Portugal: 40 Years After Revolution
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Transcript of Portugal: 40 Years After Revolution
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Portugal,40 Years After the Revolution
2014
1974
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2Copyright belongs to individual authors.
Please do not republish without prior permission from the individual authors.
E-Mail correspondence via mdbergfeld AT gmail DOT com
Editor
Mark Bergfeld
Contributors
Mark Bergfeld
Joo Camargo
Gui Castro Felga
Ismail Kpeli
Sara Moeira
Francisco Louc
Catarina Prncipe
Design
Vasco Alves
Note: Joo Camargos articles were previously published on Counterfire.org; Mark
Bergfelds articles have previously appeared different formats in
MRZine, Socialist Review and Neues Deutschland; The interview with Francisco
Louc first appeared in a far shorter version in Neues Deutschland and subsequently
was translated into more than five languages;
Catarina Principes articles have previously appeared in the ISJ and on Socialist-
worker.org; Ismail Kpeli provided English excerpts from his book Nelkenrevolution
Reloaded?
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements
Introduction
Part 1: Voices from the Resistance
Portugal: The Spell is Broken
Joo Camargo
Woodstroika: A Step Forward for Portuguese Protest
Joo Camargo
Merkel: Not Welcome In Portugal
Que Se Lixe A Troika
This is also a participation crisis
Interview with Gui Castro Felga
To focus on stuff that really matters
Interview with Sara Moreira
Part 2: Analysing the Resistance
Crisis and Resistance In Portugal
Mark Bergfeld
From mobilisation to resistance: Portugals struggle against austerity
Catarina Prncipe
I Prefer the Horses in My Lasagne to the Donkeys in the Government
Mark Bergfeld
5
7
14
17
20
23
28
33
42
63
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Part 3: Regime Crisis
Police Batons for Protesters and Rubber Bullets
for the Kids of Bela Vista
Mark Bergfeld
This is a Regime Crisis!
Interview with Francisco Lou
Theaterpolitik in Portugal
Joo Camargo
Will Portugals Government Hold On?
Catarina Prncipe
Part 4: Revolution?
A Brief History of the Portuguese Revolution
Catarina Prncipe
The revolution of carnations re-loaded?
Crisis and social struggle in Portugal
Ismail Kpeli
Further Resources
Links
About the contributors
69
74
79
84
95
101
105
107
108
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5This book is the product of more than two years of social struggles in Por-
tugal, and the long-lasting legacy of the 1974/75 Revolution. My gratitude
goes to all the contributing authors who have made their articles available.
It has been a pleasure knowing you, discussing and arguing with you about
the state of the Portuguese left and its social movements.
Catarina you have become a true friend over the last few years. Keep up
the good fight! Joo Make sure to visit keep in touch. You know that I am
always online ;) But come and visit me again.
Ismail Hopefully this book will bring us somewhat close to actually meeting
in IRL rather than on another URL.
Francisco May your work with Bloco be an inspiration to the rest of the
European left.
Special thanks to Vasco Alves for investing his time into turning a collection
of articles into this formidable piece of work. It is much appreciated! I wish
you all the best for your return to Portugal. I am sure that I will see you soon.
There are many people who have no part in the production of this book but
played a role in either bringing the contributors together, or enabling this
project in the first place:
Acknowledgements
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6Yoshi Furuhashi at MRZine for giving me a platform to publish articles on
Portugal over the last two years, the team at Socialist Review (UK); the
team at Socialistworker.org (US); Joseph Choonara for enabling me to go to
Portugal in the first place; Katja Herzberg at Neues Deutschland for always
supporting my writing efforts; Rodrigo Riveira for the countless discussions
which helped me come to terms with the Portuguese left; Liliana Zuna for
helping me with my Portuguese; Marco Neves Marques for his comradeship;
Joo Carlos for putting me up in Lisboa during November 2012; Professor
Andreas Bieler for chasing up articles and publishing one of my articles with
RC44; Fabian Figueiredo, Irina (Posdaist-Faction); Renato Soeiro; Miguel
Borba de S for sending me Trotskys Lessons of October in Portuguese so
I could learn what really was important(!?); Bernardo Corra for the time we
could spend together in Lisbon; Sren Goard and the Streatham Commune
for putting up Joo C and Joana while they were in Britain; everyone at
Bloco headquarters, Mariana Mortagua; the team at RT for the airtime; and
the countless activists and people I met, spoke to and learned from during
my time in Portugal. Last but not least, all the people who will actually read
this ebook.
This work is dedicated to the people of Portugal and their unrelenting strug-
gle against the Troikas austerity measures. Que Se Lixe A Troika!
In eternal gratitude and solidarity,
Mark Bergfeld
London, April 2014
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7This year commemorates the 40th anniversary of the Portuguese Revolu-
tion of 1974/1975. Millions of people in Portugal will be celebrating the fall
of the fascist Salazar dictatorship and end to the colonial wars. While at
the time hundreds maybe even thousands of leftists of all colour travelled to
Portugal to get a glimpse of what popular power and real democracy might
look like, the events of 1974/1975 are barely known today. The memory of
these years has faded like much of the left that participated in the events.
Yet this should not be the case as there are plenty of documents, books and
youtube clips which detail the story, discuss the nature of the revolution, the
role of the Communist Party (PCP), the other organizations and the ensuing
transition to a social-democratic regime which would not challenge Western
European capitalism.
The history of the Portuguese revolution is important for several reasons. It
helps us to understand that even the most stable regimes are built on sand
as Rosa Luxemburg would put it. It also highlighted the contradictory role
that a conscript army could play in revolutionary situations; lessons we once
again have seen unfold in Egypt. The outcome of the Portuguese Revolu-
tion was not pre-determined. There was a real chance of social revolution
and the overthrow of capitalism in the small land strip on Europes Atlan-
tic Coast. There are many reasons as to why social-democracy won over
economic justice and real democracy from below. If you expect debates
on these issues in the following pages you will be disappointed. There are
plenty of books, videos and webpages which revisit these historical debates.
Mark Bergfeld
Introduction
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8The writings of Peter Robinson and Phil Mailer amongst others disclose the
real possibilities pregnant in the situation following the military coup on 25
April 1974.
Our project is different. We are only interested in history insofar that it
continues to inform the present struggles happening in Portugal. These
struggles continue to be marginalized within English-speaking press, labour,
socialist and anti-capitalist movements. In fact, Portugal has been witness-
ing its largest demonstrations since the fall of the fascist Salazar Regime in
1974. The articles collected in this ebook should facilitate a better under-
standing of Portugals vibrant social struggles which continue to challenge
the Troika of ECB, EU and IMF. The discussions and debates presented in
this collection are informed by our participation, observation and allegiance
with these movements which seek to turn the tide on neoliberalism and
austerity in Portugal. They are biased insofar that they side with the people
against a system which has wreaked havoc in Portugal in the past and
present.
The first part of this book concentrates on the resistance to the Troikas
austerity measures imposed on Portugal. While all eyes focused on the
indignad@s in the Spanish State, the Egyptian Revolution and Occupy Wall
Street, Portugal had its very own movement which largely went unnoticed.
Joo Camargo details the early rise of the Portuguese social movements in
2012. These demonstrations were the first of their kind after years of silence
and acceptance of neoliberal policy. They displayed that the Portuguese
people did have the willpower to fight against the dictates of financialized
capitalism. Camargos article written in the immediate aftermath of the dem-
onstration on September 15, 2012 reads like a declaration. It is a reminder
of the energy, the sheer excitement at the prospect that the Portuguese
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9people no longer would accept the dictates of the Troika.
Camargo goes on to argue that the movement quickly spiralled into a cul-
tural movement against austerity. Older artists from the revolutionary years
joined younger artists against the Troika in unison. To speak of a cultural
movement against austerity raises an important question in regard to how
the struggle in Portugal conceives itself. Does it see itself as a national lib-
eration struggle in which the people of Portugal stand united against the dic-
tates of international or European capitalism, or is it a class struggle? From
Camargos essays we start to understand how the austerity measures have
started to rip right through Portuguese society and thus have drawn many
new actors into a position of resistance.
This first wave of struggle initiated by the Que Se Lixe A Troika coalition was
followed by a second wave of struggle which coincided with the Southern
European general strike in 2012. Mark Bergfeld gives a dynamic overview of
the depth of the crisis and the ensuing resistance which rocked Portugal in
2012. As the Portuguese ruling classes slavishly follow the dictates of the
Troika the ruling classes undermine their own rule and create even bigger
waves of protest. The post-revolutionary consensus which once ensured
stability is no longer. This was exemplified by the mass demonstration which
saw parliament pelted with stones, bottles and other objects. The article
gives the necessary background and analysis to Camargos declarations.
Together they offer a picture of a Portugal hit by crisis. In late 2012, it looked
like the government might fall any given day. However, the government could
hang in there for a couple of months more.
Ismail Kpelis interviews with activists involved in the Portuguese social
movements give an insight into who the people are who have been strug-
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10
gling in the face of continuous budget cuts but also resisting the Troikas
austerity measures. We have taken the conscious decision to not anglicize
these interviews so that people can hear the voices of activists rather than
believe that these are professional activists with perfect English skills. Too
often we read of foreign struggles believing that these people speak perfect
English, use words common to struggles in the UK or the USA. However
language is a means by which we communicate. By reproducing these
interviews in activists own words, we seek to show that these activists have
their own language, and found their own words to express their struggles,
demands and issues.
Catarina Prncipes article From mobilisation to resistance: Portugals
struggle against austerity advances important arguments in respect to the
development of social movements today. The demonstrations and move-
ments between 2011 and 2012 were not spontaneous, or simply organized
by Facebook. They are the result of subterranean socio-economic processes
which have taken place in Portugal prior to the outbreak of the economic
crisis. Organizations such as PrecariosInflexiveis show the extent to which
Portuguese society, its left and contemporary activism have transformed
since the days of the revolution. Catarinas assessment of the movements is
contentious and courageous at the same time. It provides a balance to some
of the arguments which Mark Bergfeld and Joo Camargo advance. The
differences are agonistic insofar that they share the same language, and
aspirations. While some of the differences can be attributed to the different
moments the articles were written in, and the different positions that writers
occupied, it would be intellectually lazy to take an ambivalent position to-
wards different interpretations. Suffice it to say, the proof lies in whether the
social movements of the next few years will be able to defeat the goverrn-
ment and create a viable alternative for working class and the subaltern
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11
peoples in Portugal.
Francisco Loucs call for a left government in Portugal in the second part of
this ebook is possibly such an alternative. Inspired by the electoral success
of SYRIZA in 2012, the Bloco De Esquerda called for a left government.
Again, this call raises important questions for the radical European left which
the Latin American social movements had to come to terms with in the first
years of the 21st Century. Moreover, Louca, a participant in the revolutionary
events of 1974/1975 makes an important argument regarding the legacy of
the revolution: Could the legacy of the revolution possibly inhibit the further
development of the Portuguese social movements?
This years celebrations of the Portuguese revolution will be co-opted by the
sections of Portugals ruling class which wants to turn back the clock on the
gains that the revolution made. This attempt to tear up the post-revolutionary
consensus has left the ruling class weak and fractured. Joo and Catarina,
once again, give different takes on the crisis which shook the government in
2013. Their articles confirm Loucs predicament that Portugal is experienc-
ing a regime crisis of unprecedented dimension. This is highlighted by Mark
Bergfelds piece on the police shooting of Ruben Marques and the infiltra-
tion of the protest movements in wake of the economic crisis. One factor
of the regime crisis which we did not have time to discuss in the following
pages is the continued role of the Socialist Party-dominated Constitutional
Court which has outlawed several austerity packages passed by the gov-
ernment. This rift between Portugals highest court and the government will
surely resurface in months and years to come. This omission is unfortunate
but a by-product of running this project without a budget.
In the last part, Ismail Kpeli and Catarina Prncipe shine a light on the leg-
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12
acy of the Portuguese revolution. While the emphasis of the book is clearly
weighted towards the crisis and resistance unfolding in Portugal at present,
we believe the book could not do without such a discussion. The revolution
might lie 40 years back now but it continues to inspire. Alfonso Zecas Vila
Grandola Morena is repeatedly sung on demonstrations and the carnation
remains a symbol of resistance. These final two chapters hope to facilitate
the view that the revolutionary development of a people can span decades.
This lesson contributes to a rethinking of the tasks of the left, and the old
dichotomies of reform or revolution. Instead reforms should be conceived
as necessary steps in the revolutionary development of a people. They are
constitutive acts which strengthen the resoluteness and determination. In
this view, we have a long way to go but can console ourselves in the fact
that none of our struggles are in vein.
You might have read one or the other article in a different publication. While
most of the articles have appeared elsewhere we believed that it was neces-
sary to bring them together in order to start a debate on the state of social
movements in Portugal. As you will be able to see, the authors do not neces-
sarily share the same opinions on a number of issues. What they all do have
in common is their determination to change the world.
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Part I: Voices from the Resistance
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14
It looks as if the Portuguese people have had enough of austerity.
People came out in their droves on September 15, 2012 across the country
under the slogan Screw the Troika, we want our lives! Close to a million
people protested against the government and the Troika of IMF, ECB and
EU.
It was the biggest protest in Portugal since the revolution in 1974, signalling
that the consensus over austerity is long gone and buried. The demonstra-
tion on 15 September marked the end of an era. The signal was decisive:
the mass of the people went into the streets shouting IMF out of here, gov-
ernment resignation now and we want our lives!.
The Troika and the government no longer represent the will and the political
prospect of the majority of citizens, and so the door is now open for a new
democratic election towards a future that rejects the Troikas criminal and
destructive agreements.
The political declaration with which this historical protest ended in the Praa
de Espanha (Spain Square) was clear and unequivocal: first, an end the
Troika memorandum; second, the government must resign (rejecting any
other governmental solution which continues to implement the austerity
regime); and third, it appeals for a popular general strike, organised not only
Joo Camargo
(1) This article was written after the demonstration on 15 September 2012
Portugal: The Spell is Broken 1
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15
by unions but by social movements and people in neighbourhoods, work-
places, schools, faculties, hospitals and townships, to stop the country and
demonstrate that only labour, knowledge and citizen participation can build a
country.
This gigantic demonstration was not a ritual of letting off steam. It was the
other way around. It built up pressure and most people out in the streets
had never been on a protest before. There was a big emphasis on the need
for organisation. There was an appeal for a gathering the following Friday in
front of the State Council, where people will convene to discuss the political
crisis and possible resolutions.
The people have spoken: no to the Troika and no to their henchmen; no
technocrat solutions and no salvation government by the same people who
have carried out the austerity plan thus far. The conservatives have been
frightened into a corner and will now try and come up with a non-democratic
solution. The people vowed to push them further into the corner and protest
against any solution that involves the Troika.
A group of thirty people, from different political backgrounds, varied levels of
intervention, and even people who had until now not been part of any politi-
cal and public activity proved that they can join together to do something.
This is extraordinary. Based on a simple and clear consensus, standing their
ground on a position, they appealed to the country and even beyond (on the
same day there were big protests against austerity in Madrid). In Lisbon, in
Praa de Espanha, a text was read aloud from comrades in Spain. It sup-
ported our common and international struggle.
The demonstrations are a sign of the times, and they send a message to all
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16
sectors that refuse a future of submission to austerity and the Troika regime.
We need to join together for a common purpose.
And so, with at least half a million in Lisbon, 150,000 in Porto, 20,000 in
Coimbra, 10,000 in Aveiro and hundreds of thousands more in over 40
towns and cities across the country, the rotten propaganda consensus was
torn. Today people know that this isnt the only possible way. They know that
this is an impossible path and the only future is one without austerity and
ending the Age of the Troika.
The struggle will go on, and it will be made by these people, and many others.
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17
Portugal witnessed a different type of protest against the Troika - the
united force of the International Monetary Fund, the BCE and the European
Council - last Saturday 13th October. In 23 cities around the country and
some overseas (namely in Brazil) artists, musicians, poets, actors, street
artists and many others joined the Screw the Troika protest. This was a
cultural protest on a national scale, with some 60,000 in Lisbon, 10,000 in
Porto, and many more across the country.
In Lisbon there was an 8 hour long protest marathon of culture and politics
- some called it Woodstroika. At 5pm, after the end of a trade union 10-day
march against unemployment, the protest was launched with a performance
by an ad-hoc symphonic orchestra performing Beethovens 5th Symphony.
Theatrical performances by some of Portugals actors, dancers and poets
accompanied political speeches and music until late into the night.
Some of Portugal leading performers expressed their support for the fight
against austerity by performing songs against this government, the Troika
and austerity. There was a massive display of support for the current strug-
gle, planned and organized by creatives and political activists. Screw the
Troika - Culture is Resistance! the protesters declared; it represented a
step towards a cultural movement against austerity.
Joo Camargo
Woodstroika: A Step Forward for Portuguese Protest 2
(2) This article was written in October 2012 following the second Que Se Lixe A Troika
Demonstration
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18
Old revolutionary songs blended with new ones, as musicians who had
been highly influential in the 1974 revolution joined younger artists in creat-
ing a new culture against austerity.
Art and show business professionals are in a dire situation due to a new
round of budget cuts. They used this moment to voice their situation, ac-
knowledging that their situation is the situation of the Portuguese people.
They came forward to show solidarity and unity with the international move-
ment against austerity.
Actor Joo Reis read a statement written by the organizers of the protest (a
group of artists, technicians and political activists that organized the Screw
The Troika - We Want Our Lives protests last month). It proposed the next
step: A mass demonstration to reject the state budget on October 31. With
the slogan O oramento no passar! - The budget shall not pass - the
protest will see trade unions and social movements come together to create
a mass movement.
Next month there will be a General Strike on November 14, co-ordinated
with Spanish unions in an attempt to bring together the first ever Iberian
general strike. The action is timed just after German Chancellor Angela Mer-
kels visit on November 12.
This is an exciting time for political action in Portugal, with massive mobili-
sations of the people. The government is now politically and publicly dead.
Only the Presidents inertia keeps it afloat; the streets demand the right-
wing coalitions head and the end of austerity.
The protest in Lisbon ended with a song made popular by political prisoners
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19
during the Portugese dictatorship, a song that has been performed at many
recent protests: Acordai! (Wake Up!).
It was a fitting end to a protest that joined an international movement, uniting
the people behind the prospect of a decent future, emancipation and social
justice. The people have awakened.
Wake Up,
ye men that sleep
rocking the pain
of a wicked silence!
Come with the shouting
virile souls,
And pluck the tree
whose root is asleep!
Wake Up,
Wake up thunders and typhoons
that sleep in the air
and in the crowds!
Come set alight
the stars and the songs,
the rocks and the seas,
the world and the hearts!
Wake up!
Wake up,
Lighten up with souls and suns,
this dockless sea
with no flash from lighthouses
And wake at last,
after the final struggles,
our ancient heroes
sleeping in the caves
Wake up!
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Dear Chancellor Merkel,
We start by saying we address you only as chancellor of Germany. We did
not vote for you and do not acknowledge the existence of a chancellor of
Europe. We, the subscribers of this open letter, write to you as free citizens.
Citizens of a country you wish to visit on the next 12th of November, as well
as citizens in solidarity with all the countries attacked by austerity. Due to
the character of the announced visit, those who have to struggle daily with
the dire economic and social situation in Portugal, must stress that you are
not welcome. You should be considered persona non grata in Portuguese
territory because you clearly come to interfere with the Portuguese States
decisions without being democratically mandated by those who live here.
Even so, because our government has of late ceased to obide with the laws
of this country and its Republican constitution, we address this letter directly
to you. The presence of many great businessman in your entourage is an
outrage. Under the guise of foreign investment, you will bring a group of
people that will come to plunder the ruins in which your policies have left the
Portuguese economy, as well as those of Greece, Ireland, Italy and Spain.
Your delegation is composed not only by those who have coerced the Portu-
Que Se Lixe A Troika
Merkel: Not Welcome In Portugal 3
(3) This article was written after the demonstration on 15 September 2012
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21
guese state, with the connivance of its government, to privatize its property
and most valuable assets, but also by the potential beneficiaries of those
properties and assets, bought today at fire-sale prices.
This letter cannot and should not be seen as any sort of nationalist of chau-
vinist vindication its a direct address to you as the chief promoter of the
Neoliberal doctrine which is ruining Europe. We do not address the German
people who have all the democratic legitimacy to elect whomever they want
for their representative offices. However, in this country where we live, your
name was never on any ballot. We did not elect you. As such, we do not rec-
ognize you the right to represent us and even less the right to make political
decisions on our behalf.
And we are not alone. On the 14th of November, two days after your an-
nounced visit, we will rise with several others in a general strike which will
include many European countries. It will be a strike against the govern-
ments which have betrayed and still betray the trust the citizens deposited
on them, a strike against the austerity applied by them. But do not delude
yourself, chancellor. It will be a strike against the austerity imposed by the
troika and against all those which intend to transform it into an authoritar-
ian regime. It will be a strike against you, Mme. Merkel. And if we salute the
people of Greece, Spain, Italy Cyprus and Malta, we also salute the German
people who suffer with us. We know very well that the Wirtschaftswunder,
Germanys economical miracle, was built on the basis of successive debt
pardons by its main creditors. We know that the supposed current German
economic thrust is built on a brutal crackdown on wages for over 10 years
and the massive promotion of precarious labour, temporary and low-wage
work that afflicts a great part of the German people. That also shows the
perspective you, chancellor Merkel, have for your own country.
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Its very likely that you wont reply. And its probable that the Portuguese
government, subservient, weak and feeble, will receive you with flowers and
applause. But the truth, chancellor, is that the majority of the Portuguese
population blatantly disapproves of this government and the way in which it
is destroying the country, supported by the troika and yourself. Even if you
choose a secret route and a private airport to get away from the demonstra-
tions against your visit, you have to know that they will occur all around the
country. And they will be protests against you and what you represent. Your
entourage may try and ignore us. The European Commission, the Interna-
tional Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank may try to ignore the
streets. But we are more and more, Mme. Merkel. Here and in all countries.
Our protests will be stronger and stronger. We become more aware of real-
ity every day. The stories you have all told us were always awkward and now
we know they were full-out lies.
We have awaken, Mme. Merkel. You are an unwelcome guest.
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23
Tell us something about yourself: Whats your profession; do you
have any kind of income? Or: How do you sustain your life? Do you
observe a change in your personal situation since the crisis (of the
last 4-5 years)?
Me and other two out-of work architects are starting a walking-tour agency,
a greeters group of some sort, in Porto. Its called the worst tours (thewor-
sttours.weebly.com). I also do posters, designs and projects for a living. It
seldom pays enough to get by. Finally, I work part time in a coffee shop/bar
Porto that currently only opens during the nights... so: doodling, tours, tea
and cake.
What are your political activities? How you get involved? Are you
satisfied with your political work?
I am or have been involved in several different groups and struggles: In the
last year I was involved in the organization of street protests in Porto. I help
out at the community centres in my neighbourhood (es.col.a, casa viva), in
the hope of helping to create real alternatives to the neoliberal system - be
it organizing to resist privatizations or evictions, helping with a free shop or
facilitating assemblies. Im in a left-wing party (Left Bloc) since 1999, was
Interview with Gui Castro Felga
This is also a participation crisis 4
(4) Interviews conducted by Ismail Kpeli
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24
involved in my students union, in the architecture school, and then in a group
of architects struggling with the absence of regulation in our profession and
the restrictions imposed by its professional order.
I worry about counter-propaganda and Im very unsatisfied with the numbers
of people protesting, and lack of activism and participation. It shocks me
that, despite the total failure of the austerity politics and measures and the
cycle of eternal debt we are in, the official propaganda manages to lower the
debate to only one point of view, that they discuss as if it were two opin-
ions, repeated ad nauseum in the media, disguised as technical, neutral
or non-political. I believe that its politics, and therefore, power/class strug-
gles... or the There Is No Alternative crap. So I draw caricatures to highlight
the situation, or make posters to help promote a demonstration, etc.
What are the most important aspects of the current crisis? What is
the most striking symptom of the crisis? Which are the most im-
portant/most interesting protest movements against the austerity
politics during the last 4-5 years? What was the most striking/im-
pressive experience (for you) during the protests?
Symptoms of the crisis: biggest wave of emigration since the sixties, drop in
wages, an increase of homelessness, children leaving school, hunger, dis-
appearance of the welfare state, unemployment, politicians praising charity
and a certain smell of fascism in the overall security political speech against
protesters.
Most interesting movements in the last year or so: Occupy Wall Street, in
the way they highlighted the concentration of power and wealth in the top
1%, or in the way they chose non-violence as a tactic, or in the way they
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25
communicated with the rest of the people. The indignados, in the way the
organized themselves, the miners and the jornaleros in Marinaleda, in
Spain... es.col.a, of course, in Portugal, as well the estivadores struggles in
the ports, or the occupation of Rossio in Lisbon. And many important field
studies and research which show the impossibility of the neoliberal para-
digm, the auditing of the debts, and all the present projects of alternative
self-managed networks, commerce (the direct trade market in Greece...),
communication systems, production and distribution.
The most striking experience for me: the reoccupation of es.col.a on April
25.
Activism in the time of crisis. How does it work, when do you try to
mobilize people? What is the relationship between the grassroots-
movements and the left parties?
You never know how to mobilize people. You just try and take the questions
you have, and the discrepancies you see in the matrix, state them out loud
and hope that the rest of the people will relate and feel motivated to act on
it. I think looking for the best possible processes of working and relating, in
each different group, helps to not lose people that are trying to get involved,
both in parties as in other activist-groups - activism is motivated by the
sense of making a difference and being able to really participate in the con-
struction of alternatives and/or political programs. I think the final objective
should be mirrored in the ways to get there - be it in the fighting excessive
concentrations of power or in the striving for more direct participation and
less professional structures, the sharing of information and better decision-
making processes.
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26
In regards to the grassroots movements and the (left-wing) parties, I think it
could be better. Ideally, they would parallel, intertwining in concrete actions
here and there. Parties taking up movements causes and demands into law
and into their programs, movements influencing and proposing new debates
and paths of most resistance, parties being influenced by the new forms of
organisation. In reality...Well, people in activist groups tend to suspect the
good will of political parties, and fear attempts of control, or cant find com-
mon processes of decision. ...I dont believe thats an excuse, by the way - if
you really try, you find ways to work with people different from you - neither
is an excuse the difficult history between most of the different parts of the
left (from communists to anarchists and everything in between).
I think it is very dangerous to simply say all parties are bad and/or the
same - that logic, and the shitty politicians we have been having for ages,
makes more than half the population not vote: and the right wing keeps per-
petuating itself in power.
I know for many the left wing could be better and is not radical enough,
because it proposes reform (and because it is still thinking about growth
to solve our enormous, spiral-recession). Problem is, even these simple,
not-that-radical-proposals (to tax and control the banks, to end offshores, to
get better legislation on work and employment etc) are not getting through -
even though they should be better for the majority of the population. Left is
better than right. Theres left and right, up and down. I still think so.
This is a very complex problem, of course. Im not saying that the democra-
cy we have is very good - the es.col.a process, as well as the persecution of
activists involved in demonstrations, prove that both justice and political rep-
resentation are unfair repressive and beast. Im just saying that I want more
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27
active democracy, not less. Political parties, as an abstract notion, are just a
group of people with similar ideas and projects who get together and make
programs and run for managing the public affairs according to those pro-
grams - the problem for me is the vertical power structures that sometimes
the parties evolve into (and that may also happen in other kind of political
groups and structures, not only in parties). Not the concept of party in itself -
I dont think well manage to not need representation any time soon. I prefer
to have a say in who gets chosen than have the IMF chose...
There is some difficulty in all groups in hearing other points of view, and
negotiating programs. And some egos, a lot of different practices and
codes, and several arenas of discussion and intervention. Despite all those
problems, there have been times, this last year, in Porto (general strikes, the
es.col.a process, fights against privatizations, etc) where people have been
able to get together - I think it is possible, plausible, and very necessary. We
need more people everywhere. In all groups, formal or informal, in all scales
and social fields, demanding real change and opposing solidarity and crea-
tivity to the individualistic-dog-eat-dog-capitalist-world. This is also a partici-
pation crisis.
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28
Tell us something about yourself: Whats your profession, do you
have any kind of income? Or: How do you sustain your life? Do you
observe a change in your personal situation since the crisis (of the
last 4-5 years)?
It was after I came back to Porto from my second term as a Lecturer in the
National University of Timor Leste, in 2008, that my attitude towards work
drastically changed. I had finished my studies on Software Engineering and
Computer Science in early 2006, and then worked in a web development
company in Porto as a Projects Manager. One year after, I decided to em-
bark on a teaching experience in that far-off half-island - a former Portuguese
colony which freed itself from the 24 years long Indonesian occupation in
1999. The difference between life in Timor Leste and how we in the West
relate with time, money, people and our surrounding environment - many
times moved by misconceptions of success and prosperity - really stroke
me.
I then chose to start spending my time on stuff that really matters instead
of enslaving all my hours to a full time job as an engineer. Besides, 9 to 5
jobs in Portugal, in practice, very easily become 9 to 8 occupations that
totally absorb your energy and attention. I felt I had more important things
to do. One doesnt need a lot of money to survive, and by freelancing on
Interview with Sara Moreira
To focus on stuff that really matters 5
(5) Interview by Ismail Kpeli, translated by Mark Bergfeld
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29
web development once in a while I thought I would manage to pay my bills.
That was when I started volunteering as an author for Global Voices Online
- a non-profit citizen media initiative founded at the University of Harvard -,
and I founded together with friends an all-feminine non-profit NGO, Moving
Cause, whose mission was to promote social entrepreneurship initiatives
from Timor Leste in Portugal. I was interested in understanding how coop-
eratives such as Bonecas de Atauro (a Timorese womens workshop for
handcraft and sewing) could not only bring means of subsistence to commu-
nities in need but also action local social issues. [Note: Back then the word
entrepreneurship hadnt been adopted yet for the hegemonic discourse of
nowadays, which together with creativity, innovation and some other few
clichs, are presented as bailout tools that only give continuity for the situ-
ation we have dug ourselves in.]
During that time, besides moving causes between Timor and Portugal, I
also got involved with JUP (the Newspaper of the University of Porto), and
eventually managed the association behind it for a year. That experience, to-
gether with my collaboration with Global Voices - with the mission to amplify
the most interesting stories published on worldwide citizen media -, was
awakening for me in political terms, especially concerning the role of the
media as a weapon for social awareness. While the acquaintanceship with
the Universitys newspaper networks showed me an obvious lack of political
awareness among the Portuguese youth in that time, Global Voices stories
presented a whole new world of civic participation through online media.
After volunteering for one and a half years for GV, I became the Portuguese
language countries editor in May 2010. It is an exclusively virtual part time
job with a modest salary that allows me to pay for my monthly bills - as well
as to travel a bit every now and then to places like Chile, Brazil (2011),
Greece, Timor (2010-2011), Kenya and Mozambique (2012 :)
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30
What are your political activities? How you get involved in this top-
ics? Are you going to work in this fields in the future? Are you satis-
fied with your political work?
Whether political or not, my main activities are (and will be :):
Writing/Translating citizen perspectives which are often ignored by main-
stream media: Global Voices Online highlights citizen stories with a focus
on human rights issues and freedom of expression. Besides editing the
Portuguese language countries front, I collaborate on the special cover-
age Europe in Crisis, by means of monitoring, writing, contextualizing and
translating stories reported on citizen media about everyday living and rising
alternatives in face of the economic crisis in European countries.
Collective participation: I am involved with several associations in Porto,
such as urban permaculture and collective gardening project Horta-l!,
Transparncia Hackday, Guifi.net/Porto, and recently I organized a workshop
on alternative currencies that resulted in the formation of a group that is try-
ing to create a social currency for Portos city centre.
Training: I organized training programs for NGOs, other collectives and in-
dividuals on online strategies for more effective advocacy outreach and Free
Culture and Citizen Media, in Timor in 2011 and in Mozambique in 2012.
What are the most important aspects of the current crisis? What
is the most striking/impressive symptom of the crisis? Which are
the most important/most interesting protest movements against
the austerity politics during the last 4-5 years? What was the most
striking/impressive experience (for you) during the protests?
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31
Many things have changed in my surroundings and in the broader Portu-
guese political, economic and social scenario - as well as worldwide - since
2008 until today. From my neighbourhood, I see more people - especially
the youth - who are unemployed, and thus have to get used to living on
less money; I see the aging of the population as a big parcel of the youth
emigrates in search for better conditions. Many buildings in the city are left
abandoned, while a growing number of families enters default, unable to
pay their mortgages. One of the most important consequences of this crisis
is the fact that it has brought people together in new and renewed local
associations, and more than never political debate is being brought to the
public arena. On the other hand it is impressive to see how the economic
recession leads the people to a generalized state of (what I call in Portu-
guese) perspectives recession. There is lack of hope, energy and initiative
to organize and react positively to the current situation. We are missing solid
and resilient action groups who dedicate to create a new world to live in.
There have been glimpses of important civic participation and mobilization,
though. The Scraping-by Generation Protest of March 2011 was the anti-
austerity mobilization kick off, drawing 150.000 to the streets, in a burst of
non-partisan, non-branded, authentic citizen power. From my perspective,
the whole history of the self-managed collective es.col.a da Fontinha in
Porto, has been the cherry on top of the cake concerning collective action,
as for the first time in a long time it enabled a national wave of solidarity for a
common cause. Other initiatives seemed to be relevant and important, such
as the Citizens Audit on the Public Debt and the Screw the Troika, but, once
again, follow ups, dissemination of results and creation of working groups
are missing.
-
Part II: Analysing the Resistance
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33
A day before the right wing coalition government in Portugal was
to vote through its 2012 budget, the German finance minister Wolfgang
Schuble met his Portuguese counterpart Vitor Gaspar and proclaimed,
Portugal is on the right path and is, for all of us in the eurozone, a brilliant
example that the approach we have been following to stabilise the euro is
correct. Schuble went on to praise the exceptional job being performed
by the Portuguese government. But recent events have shown that the
austerity measures insisted on by the Troika of the European Union, Eu-
ropean Central Bank and IMF are creating serious fissures inside the ruling
coalition, growing resistance at the base of society and widespread debate
inside of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary left.
The ruling coalition is made up of the Social Democrats (PSD), which de-
spite its name is a right wing party, and the Conservatives (CDS). While the
implementation of the Troikas austerity measures may have earned Portugal
the label of the good pupil of the Eurozone, Portugals deficit still stands
1.4 billion away from reaching the Troikas target for 2012.
Since the 78 billion heavy bail-out package in 2011 the government has
embarked on what the Economist magazine called a brutal austerity
course, equivalent to a fiscal atomic bomb. Civil servants salaries over
1,500 euros have been slashed by up to 10 percent, those earning over
Mark Bergfeld
Crisis and Resistance In Portugal 6
(6) This article was written in December 2012
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34
1,000 euros have had their holiday pay scrapped and more than 600,000
public sector workers (around four out every five public sector workers) are
at risk of losing their jobs.
These attacks on workers contracts and conditions have been part of
Portuguese capitals long-term strategy for reducing labour costs, creating
high employment and boosting competitiveness inside of the eurozone so
as to attract foreign investment. As a consequence almost 50 percent of the
Portuguese workforce are on temporary contracts.
The unemployment rate lies above 15 percent and is predicted to rise fur-
ther next year. Unlike other southern European countries where youth unem-
ployment exceeds 50 percent in Portugal it only amounts to 27 percent
as large numbers of young people have been forced to emigrate. More than
10,000 under 25 year olds have migrated in the last four months alone,
many of them have moved to countries such as Germany and Britain, while
others have headed to Portugals former colonies in Angola, Mozambique
and Brazil. Recently prime minister Passos Coelho even told a group of
teachers faced with unemployment to emigrate if they couldnt find jobs.
The 3.5 billion cuts to healthcare, social security and education announced
in the budget for 2013 will only plunge Portugal deeper into crisis and re-
cession. The hard-line approach led by the Social Democrats has allowed its
coalition partner the Conservatives to pose as the more moderate force.
While they continue to vote through the austerity measures prescribed by
the Troika, the Conservatives verbal distance from Coelho and Gaspars
more radical reforms have created tensions inside the government. As un-
likely as a break-up of the coalition may seem it did take the intervention of
the Portuguese president to lower the temperature inside the coalition faced
with a by-election next year.
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35
Wrapped in the language that calls for the re-foundation of the Portuguese
state, the current austerity policies threaten to uproot the gains made by
the revolution in 1974-5, when a coup by a group of left wing military offic-
ers against the fascist Salazar regime led to a wave of popular and workers
power. While other European countries received their first taste of neoliber-
alism in the late 1970s and 1980s, Portugal was establishing a welfare state
as part of the post-revolution settlement.
A deepening recession, the grim prospect of more bail-outs and the poten-
tial for EU budgetary targets to be missed all point towards the possibility
of further fracture lines developing at the top of Portuguese society over the
coming months.
The weekend before the 14 November general strike one such fracture ap-
peared when 10,000 active and retired members of the military in civilian
dress marched against austerity through the capital, Lisbon. Some officers
complained that their salaries have been cut by as much as 25 percent. One
banner read The military is unhappy, the people are unhappy. Given the
role that radical officers played in the 1974-5 Revolution, many people sup-
ported the militarys protest. Later on television, one member of the military
went on to say, We will do everything so that the indignation of the people
will not be suppressed.went on to say, We will do everything so that the
indignation of the people will not be suppressed.
On 15 September a demonstration was called by a group of artists, intel-
lectuals and public figures under the banner of Screw the Troika! (Que
Se Lixe a Troika!) We want our lives! From small villages in the Azores to
Sparks of resistance
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36
the Algarve, to the industrial cities of Lisbon and Porto, more than 600,000
people took to the streets against the governments proposal to increase
workers social security contributions by 7 percent (some reports put the
turnout on the protests as high as one million, out of a population of just
10.5 million).
The demonstrations were key to forcing the government to backtrack from
their initial proposal. Importantly, they sparked a new wave of popular mobili-
sations culminating in the general strike on 14 November.
The size of the demonstrations on 15 September even surpassed those of
1974. But while the mobilisations in 1974 saw people hugging and kissing
each other and overflowing with joy, the demonstrations on 15 September
were very different, reflecting the fear and anger workers feel faced with all
social gains made by the revolution disappearing in front of their eyes.
While a small group of activists were able to make a massive impact with
their call on 15 September, it also exposed the lack of political organisation
on the ground. The scale of the demonstration was a surprise to everyone
including seasoned trade union activists and those of the radical left in the
Left Bloc (Bloco de Esquerda). While Left Bloc members did become part
of organising the local demonstrations, the still important Communist Party
failed to call on its members to join the protests until an hour prior to the
start of the rallies.
A few weeks later though the weaknesses of initiatives such as Que Se
Lixe a Troika would be exposed when they called for a demonstration
against Angela Merkels visit to Lisbon and only a couple of hundred activ-
ists turned up.
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37
The 14 November general strike was a massive success for the Communist-
led CGTP trade union federation compared to its strike back in March this
year. Despite the Socialist Party influenced UGT union federation denounc-
ing the strike as sectarian and calling on its members to work, a number of
local UGT-affiliated branches did decide to walk out. These rifts were further
exposed when the Socialist Party mayor of Lisbon came out in support of
the strikers demands. While the Socialist Party remains committed to a pro-
austerity position, pressure from the trade union movement has shown the
possibility of pulling it leftwards.
The CGTP is strongest in the public sector while the private sector remains
largely non-unionised. In Lisbon, I visited a picket line of about 40 to 50 bin
workers who were out picketing from about 10pm the evening before the
general strike. Only two out of 123 workers attempted to cross the picket
lines. Hospital, transport and postal workers ensured that the public sector
ground to a halt for the day. Even the airline company TAP had to cancel 48
percent of its flights. Postal workers of the recently privatised CTT company
complained about having lost sick pay, Christmas and holiday pay as well as
being forced onto temporary contracts.
Despite their small size, political initiatives such as Estudantes pela Greve
geral (Students for the General Strike) and Precarios Inflexiveis (which
campaigns over casualisation and temporary contracts) and rank and file
trade union members forced the CGTP to call demonstrations in Porto and
Lisbon on the day of the strike, something that hasnt always happened in
previous strikes. More than 3,000 strikers marched in Porto, while in Lis-
New initiatives
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38
bon around 7,000 took to the streets. As the demonstration wound its way
through the narrow hilly streets of Lisbon people joined in from the houses
and apartments chanting Greece, Spain, Ireland, Portugal - the struggle is
international.
Later that evening, after the speeches by CGTP union leaders had ended,
protesters pulled down the fences that separated the masses from parlia-
ment and started throwing rocks, eggs and other objects towards a line
of riot police protecting the building. As night time fell over the capital, the
police decided to clear the square outside of parliament and the day ended
in a pitched battle between protesters and the state.
Following this incident, CGTP leader Armenio Carlos declared, I wont give
any moralistic speeches but I sincerely regret the actions taken tonight.
While activists argued that the statement could have been worse, it has
drawn new battle lines in a fragile movement with hardly any roots in the un-
ions and a strong Communist Party which could pull the plug on any further
action.
The governments decision to raise the wages of the police and the paramili-
tary gendarmerie by 11 percent following the general strike is aimed at cre-
ating a wedge between a demoralised police force imbued with the memory
of the revolution and a growing strike and protest movement.
While the Communist Party would like to channel the movement towards
next years by-elections, the dockers have instead provided a new focus for
resistance. Over the course of the last three months they have paralysed
most of south Portugals ports through a work to rule action over a new
labour code meant to relax employment regulations. Thousands have partici-
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39
pated in solidarity demonstrations, while hundreds of dockers have turned
out for Angela Merkels visit to Lisbon, for example. In turn, the CGTP has
been forced to call a demonstration to support the dockers day of action.
While the lack of political organisation has contributed to the volatility of the
situation it also places limits on the Portuguese movement against the Troi-
ka. Creating rank and file networks inside unions and networks of activists in
the neighbourhoods, schools and universities will be crucial if the movement
is to turn the sparks of resistance into raging bonfires.
Unless there is a bigger political challenge from the streets and greater
pressure from below, the risk is that the movement will be at the mercy of
the actions of the CGTP and Communist Party leaders who view the strike
movement as something distinct from the fight for political power. Today,
as in 1974, the Communist Party has little interest in creating rank and file
networks which could spiral out of its control and create a real challenge to
the stability of the system.
The demonstrations on 15 September showed that mass mobilisations
could derail unpopular austerity measures like the increase in social security
contributions - a powerful lesson. The general strike on 14 November will
have further strengthened the movement as workers paralysed the whole of
the public sector for the first time.
The volatility and sudden shifts have thrown up many questions among activ-
ists. However, there are two interlinked questions which the anti-capitalist
Debates in the movement
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40
and revolutionary left will have to provide clarity over: Could a left govern-
ment made up of the Left Bloc, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party
stop the Troika and austerity? And how do we transform resistance into a
project which can change the balance of forces and even transform society?
At the Left Bloc congress in mid-November delegates debated the prospect
of breaking the ruling coalition and the establishment of a left government.
Many believe that the rapid rise of the radical left coalition Syriza in Greece
earlier in June show the possibilities for the left in Portugal. However, the
recent history of the two coalitions is very different. Syrizas rapid rise is the
product of the near continuous popular mobilisations and repeated general
strikes which have marked Greece for more than four years now.
The Left Bloc, however, was electorally decimated in elections in 2011 when
it lost half of its 16 members of parliament. Currently the Left Bloc stands
at 7.5 percent in the opinion polls. Even with the support of the Communist
Party, which advocates a left and patriotic government, the forces for such
a project would still only come to roughly 17 percent. While this is impres-
sive, it is far short of a majority. This leads the Left Bloc to look towards the
Socialist Party which advocates intelligent austerity and is currently lead-
ing in the polls.
Francisco Lou, the Left Blocs leading figure over the last period, has ar-
gued that a left government would be government of the social movements
that are running through the arteries of the Republic. What would the rela-
tionship of such a government to the movements be? While those questions
were raised by the left tide that swept Latin America earlier this century,
the European parliamentary and extra-parliamentary left are confronted with
them ten years on.
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41
The two-day debate at the Left Blocs Congress tried to come to terms with
this. Some delegates argued that the left government is a necessary step in
the transition to socialism and a revolutionary tool that can transform anger
at injustice into active mobilisation. However, any government that dares to
step out of line would be confronted with the dictates of the European Un-
ion as well as the hostility of Portuguese capital.
For the Portuguese workers and anti-austerity movement the most urgent
task is to build rank and file networks that can go beyond the one-day set-
piece strikes called by the CGTP. Such networks of workers could help
people who have to choose whether to pay for their rent or put food on their
plates, facilitate solidarity and take action to coincide with the dockers who
are waging a heroic battle. They would also need to confront political ques-
tions such as the Communist Partys insistence that the fight against the
Troika is a national liberation struggle, when it is clearly a class struggle.
As Paolo, a postal worker, argued on the picket line on the day of the gen-
eral strike, Its fantastic that workers everywhere are striking today. But
this struggle should have happened when austerity first started. The last
government started this drive for austerity by slashing public services, our
salaries, and raising taxes for the poor. I havent seen anything like this since
the revolution back when I was three years old. This is a struggle of workers
against the capitalists. We need the same to happen here as in Greece and
Spain.
Rank and file
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42
Portugal, as one of the countries in the European Union taken hos-
tage by the Troika (the International Monetary Fund, the European Central
Bank and the European Commission), has been subjected to increasingly
harsh austerity policies that have led the country into a recession of historic
proportions, the result being mass impoverishment. The mandate from the
Troika is being compounded by additional cuts being made by the current
government in what amounts to the fastest and most brutal neoliberal pro-
gramme ever introduced in Portugal. The right wing Portuguese administra-
tion is using the crisis and the memorandum with the Troika as a pretext
to attack labour rights and dismantle the Portuguese welfare state; the
demands for further austerity presented by the Portuguese and European
ruling classes seem endless.
However, these extreme attacks have not translated into a rising tide of
resistance. Moments of mass mobilisation have happened during the last
two yearsabove all in the monster demonstrations against austerity on 15
September 2012 and 2 March 2013. But these were unable to transform
themselves into generalised resistance capable of shifting the balance of
class forces in Portugal. This article seeks to understand this disconnect by
proposing that the mass mobilisations happen almost apart from the struc-
tures in the country that would be capable of organising a rooted long-term
resistance. This gap between the mobilisations and the social structures has
Catarina Prncipe
From mobilisation to resistance: Portugals struggle against austerity 7
(7) This article was written in late 2012
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43
occurred because of the decision by the social movements over the last five
or six years not to organise in the workplace or local communities. Although
this choice was the correct one at the time it was made, its limitations are
now being revealed. This article aims to summarise and analyse the story
of the resistance in Portugal during the last few years, highlighting both our
successes and limitations and contributing to the strategic debate in a spirit
of solidarity.
In 2007 a group of activists coming out of the student movement decided to
bring the Euro May Day concept to Portugal.1 The trade unions with their
bureaucratised and closed structures were slow to respond to the grow-
ing number of precarious workers. Precarity was seen as a generational
problemolder workers were (supposedly) not affected by it and some saw
precarity as the fault of young workers unwilling or uninterested in fighting
for their own rights. Within the unions this scapegoating of younger workers
could also be found. Moreover, precarity was an unknown term for most Por-
tuguese workers, who lacked a collective definition of their working condi-
tions. Many people viewed the issue through a strictly individual lens, saying:
I have a fixed-term contract. Im not precarious, or: I have an individual
contract through a temporary work agency, but thats particular to my pro-
fession; its not a generalised problem.
In this political context the decision to import the Euro May Day as a fresh,
young and new way of protesting was the appropriate political choice for
several reasons:
1) We understood that it was necessary to see precarity as some-
They want us precariousWe will be rebellious!
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44
thing affecting all spheres of life. The idea of precarity in life as a com-
mon point of departure allowed us to discuss precarity not only as a labour
condition but also to discuss how it related to questions of independence,
self-determination and life planning, as well as discrimination and racism.
2) Because of the broad framing of the conflict and the novelty of a
new, creative movement led by young people, we were able to change the
public narrative on precarity. It was no longer seen as an individual choice,
but rather as the result of political and economic processes. This means that
today in Portugal there is a collective understanding of what precarity is and
how it concerns everyone, no matter what age.
3) Because we knew that precarity was a coming reality for the entire
Portuguese working class, we rejected the notion that it was a generational
issue. Thus we did not organise Euro May Day in competition with the tra-
ditional trade union demonstrations (as was the case in several other coun-
tries), but sought to add struggles to the struggle by pursuing connections
and joining and mobilising for the trade unions protests (so, for example, the
Euro May Day participants always join the trade unions May Day demonstra-
tion). This choice helped to form a new connection between the trade un-
ions and the social movements that, however fragile, is very important for the
protests against the Troika today.
In Portugal more workers are unemployed than are unionised, and most
precarious workers are not unionised. Portugals largest trade union confed-
eration, the CGTP, was not addressing this issue adequately and thus left
a large political vacuum to be filled. Given the low level of struggle and our
lack of connections to the trade unions, we chose at that moment to organ-
ise outside of the workplace. This was a correct political choiceat the time.
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45
The CGTP is a fairly militant trade union confederation and is politically very
close to the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), but it has a very closed
apparatus and a bureaucratised structure and is very suspicious of any ac-
tivity that does not come from inside its own organisation. Moreover, many of
the young activists who started the anti-precarity movement in Portugal are
from or close to Bloco de Esquerda (Left Bloc, the party of the radical left)
or from more autonomist organisations, and thus have little or no influence
inside the unions. In this difficult situation real collaboration between the
union leadership and the movement was more or less impossible. Excluded
from the traditional structures of organised labour, the movement was
forced to adapt by organising precarious workers away from the point of
production. It was a necessary and correct decision to make, but a decision
prompted by weakness, not strength. It is the conversion of this necessity
into a virtue that holds the movement back today.
The Euro May Day parade has been held in Lisbon since 2007 and in Porto
since 2009. Two very important organisations emerged out of these dem-
onstrations: the Precrios Inflexveis (Inflexible Precarious) in Lisbon and
Ferve Fartos d Estes Recibos Verdes (We Are Tired of these Green
Receipts) in Porto. These two groups managed to keep the question of
precarity on the political agenda all year round (the Euro May Day networks
are only active in the months leading up to 1 May) and served as important
public platforms to criticise precarity, becoming well known in the media and
developing their own campaigns. However, the fact that we continually tried
to organise outside the workplace left us in a fragile position of being unable
to directly address the workers and their daily problems; having no strength,
capacity or resources to organise local struggles, let alone a strike. The core
of these organisations is composed of some of the most active and dedi-
cated activists, but lacking a social field in which to intervene, the growth of
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46
the organisation is either slow or non-existent. We have no influence in the
workplaces and therefore lack the necessary response that a workers or-
ganisation needs to have. Nevertheless, the core of these organisations was
always present in the organisation and mobilisations of the most important
protests in Portugal over the last two years.
Since 12 March 2011 there were several moments of protest that deserve
to be mentioned: the Desperate Generation demonstration (12 March
2011), the Real Democracy Now demo (15 October 2011) and the two
Screw the Troika demos (15 September 2012 and 2 March 2013).
In January 2011 a Portuguese folk music group released a song entitled
How Silly I Am denouncing widespread precarity and lack of perspective
among the youth. The song went viral online and inspired a group of four
friends to call for a demonstration on 12 March through Facebook. Almost
half a million people took to the streets in many cities across Portugal, join-
ing in one of the biggest demonstration since the Portuguese Revolution of
1974-5.
The focus of the demonstration was the unbearable situation of a genera-
tion without a future. But because the manifesto was very broad, neoliberal
voices tried to appropriate it. Confronted with this problem, the main organ-
isers decided to request help from anti-precarity, LGBT and other move-
ments, who provided them with advice and support while respecting their
political autonomy. The result was that the movement was able to overcome
appropriation by the right and attempts to frame the issue as one of a con-
The Desperate Generation
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47
flict between generations, fostering displays of genuine intergenerational
solidarity. Ultimately the demonstration consisted of young precarious work-
ers accompanied by their parents and grandparents, who attended out of
solidarity but also to express their own opposition to the ruling Socialist
Partys (PS) proposed cuts.
Part of the success of this demonstration can be ascribed to the media
attention it receivedoccurring in the wake of the Arab Spring and the
debates about the role of the new media in organising protests. Something
similar happening in Portugal caught the attention of the media and cast a
lot of attention on the mobilisation. Moreover, the PS government of Jos
Scrates already found itself in a severe crisis of public opinion following
the passage of several rounds of austerity. The media opportunistically aided
the mobilisation to harm the government, but quickly lost interest after the
demonstration.
It would be a mistake, however, to credit the demonstrations success to
media attention alone: 12 March also represented a new form of popular
mobilisation. Because of its indeterminate character, it attracted a wide vari-
ety of people and extended into layers of the population far beyond the nor-
mal reach of the unions and left parties, so much so that the unions and the
Communist Party initially treated the mobilisation with suspicion, distrustful
of a mass movement beyond their control.
It is worth noting that the mood of popular discontent and the popular criti-
cisms of democratic institutions was not reflected in the general election
results of 5 June 2011. The content of the Troika memorandum (which was
signed by the PS, PSD and CDS2 before the elections) was not made
public for a long time, so most voters did not understand what its implica-
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48
tions would be at the time of the election. A feeling of inevitability and to
some extent a popular belief that the austerity measures were necessary to
save the Portuguese economy clearly worked to the detriment of the anti-
memorandum left: the Blocos share of the vote fell from almost 10 percent
in 2009 to 5.2 percent, with an abstention rate of around 40 percent. The
PCP was able to maintain its result as it has a very established base of
support, but was also not able to win new votes. Why the Bloco faced such
a drastic defeat at the polls will be addressed later. Nevertheless, the posi-
tive experience of the 12 March mobilisation gave the social movements a
needed breath of fresh air for the coming year.
The movement of the squares also took root in Portugal in 2011. It started
as an attempt to imitate the enormous occupations of squares in Spain and
Greece but on a much smaller scale. Beginning in mid-May in the heat of the
electoral campaign some one hundred activists occupied a central square
of Lisbon for two weeks. There were also occupations of squares in Porto,
Coimbra and Ponta Delgada. Emulating the politics of the Indignados, the
demands went from a singular focus on precarity towards a systemic cri-
tique. The occupations of the squares linked up with activists from the 12
March mobilisations and established a network to join the international call
for a demonstration against austerity on 15 October 2011.
On 13 October the government presented the plan for the 2012 state
budget. It called for, among other things, deep wage cuts and the elimina-
tion of holiday bonuses for public sector workers. Over 100,000 demonstra-
15 October 2011Real Democracy Now!
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49
tors protested against the budget in Lisbon and 15,000 in Porto. In Lisbon
the demonstrators surrounded the parliament and conducted an assembly
that lasted through the night. Amazingly the assembly decided to call for
a general strike, despite many of the participants being completely new to
political activism.
Building upon this momentum, Portugals two trade union confederations
called for a general strike on 24 November. It should be noted that the
Portuguese trade unions had also called a general strike against austerity in
November 2010. Different this time was the initiative from the movements
for the strike, as opposed to the ritualised one-day actions the unions seem
to call every year.
The 15 October protests marked several important political developments
in Portugal. The clearest was the qualitative change in the political demands
since 12 March. The demonstration of 12 March had been politically in-
determinate and mixedthe anti-capitalist left was present, and the social
movements (feminist, LGBT, anti-precarity, anti-racist), sections of the politi-
cal right and even some elements of the far-right tried to insert themselves
in the demonstration. By October the focus had become clearer: it was not
limited to a critique of precarity and an uncertain future, but was a more
focused critique of the government and the austerity policies as whole.
Quantitatively the October demonstration was smaller, but qualitatively it
was much better.
The October demonstrations also witnessed the introduction of other politi-
cal elements of the Occupy movement. These included: the questioning of
parliamentary democracy and democratic institutions; opposition to the rule
of the 1 percent; and a general distrust of established political parties and
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50
organisationsa feeling that already existed in Portugal, but not as clear or
as loud as now. The terrible electoral results for the left, the 40 percent ab-
stention rate and an ongoing process of institutionalisation of the radical left
created a mood and political space for the distrust of political organisations
and the trade unions. This is an important fact to understand as it remains
one of the major problems continuing to face the radical left today.
The last important aspect is the relation to the CGTP. The process of dia-
logue between the movements and the unions that began in 2007 has
strong limitations. On the one hand, the cooperation between social move-
ments and the union bureaucracy, however limited, is a welcome sign. It
shows that movement activists do not oppose traditional workers organisa-
tions. At the same time, however, the reach of the movement remains very
limited. The movements lack any sort of rank and file organisations that
could serve as conduits into the wider working class and remain utterly de-
pendent on the bureaucratic leaderships.
Following the October demonstrations there were no mass protests for
almost a year. Portugal saw a general strike on 22 March and some sec-
tional struggles, but in mainstream news media and politics Portugal was
portrayed as the well behaved student of the European south. The people of
Portugal understood the need for austerity; they agreed they had lived be-
yond their means and therefore had to make the appropriate sacrifices. The
Portuguese people and government were portrayed as embracing the Troika
as a good friend.
Screw the Troikawe want our lives
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51
This portrayal is not completely untrue: the notion that austerity was inevita-
ble was very powerful in the minds of the people. Many thought there was
no other way out and initially hoped to weather the coming period through
individual solutions. It was also difficult to respond politically, as some of the
governments proposed measures were delayed until 2013, thus mitigat-
ing the effects on the population. Portugal seemed to be acquiescing to the
demands of the Troika and was held up as a good example in contrast to
Greece, whose left was already beginning to transform that countrys poli-
tics at the time.
Faced with this lull in activity, organisers from the anti-precarity movement
together with otherssome of them public figurescalled for a demonstra-
tion on 15 September 2012. The timing corresponded to the restart of the
political year when the state budget for 2013 would start to be discussed.
Simultaneously, these activists knew the beginning of the school year would
bring with it discontent, since thousands of teachers were not going to have
a job due to government cuts in education. The demonstration was mainly
called through Facebook and once again the media gave it significant cover-
age.
On 7 September prime minister Pedro Passos Coelho and finance minister
Vitor Gaspar announced the austerity measures contained in the 2013 state
budget. Alongside further cuts to wages and pensions and the elimination
of holiday bonuses, the budget also foresaw a dramatic increase in social
security taxes. In practical terms it would mean the transfer of one months
salary a year from the workers to the bosses, a further drop in internal con-
sumption and the penalisation of the poorest members of society.
These measures prompted a wave of resistance in society. After the an-
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52
nouncement of the new measures the call for a demonstration grew mas-
sively on Facebook and in the media. The informal network of people that
called for the demonstration also established contact with the trade unions,
from whom they got no answer. It is important to say that although the trade
union bureaucracy decided not to actively be part of the organisation of the
demo (though the general secretary stated on 14 September that he would
individually join the demonstration), the rank and file activists and members
joined the demonstration in a massive way.
Screw the TroikaWe want our lives was the motto for the demonstration
that took place on 15 September in Portugal. Roughly 1 million people took
the streets of 40 cities around Portugal (in addition to solidarity demonstra-
tions across Brazil and Europe). At the end of the demonstration the organ-
isers called for a popular general strike and decided to establish contact
with the trade unions in order to make this demand possible.
The reactions to the announcements regarding the social security tax were
deeply negative. No one publicly supported this measure, not even mem-
bers of the Troika committee. At the same time the Portuguese constitu-
tional court declared the measure unconstitutional in the public sector. The
government decided to retreat on both proposals and said that they would
announce new measures soon.
Meanwhile, the CGTP decided to call for a demonstration on 29 Septem-
ber. This demonstration mobilised more than 200,000 people in Lisbon.
The leader of the CGTP, Armnio Carlos, announced during his speech that
the unions would meet the widespread demand for a general strike, though
without setting a specific date.
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53
On 3 October the finance minister announced new measures while speak-
ing on television. Having been forced to retreat on the two main measures
the changes to the social security tax and the elimination of holiday bonus-
esthe government instead presented the biggest single income tax hike in
Portuguese history, amounting to an increase of 35 percent. Essentially the
government sought to compensate for the cuts they could not enact with tax
increases.
After this brutal attack the CGTP called for a general strike for 14 November
and its Spanish counterparts announced their intention to participate and
suggested an Iberian general strike. The European Confederation of Trade
Unions met on 16 October to discuss the possibility of widening the wave
of general strikes throughout Europe. These discussions resulted in the first
multi-state general strike in European history.
The general strike of 14 November had a strong impact in Portugal, not
only because participation was extremely high, but also because it gave an
international perspective to the struggle and was the first step to developing
protests against austerity on a European scale. One of the most interesting
things in this process is that the impetus for a strike emerged from the mobi-
lisations that preceded it and were organised by groups outside of the trade
unions. At the same time, it clearly shows the weakness of these move-
mentsalthough there were one million people on the streets, the organisers
have no influence in the decisions of the trade unions and had to wait for the
leadership of the CGTP to support the strike to make it possible.
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54
These three moments of mass mobilisation in Portugal have clear similari-
ties: the three of them came from rootless organisations, they showed that
the potential level of participation is much bigger than the number of people
who are already organised, they happened as a momentary reaction to a
concrete political proposal from the government and they all received above-
average media coverage. The incredibly positive response to the move-
ments critique of austerity underlines what possibilities lie on the horizon
for Portugals radical left. So what is the problem? Why are we not seeing
any big mobilisations now? Why has the working class not been able to
exert pressure on the government through sectional struggles or sympathy
strikes? Why has the impact of austerity not generated a mood of resist-
ance? These are the most important questions for the Portuguese resist-
ance right now.
As previously stated, when we started the anti-precarity mobilisations in
2007 we made a correct political choice that allowed the creation of a col-
lective identity and an important pole of political attraction in Portuguese
society. However, the choice to organise outside of the workplace was
made out of weakness: we had no capacity politically to influence the trade
unions and no networks inside the union structures. Besides, the trade union
bureaucracy has little interest in creating grassroots networks of rank and
file activists that could potentially slip out of their control and challenge the
stability of the system. The Portuguese CP views the fight against the Troika
as a struggle of national liberation and proposes a patriotic left govern-
ment. It sees the political and economic struggles as occurring in different,
separate spheres. In such a context this rootless social movementof work-
ers but not rooted in the workplaceis at the mercy of the leadership of the
The weaknesses of the resistance
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55
CGTP. The potential pitfalls of this situation were demonstrated both on the
15 October