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Research note

Rural tourism in China

Baoren Su*

College of Tourism and City Administration, Zhejiang Gongshang University, #18 Xuezheng St, Jianggan District, Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province 310018, PR China

a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:

Received 28 August 2010

Accepted 15 December 2010

Keywords:

Rural tourism

Nong jia letourism

Farm diversication

a b s t r a c t

In the latest two decades, Rural Tourism (RT) has speedily developed and become an important concept

of tourism in China. However, there remains little understanding in the western world about RT for its

special role in Chinas rural socio-economic regeneration. This paper represents an attempt to analyze six

different models of RT development. More specically, the collective imagery of Nong jia le (Happy

Farmer Home) tourism, a Chinese version of rural tourism, is examined. The ndings of this study not

only highlight the widely-held beliefs about the important role of RT but also identify a number of

related problems and challenges facing its sustainable and healthy development in future, which

hopefully would stimulate the interest for further studies in this area.

2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction and literature review

Rural Tourism (RT) has long been recognized in certain parts of

Europe as an effective catalyst of rural socio-economic regeneration

for over a hundred years (He, 2003). For instance, Germany has

a long tradition of rural tourism, and its origin dates back more than

150 years (Oppermann, 1996). Along with the development of rural

tourism worldwide, rural tourism concept has many interpreta-

tions. For instance, in Bramwell and Lanes study, rural tourism can

include activities and interests in farms, nature, adventure, sports,

health, education, arts, and heritage taking place in countryside as

a multi-faceted activity rather than farm-based tourism only

(Bramwell & Lane, 1994, quoted inMacDonald & Jolliffe, 2003). In

1996, Pedford further broaden the concept of rural tourism to

include living history of countryside such as rural custom and

folklore, local and family traditions, values, beliefs, and common

heritage (Pedford, 1996).

Since the 70s of 20th century, tourism activity in rural areas has

remarkably increased in all the developed countries worldwide,

which has played a key role in the development of rural areas thatwere economically and socially depressed (Perales, 2002). On the

other hand, the widespread rural restructuring is a common feature

prevalentin theruralareas of thewesternworld. Withthe emergence

of post-productivist phase, rural resources that were traditionally the

basis forthe primary businesses arenow increasingly subject to other

demands (Daugstad, 2008). The challenges facing agriculture e poor

commodity prices, rising input costs, globalization, and others e are

substantially eroding small farm incomes across the United States,

Europe, and throughout the world (McGehee, 2007). In Europe, the

rural tourism has been widely encouraged, promoted and reliedon as

a useful means of tackling the social and economic challenges facing

those rural areas associated with the decline of traditional agrarian

industries (Wang, 2006). In countries such as France, Austria, andthe

United Kingdom rural tourism already represents a signicant factor

and has a growing demand (Pevetz, 1991).

Morerecently, tourism-basedfarm diversication in countryside

has increasingly been considered as an engine of rural development

and regeneration (Sharpley & Vass, 2006). As described by Kneafsey

(2001), the countryside is increasingly viewed as both a commodity

in itself and as a set of commodiablesigns and symbols which may

be attached to particular places, peoples, products, and lifestyles.

The decline in the ability of farm agriculture to generate sufcient

incomehas caused many farmers to seek for newsources of income

andfor thediversication of theagriculture base (Fleischer & Pizam,

1997). To increase incomes and build a harmonious society for

previously marginalized groups in less-developed rural regions,

tourism development is thought to be a signicant driving force forpoverty elimination, sustainable development, and environmental

protection (Ryan, Gu, & Zhang, 2009). While it has become inevi-

table for rural regions to seek alternative uses for local resources

(Liu, 2006), in many countries elsewhere, farm diversicationinto

tourism hasnot only been more widelyseen as an effectivemeansof

addressing the socio-economic problems of rural areas in general

and the agricultural sector in particular but it also enjoys varying

degrees of government and state support (Hjalager, 1996; Sharpley

& Vass, 2006).

One such country that has sought for rural socio-economic

regeneration through the promotion of RT is China, as the Chinese* Tel.: 86 571 87663687.

E-mail address: baorens@yahoo.com.

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Tourism Management

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m/ l o c a t e / t o u r m a n

0261-5177/$e see front matter 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

doi:10.1016/j.tourman.2010.12.005

Tourism Management 32 (2011) 1438e1441

mailto:baorens@yahoo.commailto:baorens@yahoo.comhttp://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/02615177http://www.elsevier.com/locate/tourmanhttp://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2010.12.005http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2010.12.005http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2010.12.005http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2010.12.005http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2010.12.005http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2010.12.005http://www.elsevier.com/locate/tourmanhttp://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/02615177mailto:baorens@yahoo.com

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government is driven by a socio-economic imperative to generate

income to address the problems of poverty in China (Gu & Ryan,

2009), although China is a relatively late-starter in this respect. It

is because China was and still is the biggest agrarian society by

population in the world, and the challenge of rural social and

economic development has always been the rst and foremost

issues for Chinese governments to address because of the fact that

peasants constitute about 75% of Chinas population and the

success of chinas economic modernization depends largely on

rural economic development (Chen, 1997).

Since 1998, when China Rural Tourism Year 1998 was rst

introduced to start by the China National Tourism Administration

(CNTA), followed by China Eco-tourism Year 1999 and Chinese

Life Tourism Year 2004, a series of RT-promoted activities, created

by CNTA offering both nancial incentives and government policy

support, have facilitated farm diversication into tourism. As

a result, the number of rural communities has greatly increased in

pursuit of different forms of rural tourism, particularly Nong jia le

tourism, a dominant form of RT in China (Hu, 2008).

2. The development of Nong jia letourism

The last over 20 years have witnessed a signicant increase inthe supply of RT in form of Nong jia letourism (Zheng & Zhong,

2004). According to Shao (2007), the director of CNTA, since

1980s more than 20,000 tourist attractions have been established,

over half of which are located across the vast areas of rural China

with 359 national model sites of RT attractions founded by CNTA

throughout 31 Chinas provinces and autonomous regions, covering

a variety of agricultural industries. The rural tourism attractions

nationwide received and entertained more than 300 millions of

tourists per year, creating 40 billions RMB in revenue. Every year

during the holidays of Golden Week in May Day (May 1st),

National Day (October 1st) and Spring Festival (Chinese New Year),

there are 70% of urban residents nationwide opting to take rural

tourism for their outing choices, creating a nationwide market of

rural tourism enjoyed by 60 millions of tourists for each goldenweek (Shao, 2007).

With the changing pattern of Chinese leisure time (Dong, Zhang,

& Liu, 2007), which was, in some cases, encouraged by the

launching of Golden Weekpolicy in 1999 by Chinese government

for several state-set holidays as well as the speedy increase of

private vehicles at the same time, Nong jia letourism developed

vigorously at a good pace. As a distinctively Chinese version of rural

tourism, Nong jia le tourism, among other forms of RT such as

folk-custom tourism, rural eco-tourism, agro-tourism, leisure farm

tourism, etc., has been developed not only as a new style of holiday

making among the Chinese urban residents, but also as a new form

of privately-owned small enterprise among millions of Chinese

farmers. Featured with having fresh food, tasting green vegetables,

experiencing traditional courtyard living, doing hard farming work,entertaining farmers plays, and purchasing indigenous products

from farm families(Zou, 2005), Nong jia letourism draw on the

strong contrasts between rurality and urbanity, forging a way

in which the relationship between rural life and urban life repre-

sents an interesting twist, as the cultural hierarchy engendered

between countryside and city since the 1949 communist revolution

in China has made city synonymous with modernity while coun-

tryside has been made synonymous with tradition and continuity

with the past. In the eyes of most common people, China s rurality

has been ideologically identied with two ambivalent layers. The

rst one is a legendary or romanticized layer signifying an idyllic

rural life and natural scenery such as family intimacy, green life-

styles, simplicity, unsophisticatedness, greenness, fresh air, open

space, virgin forest and soil, etc., and the other one is an insulted

or stigmatized layer associated with poverty, ignorance, insanita-

tion, underdevelopment, backwardness, barbarism, stupidity.

Through integrating the cultural tourism and rural tourism,

the Nong jia letourism appears to be as a new concept cultural

rural tourism(MacDonald & Jolliffe, 2003, quoted inYing & Zhou,

2007) invested and operated by individual farmers and farmers

families, providing rustic meals (home-made meals) and accom-

modation (farmhouse) services and amusements for tourists and

vacationers who during the weekend and holidays leave their

homes in city to go, even if for a few hours, to enjoy Nong jia le.

Located in a rural setting of village or town, Nonjiales location,

usually a distinct rural community with its own traditions, heri-

tage, arts, lifestyles, and values preserved between generations

(Ying & Zhou, 2007), combine historic and cultural heritage

elements and natural elements in a harmonious way. The main

feature of such villages and towns are a lack of polluting elements

that could destroy the aesthetic quality of the environment.

As Briedenhann and Wickens (2004) argued that rural tourists

have varied motivations, which might include ecological

uniqueness, special adventure opportunities, cultural attractions,

wild habitat, or the peace and quiet of the countryside in which

greater exibility and a more meaningful experience have gained

prominence.Since the early 1990s when it carved out a career with the rst

cluster of Nong jia le in Chengdu, Sichuan Province (He, 2005),

Nong jia letourism has become a popular rural tourism product

for the mass market it servedfrom a market perspective. At its early

stage, Nong jia letourism has been based on offering board and

lodging with rooms being rented in the owners private home or

rural campsites equivalent to Bed & Breakfast operations in

Europe and North America. The original purpose of Nong jia le

tourism was to complement incomes from agriculture as green

tourism without a threat to the main agricultural activity. As

a newly-coined word in Chinas tourism terminology, Nong jia le

tourism, with about 20 years of development, has got the salient

characteristic of leisure farm to experience and enjoy the

joyfulness of rural leisure life. Its products have evolved fromsimple board and lodging operation to more specialized structure

and followed a strategy to capture a more demanding and diverse

consumers for the repeat visits. As Deller (2010) noted in the US

that for many parts of rural America today, the natural resources are

valued not for their direct contribution to the economy but rather

as latent inputs into non-market recreational activities. It is now

quite common for the owners of Nong jia leto substitute leisure-

oriented activities for agricultural activities, providing a number of

activities related to nature and local historic heritage interests such

as rafting, shing, local medicinal herb therapy, folk-custom

educational courses, fruit-picking, local cuisine recipe, sale of

home-made country products, etc., which is a trendy phenomenon,

especially in Chinas rural areas where agriculture is not econom-

ically competitive. By 2009, farmer families operating Nong jia le

in rural China have reached 1.3 millions in number (Sun, 2009).

It should be noted, however, that the trend toward diversication

and specialization of Nong jia le has emerged in recent years,

which include yu jia le(Happy Fishermen Home) in coastal areas

for the tourism related with marine activities; ethnic culture

tourism in rural areas inhabited by minority nationalities such as

Tibetans, Mongolians, Dai nationality, Hui nationality, etc.; folk

culture tourism in rural outskirts of Beijing. According toCanoves,

Villarino, Priestley, and Blanco (2004), this marks the maturity of

rural tourism, a clear path toward a higher degree of tourist

professionalismfarmersregard as an image of quality in the eyes

of their clients, which, in some cases, gives rise to the question of

category on whether it is a form of agricultural diversication or

a commercial activity.

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3. Models of rural tourism development

According toZheng and Zhong (2004)andHe (2005), there are

generally six inter-related models identied for rural tourism

development in China:

3.1. Household-run small business

Model I is household-run small business which is represented by

Nong jia le tourism based on the individual farmer family at its

inception of establishment. Given both the desire of farmer and

farmer families to remain in agriculture and the lack of off-farm

employment opportunities in many rural area of China, on-farm

diversication into tourism in form of Nong jia le tourism in

particular has proved to be most popular particularly with those

whose farm-based entertainments located within or near scenic

sites such as national park, wetland and heritage water town with

cultural interests. At its early stage of development, the familys

womens workin meal cooking andbed makingis certainly basic and

essential for the businessto survive, whose presence both as owners

and house wives is signicant, and in some cases predominant (Zou,

2005). It is a result of the fact that the emphasis of business from its

outset is placed on offering board and lodging, a traditional andsimple management realm for women and house wives, which can

be tracedback tothe matriarchal society from 4800 BCto 4300 BCin

ancient China.

3.2. Individual farmstead

Model II is individual farmsteadbased on farmers autonomy

(Wang & Fang, 2008), which is distinct from Nong jia le in terms of

operational scale and scope. Usually, it is individual farmer who, as

an individual specializing in rural tourism, is responsible for

running and transforming his tourism product and facility into

a tourist-designated spot with larger size and scale. With the

development of individual farmstead as an autonomous business

entity, it is able totakein the surplus and idle labor forces nearby byengaging them in providing the services of performance, hand-

crafting, entertainment, and production etc. Led by the exemplary

role of individual farmstead for its success story, the other

farmers are motivated to join in the business of rural tourism,

developing into the specialized families such as fowl-raising

family, green vegetable family, aquatic product family and

folk performance family etc, which evolved into the model III

farmer family plus farmer family.

3.3. Farmer family plus farmer family

Model III farmer family plus farmer family is aimed to

restructure the agricultural economy of rural community through

the RT development, which is characterized by the mode of onefamily one RT-related specialization(Zheng & Zhong, 2004). It is

hoped that in this way the rural communitys structure of economy

will properly be adjusted and improved on the whole, bringing

a healthy economy of agriculture to rural China.

3.4. Corporation plus farmers

Model IV is corporation plus farmers, in which the investors

from outside the villages put in a tender, invited by the local

government, for setting up a tourism corporation specializing in the

development and management of the villages rural tourism. The

corporation leases land and other resources from the farmer to get

them involved in developing and managing RT attractions and

facilities. What is more important, the corporation is responsible

for providing technical guidance and necessary training (Luo,

2006), which is most needed for the farmers, considering the fact

that most of farmers are ignorant and semi-ignorant both techni-

cally and culturally.

3.5. Corporation plus community plus farmers

Based on the model of corporation plus farmers, model V

corporation plus community plus farmerswas developed. In this

model, community refers to a rural tourism association which

represents the local community authority (e.g. village committee in

most cases). All the owners of family-run businesses take part in

the association on the basis of one representative one family, which

make the association function as the board of directors of the

corporation (Han, 2009). The corporation is trusted by the associ-

ation with specic matters of running and operating villages

tourism business. While as the service-providing units, the farmers

are employed and arranged by the corporation to receive and

entertain the visitors. Being the mainstay of service providers of

rural tourism, the farmers are guaranteed to get their remuneration

and other nancial benets from the corporation in return for their

service provided.

3.6. Government plus corporation plus farmers

Model VI is government plus corporation plus farmermodel.

This model can be often seen in the large-scale tourism attractions

developed by the local government in rural areas (Ding, 2009). In

developing a large-scale tourism project, the government at the

local or regional levels need to requisition the land from farmers,

and, therefore, the government is required to employ the farmers to

work as the employees of the tourism corporation which is either

organized by the governments inviting outside investors to run

tourism business or organized by the local community authority as

a collectively-owned rural enterprise. Being the employees of the

rural tourism corporation, the farmers are paid with salaries

monthly and bonus at the end of year.

4. Discussion and conclusion

As observed byRyan, Gu, and Fang (2009)in their study of rural

community participation and social impacts of tourism in China,

how to develop rural economy within the resources accessible to

rural villages given the poverty that exists has been a core issue

faced by the Chinese government. In this context, the Chinese

government, from its very beginning, has play a decisive role in

developing rural tourism as a priority tool to enhance rural life-

styles and produce positive change in the distribution of income in

poverty-stricken rural areas. The development of rural tourism was

not only providing a supplementary income and new employment

opportunities to local communities but also providing an oppor-tunityto revitalize local crafts and arts such as paper cutting, wood

and stone carving, bamboo weaving, lace-making, folk song and

dance, local cuisine recipe, wine-making, traditional therapy of

medicinal herbs, etc. At the same time, it was noted that a number

of traditional properties have beneted from restoration works

which, had rural tourism not been developed by the government,

would have been fallen into disrepair. What is more encouraging

these years is that younger generation of farmers, who left home-

town to work as immigrant laborers for higher income in urban

areas and metropolises, have now returned back to start small-

sized tourism-related business using technology and managerial

ideas they learned elsewhere.

On the other hand, however, although the development of rural

tourism in China has made some achievements, a number of

B. Su / Tourism Management 32 (2011) 1438e14411440

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problems and challenges facing the sustainable development of

rural tourism have also identied. For instance, it is obvious that

most operators and owners of small RT business lack required

management and marketing skills in running an efcient business

consideringthe fact that most of them have been little educatedboth

in culture and in technical training, which is especially the case for

those in the less-developed rural areas of western China. Mean-

while, there remains a signicant gap for them to change from the

role of tending farming land to the one of tending people served,

whichrequiresthat theydeal notonly withmarketing,nancing and

accounting business but also with public relationship in particular.

Clearly, lack of these skills and knowledge is one of the underlining

threats to sustainable RT development in future. Therefore, as He,

Ma, and Li (2004) argued that, it is absolutely essential for all

levels of governments in collaborationwith public sector agencies to

promote a unied training program systemin orderto train them for

managerial and marketing knowledge and capability they need,

which should be made available not just to those in relatively

developedrural areas, but especially to thosein less-developed rural

areas. On the other hand, as experienced elsewhere abroad, strong

support ofnance and marketing on the part of governments and

tourist administrative authorities for RT development appears

essential when RT market is inclined toward higherqualityproductsand personalized services. Given the fact that most of RT establish-

ments tend to be small andsimple, the investment alone on thepart

of these small businesses in expanding business and marketing

products in order to attract higher-spending tourists from new

markets is beyond the means of them or greater than justied by

potential returns.At thesame time, most of them found it difcult to

secure the bank loan because of their small scale of business (He,

2006). Thus, rural tourism development need not only the invest-

ment made by farmers themselves butalso the investment made by

governments as the government subsidies and support to market

andnance farmers business, since the rural tourism is as a whole

destined to contribute to the improvements for landscape, cultural

heritage and the environment, not merely to supplement and

diversify the farmers income sources.In conclusion, Chinas experience in development of rural

tourism as an effective tool to diversify rural economy and alleviate

poverty in rural areas has been of increasing interest to the world

with its extreme demographic importance and dramatic economic

growthand success particularlyin thelatest twodecades. It is hoped

that this study will help generate interest for further studies in

Chinas rural tourism to enrich the literature in this academic eld.

Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank Dr. Chris Ryan for his profes-

sional advice and suggestion on this research note. The preparation

of this article was supported by a grant from the National Tourism

Administration, P.R.C (11TACK005).

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