-WSJ Social Trends Poll W.D. McInturff 48
39%
82%
35%
7%
54%
12%
54%
88%
Total President's Party Independents Opposite Party
Approve Disapprove
35%
66%
33%
9%
58%
26%
58%
87%
Total* President's Party Independents Opposite Party
Average Presidential Job Approval at Lowest Point
-23% +40% -25% -78%
-15% +70% -19% -81%
Trump May 2017
Bush 41, Clinton, Bush 43, Obama
Bush 41, October 1992 Clinton, June 1993
* Bush 43, April 2008 Obama, September 2014
Selected Key Trends from August 2017 NBC-WSJ Social Trends Poll W.D. McInturff 49
President and Date
Total
% Economy
Will Get Better
President’s Party
% Economy
Will Get Better
Opposite Party
% Economy
Will Get Better
Net Difference
(President’s Party –
Opposite Party)
George H.W. Bush (R)
September 1991 31% 40% 24% +16%
Bill Clinton (D)
September 1993 23% 31% 15% +16%
George W. Bush (R)
April 2001 36% 48% 25% +23%
Barack Obama (D)
September 2009 47% 66% 31% +35%
Donald Trump (R)
June 2017* 38% 66% 15% +51%
Economic Outlook – Economy Will Get Better by Party:
The gap between the parties has dramatically escalated.
*Data from CNBC Survey
Selected Key Trends from August 2017 NBC-WSJ Social Trends Poll W.D. McInturff 50
Economic Outlook – Economy Will Get Better by Difference by Party
16% 16%
23%
35%
51%
Bush 41 (R)
Clinton (D)
Bush 43 (R)
Obama (D)
Trump (R)
President’s Party – Opposite Party