PHILEAS FOGG’S FOLLOWERS

JXnowledge Elites in the Global Financial ServiceIndustry

Lars Engwall

Invited paper for the European Science Foundation Workshop on“Knowledge Elites, the Process of Professionalisation and Changesin Comrnunication Systems: Transformation of Control Mecha-nisrns” held at SCASSS, Uppsala, Sweden, 14-17 April 1988. The re-search reported in the paper has been supported by the Foundationfor Scientific Research of Första Sparbanken.

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ABSTRACT

Traditionally the finantial service industry has been characterised byhigh mobilny barriers due to extensive Government surveillance. Si-milar barriers have also been existing for its employees, who havetended to be recruited among cautious candidates. Both these circ-umstances have undergone changes as the working conditions of theindustry have altered. An important event in this tontext is the intro-duction of modem computer and communication technology. It hasto some extent created new barriers to mobilny by the requirementsfor extensive investments, but primarily it has reinforced tendenciesof deregulation thereby increasing tompetition This in tum has im-plied the creation of new instruments and the need for a new type ofemployees with another time and risk orientation than earlier. Theyconstitute a new knowledge elite, the introduction of which may beexpected to create tensions in traditional finantial institutions.

1. Introduction

Phileas Fogg argtred at the Reform Club in the 1870s that the development oftransportation had made the world smaller (cf. Verne, 1873). He was right atthe time, but he is even more so to-day in the late 198Os, when individuals maytrave1 around the world in much less time than the eighty days used by JulesVerne’s hero. In addition to the innovations in transportation, the distance intime has been reduced by a rapid evolution of communication technology. Mes-sages may thus to-day go around the world several times within an hour. Thisdevelopment has had important repercussions for many industries, but parti-cularly for those handling information rather than physical products. One suchindustry is the finantial service industry, within which to-day sudden changesin exchange rates, interest rates and quotations Will flow instantaneously fromone finantial center to another. Trading around the clock has therefore beco-me the rule for many finantial institutions. In this way experts in the finantialservice industry can be regarded as followers of Phileas Fogg, although theyconcentrate on moving finantial information in terms of orders and quotationsrather than people.

This paper Will distuss the implications for the finantial service industry ofthe described changes. In order to provide a background for this analysis thefollowing two sections Will deal with the traditional working conditions in the

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industry and recruitment policy, respectively. In so doing the concept of mobil-ity barriers for corporate and individual actors will be used as an analytical tool.Sections 4 and 5 Will then distuss how these mobilny barriers are influenced bythe introduction of computer communication technology.

2. Mobility Barriers in the Financial ServiceIndustry

One basic assumption in the theory of perfect tompetition is that “there is afree entry and exit in every rnarket” (Cohen & Cyert, 1965, p. 5). In realhythere are, as shown by Bain (1956) and Mann (1%6), considerable barriers toentry in a number of industries. These circumstances have also contributed tothe occurrence of markets of imperfect tompetition (cf. Chamberlin, 1933 andRobinson, 1934). The barriers to entry in industries often are of an economiccharacter, i.e. that established firms have advantages over potential entrantfinns through (1) product differentiation, (2) absolute cost advantages, and (3)economies of scale (Bain, 1968, p. 255). These barriers to entry may also be re-inforced by baniers to exit for actors in other industries, i.e. “economic, strate-gic, and emotional factors that keep them competing in businesses even thoughthey may be eaming low or even negative rettum on investment” (Porter, 1980,p. 20). Together the barriers to entry and exit will constitute factors of inert&which we will here denote as mobility barriers (Engwall & Johanson, 19&1).

In certain industries the mobilhy barriers are a result of Govermnent inter-vention. Pritnarily they imply screening of entrams for the exploitation of na-tural resources and the provision of publit services (cf e.g. Scherer, 1970, Ch.22). Among the latter we may inciude the focus of the present paper: the finan-cial service industry, which throughout the world is characterised by a high de-gree of regulation (cf. e.g. Wilson, 1986). The most central finantialintermediaries, banks, thus need a charter to begin their operations and arethen carefully scrutinized by regulators. The industry therefore contains bothhigh barriers of entry and high barriers to exit. The main reason behind this isthe cancern of Governments for economic stabilhy, ultimately fears of finan-tid u-isis through domino effects if a bank should fail. Needless to say the cen-tral role of banks in the implementation of economic policy is anotherimportant explanation for the concem regarding soundness in the finantial ser-vice mdustry. In the tradition of Siebert er al. (1956), who - in addition to the

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Executive, the Judiciary and the Legislative bramhes - have mentioned thePress as a fourth Branch of Government, there are therefore good reasons toconsider banks as a fifth such branch.

The basic function of the bank charter is to permit the holder to build up re-lations to different kinds of customers. In certain countries legal restrictions,for example the Glass-Steagall Att in the United States, limit the tustomer ca-tegories basmally to depositors and borrowers, whereas others, among themmany European countries, provide the possibility for a bank to be involved inboth commercial and investment banlcing (Wilson, 1986). Of these the analy-sis here will concentrate on the former type of activity.

Banking operations have traditionally been built on trust and long-term re-lationships with a certain reciprocity, i.e. that a tustomer both deposits his sur-plus in the bank and obtains loans and other fmancial services. Particularly inwholesale banking (the relations to corporate customers) it has been comrnonto talk about house banks. In this way the fiicial relations have exhibited si-milar characteristics to those observed in industrial marketing and purchasing,i.e. long lasting permanent relationships (cf. eg. Håkansson, 1982). These re-lations in tum are built on the experience that reliability and mutual under-starrding of arising problems are important assets for both partners.

The importante of permanent relationships in the finantial service industryno doubt imply additional barriers to mobility. Customers tend to stick totheir old bank relations. This tendency is reinforced by the fatt that service pro-ducts are extremely easy to copy. Companies operating in service industriesthus do not have patent protection or other technical barriers to imitation si-milar to those existing in manufacturing industries. In the finantial service in-dustry it is thus difficult for an actor to break into old tustomer networksthrough the development of new products, particularly when the hardwarecomponent is insignificant. For the introduction of the new product in most ca-ses orrly results in competitors taking it up. In the words of a banker quoted byMayer (1984, p. 59): “We have to copy what the other banks are doing - it’s aproduct, and customers will perceive us as a less useful bank if we don? offerit.”

The finantial service industty has thus traditionally been characterised byhigh mobility barriers as a result of Govemment regulation. The mobilny bar-riers created by the close surveillance of the industty have then been reinfor-ced by the existence of networks of permanent relationsbips and the ease ofcopying newproducts. Together the different mobilny barriers have created anindustry of companies with access to crucial resources. To be accepted as em-

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ployee in such an industry may therefore be a good precondition for elite po-sitions.

3. Mobil@ Barriers for Individual Actors .

The literature on professions has certain features in tommon with the just dis-cussed research in industrial organixation, particularly in terms of barriers toentry. For the whole idea of a profession is to control the perforrnance of cer-tam tasks in society. Therefore professions screen entrams by educational re-quirements and set standards for educational institutions as well aspractitioners. Thus only a selected mnnber of schools are authorixed for apar-tmular professional education, and those passing through them may be recei-ved in the profession after fulfilling certain additional requirements. As amember the professional is then expected to perform his duties according tothe professional code and has to expect reactions - through different kinds ofpunishments, even expulsion - in cases of deviant behavior (cf. e.g. Larson,1977, p. 132). In the stritt sense there are very few professions. Theology, me-dicine and law are the three major groups, which comply with a stritt defini-tion. As pointed out by Larson (1977), however, the grow-ing body of academiceducation has implied that a number of groups become increasingly professio-nalixed, or in the words of Collins (1979, p. 184) have become semi-professions.

But even without the academic training within an occupational group onemay expect mobilny barriers to be existent, particularly when the appropriate-ness of employee behavior is crucial. One example in this tontext is dailynewspapers, inwhich one may observe (cf. Engwall, 1978) that gate-keeper me-chanisms are important, not enly in the selection of news, but also in recruitingnew employees. The screening of potential candidates is petfornred on the ba-sis of their earlier performance and interviews, and the selection is made withthe aim of minimixing uncertainty about future behaviour. One important pro-cedure is then to recruit people for temporary positions in the periphery - forexample as lotal editor in a small place. - and then gradually have them movetowards the centre, if they petform well (Engwall, 1985). This step-by-step stra-tegy also means that employees may be subjett to a gradual socialisationthrough irrformal contacts with more experienced newsmen, in editorial confe-rentes and through editorial revisions (Sigehnan, 1973). in this way employeemobilny Will be subjett to successive mobilhy barriers; the temporary employ-

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ment being one first step, the permanent employment a setond, whereas themovement to more and more central positions are further steps, which all aresubjett to gate-keeper mechanisrns.

In this selection process the existence of a certain professional education pro-vides a screening device (cf. e.g. Blaug, 1976, pp. 845849), but it also constitu-tes a form of presocialisation into the occupation. An irnportant post-warexample of this is the business graduates, who to an increasing extent penetra-te the modern torporation with a language of their own with concepts for ac-counting, administration, finante, managerial economics and marketing (6.EngwalI, 1986 and Whitley, Thomas & Marceau, 1981). In terms of Collins(1979, p. 189) they constitute a techno-bureaucratic profession, and they tendto fit into the requirements of Larson (1977, p. 132) for a strong profession, i.e.that they exhibit “a real technical skill that produces demonstrable results andcan be taught”. Interestingly enough studies from Sweden have shown thatbanks were early to absorb numbers of business graduates (Lindgren, 1988,Markgren, 1983 and 1986). In this way bankers and managers have come tohave similar backgrounds and professional vocabulary, a circumstance whichof course has facilitated the above mentioned creation of networks.

As a result of the importarme attached to trust and stabilny in banks (cf. Sec-tion 2) their recruitment policy has been somewhat wary. Remitz (1960, p. 219)thus concluded that althot@ “bank employees do not show a personalny struc-ture different from that of people in general they show one tommon trait: cau-tior?. Similarly McMurry (1958) has argued that banks tend to stress securitybefore creativity in recruiting. In this way, McMurry continues, the hired em-ployees will be persons who have “spent all their working lives in well-structu-red positions, . . . have had little opportunity to make decisions, to take risks,and, particularly to work through people” (ibis, pp. 95-96). Therefore turnoverof bank employees tend to be lower than in other industries. Those once ac-cepted tend to stay, although their top bosses may be brought in from othercompanies.

The above arguments imply that employees of finantial service companies,although they have been carefully screened, have not been professionals in thetraditional sense. Although business graduates to a harge extent have been hi-red by banks, they have often constituted a special segment of this populationcharacterized by caution and only slight mobilny. In this latter sense they havenot exhibited a characteristic often mentioned for members of professions, i.e.an identification more oriented towards their trade than towards their employ-

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er. This traditional picture has, as will be shown below, changed somewhat du-ring the 1980s.

4. The Development of International Capita1Markets

The main task of fiicial intermediaries is to distribute liquidity and risks. Inthe last decades the operations of these intermediaries have been increasinglyintemationalized through the development of international capital markets.Behind this development we can track an intemationalization of business interms of an increasing world trade and a growing tendency of large corpora-tians to become multinational through foreign direct investments (cf. eg Ver-non 1971 and 1977). Another important explanation to the described trend istbe development of the Ettro-cmrency market. This has its origin from depo-sits of Soviet-owned U.S. dollars in European banks after World War II andhas experienced averitable boom in the last decade (Sampson, 1981, Ch. 7- 8).The evolution of this market has implied a substatmal change in terms of mo-bilny barriers: national Govermnents have to an increasing extent lost controlover large parts of the operations of their finantial institutions. In addition ithas lead to a tompetition between different international centres for estab-lishments of finantial institutions, This in tum has forced most govemments toderegulate and to relieve some of the existing barriers to entry for foreign ac-tors (cf. e.g. Walters, 198.5).

The said deregulation has led to an increasing market orientation of finan-cial institutions, which have felt their margins squeezed by new competitors.Tbc latter have not only been foreign entrams but also domestic actors, whichhave entered the finantial service area. It is thus argued by Leavitt Sr Cunning-ham (1979) that banks of the 198Os, similar to the railway industry, have ten-ded to define their business too narrowly thereby neglecting tompetition fromadjacent industries. In the new deregulated world the border lines betweenbanks and other industries are thus becoming less and less stritt. Bank opera-tions are to-day tun by large industrial torporations, retail chains, trave1 agen-ties and insurance companies (cf. e.g. Ballatin, 1986 and Eisenbeis, 1983,thereby moving important business from the traditional commercial banks. Inthis way the traditional banks have been forced to reconsider their role. Somehave even developed to finantial supermarket all-purpose banks (Hanson,

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1982), providing their customers with a variety of services. Many of these havebeen developed in the industry, frequently first in the United Stams, and havethen spread rapidly (cf. above Section 2), be they different kinds of bonds, com-mercial papers, futures, money-market furids, options, swaps, etc. In case ofconsiderable hard-ware components, however, the situation has beensomewhat different. Then the actors have faced barriers similar to those in ma-nufacturing industries: the need for far-reaching investment decisions and ex-tensive design work. The described situation is also the one faced by thefinantial service industry as computer and commtmication technologies havemoved into this sector. Investment costs, and also restrictions on access to com-puter networks, in this way have implied and still imply new mobility barriersfor the traditional actors in the industry (Mayer, 1984, p. 128). For companiesin the computer and communication industry, on the other hand, the techno-logmal development and deregulation have created new business opportuniti-es, thereby loosening up the border lirtes between traditional industries stillfurther. A striking example in this tontext is the development of the Britishnews agency Reuter, established 130 years ago, for which today the dissemi-nation of finantial information has become much more important than theirtraditional business.

Although the investments in modern technology may lead to certain mobi-lity barriers, its introduction has no doubt stimulated tompetition for finantialservices. It has made market information more easily accessible for differentactors thereby making markets more efficient. In the domestic retail marketscustomers may notice - not always with enthusiasm, sinte it also implies thereduction of float - how transaction costs are reduced through bank cards, au-tomatic teller machines, point-of-sales systems and computer networks (cf. e.g.Phillips, 198.5). Similarly market information ternis to be spread to different ac-tors more rapidly and accurately, which in turn has implied that another as-sumption of the competitive model - that actors have perfect information (cf.Cohen & Cyert, 1965, p. 5) - has become less questionable than earlier in fi-nancial markets. Trading of foreign currencies and securities have become ac-tivities, where continuous watch is both possible and necessary. The abovementioned intemationalization of business has thus been reinforced by thetechnological development, and the latter can even be argtred to be an impor-tant contributing factor to the wave of deregulation under way in the finantialworld.

Computer and communication technology have thus radieally changed theworking conditions of the traditional actors in the finantial service industry.

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They have implied (1) heavy investment requirements finantially, and in termsof human resottmes, (2) the intrusion of companies from other industries intothe sector, and (3) pressmes for more efficient markets through the reductionof transaction costs and the increase in the accessibility of market information.

5. The Development of a New Knowledge Elite

The tendencies discussed in the previous section no doubt have implicationsfor employees in the finantial service sector. One such consequence is the needto recruit people who have a background different from that discussed in Sec-tion 3. In addition to the earlier cautious persons with a general education, fi-nancial institutions increasingly need people with very specialised competence,some more oriented towards the new technology, others more towards thetechnicalities associated with the increasingly sophisticated instruments. Theyalso need to a higher extent traders, who are willing to take fast decisions inturbulent markets, which require risk and time orientations different from tho-se traditionally found in the industry. The recruitment of the mentioned typesof persons may no doubt lead to tensions with more traditional employees par-ticularly conceming the traditional issue in banking: risk and retnm.

Althot@ the new employees will be more specialixed than the earlier ones,the former can not be considered as professionals in the traditional sense. Theydo not exclusively graduate from special schools, they have no lorigg” traditionsand they have so far hmited professional codes. They do however, to quote Lar-son (1977, p. l32) once again, even more than before passess technical skills“that produces demonstrable results and can be taught”. In addition, in the fastexpanding and changing markets they have - in tontrast to the earlier em-ployees - shown to be more oriented towards their trade than towards theiremployers. The new knowledge ehte in the finantial service industry has thustended to be much more mobile than the traditional ones. Extreme examplesof the latter were exhibited in London as the Stock Exchange took the steps re-ferred to as Big Bang, i.e. the computerization of secmities trading and the in-troduction of completely new rules in the system.

The members of the new elite are not orrly moving between companies pro-viding finantial servmes, however. They also tend to move to and from the who-lesale customers, who to an increasing extent build up strong finantialdepartments or even internal banks. Through this increasing sophistication ofthe wholesale customers, the fmancial service finns have entered a tougher

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worldwith slimmer profits (Mayer, 1984, p. 213). Another result of the said de-velopment is that employees working with sophisticated instruments in finan-cial service firms and their counterparts in tustomer firrris become more closelyrelated than they do to their colleagues in their own companies. They speak thesame teclmical language, have the same Games of reference, and are both li-kely to signal their affiliation to the yuppie culture through dress, tar purcha-se, sparetime occupation, etc.

The new technology has thus decreased the barriers to exit for certain grottpsof employees, but it has also implied certain reductions in the barriers of entry.The computerized trading networks, as soon as they have been created, provi-de the opportunhy for decentralized trading. The individmal actors thereforedo not need to be part of a larger organization but may through a relativelysmall investment, a terminal and an entrance fee, get continuous access to up-to-date market information. Some, like Mayer (1984, p. 59), go even furtherand argue that “anyone with a computer can offer banking services”.

Another feature of the new technology, which implies a certain threat to thenew elite and their power in the system, is the development of automatic tra-ding programs. Here research in artificial intelligente and computer technolo-gy has been employed to give the decisions to sel1 or buy to computers as pricesof different securities reach certain levels. These tradmg programs were so-mewhat questioned, however, as the stock markets over the world went downdramatically in October 1987. On Wall Street the use of such programs waseven bamred during a period following the Black Monday (Institutional Inves-tor, January 1988, pp. 43-46).

The introduction of modem computer and communication technology is thuslikely to have effects that Will tut mobilny barriers. At the same time it Will, atleast in the short nm, create new knowledge elites by their requirements fortechnical skills in handling the new technology and the new financial instru-ments.

6. Conclusions

A basic concept used throughout this paper has been mobility barriers, whichhas made it possible to distuss the changes in the finantial service industry onthe Company as well as the employee level. The analysis has pointed to the tra-ditionally high mobil@ barriers in the industry as well as to recruitment me-chanisms characterised by a high degree of screening in order to obtain cautious

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employees. In both cases efforts to reduce uncertainty conceming future beha-viour have been the basic motive. The introduction of computer and commu-nication technology, however has implied that new actors are entering thefinaxial service industry. Industrial, retail and service torporations run theirown banking operations and providers of the new technology enter the indu-stty. This in tum has led to the biring by firms in the sector of a new breed ofemployees. They are not professionals in the traditional sense, but no doubtknowledge elites by mastering the new technology and/or the new fmancial in-struments. Their entrance in the traditional finantial service firms have impli-ed and Will continue to imply sources of considerable tensions with the moretraditionally recruited employees. For this new breed of employees has a morecosmopolitan orientation and are less risk averse than their colleagues. In thatsense they do not just share Phileas Fogg’s knowledge of fast means of globalcommunication, they also have another feature in tommon: the ability to takecalculated risks in fast decisions. Urdike the situation of Mr. Fogg their coun-terparts in the Wager remain an anonymous atomistic crowd, as they each indi-vidually bet on the future development of global finaxial markets on the basisof available information. In that work the computer remains their loyal setvant,their Passepartout.

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