Peter Lawrie

A New History of The Clan Gregor

A New History of the Clan Gregor

Peter Lawrie

Compiled from various web essays on the Clan Gregor


Contents

The Early History of The Clan Gregor 3 The Bogus Baronage and the origin of Clan Gregor 25 The Chiefs of Clan Gregor 34 Duncan Ladasach 40 John Dow MacGregor in Balquhidder 48 The Political Context of the Battle of Glen Fruin 55 The Battle of Glen Fruin - Cath Ghlinn Freoin 68 Kinship, Landholding & Crime - Clan Gregor 1583 – 1611 Introduction 71 Kinship and Clanship 76 The possession of land by Clan Gregor 85 The Crimes of Clan Gregor 95 Conclusion 105 Robert Abrach and Tomzarloch 108 Clan Gregor in Montrose's Campaigns - 1644-46 123 Clan Gregor during the Commonwealth 1651-1660 141 Clan Gregor in the 1689 rising and the Battle of Killiecrankie 152 Clan Gregor in the 1715 rising 161 Rob Roy and the 1719 Rising 176 Rob Roy - his capture and escape 182 The Clan Gregor in the last Jacobite rising of 1745-46 188 The Clan Gregor in Sutherland - March 20th to April 14 1746 225


The early History of The Clan Gregor Clan Gregor has many aliases. The reason for this is rooted in the turbulent history of Highland Scotland and the peculiar problems of Clan Gregor from its beginning to the early seventeenth century. Part of this presentation has been drawn from the unpublished 1989 PhD thesis of Dr Martin MacGregor, entitled ‘A Political History of Clan Gregor before 1571’. Dr MacGregor presents some ideas about our early relationship with the Campbells that are not to be found in any published sources. Ramsay’s ‘The Arrow of Glen Lyon’ has been used as the source for the period between 1571 and 1603. Clan or Clann is the Gaelic word for family or, to be more exact, kindred sharing a common descent. Clan names may be frozen patronymics: Mac Griogair means son of Gregor. Others derive from descriptive features of the name father, such as Campbell – cam beul meaning squint or wry mouth. The Campbells belong to the Mac Cailein Mor branch of the kindred of Diarmaid o Duibhne. Others are derived from occupations, such as Macintyre, Mac an t-saoir, son of the wright. Kin-based clans developed as a means of controlling land and allocating resources. Their growth and eventual decline were related to the weakness of government. Formation and dissolution was a dynamic process. Highland Clanship came out of a fusion between Celtic tribalism and Norman feudalism during the 12th and 13th centuries. Dr MacGregor suggests that the personal name Gregor may come from one of several Pope Gregories. There was an 11th century Irish cult of Gilla-Griguir or devotee of Gregory. 12th and 13th century bishops of Moray, Dunkeld, Ross and Brechin all bore the name and it was common among Norman families in the 12th and 13th centuries. Clan Gregor has a tradition, embodied in our slogan – ‘S Rioghal mo dhream – ‘Royal is my race’. Clan Gregor is the principal kindred of Clan Alpin, which has been traditionally derived from the ninth century King Kenneth MacAlpin. Kenneth united the Picts and the Scots into one nation known as Alba, pronounced A-la-pa. Clan Gregor has been claimed to derive from King Giric, a nephew of Kenneth, who ruled 878 to 889 possibly because the name sounds like Griogair. Dr MacGregor states that this is a myth first documented in the late 15th century. (I have seen a beautifully illuminated document demonstrating the genealogy of the Campbells from Adam and Eve! I suspect that they must descend from Cain rather than Abel.) A brief note of explanation: Scottish landed gentry are normally designated as name of place-name. Thus: MacGregor of Glen Strae. It is correct to refer to the person by the name of his estate, thus: Glenstrae. In this paper the place-names are given as Glen Strae. When the full designation is given it is MacGregor of Glen Strae. However, when the abbreviated form is used it will always be the single word Glenstrae or Glenorchy.


Dr MacGregor suggests that Clan Gregor probably derive from a 13th century kindred called Clann Ailpein, who may have been a client kindred of the ruling MacDougall kindred of Lorn. As part of the Comyn faction the MacDougalls were opposed to Robert the Bruce. King Robert suffered a serious defeat by John of Lorn at Dalrigh, near Tyndrum in 1306. Two years later, in 1308, the King defeated the MacDougalls in battle at the Pass of Brander. The rise of the Campbells dates from the generosity of King Robert to Niall Campbell of Lochawe at the expense of the MacDougalls. Eoin of Glen Orchy, as part of the Lorn kindred, was allied with Wallace and captured in battle against the English in 1296. His daughter Mariota married the Campbell laird of Innis Chonnail. This marriage was the basis of the charter to Glen Orchy given to the Campbells by David II in 1358. His brother Donnchadh Beag, father of Griogair was the effective starting point of the lineage in Glen Orchy around 1300. Gillies in his book ‘In famed Breadalbane’ discusses 17th century bonds of friendship between the then chiefs of MacNab and MacGregor. These refer to their supposed common descent from two brothers. The MacNabs were the Clann an Aba or family of the Abbot of Glen Dochart. The relationship must be from Clann Ailpein. Dr MacGregor is quite correctly cautious with the surviving genealogies, showing contradictions and fabrications in various Highland genealogies. For the moment let’s take at face value the genealogical descent of the Clan Gregor as given in the book of the Dean of Lismore. At page 137 of the MacLauchlan edition of 1862 is the poem by Duncan MacDougall Maoil - Some historians have taken this as descent from the 9th century King Alpin, father of Kenneth MacAlpin who united the Picts and the Scots in 843. Unless a number of generations have been omitted this seems barely credible and has been discounted by modern scholars - but this may be changing. Below, on the right I have given an extract of the poem and the patrilinear descent suggested by it.

The Dean's 16th century genealogy

Alpin (Ailpin)

Kennan (Connan) Hugh of Glen Orchy (Aodha Urchadhaigh)

Gillelan (Giolla Fhaolain) Duncan (Donnchadh)

Duncan the small (Donnchadh beag) Malcolm

John the lucky or learned Gregor

John (Eoin cam) Black John (Eoin dubh)

Malcolm Patrick


Here is the full modern English text from the Book of the Dean of Lismore, of “The history of the secret origin of John MacPatrick” by Sir Duncan MacDougal Maoil MacGregor father of the Dean of Lismore

What belongs to his race is not feeble,

The bearing of that race we love, Seldom of a feeble race it is,

Among the Gael of purest fame, That inquiry of their origin is made,

By the men who read in books Firm the belief to them and me, During the evening time so dark That in the blood of noble kings

Were the rights of true ClanGregor Now that I'm by thy green dwelling,

Listen John to thy family story.

A root of the very root are we Of famous kings of noble story.

Know that Patrick was thy Father, Malcolm father was to Patrick.

Son of Black John, not black his breast, Him who feasts and chariots owned.

Another John was Black John's father, Son of Gregor, son of John the lucky.

Three they were of liberal heart, Three beneficent to the Church. The father to that learned John,

Was Malcom who his wealth ne'er hid, Son of Duncan surly and small,

Whose standard never took reproach. His father was another Duncan, Son of Gillelan of the ambush, Noble he was, giving to friends,

Son of the famous Hugh from Urquhay. Kennan of the pointed spear,

Of Hugh from Urquhay was the father. From Alpin of stately mien and fierce,

Mighty king of weighty blows.

This is the fourth account that's given Of thee who art the heir of Patrick. Remember well thy backbone line, Down from Alpin, heir of Dougal Twenty and one besides thyself, John the black not black in heart.

Thy genealogy leads us truly To the prosperous Fergus McErc.

Of thy race which wastes not like froth, Six generations wore the crown.


Forty Kings there were and three, Their blood and origin are known.

Three there were north and three to the south, After the time of Malcom Kenmore. Ten of the race did wear the crown,

From the time of Malcom up to Alpin. From Alpin upwards we do find

Fourteen kings till we reach Fergus.

Such is thy genealogy To Fergus, son of Ere the prosperous.

How many are there of thy race Must there have been from thee to Fergus.

Noble the races mix with thy blood, Such as we now we cannot number.

The Schools would weary with our tale Numbering the kings from whom thou 'rt sprung.

The blood of Arthur is in thy bosom Precious is that which fills thy veins ;

The blood of Cuan, the blood of Conn, Two wise men, glory of the race.

The blood of Grant in thy apple-red cheek, The blood of Neil the fierce and mighty.

Fierce and gentle, at all times, Is the story of the royal race.

Part was through the poem (highlighted) is the following: Down from Alpin, heir of

Dougal, Twenty and one besides thyself.

On page 127 of the Dean of Lismores Book (McLauchlan and Skene) we see the following:

Eoin Mac Phadruig, mhic Mhaoilcholuim,

mhic Eoin duibh, mhic Eoin,

mhic Grigoir, mhic Eoin,

mhic Mhaolcholuim, mhic Dhonchaidh bhig,

mhic Dhonchaidh a Sraileadh, mhic Ghillfhaolain,

mhic Aoidh Urchaidh, mhic Coinnich, mhic Alpain ;

agus an Coinneach sin b'e ardrigh Albain gu deimhin 's an uair sin ; agus an t-Eoin so an t-aon duine deug o'n Choinneach so a dubhairt mi.

Agus Donnchadh daoroglach Mac Dhughaill, mhic Eoin Riabhaich, do sgriobh so leabhraibh seanachaidh nan righ ; agus ro dheanadh Anno Domini Millesimo Quingentesimo duodecimo.

[An entry dated 1512].


The English translation of his name being:

John son of Patrick, son of Malcolm,

son of Black John, son of John,

son of Gregor, son of John,

son of Malcolm, son of Duncan, son of Duncan, son of Gillelan, son of Hugh,

son of Kennan. Down from Alpin, heir of Dougal there are twenty and one besides thyself.

Neil and Matt MacGregor have been investigating the origins of Clan Gregor using an ever-increasing body of DNA evidence. They now feel that there is enough evidence to ask, "How potentially accurate is the claim within the poem that 21 generations were known to have occurred between John McPatrick and Kenneth McAlpine? Are the numbers a good or consistent claim or are they purely hypothetical with little evidence to support the claim?" Assuming John McPatrick was born in 1440 and Kenneth Alpin, the first king of unified Scotland, was born ~810, we have a time period of 630 years. Time to common ancestor calculations use the generation period of 30 years as the mean generation gap. (Calculation: 630÷21= 30). Therefore, the time frame using the currently accepted generation time appears to be quite an accurate representaion of the number of people in the tree and adds significant weight to the claims within the poem. This also adds weight to the data within the Deans MS and seems to support the suggestion that the Dean had access to records which allowed him the develop the pedigree. Neil & Matt have been comparing DNA samples from other clans deriving from Argyll who also claim a Dalriadic descent such as the MacKinnons and MacNabs, Science may be supporting the traditional tales. It has been suggested that the kindred which became Clan Gregor were some sort of Royal guard or keepers of the strategic passes. The Greek noun Gregorios means ‘Watchman’. ‘Gregor’ could even be a word-play on the role of the kindred. This may seem idle but a glance at a topological map of the western Highlands shows just how important the MacGregor glens were. Dalmally is near the eastern end of the Pass of Brander controlling access to Lorn. From the south come roads from Kintyre along the east of Loch Awe and from Loch Fyne through Glen Aray. Glens Lochy, Orchy and Strae are all eastward routes into the Central Highlands. Watchmen in Glen Strae can also guard potential routes into Glen Etive. Based on map evidence alone it is likely that the Dalriadic kingdom and later the Lordship of Lorn would place border guards in these glens. The MacDougall kindred descend from the eldest son of Somhairle or Somerled who created the Lordship of the Isles. Somerled was in turn descended from the Kings of Dalriada, Erin and Denmark.


So why did clans develop in Scotland and persist in the Highlands long after kin-based tribes disappeared in most of the rest of Europe? Please forgive a digression into the early history of Scotland before I return to Clan Gregor. The Picts are said to have practised matrilinear succession. Succession to Kingship was not from father to son, but within a kinship group known as a derbhfine. The most suitable king could be chosen from among eligible adult males in the ruling kindred. Descent through the female line was possible. Thus, the King’s sister’s son might be preferred to the King’s son. When the Scots King Kenneth MacAlpin, became king of the united Picts and Scots, it was because by birth he was also a member of the Pictish ruling kindred. Looking at a genealogical tree of the Scottish Kings from Alpin to Robert I, it is very apparent that the succession never follows from father to son until David I. During the lifetime of a ruler it was the custom to appoint a successor known as the tanist. The practise of tanistry can be shown to have continued among some Highland clans up to the 18th century. Feudalism is important to the study of the Clanship because it is fundamentally opposite to the Celtic kin-based system of Land Holding. Feudalism is based on land whereas kindreds are about people. Betty Windsor is the Queen of England but Queen of Scots. Celtic kingship came from the regional tribes headed by sub-Kings or Mormaers at the head of their own kindreds, which in turn helped to select the Ard Righ or High King from the ruling kindred. Alexander II & III were particularly important in fusing kin-based and feudal authority, so that in the 13th century when most heads of kindred were also feudal lords, there was a stable and decentralised structure, with relatively weak kings. The later Stewart kings attempted to change this relationship, but their actions created instability and conflict. In the Celtic system land was the duthchas or birthright of the kindred and could not be personal property, in the sense that buildings, clothes or weapons were. Kinsmen were supported as befitted their station from the lands of the kindred and in turn were expected to work and defend the duthchas. This was an aristocratic system, not democratic, nor was it a welfare state! Leadership of a kin-based society was hereditary though not necessarily patrilinear. As well as true kinsmen in the kindred there would also be unrelated servants. In a non-cash economy the Chiefs consumed their surplus income by feasting and gifts. Feasting meant inviting the principal members of the kindred and in particular the fighting men, to consume the rental. Gifts were also important in binding chief and kinsmen. In return, the chief expected to receive military support and labour. The feudal system has a totally different underlying philosophy. All lands were the property of the King who granted them by charter to his tenants-in-chief, personally, in return for their fealty and service. They could sub-infeudate parts of their holdings to their vassals who could do the same in turn. Thus, apart from the king every-one in a feudal society had a superior on whom they depended and may have had vassals depending on them. Feudal tenure involved service by the vassal to the superior, which could take the form of military service, labour or specified rental. The tenure could be for a fixed term, the life of the grantee, or in perpetuity to the vassal and his heirs. Any superior, subject to his obligation to his own superior could dispose of his possessions at any time. A superior could re-grant a feudal fief to anyone he chose, irrespective of kinship. The vassals often had little say in this.


Feudalism in France and England developed into a form with strong central authority by the fourteenth century. In Germany, central authority was so weak that the Empire dissolved into separate principalities. The Scottish situation was in between. Scotland remained united and absorbed the Viking lands but with weak central authority. In 1066 William the Bastard, (he was illegitimate and he was called this in his own time - but only behind his back), Duke of Normandy and 'Conqueror' of the England dispossessed all the Saxon lords of England and granted out the entire realm to his own supporters. In Scotland, feudal tenure was only introduced gradually by the Margaret-sons. Norman knights did not acquire their lands by expropriation but by marriage to suitable Celtic heiresses. They did manage to create quite a few of these and many modern ‘Scots’ names, such as Menzies, Gordon and Bruce are Norman in origin. Military service and heritable feudal jurisdiction were finally abolished after 1746. Rentals in kind and labour service had been almost entirely transmuted into cash by 1800. However, the legal language of land tenure in Scotland remained a matter of superiors and vassals until AD 2000. From the 13th century the legal basis of the ownership of land in the whole of Scotland was completely feudal. However old tenurial practices and beliefs survived. North of the Highland line from Stonehaven to Dumbarton, where the Gaelic language remained dominant, the older idea of kin-based land holding persisted into the 18th century. The expression ‘kindly rooms’ does not mean tenure out of the goodness of heart of the landlord, but the right of members of the kindred to land sufficient to support them and their dependants. It is important to note that Gaels often continued to support the chiefs of their kindred even when they lived on the charter lands of other lords. One obvious way of showing the difference between the Scottish and English systems is to look at the surnames of the modern population. The majority of the names of people with Scottish descent are personal, such as MacGregor, Davidson and Fraser. In England the majority are territorial, that is they have the name of the village or estate where their ancestor lived such as Honeycombe or Wilton. In England and France society was stratified between an exclusive feudal elite which married within itself and the lower orders. In Scotland although the social structure was just as aristocratic, lowland names and highland clans were inclusive rather than exclusive. Younger sons of the elite tended to marry into the name rather than among their peers. Nor should we ignore the illegitimate offspring that were usually acknowledged and provided for within the kindred. The Glen Orchy Campbells produced lots of bastards in the 16th century! Clan formation begins with the ‘name-father’ who has control of resources - (ie land). He allocates parts of it to his sons, usually in a way that does not alienate their lands from the total. Brothers, cousins and other members of the name-father’s lineage as well as non-related dependants may be involved in maintaining the growing kindred. Successful kindreds extend their holdings through the generations creating further opportunities for cadet branches to form. As the supply of land was fixed the process proceeded in successful clans at the expense of less successful lineages. As in the game of ‘snakes and ladders’ losing the favour of the monarch or a defeat by another kindred could reverse the growth or even end the existence of a lineage. The only difference between clanship in the Highlands and similar land-holding elsewhere was the survival in it of some of the old Celtic ideas.


The map shows the lordships of the central Highlands as they were about 1400. Note in particular the Earldoms of Atholl, Strathearn, Menteith and Lennox. To the west is the Lordship of the Isles. Lorn was the truncated remains of the MacDougall lands. The white area was largely crown lands, church property and smaller territories, including at this time those held by the Campbells. Kin-based land-holding was once common throughout Scotland. The pursuit of power by the great lowland kindreds such as Douglas or Hamilton led to the blood-feuds of the late 16th century. In the 17th century the lowland kindreds changed into land-owning aristocratic families on the English pattern. Perhaps due to language division some Highland Clans retained their archaic forms into the 18th century. Highland clans were by no means uniform in structure. Despite the certainty of the clan maps in tartan shops, territories were dynamic over time. It is difficult to classify them. At one end of the continuum were the great feudal territorial magnates holding most of their lands directly from the Crown. These included Earldoms such as: Campbells of Argyll, Murrays of Atholl and Gordons of Huntly. At times the government granted powers of regality to these lords, handing over total control of all the land and people within their jurisdiction. These magnates were part of the machinery of power in Scotland, sharing the great offices of State between them. Their territories had grown well beyond their original boundaries and included numerous subordinate groups. Such vassal clans or septs could be the followers of distant cousins of the Chief or of formerly independent kindreds that had become wholly dependent upon them. Then we have the aggregate clans. The Cumming chiefs are known to have renamed their servants by ‘baptising’ them as ‘Cummings of the hen-stone’. The Camerons, although themselves vassals of the Gordons often gave leases only to tenants who adopted their name. 16th century Frasers of Lovat are recorded as giving a boll of meal to men taking their name. Cumming and Fraser are Norman names. Next to these were the lesser feudal barons and lairds who still possessed their own charter lands usually as tenants-in-chief of the crown. Their followers were more feudal vassals than clansmen although they may also have been kin. These were more prevalent on lands around the periphery of the Highlands and often Norman in origin. The Brodies and Roses in the North East may be given as examples. Very similar to these are Celtic kindreds, whose chief possessed lands by heritable charter and whose followers lived entirely on his lands. These are probably the closest to the romantic idea of clanship. Their septs and cadet branches were formed by descent from scions of the family and the clansmen believed they had (and often did have) kinship with the chief whose name they shared. More common was the situation of Clans, such as Clan Gregor, whose chief had a charter or lease to some but not all of the lands on which his followers lived, as a vassal of a greater Lord. Some of the clansmen who gave their calp to the chief lived on the lands of other lords to whom they gave only limited or no allegiance.


Finally came the large group sometimes known as ‘broken clans’. These had lost or never possessed legal title to the lands they occupied. If asked by what right they held their lands, the reply would be: ‘by the sword’. Their chiefs retained followers who gave him their calp, but they had no feudal rights. As almost all of the Highlands was the feudal possession of some Lord or other the existence of broken men could be a source of great trouble. Such kindreds were on the point of disappearance with their members drifting into the allegiance of more powerful chiefs. Otherwise, without land, they had little choice but to resort to theft and raids on their neighbours to survive. Indeed, territorial magnates habitually made use of such people in order to create trouble for their enemies. In Lairds of Glen Lyon, Duncan Campbell states that Clan Gregor were the remnants of a large kindred that had been defeated and dispossessed during the wars of Independence and had been scattered across Perth-shire. There is no documentary evidence for this. The alternative put forward by Dr MacGregor is that they descend solely from an offshoot of the MacDougall kindred in Glen Orchy. Is it possible that all MacGregors are descended from a single individual in the 14th century? Society was overwhelmingly rural with relatively static technology and agriculture. The survival of kindreds depended on the produce of the land that they could hold and use. Less fortunate people may have been attracted by relative security and put to work as servants. Those without resources were less able to pass on their genes. Recent work on DNA has demonstrated that a substantial number of MacGregors do relate to the chief, others may descend from ancestors who were members of our precursor kindred before 1300. There are also a significant number (but much less than in clans such as the Campbells) who clearly descend from 'part-takers' and have only far distant kin relationship with the rest of the clan. As Malthus put it, population increases geometrically while resources can only increase arithmetically. If we assume early marriage, an average generation of 25 years and an family size of 6, allowing for daughters and child-hood mortality leaving 2 sons surviving to marry and procreate. Starting in 1325, by 1550 there could be 512 adult male descendants and, if unchecked, a million by 1825! The possibility of such growth depended on the ability to colonise and hold new lands which is exactly what seems to have occurred at least until 1550, so it may be reasonable to estimate that the MacGregor chief could have called out 200 fighting men in 1550. Including their families, the kindred would have numbered more than a thousand. To put this in context the total population of Scotland in 1550 has been estimated at three-quarters of a million, evenly split between north and south, with less than 10% in urban settlements. The area from Rannoch to Aberfoyle and from Dalmally to Comrie is 3600 sq. km, or 4.7% of Scotland. Crudely, this is two thirds of the pre-1975 county of Perth, omitting Atholl and the area around Perth itself. The population is unlikely to have exceeded twenty five thousand. The military strength of Clan Gregor would therefore be very significant in this area. Of course, the equipage and maintenance of fighting men was a significant cost. Not only were weapons and equipment expensive the men had to be available whenever required. This meant that the task of providing food and accommodation fell on others. The statutes of Iona in 1609 were largely aimed at reducing the ability of Clan chiefs to maintain fighting men in this way.


The raw materials of the historian are written records, perhaps enriched by other verifiable sources. The historian is very suspicious of legend and tradition, but the Celtic peoples placed great store on the oral tradition, with songs and stories, genealogies and legends being recited around the fire. Sadly the social changes of the 18th and 19th centuries resulted in most of this corpus being lost forever. Our own James MacGregor, Dean of Lismore, who lived at Fortingall in the 16th century, recorded some of these stories and legends and his manuscript contains some of the oldest surviving Gaelic poetry. Much Highland history is gleaned from the contents of the charter chest. The successful Highland chief carefully guarded his bonds and charters. There was no Scottish Record Office to keep a copy. The Campbell chiefs knew the value of their sheepskins. When they captured their neighbour’s castle the contents of the charter chest was the first objective. Only the winner in this struggle wrote the history. When James V made his visitations around the Highlands, he demanded that the chiefs showed their charters. Without them the lands could be granted to another. In a true feudal system a vassal gave his service in exchange for access to land and the protection of the lord. In 1547 the Scottish parliament introduce feu-ferme whereby the service element could be eliminated. A heritable tenure of land could be established in exchange for a grassum or entry payment and annual feu-duty. Two features of clanship are fundamental to understanding the story of Clan Gregor. Bonds of Manrent were personal service agreements between a lord and his vassal, which were not necessarily based on land. In exchange for the protection of the lord, the vassal obliged himself to provide specified military or other service to the lord. Manrent often vested ultimate control of the vassal’s possessions in the lord. Vassals often gave their manrent to the lord on whose lands they lived. Therefore, where the right of the superior to those lands was dubious, the existence of bonds of manrent could be claimed as proof of those rights. Manrent could be transferred, as in 1550 the Earl of Argyll transferred Glenstrae’s service from Cawdor to Glenorchy. The other feature of clanship was the calp that was not necessarily given to the Superior on whose land the vassal lived. This relationship was more personal than manrent. Strictly speaking calp was the right of the chief, on the death of a clansman to receive his best cow. A chief who had accepted the calp of his kinsman or duin’uasal was obliged to support him, right or wrong. Just as the duin’uasal had to fight the chief’s battles, whether right or wrong. The important difference about calp was that it was the clansman’s to give rather than the chiefr’s to grant. Unlike the vassal, the clansman had a choice – he could move and offer his calp and support to another chief. In the recent debate about Scotland’s constitutional position in the United Kingdom, the principle was argued that sovereignty in Scotland comes up from the people. In England, sovereignty comes down from the Crown, since 1688, expressed as the Crown in Parliament. The distinction between legally recognised feudal obligations and the duty of supporting kin was fundamental to understanding the problems faced by Clan Gregor in the 16th century. Grey Colin’s bonds of manrent to MacGregors in the 1550s often stipulated that they renounce their calp to Glenstrae. Between 1328 and 1603, the central government of Scotland was often weak. It would have been better for Scotland if the old Pictish method of succession had


been in use. Instead, we had weak kings in Robert II and III and a minority before the reign of almost every one of the James’s and Mary. During these times lords tried to increase their power at the expense of the Crown and their rival. A strong right hand was necessary to hold what one had and weakness was ruthlessly exploited. Of necessity the government delegated legal authority to the great magnates and as far as Clan Gregor was concerned that usually meant Campbell regality. Indeed from 1528 the Earl of Argyll was hereditary Lord Justice General. “Hame’s hamely, quo the de’il when he found himself in the Court of Session.” However, Dr MacGregor’s thesis, drawn from the records of the Argyll and Breadalbane estates and state papers, shows a complex situation at odds with the accepted idea of permanent conflict between MacGregor and Campbell. Local legal authority was vested in heritable feudal baronies. (The holder of a feudal barony was quite distinct from the rank of Baron in the Peerage, although he might also have been a Peerage Baron or Earl). Such jurisdiction gave the right of pit and gallows. His expenses could be recouped (and more) by fines. When the lands of a laird coincided with his baronial jurisdiction then the system was as good as could be devised, subject to his abilities. However, when his jurisdiction included the lands of other lairds, with whom he may have been at feud, then the temptation to abuse the rights of office must have been great. Crown lands usually had their jurisdiction vested in a hereditary baillie. The lairds of Glen Orchy were granted the Crown Bailliary of much of the central zone lands. They used this jurisdiction to help their friends, damage their enemies and above all, extend their possessions. At the start of the 14th century, the chief of the kindred that was to become Clan Gregor held the lordship of Glen Orchy. A 1358 charter showed that the superiority of Glen Orchy had passed into the hands of a Campbell heir. The lands of Glen Orchy, Glen Lochy and Glen Strae were the principal places occupied by the clan before 1437 with little documentary evidence of settlement elsewhere. The key centres of the kindred were Diseart Chonain or Dalmally, Stronmilchan and Achallader. Scotland had been devastated by a generation of war between 1296 and 1328. In particular the MacDougalls and their allies in and around Lorn must have lost heavily in their defeat at Brander in 1308. Then in 1350, came the bubonic plague called the Black Death. More than a third of the population may have died. Càrn nam Marbh or cairn of the dead at Fortingall is still to be seen. It appears that the Glen Lyon people were badly hit by plague. On the evidence of their growth in numbers, the Glen Orchy kindred may have escaped lightly. Thus an opportunity may have been created for early expansion through Auch Glen into Glen Lyon. In Duncan Campbell’s Lairds of Glen Lyon, we find an account of a legendary plague that destroyed almost the entire population. He placed this plague in the time of the Columban Saint Eonan and stated that MacDougalls from Lorn later repopulated the glen. However, as the MacDougall kindred did not exist until the 13th century, it seems a safe assumption that the legend refers to the plague of 1350. In 1372 David II granted Glen Lyon to John MacDougall of Lorn. His daughter and heiress married John Stewart who may have been the laird of Glen Lyon called Iain Dubh nan lann or Black John of the spears. A daughter of the last Stewart lord of Lorn married a Campbell from whom came the Campbell lairds in the early 16th century. It is possible that the grant of 1372 followed actual settlement of MacDougall kindred


after 1350. A MacGregor lineage had acquired the Deanery of Lismore at Fortingall by 1406 and the first documentary evidence of MacGregor settlement in Glen Lyon is later than that. Lacking evidence of earlier settlement this is merely speculation. However from the 1437 Glen Lyon was the main expansion route eastwards for Clan Gregor. Until the late 14th century, feudal lordship often coincided with powerful Celtic heads of kindred. The lands between Atholl in the East and Lorn in the West were crown estates. Their rentals were intended to pay the expenses of the monarchy. However, during the reigns of Robert II and III, their sons seized much of the central Highlands. These included the Earldoms of Lennox, Menteith and Strathearn and Atholl as well as these Royal lands. Within these territories lay the areas which Dr MacGregor terms the central zone: The Appin of Dull, including Rannoch and Glen Lyon; the lands around Loch Tay; and Glen Dochart, Strath Fillan and Glen Falloch, stretching from Finlarig to the north end of Loch Lomond. Most of these lands fell into the hands of Robert and his son Murdoch, Dukes of Albany during their regency. In 1425, on his return from English captivity, James I attempted to centralise authority on the English pattern by weakening the great lords. Murdoch was executed. Some of his lands were retained as crown estate but, following the assassination of James in 1437, they were to become a power vacuum ripe for colonisation. The lack of a single powerful lord or kindred in this area created an opportunity for Campbell expansion. Colin, first Campbell laird of Glen Orchy was involved in the capture of the regicides for which he was later knighted and granted the lands of Lawers on Loch Tay. The 15th century saw an uninterrupted waxing of Campbell power at local and national levels. In 1457, their chief was created Earl of Argyll. Kilchurn Castle, only two miles from the MacGregor residence at Stronmilchan was built as the principal residence of the Glen Orchy Campbells in the 1440s. It may seem surprising, but for much of the 16th century the MacGregors of Brackley were the hereditary keepers of Kilchurn. The relationship between Campbell and MacGregor appears to have been one of co-operation. Clan Gregor had become a client or subordinate kindred of the Campbells. Between 1437 and 1550 MacGregor expansion eastwards through a zone extending from Rannoch south to the Lennox was instrumental in enabling the Campbell chiefs to bring these territories into their sphere of influence. The pre-eminence that the Campbells of Glen Orchy achieved in Breadalbane owed much to their close relationship with the MacGregors and to their extensive settlement in the area. Clan Gregor must have been better armed and led over a long period than any other kindred in the zone. In recognition of the reality of Campbell power, successive earls of Argyll between 1475 and 1549 were made lieutenant and justiciar of much of the central zone lands. Only the earldom of Atholl was to be a barrier to Campbell expansion and for much of the 16th century there was tension between them with Menzies of Weem caught in the middle. Argyll’s expansion into the Lennox saw MacGregors also established at Ardinconnel and Laggarie on the Gareloch. As a result of the rapid eastward expansion of the MacGregor kindred it subdivided into distinct septs. The Glen Lyon kindred itself subdivided into the lineages of Roro, Fearnan, Ardeonaig and Rannoch. The kindred of Duncan Ladasach were in Glen Lochay and Glen Dochart. The kindred of Padraig Choaldich were found in Glen Lednock. Clann Dùghaill Chèire was in Balquhidder and Glengyle. The MacRaibert


lineage was found in Strathyre and the MacEoins or Johnsons were in Perth. In the period 1437-1550, only the Glen Lednock lineage acquired a heritable legal title. In the period 1513 to 1550, the Glen Orchy Campbell lineage declined in influence, relative to the Campbells of Lawers, Cawdor and Glen Lyon. At the same time a resurgent Earl of Atholl obtained lands in Glen Lochay. MacGregor military power in this period seems to have been in the service of Cawdor, brother of the third Earl of Argyll. Following the acquisition of the thanage of Cawdor in 1512, evidence of MacGregor settlement can be found in the Elgin and Forres area. During this period Clan Gregor are reported in Government records for violent actions at the behest of the Campbells, but Argyll’s position in Government ensured that little came of these. James IV followed a policy of weakening the authority of clan chiefs, by cancelling charters and fomenting conflict. In 1490, he forfeited the Lordship of the Isles, and began a century of feuding over its remains. In 1502, he elevated Menzies of Weem to control of Appin of Dull and Rannoch, thus creating a bitter feud with the Stewarts of Fortingall which weakened both and permitted MacGregor expansion into Rannoch, by coir a’ chlaidheimh, or sword-right. Once settled in Rannoch, Menzies found it impossible to remove them and following mediation by Campbell of Lawers in 1543, Menzies granted MacGregor of Glen Strae a formal tack of Rannoch. By 1550, when the MacGregor lineages were probably the most powerful military force in the Central zone, Cailean Liath or Grey Colin Campbell became Glen Orchy chief. The Earl of Argyll granted the service of Clan Gregor to Grey Colin and a new period of Campbell expansion began. Grey Colin died in 1583 and was succeeded by his son Donnchadh Dubh a Curraic (Black Duncan of the Cowl) who died in 1631. During this period the two men played a significant part in national politics. They were absolutists and utterly intolerant of opposition. After 1550 the Glen Orchy lineage appeared to have significantly greater financial resources than before and this wealth allowed them to exploit the financial failures of their neighbours. The MacGregor settlers in the central zone continued to give their calp to MacGregor of Glen Strae as head of their kindred. He in turn was a vassal of Campbell of Glen Orchy. Hence the lands that the MacGregor settlers occupied could become Glenorchy’s once he had a suitable opportunity to obtain charters from the King or his regents. To provide an income for the crown, the royal lands in the central zone were usually leased, not feued. However inflation in the 15th and 16th centuries meant a reduction in the real income of the crown. Although James IV attempted to increase rentals, there was a decline in real value of rental and a corresponding increase in the value of the product of the land. This gave the Glen Orchy lairds the capital with which they could buy heritable feudal charters of the lands they claimed to possess. By 1600 Black Duncan had gained control through feudal charter and manrent of much of the central zone. He granted lands to each of nine sons and tocher-gude to his eight daughters. Inevitably there were casualties in this process, ranging from reduced status, through displacement to total oblivion. Earlier generations of the Campbell lineage were either bought out or granted lesser tacks. Kindreds that depended on the Campbells before 1550, including the MacGregors, were even further reduced and the exactions and duties demanded of them increased


substantially. Prior to 1550, the servants and followers of the Glen Orchy chiefs appeared to be overwhelmingly Gaelic. After the accession of Grey Colin, increasing numbers of non-Gaelic names including their notaries, reformed ministers and stewards appear in the records. Grey Colin and Black Duncan also embarked on a building programme of castles, bridges, inns and churches as well as forestry. Grey Colin was an enthusiastic supporter of the Reformation and succeeded in obtaining most of the lands of the Carthusian Charterhouse and the Priory of Strath Fillan. Clan Gregor and other kin-based lineages of Breadalbane all experienced reduction in status under the Campbell hegemony after 1550. This pattern was typical of the dynamic of kin-based societies. Unusually, however the Clan Gregor lineages responded with a sustained and violent resistance. There was an exceptionally violent and bitter feud with Grey Colin between 1562 and 1570 that left a permanent legacy. There was also a 70-year struggle over the MacGregor lands in Glen Strae. Glen Strae was important to Clan Gregor because in legal terms it was the only territory held by the chiefs on a heritable basis. There was an emotional attachment since the chiefs had held Glen Strae since the inception of the lineage in the early 14th century and the fertility of the lower strath made the land economically important as well. They held Glen Strae as vassals of Argyll until 1554, when during the minority of Gregor Roy, Grey Colin purchased the superiority. When Grey Colin acquired the superiority of the MacNab lands in Glen Dochart he allowed the MacNabs to remain as vassals in the bulk of their lands. However, Grey Colin granted Glen Strae not to Gregor Roy MacGregor but to his own son. Between 1562 and 1570 Gregor Roy and his kindred fought a guerrilla war against Grey Colin. Later they continued to hold the glen without legal title. It took until 1624 before Black Duncan gained actual possession. Due to the way that the Campbells had used the MacGregors to colonise Breadalbane it was inevitable that during the consolidation phase they were affected most. When the Earl of Argyll attempted to mediate in 1565, suggesting the MacGregors be allowed to re-occupy their kindly possessions, Grey Colin answered, “I cannot meet your Lordship’s request by reason that the Clan Gregor allege that most of the lands I have should be theirs”. The genealogy of the MacGregors of Glen Strae in the 16th century shows the extent to which they were inter-married with the Campbell lineages. Alasdair of Glen Strae died in the late 1540s, ‘of the hurt of an arrow’, leaving a minor, Gregor Roy as heir. Duncan Ladasach in Glen Lochay became his tutor or guardian. It is difficult to determine whether Duncan’s violent acts after 1550 were committed as acting head of Clan Gregor or as part of his personal feud with Grey Colin. In 1550 Alasdair Odhar signed a bond with Grey Colin resigning the important MacGregor holding of Wester Morenish to him. In late 1551, Duncan Ladasach killed Alasdair Odhar for this act. By March 1552 Grey Colin had contracted James Stewart of Baldoran and Andrew Drummond to pursue Duncan, as the task must have been beyond his own resources. In May 1552, Grey Colin and Duncan Ladasach were apparently reconciled and signed a bond whereby Colin forgave their crimes and gave Duncan his protection. However by 16th June the Chronicle of


Fortingall reported the execution of Duncan and two of his sons. Thereafter Gregor Roy was fostered by his mother’s family, that of Campbell of Ardkinglas. With the death of the Dean of Lismore and minority of Gregor Roy the MacGregors were now leaderless. A profoundly unstable situation around Loch Tay, the Appin of Dull and Rannoch enabled Grey Colin to draw others into feudal dependency and manrent on him. In a divide and rule strategy, Colin’s bonds with five MacGregors in 1552 specifically renounced their loyalty to the MacGregor chief. However between 1555 and 1561 there seems to have been a thaw in relations, while Colin consolidated his power in other directions. He obtained the superiority of most of Balquhidder in 1558 and brought the MacGregors of Glen Lednock and Clan Dùghaill Chèire as well as the MacLaren kindred and the Macintyres under his control. In 1562 Gregor Roy reached his majority. A Rannoch MacGregor who had given his manrent to Grey Colin was killed. Grey Colin agreed to grant Gregor his lands of Glen Strae in return for surrendering the murderers and other conditions that severely compromised Gregor’s authority as chief. The defiant MacGregor response was the ambush and killing of a number of Campbells of Glen Lyon. Gregor Roy’s supporters included several that renounced their earlier bonds with Grey Colin. The ensuing feud was exceptionally bitter. Violence and destruction prevailed over much of Western Perthshire. Its development was conditioned not just by the politics of the Campbell and MacGregor kindreds but also by the national dimension of the difficulties of Mary Queen of Scots. Argyll was hereditary Justice General of Scotland and he appointed Grey Colin as his Justice Depute. In the early part of 1563 commissions were issued guaranteeing immunity for any violent acts against MacGregors. Grey Colin gave bonds to MacDonald of Keppoch and MacIain of Glencoe for their service in the pursuit of Clan Gregor. Argyll also issued immunities to MacGregors who had not been actively involved in an attempt to isolate Gregor Roy. In September 1563 further commissions against the clan were issued to the Earls of Moray, Atholl and Errol, the Lords Ogilvie, Ruthven and Drummond as well as Argyll and Grey Colin. On 1st October 1563, Argyll wrote to Gregor Roy suggesting that he came to terms, but Grey Colin remained uncompromising. Indeed Argyll and Grey Colin became divided from each other. Letters indicate that the hunters were being denied shelter and food while the hunted were being covertly supported and maintained. In January 1564 the Privy Council passed Acts forbidding reset of Clan Gregor. Minutes of the Council in March indicate concern about the excesses committed by Grey Colin. As a result only Argyll and Atholl were given new commissions to pursue Clan Gregor while Grey Colin was restricted to pursuit of the resetters and he was made liable, for the first time, for crimes committed by him and his servants. At this time Argyll was assisting MacDonald of Dunivaig against the O’Neils in Ireland and it appears that Gregor Roy and his men were in Antrim between March and June possibly as part of Argyll’s military force. Mary issued instructions that Gregor Roy and his men should not be permitted passage back to Scotland, but by October reports to Cecil in London showed that they had returned by way of Carrick. Mary severely reprimanded Grey Colin in August for excesses and abuse of his powers but did nothing more against him and by the end of the year the feud had resumed as before.


In a November letter, Gregor Roy offers peace if Grey Colin would permit him and his kinsmen to possess their ‘awin kynd natife rummis’. He also offered to make amends by “service and geir” for damages, so long as this involved no concessions concerning his heritage or the lives of his kinsmen. This last was a reference to Grey Colin’s demand that Gregor surrender the murderers of 1562. Grey Colin would not compromise and the stalemate dragged on. In the summer of 1565 Argyll and Grey Colin supported the Earl of Moray against Mary in the rebellion known as the ‘Chaseabout raid’. Atholl and Lennox were among Mary’s main supporters. Now Argyll and Grey Colin needed the MacGregor military strength as servants of the Campbell power, but Mary and Atholl also courted Gregor Roy. In July Argyll offered a settlement on the basis of Gregor’s offer. By August the Campbells were in open war against Mary and Atholl. Moray and Argyll continued to urge a settlement with Clan Gregor on Grey Colin, while Mary and Atholl tried to foment the quarrel. In September, most of Clan Gregor, excluding those on Atholl’s lands, came to a settlement, with their lands restored as before, and mutual forgiveness on both sides. Thereafter, the MacGregors did give military service to the rebels but by November the rebellion had collapsed. Following the murder of Riccio in March 1566, Argyll was rehabilitated and the crimes of Clan Gregor were included in the remission granted to the Campbells. During the abeyance of the feud between late 1565 and mid 1567, Gregor Roy married Marion, daughter of Duncan Campbell of Glen Lyon. Despite the settlement, it seems that there was no forgiveness of damage, Gregor Roy was not infeft in Glen Strae and there was no general restoration of MacGregors to their kindly rooms. Indeed Grey Colin’s expansionist activities resumed in Strathearn, Balquhidder and Glen Lednock. The MacGregor lands of Achallader and Wester Morenish were granted to Campbells. It was Mary’s influence that prevented further open hostility, but in July 1567 Mary was imprisoned and forced to abdicate. Within a day of James VI’s coronation Argyll gave permission for some of his followers to assist Grey Colin against Clan Gregor. In May 1568 Atholl and Grey Colin, along with Menzies of Weem and Stewart of Grandtully allied themselves against Clan Gregor, although Argyll was not involved. By late 1568 general hostilities had broken out once more, and in mid 1569 pursuit of Gregor Roy’s men was exceptionally intense. In August Gregor Roy was captured. The Regent Moray demanded that Grey Colin surrender Gregor for trial by him, but Colin refused although he was politically unable to execute him. Moray was assassinated in January 1570 and a new Regent was not appointed until June. Argyll came to a new agreement with Atholl in late March and gave Grey Colin a license to execute Gregor Roy, in return for which he promised to grant Glen Strae to Gregor Roy’s baby son Alasdair. Grey Colin personally, beheaded Gregor Roy at Kenmore. Marion composed the well-known lament, Griogal Cridhe in his memory. Clan Gregor’s revenge during the next six months saw the worst violence of the conflict. Despite his promises, Grey Colin granted Glen Strae to his own son, Black Duncan. The MacGregors found refuge in the Lennox, particularly among the MacFarlanes. The national government, in the person of the Regent Lennox used the feud as a weapon against his bitter rival, Argyll. The submission of the


Campbells to the Regent’s authority led to the final settlement in October 1570. In the treaty, Grey Colin accepted Ewin, as tutor to the two sons of Gregor Roy; he promised the wardship of Glenstrae; to restore kindly rooms in Rannoch; and that crimes and damages on both sides would be forgiven. The brothers of Gregor Roy and sons of Duncan Ladasach came to an agreement with Atholl in the following August. However, covert agreements between Atholl and Grey Colin on the same day showed a degree of duplicity that did not augur well for the future. It was Campbell expansionism and Grey Colin’s inflexible greed that had begun the conflict. In the words of the prayer, “From the greed of the Campbells, good Lord deliver us”. During the course of the conflict, Glenorchy’s men had committed serious violence against suspected resetters and others whose lands he desired. However, following the violence of the 1560s, it was the MacGregors, not the Campbells, who came to be perceived as the most violent and lawless of the clans. By 1573 the Douglas Earl of Morton had destroyed or cowed all of his rivals. Morton ruled as Regent until his fall in 1580. Thereafter James VI began his personal rule. In 1581 Ewin, the tutor of Glenstrae signed a bond with the powerful Sir John Campbell of Cawdor. Grey Colin died in 1583 to be succeeded by Black Duncan who continued his father’s policy of repression and acquisition. When Argyll died in 1584, Cawdor was appointed the principal tutor or guardian to the young Earl. Despite a raid in 1586 after which Alasdair and 104 other MacGregors were temporarily put to the horn, times were relatively quiet for Clan Gregor. In 1588 Alasdair Roy came of age and applied to be enfeoffed in his lands of Glen Strae. Black Duncan refused. In the same year Drummond-Eireannach, the King’s keeper of the Royal forest of Glenartney, hanged several MacGregors whom he had caught poaching. Next year Drummond-Eireannach was killed in revenge. The killers took his head to the house of Stewart of Ardvorlich where his sister was married to the Laird. The sight of her brother’s head drove Lady Ardvorlich to wander the hills half-mad. Later in Balquhidder, Alasdair Roy and most of the assembled clan swore to protect them. The Privy Council issued commissions to apprehend Alasdair and 138 others who were to be tried and executed immediately on capture. The Drummonds and Stewarts were hearty enough in the pursuit but Black Duncan was the most active. The MacGregors defended themselves stubbornly. Atholl and Cawdor gave the outlaws refuge. In December 1590 Cawdor caused the Chancellor to command Black Duncan to forgive Clan Gregor. The two sides pledged to end the violence in mid 1591 and soon after Glenstrae and his followers were pardoned. Cawdor was closely allied to the Earl of Moray in the Presbyterian party. The Catholic party led by the Earl of Huntly was arrayed against them. Cawdor effectively controlled the Earldom of Argyll. Black Duncan resented his exclusion. He plotted with Ardkinglas and Lochnell to destroy Cawdor and the young Earl. Lochnell was to get the title while Black Duncan took most of the Argyll lands. Black Duncan moved closer to the Huntly interest and became involved in a wider conspiracy that was intended to procure the death of Moray as well. In February 1592 one Gillipatrick MacEllar shot Cawdor dead using a gun supplied by Ardkinglas. Soon afterwards, Huntly and others killed Moray at his house of Donibristle.


“Ye Hielands and ye Lawlands, oh where hae ye been? They hae slain the Earl o’ Moray and hae laid him on the green. In reaction to these killings the Presbyterian party succeeded in forcing the King to accede to an extreme Presbyterian form of Church government. The plot had left the plotters with no reward and Argyll still lived. In 1593 Argyll, now old enough to act on his own behalf discovered the plot. As hereditary Justiciar-general, he had MacEllar tortured to reveal Ardkinglas’s name. Ardkinglas, in turn revealed the rest. The Catholic Earls were found to be in league with Spain and forfeited. By 1596, Huntly had been ruined and Lochnell was dead, though Ardkinglas was in hiding from the Earl’s revenge. Black Duncan contrived his reconciliation with Argyll. The new Earl, Gilleasbuig Greumach or Archibald the Grim had all the Campbell passion for land grabbing. There was neither truth nor pity in him. He made mischief on all sides, stirred his neighbours against one another and then, armed with legal commissions, quenched in blood the flames he had kindled. Thus he acquired Kintyre, Islay and Ardnamurchan and the undying hatred of Clan Donald for the Campbells. Bereft of Cawdor’s protection and in spite of the 1591 pardon, the Drummonds and Stewarts continued their feud with the Balquhidder MacGregors and in 1593 the government issued new letters of fire and sword to the Buchanans among others. Aulay MacAulay of Ardincaple in the Lennox, a kinsman who had secretly given his bond to Glenstrae in 1591 complained to the Privy Council about the actions of the Buchanans and the letters were cancelled. Parliament passed the General Band in 1587 making landlords personally liable for the actions of their followers and dependants. Broken men were enacted to be the responsibility of the proprietor on whose lands they lived. Clan Gregor appeared at the head of a list of clans that have chiefs on whom they depend, oft-times against the will of their landlords. King James began to enforce this act in 1594 and Black Duncan found himself summoned for the actions of his bitter enemies. Proprietors once more tried to evict their MacGregor tenants. Life was becoming even harder for Clan Gregor. In desperation, Alasdair Roy turned to Argyll, the one magnate who might be willing to protect the clan. Argyll, in return for his support wanted a band of thugs to prosecute the private feuds that, as Justiciar-General, he did not care to be seen openly involved in. Alasdair found the price too high; Argyll wanted him to attack both Ardkinglas and Aulay MacAulay. Ardkinglas was Alasdair’s kinsman and friend while MacAulay had aided Alasdair when he had been outlawed in 1593. In July 1596, Alasdair presented himself before the King at Dunfermline. A blanket pardon was issued acquitting the whole clan of the murder of Drummond-Eireannach and all other crimes. This was made conditional on Alasdair remaining at court, but it did not last, for by 1597 he was back in Rannoch and had to find caution of 20,000 merks and give hostages for the behaviour of the clan. He could do neither and soon found himself outlawed again. In fact the record of Clan Gregor in the period 1592 to 1602 was relatively good, in comparison to the feuds and depredations elsewhere. Argyll did not forgive Alasdair for his appeal to the King and in 1598 set a raiding


band of MacLeans on Alasdair’s lands in Rannoch. Rather than retaliate, Alasdair took his case to the High Court in Edinburgh. Although he won his case and was awarded damages, MacLean, secretly backed by Argyll, ignored it. In March 1601, the Privy Council once more denounced Clan Gregor, although there is no record of any fresh offences. Argyll was given an extensive commission to take sureties from the Clan for all complaints against Clan Gregor since 1596. By Argyll’s subsequent actions it is clear that he had now got Clan Gregor entirely in his power. Black Duncan burned the house of Stronmilchan and finally drove the MacGregors out of Glen Strae. He received a prompt remission from Argyll for this violent act. Argyll gave Clan Gregor carte blanche to raid his enemies and took no action on the resulting complaints against them. Alasdair still refused to attack Ardkinglas or Aulay MacAulay, but Argyll had other enemies who were not kinsmen or friends of Clan Gregor. One of these was Colquhoun of Luss. Alasdair Roy took 120 cattle from Colquhoun’s lands of Glen Mallochan in June 1602. Argyll ensured that no action was taken. In December Duncan MacEwin stripped Colquhoun’s lands of Glen Finlas of every beast and all moveable gear. Two of Colquhoun’s tenants were killed. The booty was reset by Argyll’s order among the Campbells of Strachur, Appin and Lochgoilhead. Colquhoun appealed to the king and organised a procession before Stirling Castle with women carrying shirts daubed in ox-blood at spear-point. Despite the blanket commission he had already issued to Argyll, the King issued a new commission of fire and sword to Colquhoun against Clan Gregor. Colquhoun, aided by the Buchanans raised 300 horse and 400 foot from their estates and the town of Dumbarton. Alasdair was warned about the expedition, giving him time to raise 300 men and march them down the side of Loch Long. Alasdair chose to fight at Auchengaich in Glen Fruin. He was out-numbered and in Colquhoun’s own country. In the battle 140 of Colquhoun’s men were killed for just two MacGregors. Alasdair then harried the Lennox. He took a large booty of livestock, much moveable gear and burnt every house on the lands of Luss. James was about to depart for London when he received the news. Argyll had no further use for Glenstrae as he had served his purpose. The Privy Council ordained that the name of MacGregor should be altogether abolished and that persons of that clan should take themselves some other name on pain of death. Any one was given liberty to kill a MacGregor, whether or not they had been involved in the raid, and to take all his possessions as a reward. Any outlaw who did so was to be pardoned his crimes as well. Bounties were paid for the heads of MacGregor men. Children were to be forcibly adopted and reared as servants. Women were to be branded on the face and transported. At first, there were those who helped and sheltered the clan. But the new law was enforced with a thoroughness and vindictiveness not seen before. The clan did not meekly submit. They maintained themselves in bands in wild places and harried the lands of their persecutors. Alasdair was betrayed by Ardkinglas, the Campbell he most trusted, when at his house on Loch Fyne. Somehow, while being transported to Inverary by boat, Alasdair escaped and swam ashore. In January 1604, he surrendered on a written promise from Argyll that he would be permitted to travel safely to England, in order to put his case to the King. His escort took him over the


border at Berwick. There he found the Edinburgh town guard waiting to take him back. There was a trial, but Alasdair’s bitterest foes sat on the jury and he was hanged the next day with a number of kinsmen. Argyll was rewarded with £20000 and lands in Kintyre. As late as 1611 the Privy Council continued to pay the bounty on MacGregor heads. Heavy fines were levied on resetters. Argyll made so much money out of it that the King demanded a share. As the years passed the persecution became less bitter. The survivors took aliases and settled down where they could find shelter. Some few, such as Gilderoy remained as outlaws in the waste lands. In 1624 the Earl of Moray took 300 MacGregors from Menteith to confront the Macintoshes. Many settled in Aberdeenshire and Moray including the famous academic family of Gregory. In 1633 on the accession of Charles I it was re-enacted that none could bear the name; No minister could baptise the child of a MacGregor; No agreement with a MacGregor was legally enforceable; Killing a MacGregor was not punishable in law. In the period 1570 to 1630 there were more than 360 blood-feuds in Scotland, most outwith the Highlands. Some of these exceeded in violence and destruction anything in which Clan Gregor had been involved. Only Clan Gregor was subject to the vicious and sustained punishments that have been described. Having contributed greatly to the creation of Campbell hegemony in Breadalbane Clan Gregor had become the greatest threat to that power. Therefore it lost Campbell patronage and protection. The remarkable aspect of the Clan Gregor story was not the experience of Campbell and State violence, but the survival of the clan as an entity through that period. For service in the Stewart cause in the civil wars, Montrose promised the restitution of Clan Gregor lands and an end to proscription. At the restoration of Charles II in 1660, although the Earl of Argyll was executed, the Campbell interest was too important to offend. In 1661 the act of 1633 was repealed but none of the other promises were honoured. Another Earl of Argyll was executed in 1685 for treason. In 1689 Donald Glas of Glengyle, father of Rob Roy, led a substantial Clan Gregor contingent in support of the deposed James VII. As a result, in 1693 the resurgent Campbell interest after the Revolution settlement saw the proscription re-imposed though without the earlier virulence. By 1774 the idea of clan-ship had become an anachronism. Only then was the name restored. After using their aliases for generations many continued to use them. By the very nature of the proscription we have only tradition rather than documentary evidence that some of these are truly MacGregor aliases.


Appendix: The following bond is attached as an example of the measures used by the Campbells in their pursuit of the Clan Gregor. The rent for land held from Duncan Campbell of Glen Orchy is paid in MacGregor Blood.

Donald and Dougall McTarlich’s Bond.

Be it known to all men by these patent letters, we, Donald Mac Tarlich, and Dougal Mac Tarlich, brother, are bound and obliged, and, by the meaning of this bond, do bind and oblige ourselves faithfully and truly, either of us, during our lifetime and in the life-time of a male heir lawfully to be begotten of either of our bodies, to the right honourable Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy and his heirs that, inasmuch as the afore-said Duncan is obliged to make, give and deliver to me, the aforesaid Donald, a letter of land-lease during my lifetime and after my decease to a male heir lawfully to be begotten of my body during his lifetime, the entire two-mark land of Glen Eurin and the one-mark land of Elir, with all that belongs thereto, in the lordship of Lorne within the Shire of Argyle, and to me and the said Dougal during my lifetime and after my decease to an heir male lawfully to be begotten of my own body during his lifetime the entire half-mark land of Glen Katillie with all that belongs thereto in the lordship and shire aforesaid our entrance to the respective lands aforesaid, to be consequent on our performance and accomplishment of the following conditions and not otherwise. Therefore we, being of a mind to do this before ever we shall crave possession of the aforesaid lands by virtue of the condition and promise aforesaid made by the aforesaid Duncan, and understanding Clan Gregor to be manifest malefactors and his Majesty’s declared rebels for sundry slaughters, evil deeds and oppressions done by them to divers persons his Highness’ leiges, we bind and oblige us, and either of us, that with the whole company and forces we may or can make, we shall, immediately following this date, enter into deadly feud with the Clan Gregor, and shall endure and continue therein and in making of slaughter upon them and their adherents both secretly and openly and shall in no manner of way or persuasion leave the same or desist and cease therefrom until the time that the aforesaid Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy finds himself by our travails and diligence satisfied and content with the slaughter we shall do and commit upon them, and especially abstract and withdraw us therefrom by himself as also will he find the way to make and agreement and pacification between us and the Clan Gregor for the slaughter we shall commit upon them, so that thereafter we may possess and enjoy the benefits of the aforesaid manner according to the tenour of the aforesaid assignment, and to this end we bind and oblige us and our aforesaid (heirs) faithfully and without fraud or guile. Subscribed with our hands as follows at Balloch (Kenmore) the 18th day of May, the year of grace, 1588, before these witnesses, Colin Campbell, son to Campbell of Lawers, Gavin Hamilton, Donald MacAngus and Marcus MacNaughton.


The Bogus Baronage and the origin of Clan Gregor

IN 1822, the Rev. William MacGregor Stirling began the compilation of a history of the Clan Gregor, for Sir Evan Murray MacGregor, the 21st (or 19th) chief. The work, with the assistance of Professor Donald Gregory, was not ready for publication when MacGregor Stirling died in 1833. The death of Professor Gregory in 1836, and of Sir Evan in 1841, put a stop to any further progress. I wonder, too, if the divergence between the findings of his researchers from the beliefs of his family which are mentioned in the next paragraph may have deterred Sir Evan from publication. Eventually Amelia Murray MacGregor, great grand-daughter of Sir Evan, published volume I of the "History of The Clan Gregor" in 1898 and volume II in 1901. The published History is more or less an exact transcription of the research notes with a degree of organisation and also includes extracts from a small number of other published works such as "The Red & White Book of Menzies". Quite separate from the meticulous research into state and other archives by these two researchers, in 1769 John Murray provided a contribution on Clan Gregor to be included in the compendious "Baronage of Scotland", by Sir Robert Douglas of Glenbervie. Douglas's " Baronage" was eventually published posthumously in 1798 and included John's fantastical speculations on the early history of the Clan Gregor with his personal belief in the seniority of descent of his own family. It is unfortunate that Amelia chose to incorporate the resulting "Baronage account" into her "History of The Clan Gregor", giving it equal weight with the work of MacGregor Stirling and Gregory. [1] John Murray became chief in 1787 when 897 clansmen signed a document in his support. He obtained the junior peerage title of 1st baronet MacGregor in 1795. According to Amelia in chapter 1 of volume i, quoting from John Murray's 'Baronage' contribution, "The renowned ancestor to whom we look as the Founder of our Race was King Gregory, who reigned from 878 to 890. This 'Gregory' he claimed to have been the same as Giric whose father was Dungaile or Dungallus, grandfather of Run, King of the Britons of Strathclyde, who married the daughter of Kenneth McAlpin. After the death of Aedh, or Heth, the last of Kenneth’s sons, Eocha, son of Run, was placed on the throne of the Picts, and another King, Girig, was associated with him as his Governor. This claimed to have been found in a “Latin History of the Alpinian Family, formerly in the Scots College at Paris, and recovered from it by David Mallet” the poet, who died in 1765. Amelia stated that this Latin History "had been in the possession of Sir John Murray, but cannot now be found!" Even Amelia tried to distance herself from some of these claims of early origin, although later in the "History" she continued to incorporate extracts from the Baronage as if they were based on genuine research. Martin MacGregor in his unpublished 1989 Edinburgh University thesis "The History of the Clan Gregor to 1570" [2] stated that the originator of this claim of Dark Age origin had been Hector Boece, who had transformed Girig, an obscure king who reigned with Eocha, grandson of Kenneth MacAlpin, from 878-889, into a Dark Age superhero, Gregor or Gregory the Great, conqueror in turn of the Danes, Britons and Irish. Boece’s invention was seized upon in a work entitled A Latin History of the Alpinian Family which identified Gregory the Great with the eponym of Clann Griogair, and connected him genealogically with Kenneth MacAlpin. [3]


Martin commented that further myth-making was an inevitable part of such a process, and reached apotheosis in the article on the name ‘MacGregor’ in Douglas’s Baronage of Scotland (1798), - "a piece of sustained fiction marred only by the occasional intrusion of fact". [4] Martin derived 'Gregor', which in modern Scottish Gaelic is normally spelt Griogair, from the Greek verb gregoréo, ‘to be watchful’. Thus Gregórios (Lat. Gregorius) meant ‘watchman’, a name which was borne by no less than 16 Popes, commencing with St. Gregory the Great at the turn of the sixth and seventh centuries. Between the twelfth and late thirteenth centuries, the Latin form Gregorius was applied to several Scottish ecclesiastics: bishops of Moray, Dunkeld, Ross and Brechin, a dean of Strathspey, and an archdeacon of St. Andrews. It is possible that some of these men had Gaelic personal names with which Gregorius was being equated. Gregorius could then have come to be used as a Gaelic forename in its own right, ultimately assuming the form Griogair. There is also the possibility of Norman influence. The Normans brought the name to England, where, in the form Gregory, it was common by the twelfth century. The earliest record of the name Gregory in Scotland - Gregory de Melville or Gregory son of Geoffrey - is found in the late 12th century. The earliest record of 'Gregor', as opposed to 'Gregory', in Scotland seems to be Gregor Makenkerd (i.e. mac an ceaird, son of the gold- or silver-smith) in 1297. Thus Griogair, the eponymous ancestor of the MacGregors, is unlikely to have lived any earlier than the late thirteenth or early fourteenth centuries. Martin identified three surviving pedigrees of the early MacGregor chiefs, [5] all composed between c.1415 and c.1512. Two are found in the Book of the Dean of Lismore. [6] The Dean, Sir James (Seumas) and his family were based at Tulaich a’Mhuilinn near Fortingall at the mouth of Glen Lyon. There is considerable internal evidence that sir Seumas, his brother Donnchadh, and their father Dubhghall played the critical roles in determining the contents of The Book of the Dean of Lismore. The two genealogies can be extracted from poems which rehearse the pedigrees of the respective MacGregor chiefs they eulogise. The first, by Mac Giolla Fhionntóg an Fear-dána, addresses Maol-Coluim, chief from 1415 to 1440; the second, by Donnchadh, brother of the dean, addresses Eoin Dubh, chief from 1461 to 1519. Donnchadh also gives us a prose version of the pedigree of Eoin Dubh. The third genealogy is one of a number contained in a Gaelic manuscript generally known as MS 1467 possibly written in the general area of the Butler territories of Ormond in 1467. While there are some discrepancies between the three genealogies, I have provided Martin's conclusions in the table below, headed "The Dean's 16th century genealogy". Martin was confident that the only possibility for the eponymous Gregor is Griogair, son of Donnchadh Beag and father of Eoin. Since Eoin cam died in 1390 Griogair himself must have flourished in the first half of the fourteenth century. Thus the assertion that the eponym was a brother or son of the ninth century


Kenneth MacAlpin, King of Scots and Picts, is clearly a myth. Despite this the belief in royal descent from Gregory the Great and/or Kenneth MacAlpin has persisted to the present day both in the popular mind in clan histories, thus explaining the disproportionate amount of space which some of them devote to the Dark Ages. Martin commented that even at a more scholarly level this idea of descent from Alpin has been influential [7] and must help to explain Donald Gregory’s belief that the MacGregors were already an “ancient tribe” at the time of the First War of Independence. [8] However, he pointed out that there is no documentary evidence for the surname MacGregor being used during (or indeed prior to) the lifetime of the eponymous Griogair himself and it first came into use by his grandson in the first half of the fifteenth century. In many clans, he says, within two or three generations from the eponym, his name would be borne by his specific successors as chiefs, as their style; by his descendants collectively, as their clan name, and by his descendants individually, as their surname.

DNA The Human Genome Project (HGP) was an international scientific research project with the goal of determining the sequence of the 3 billion nucleotide base pairs that make up human DNA, and of identifying and mapping all of the genes of the human genome from both a physical and a functional standpoint. It remains the world's largest collaborative biological project. After the idea was first proposed in 1984 to the US government, the project formally launched in 1990 with an original budget of three billion dollars. The international consortium included geneticists in the United Kingdom, France, Australia, China and others. It was declared effectively complete in 2000. The technologies developed have since become far cheaper and today (2018) an individual's genome can be sequenced almost completely for under a thousand dollars. For genealogical research the small Y-chromosome, passed from father to son, allows male line descent to be investigated for a few hundred dollars per test. It has been found that, on average, in the regions of the Y-chromosome which are tested, mutations will occur at a predictable rate (although this can vary in some circumstances). DNA testing can be of great value to genealogists and particularly to Highland Clans. Professor Richard McGregor of the Clan Gregor Society now manages one of the largest family groups with (at the start of 2018) over 1420 members tested or in process. Among all surname projects, the MacGregor project ranks as the 11th in the world and 3rd largest of the Scottish clan projects. In view of the vicissitudes of the clan in the 16th and 17th centuries, (the name was banned from 1603 to 1775, with a gap from 1660-1693), Clan Gregor has fewer non-related 'part-takers' than most clans, hovering around 50% of the members tested. Many testees do descend with a high degree of probability either from Gregor himself or from a closely related member of his kindred around AD 1300. If a defined set of locations are tested and it has been determined that it is statistically highly probable that there will be a mutation in that set once in every three generations, then finding a difference of seven mutations in that set of


locations between two samples implies a common ancestor 21 generations ago which would take us back to around AD 1300. If within the same defined set of locations, two samples have 40 differences, then their common ancestor could be 120 generations or at least 3600 years ago, in the Bronze Age. In practice, it can be somewhat more complex than this simplistic explanation. If the present chief, Sir Malcolm MacGregor is taken as the standard, against which others are tested, his second cousins with the same great grandfather may have just one difference.The chief descends from Donnchadh Abrach who died in 1604, 12 generations ago through his eldest son Padraig aldoch. Therefore if a male-line descendant of Donnchadh's second son Raibart abrach is tested, he might be expected to differ from Sir Malcolm by 4 mutations. Martin's studies, mentioned earlier, indicated that our eponym, Griogair, was a member of a ruling lineage, possibly known as the Clann Ailpein. His ancestor, Aodh Urchaidh (Hugh of Glen Orchy), may have been a ruler of this kindred which appears to have been disrupted by the Wars of Independence. This name Clann Ailpein does not imply descent from a 9th century King Alpin, but is more likely from an eponym who lived in the 12th or 13th centuries. A small number of testees bearing the name MacGregor (or one of a number of accepted sept names) have been found to have a mutation count which indicates that their common ancestor with other MacGregors may have lived in the century or two before Griogair. Neglecting the possibility of their "hyper-active DNA" mutating faster than expected, these could be descendants of earlier Ailpeanach and have subsequently adopted the name MacGregor, in the same way that unrelated 'part-takers' may be found in many clans to have adopted the surname of the local clan chief. By comparing our results with testees from other clans claiming Dalriadic origins, for example Grants, MacKinnons, Macnabs, MacQuarries, MacAulays and MacAlpines, there appears to be strong probability of common ancestry in the period of Alpin of Dalriada - which is not to say we have proved descent from King Alpin, only to some member of the elite kindred that lived in the area of Dalriada in the "Dark Ages".

An explanation of the arms of Clan Gregor Before listing the genealogies and discussing the Baronage account, perhaps I should speculate on possible explanations. First of all we should absolutely dismiss the Baronage fables. However, the Glencarnaig family represented the descendants of Donnchadh Làdasach. John Murray ultimately became clan chief by election in 1787. At one time Donnchadh Làdasach held the lands of Ard Choille, now Ardchyle in Glen Dochart. The coat of arms registered with the Lord Lyon by the chiefs descended from John Murray and published in Innes of Learney's "Clans, Septs and Regiments", has the motto "ard choille", while the arms published in the 1902 edition of Debrett's "Baronetage" have the motto is 'E'en do and spair not'. In both cases the crest has 's rioghal mo dhream' - royal is my race. I believe that 'Ard Choille' and 'E'en do and spair not' or some spelling variant on it are both specific to Làdasach's line with the Scots version probably no earlier than the 17th century.


The idea of our Royal descent, and hence the use of the crown in the various badges and arms, goes back to the writings of Boece in the 15th century and it appears to have been taken up by the family of the Dean in Fortingall in the 16th century, hence 's rioghal mo dhream'. As I mention below, in mocking the fable of Sir Malcolm of Glenurchy, the ownership of fixed coats of arms did not become the norm until the 14th century and even then they were exclusive to knights and peers. Subsequently gentlemen not in the peerage became able to acquire coats of arms. The earliest record of a MacGregor heraldic coat of arms, as mentioned below is in the Pont MS of 1624. The herald who designed the arms for Sir John in 1795 would have made use of the information and requirements presented to him at the time. The plant badge of Clan Gregor, according to the late Lord Lyon, Innes of Learney, is not the Oak but the Scots Pine. This is shared with other clans which consider themselves as part of the Clan Alpine: Grant, MacAulay, Macfie, Macnab, Mackinnon, MacQuarrie, MacAlpine and Clann Fhearghuis of Strachur. The Oak is shared as a badge by various unrelated clans, except that Macfie is in both lists: Buchanan, Cameron, Macfie, Kennedy and Stewart. The Clan Gregor Society crest uses the Scots pine, not the oak. So we cannot be sure why the oak appears in the late 18th century coat of arms, only that we can be confident that it had nothing whatsoever to do with warding off a fierce boar. According to a Pont MS, the Clan Gregor slogan was once "Bad Jewis" - Bad Guibhas meaning ‘Clump of Firs’. (The modern Gaelic form is Bad Ghiuthas.). The Pont ‘MS’, which is now in the National Library of Scotland in Edinburgh has: ‘A note of the Arms of the Nobilitie of Scotland set doun in order as they ride at Parliament also the Arms of the wholle sirnames in Scotland exactly blazoned in their proper colours and done in order of the alphabit collected by James Pont Anno Dom. 1624’, where it describes a coat of arms thus: McGreigor; Argent, a sword az; and a fir tree vt crost salterwayes beneath a crown gu; with these words ‘Bad Jewis’. "In the achievement of ‘MacGregoure’ from the Lislebourg MS in the British Museum date 1589 there is no motto; a circumstance leading to the inference, that the Slogan of Ardchoill had been first recorded in 1544." Finally the same source on that page concludes that: "Duncan Ladosach was…styled of Ardchoille…which, from being the seat of his particular lineage…under Duncan’s son and heir, became its war cry". Clearly the Clan Gregor, like others in the Clan Alpine, once used the pine as their plant badge. For reasons now lost to us, the lineage of Donnchadh Làdasach have at some point adopted the oak instead. As the chiefly line of Glen Strae lineage was almost completely eliminated in the conflict with the Campbells, the descendants of Donnchadh Làdasach became pre-eminent, so their badge and war cry became that of the entire clan. In the small burial ground behind Glengyle House is a wall mounted stone slab with an central figure holding a vertical sword with a crown on the left and a vertical tree on the right. The tree does appear more like a pine than an oak, but it is difficult to be sure. The words above read, "P Bell builded the burial place of the family of Mac Greggars called Dugald keirs family. Forevard and spare not." I suspect this dates from the time the house was built around 1708 and makes use of the Scots words


similar to those used by Làdasach's line, so this does not help with ascertaining any earlier forms. The Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis,” is in Amelia Vol i, ch 1. Prior to Duncan, father of Gregor it is of virtually no value, but has been included only "because it's there!". The nonsense in the Baronage Account follows this table The Dean's genealogy on the left is as discussed by Martin above. Before Donnchadh beag it is impossible to verify, but clearly jumping from Patrick in the mid 15th century to Alpin in the 9th in 11 generations is not credible. However, in reciting the genealogy of Patrick (died 1461) the bard states "Down from Alpin, heir of Dougal there are twenty and one besides thyself", but only 11 generations are listed not 21!. Assuming an average of 30 years each for 21 generations gives 630 years which takes us back from Patrick (d 1461) to a putative Alpin around 830 which is at least biologically credible. It does make one wonder if Donnchadh mac Dhubhghaill Mhaoil knew there were 21 generations back to Alpin, why did he not list them? Or perhaps he listed the only names he had, but his arithmetic was as good as ours!


1

2 3 4 5 6

The Dean's 16th century genealogy Alpin (Ailpin) - - - - - Kennan (Connan) Hugh of Glen Orchy (Aodha Urchadhaich) Gillelan (Giolla Fhaolain) Duncan (Donnchadh) Duncan the small (Donnchadh beag) [Malcolm - [perhaps brother of Gregor] John the learned - [perhaps brother of Gregor] Gregor John (Eoin cam) Black John (Eoin dubh) - the first MacGriogair Malcolm Patrick

1 23456

“Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis,” Feradach finn Ferchar fada Ferchar og Ferchar og Airbertach Cormac Annreas Murdoch Ferchard Gillchrist Malcolm Duncan Gregor John Malcolm Patrick

Simply because it has been mentioned but not implying any credibility whatsoever, the table summarises the Baronage account of descent from Alpin. I have provided links to jpg scanned images of the complete Baronage account of Clan Gregor. The funniest of all is the story of "Sir Malcolm of Glenurchy". It might be just a laugh, but unfortunately this story has given rise to the current Clan coat of arms, embodying an uprooted oak tree with crossed sword and the clan motto "E'en doe bot spair nocht". Examining these in turn, we are expected to believe that when the King was being attached by a boar, Malcolm had to ask the King's permission to help him. He then had time to uproot an oak tree with which to attack the boar. What was he doing on a boar hunt without a suitable weapon? Clearly Scottish boars, before they were driven to extinction, were sporting gentlemen, It gets worse though, the King awarded him a hereditary coat of arms, at least 50 years before the first record of hereditary ownership by knights and peers of fixed armorial bearings came into use in either England or France. Even more ludicrous is the use of 16th century Scots in the motto. "8th, Sir Malcolm MacGregor of Glenurchay, "a man of gigantic size and strength." Being of the retinue of King David I. at a certain hunting party, in a forest, his majesty having attacked a huge wild-boar, was like to be worsted, and in great danger of his life; when Sir Malcolm coming up demanded his majesty's permission (by the courtesy of Scotland none durst interfere with the king's sport without permission) to encounter the boar, and St. David, the king, having hastily answered—"E'in doe boit spaire nocht"—Sir Malcolm is said to have torn up a young oak-tree by the roots, dashing himself between his Majesty and the fierce assailant, with the oak in one hand, kept the boar at bay, until with the other he got an opportunity of running him


through the heart. In honour whereof, King David was pleased to exalt him to the dignity of the peerage, by the style and title of Lord MacGregor of MacGregor, to him et haeredibus masculis, in perpetuum—circa A.D. 1135; and, in order to perpetuate the remembrance of the brave action, gave Sir Malcolm, Lord MacGregor, an oak-tree, eradicated, instead of the fir-tree, which the family had formerly borne in their armorial bearings. [Vide Workman's M.S. Douglas Baronage, p. 494.'] His lordship died circa 1164." Duncan went on to claim that before his death in 1164, this "Sir Malcolm" had built the castles of Kilchurn, Balloch and Finlarig with its chapel.. In fact the Drummonds built the first castle at Finlarig around the start of the 15th century and later, when it came into the possession of the Campbells of Glenorchy, it was rebuilt with a chapel by Black Duncan around 1609. Kilchurn dates from no earlier than 1440 and was much added to by Grey Colin, who also built the first castle at Balloch after 1550. And thus the totally uncorroborated and unhistoric nonsense continues : 1st Gregor MacAlpine 2nd, Dongallus MacGregor. 3rd, Constantine. 4th, Gregor, de Brattich, died, A.D. 961. 5th, John More, killed A.D. 1004. 6th, Gregor Garubh, or the Stout, 1004 - 1040. 7th, Sir John MacGregor, Lord of Glenurchay, died circa 1113. 8th, Sir Malcolm MacGregor of Glenurchay, died circa 1164. 9th, William, Lord MacGregor, died circa 1238. 10th, Gregor, Lord MacGregor, fl. in the reigns of Kings Alexanders II. and III. 11th, Malcolm, Dominus de MacGregor, He died at an advanced age, A.D. 1374. 12th, Gregor Lord MacGregor, called Aultn, 13th, Malcolm, Lord MacGregor died A.D. 1420, succeeded by his brother. 13th John, Lord MacGregor of that Ilk, was robbed of many of his lands. 14th, Malcolm, died in the reign of King James IV. 15th, James, laird of MacGregor, entered into a bond of friendship with Lauchlan Mackinnon of Strathardill A D 1571 16th, Alexander MacGregor, fought (he memorable battle of Glenfruin, against the Colquhouns, Buchanans, Grahams, &c, A.D. 1602. 17th, Gregor the bastard, in whose time the Clans were harassed and proscribed.


NOTES to Bogus Baronage [1] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 407, pages 5-6 and on page 394 of volume ii: A great deal of the family history in the Article in Douglas's Baronage was communicated by Duncan MacGregor Murray to his nephew Sir John, by him. In one letter Duncan alluding to some reproduction by a Mr Auld, remarks that there is no harm in it.- but that he is entirely averse to "republishing what relates to the Clan in the Baronage – “for several reasons, First because all the subscribers are served with their numbers already and who are only gentlemen who mind very little any errors that may happen to be therein, which almost every publication is liable to in less or more degree, being furnished with materials from a variety of people who may through inadvertency or willfully mislead an Author without any sinister design of his." Duncan adds "it is well known that I am always ready to serve any of the name without distinction on every occasion in a lawful way." "Dun. MacGregor." [2] MacGregor, Martin, 1989, unpublished thesis, p8 at click here for link [3] R. Douglas, The Baronage of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1798), 493; (ed.), S. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1909), xii, 869-72. [4] MacGregor M, op cit. page 12 [5] MacGregor M, op cit. page 9 [6] NLS, Advocates’ MS. 72.1.37. [7] Kermack, The Clan MacGregor, 4. [8] Gregory, Inquiry, 133. the text of Gregory's remarks are here


The Chiefs of Clan Gregor

Unlike some accounts of the chiefs of Clan Gregor, I do not intend to go back to the dark-age King Giric, identified by Hector Boece as Gregory the Great, Nor do I give any credit to the Baronage claims of Gregor Aluin - Gregor of the Golden bridles - quoted in "The History of Clan Gregor". [1] As Martin MacGregor explained, the most credible genealogy of the chiefs of Clan Gregor can be found in the Book of the Dean of Lismore. It is probable that the 'Alpin' who featured at the start of that genealogy was in fact an early 12th century eponym of a tribe centred around Loch Awe and not the 9th century King Alpin. For reasons which are not documented but are most likely connected with the Wars of Independence, that tribe fractured. [2] We do know that the rise of Clan Campbell dated from the charters bestowed by King Robert I on the Campbell Lord of Innis Chonnall for his support, particularly against the Clann Dubhgall of Lorn, based at Dunstaffnage. Despite the nonsense in the Baronage account, which had "the 11th chief, Malcolm, Dominus de MacGregor" fighting on the side of Bruce, it seems likely that the lineage from which Clan Gregor arose had supported the regional power of Clann Dubhgall rather than Bruce and hence were punished by being made subordinate to the Campbell lords. According to Martin, the ordinance of 1293 mentioned Terra Johannis de Glenurwy - the land of John of Glenorchy, who was presumably the last of the Clann Ailpein. On 5 April 1358 David II granted totam terram de Glenwrquhay to Mariota of Glen Orchy, daughter of umquhile Johannes of Glen Orchy, and spouse of Eoin Campbell, to be held with all the liberties her predecessors enjoyed. Therefore the lineage which became Clan Gregor were explicitly made vassals of the Campbells. [3] A clan genealogy has been constructed based on the obituaries in the Book of the Dean of Lismore for the earlier chiefs and also using the patronymics of various clansmen appearing in surviving charters and other documents. This genealogy is not definitive and is open to challenge, either on interpretation or from new documentation which has not, so far, been considered. First. The earliest chiefs can be identified from the obits. The first chief was Griogair, son of Donnchadh Beag and father of Eoin cam. Since Eoin cam died in 1390 Griogair himself must have flourished in the first half of the fourteenth century. Second.. Eoin cam. 'One Eyed' John. Obit: 1390 April 19. Death of John MacGregor of Glenurquhay. Third. Eoin dubh. Obit: 1415. Death of John dhu McAnecham VcGregor at Stronmelochane; Fourth. Maol coluim. Obit: 1440. April 20. Death of Malcolm son of John dhu MacGregor, at Glenurquhay,


Fifth. Padraig. Obit: 1461. Death of Patrick MacGregor of Glenstray at Stronmelochane, (b.circa 1405, d 28th.April 1461). The son of Gille Coluim obtained a Papal dispensation to marry Mariota Campbell. Sixth. Eoin dubh. Obit: 1519, May 24-26. Death of John dhu Macgregor of Glenstray,* son of Patrick, at Stronmelochane, he was buried in Dysart, north of the Great Altar, in a stone coffin, upon the 26th of May, on which day a great meteor was seen in Glenurquhay. Maol coluim. Obit: 1498, June 22. Death of Malcolm Macgregor, the son and heir of John Macgregor of Glenstray, at Glenlyon. he was buried in Dysart, south of the Altar, in a stone coffin. As Malcolm pre-deceased his father who had no other heirs, there was a succession crisis. First break in patrilinear succession. A charter of 16 October 1434 (AT) refers to Alasdair mac Eoin mhic Ghriogair w. resignation by Eòghan mac Eòghain MacCorquodale, lord of Phantelan, to his overlord Donnchadh Campbell of Loch Awe. This suggests that Alasdair, was the second son of Eoin dubh, the third chief. Seventh. Eoin ~1455 to his Obit: 1528, April 12 Death of John .Macgregor McEwine, Captain of the Clan Gregor of Glenstray, who died of good memory, at Achallader in Glenurquhay, he was buried in Dysart, as others of his name used to be. 1527. August 14th at Edinburgh. Quo die Johannes, Comes Atholie plegins devenit ad intrandum Donaldem Campbell nominatum ad Abbacium de Cowper & &. ....., John Makewin Makalester Captain of the Clangregour, Duncan Bayne his cousin, Duncan Brek his cousin, Donald Patricksone, Duncan Donaldsone, Gregor Patricksone, Patrik Duncansoun in Dundwrne, James his brother,....... ad subcundum leges pro arte et parte convocationes ligeorum Domini Regis ad magnum numerum vemendi super, Patricium Charteris Prepositum de Perth die festi Corporis Christi ultimo elapso, ipsum invadendo et pergarte et parte mutilationis. Duncan Cameron et Patricii Rutherford Servitorum dicte Patricus. Record of Justiciary. John Makewin Makalester Captain of Clangregour is the chief of clan Gregor, his actual name is John MacGregor VcAne VcEwin VcAllaster (d April 12th 1528). He was the father of Griogair (d July 1526) and Alasdair ruadh (d 1547). His father was Eoghan (Ewan) and grandfather Alasdair, presumed to be the second son of Eoin dubh, the third chief. Eighth. Alasdair ruadh / Alastair roy ~1523 to 1547. Ninth. Eoin ruadh / John roy ~1543 to 1550. son of Alasdair ruadh John MacGregor of Glenstray, in which property he never was never infeoffed. He died of the hurt of an arrow, without issue, and was succeeded by his brother. (probably 1549 or 1550


Tenth. Griogair ruadh / Gregor roy ~1544 to 1570. Second son of Alasdair ruadh BBT death: 1570-04-07 Gregor McGregor of Glenstra heddit at Balloch by Grey Colin Eleventh. Alasdair ruadh (Alastair roy) ~1567 to 1604. 1604. January 20 Five persons executed : 1. Allaster Roy MacGregour of Glenstray, Captain and Chief of the ClanGregor. Twelth. Griogair / Gregor alias Murray b.~1599 died ~1639 eldest son of Eoin dubh {the brother of Alasdair ruadh who died at Glenfruin in february 1603), Thirteenth. Padraig ruadh / Patrick roy alias Murray b.~1600 died ~1649 Second son of Eoin dubh (died at Glenfruin feb 1693), the brother of Alasdair ruadh Fourteenth. James MacGregor of that ilk b.~1645 died 1679 son of Padraig ruadh, thirteenth chief Second break in patrilinear succession. Fifteenth. Gregor of Stukinroy b.~1660 d.1693, succeeded in 1679, buried at Inchcailleach Gregor was a great grandson of Ewin the tutor (d.1589), the brother of Griogair ruadh, the tenth chief; and great great grandson of Alasdair ruadh the eighth chief. Sixteenth. Archibald, 2nd of Kilmanan b.~before Jan 11 1659. mar. Anna Cochrane, May 1679 . He went to Ireland, in around 1706 and had no more to do with the clan; he died. 24 Oct 1726 Archibald appears to have had a son, Hugh, and grandsons but they did not succeed as chiefs. Archibald was another great grandson of Ewin the tutor, through Eoghan, 1st of Kilmanan who was listed in 1649, and still alive in 1662. Eoghan was a younger brother of Malcolm in Stukinroy, the father of Gregor the 15th chief. Third break in patrilinear succession. Seventeenth. Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies b.~1663 and died.1749 He was elected 17th chief in 1714 by a number of gentlemen of the clan, in order to share in the Government bounty by the Hanoverian George I. He married in 1686 Margaret dtr. of Ewen Cameron of Lochiel The Duke of Atholl had attempted to introduce John Dow (b.1670 d.1737), a tenant of his in Glen Almond. John dow descended from Alasdair galt, third son of Alasdair ruadh the eighth chief. When John dow refused, the Duke was said to be incandescent with rage. Eighteenth. William Drummond of Balhaldies, b.8/5/1688 died.1765, Jacobite plotter, "Mr Malloch" m. dtr of Oliphant of Gask


Nineteenth. Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies, b.7/10/1758 Capt. 65th Regt, died 1794 in West Indies Fourth break in patrilinear succession. Twentieth. John Murray, born 1736 and died 28/6/1822; became chief in 1787 after arranging for the collection of the signatures of 897 men claiming to be MacGregor. (most of them probably were, but there is evidence suggesting that a few were not). Subsequently in 1795 he obtained the hereditary peerage title from the crown of the first Baronet MacGregor of MacGregor. John Murray claimed to be the 18th chief as he did not agree with the descent after the 14th chief, (second break above). John claimed descent from Duncan Ladasach, although the position of Ladasach, in relation to the rest of the clan at the time of his death in 1552 is not clear. John Murray's grandfather Iain oag beag who had died in 1744, in his view, should have succeeded James from 1679 as 15th chief; then as the 16th chief, Iain oag's eldest son, Robert who had died in 1758 leaving no male heirs; then as the 17th chief, Duncan the son of his brother (also Duncan) who died in February 1787, with only his daughter, Drummond Mary, still alive. Thus making John Murray the 18th chief, not the 20th. Subsequent generations of descendants from John Murray have retained this numbering, hence, Sir Malcolm, the current chief uses the designation of 24th chief, not the 26th as in this list. Despite the above discussion, there is no dispute that the current chief. Sir Malcolm is the current hereditary chief of all MacGregors. John Murray's reason for this was expressed in his contribution to Douglas's "Baronage of Scotland" . In fact, like much of the "Baronage" account ("a piece of sustained fiction, marred only by the occcasional intrusion of fact", according to Dr Martin MacGregor) this was based on misapprehension of the truth by John who had confused Patrick roy, the 13th chief who had died in 1649, with his contemporary Patrick abrach, the grandson of Donnchadh Ladasach and grandfather of Iain oag beag.. Both had used the alias Patrick Murray. Even Amelia acknowledges this mistake in History of The Clan Gregor which quoted extensively from the "Baronage". Both Patricks had sons called James (although Patrick abrach's may not have actually existed, but assumed to match James, the actual 14th chief). Thereafter, the "Baronage" refers to the 15th chief as "Gregor the bastard" claiming his succession as illegitimate, and therefore, John Murray asserted, the true 15th chief should have been Iain oag beag, from the death of James in 1679 (as Iain was born around 1668, and assuming that his father John Murray in Mamlorn had been deceased by then). John Murray incorrectly stated in the "Baronage" that Iain dubh nan lurach who died at Glenfruin had no children, in fact it was his brother, Alasdair the 11th chief, executed in 1604, who had been childless. As outlined above, the sons of Iain dubh succeeded Alasdair: Gregor as 12th and then Patrick roy as the 13th. Patrick roy died in 1648 and was then succeeded as 14th chief by his son James who died childless in 1679.


James was followed as the 15th chief by Gregor, the great-grandson of Eoghan the tutor, brother of Gregor roy, the 10th chief, executed in 1570. As Gregor, the 15th, was also childless, he was succeeded as 16th chief by his cousin Archibald of Kilmanan. Kilmanan eventually left Scotland and his children may have been unwilling to take on the mantle of chiefs of Clan Gregor. Thus, in 1714, in order to obtain a share of payments (bribes) on offer to chiefs of Highland clans from the incoming regime of George I, Rob Roy and others elected Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies as the 17th chief, followed by his son and grandson as 18th and 19th. Balhaldies was convenient and willing at the time to be elected, but did not claim to have any right of patrilenear descent. William of Balhaldies, the 19th chief, had been in the West Indies with the army, where he died in 1794. His son, William Oliphant MacGregor attempted an unsuccessful legal action in 1799 against Sir John's claim to be chief. Twenty first. (19th) Sir Evan Murray MacGregor, b.1/1/1785 d.14/6/1841 Second Baronet Twenty second. (20th) Sir John Athole Bannatyne b.20/1/1810 d.11/5/1851 Third Baronet Twenty third. (21st) Sir Malcolm b.29/8/1834 d.31/8/1879 Fourth Baronet Twenty fourth. (22nd) Captain, Sir Malcolm, RN b. 3/81873 d.5/12/1958 Fifth Baronet Twenty fifth. (23rd) Brigadier, Sir Gregor b.15/12/1925 d.30/3/2003 Sixth Baronet Twenty sixth. (24th) Sir Malcolm b.23/3/1959 Seventh Baronet

NOTES [1] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 407, pages 5-6 and Appendix A And on page 394 of volume ii: A.- Introduction, page 2. Correspondence of Sir Robert Douglas, and John Murray, Esq., afterwards Sir John MacGregor Murray, 1st Baronet, 1769. No. 1. Mr Murray's best compliments attend Sir Robert Douglas. He sends him inclosed three sheets of the scroll genealogical account of the family of MacGregor. Gathering the materials of it has cost him no small trouble for several years past, but he has the satisfaction to think his labours have not been entirely thrown away. Dr Gregory has seen and has been pleased to approve of it. As this Clan is upon a different footing from all others, and have for some ages past been the football of fortune, it became abso1utely necessary to enquire into and give a succinct account of the different causes of their misfortunes, in order to justify them, and render the remembrance of past actions less obnoxious than their enemies would chuse to paint them This has been attempted as briefly as possible, and Sir Robert is left to judge how successfully. Meantime, as it is absolutely necessary to answer these purposes that the account be inserted fully with all the notes, Mr Murray begs Sir Robert may candidly say whether he will give it room as it stands, because if he does not, he insists that no part of it at all be mentioned, for to half do the affair would be in his opinion worse than silence. He knows the


printing will be above the common run of the account of other families, and believes Sir Robert can have no other objection than that of the burden of these expenses. Let him however understand, that if he otherways seems satisfied to give it room, these will be made easy to him. What remains of it will be sent in a day or two.- Friday, 21st September 1769. No.2. Sir Robert Douglas presents compliments to Mr Murray, thinks himself extremely obliged to him for the papers he has sent him, and so far as he has read of them, has not the smallest objection; as soon as he has gone through the whole, will be glad to see Mr Murray. - Saturday, 22nd September 1769. No.3. Sir Robert Douglas presents his compliments to Mr Murray, he has again carefully perused his account of the Clan MacGregor, and is so well satisfied with it, that he is determined to print the whole papers, without leaving out one word of it, and intends to send it to the Press to-morrow, he'll therefore please return the remainder of it without fail. -Wednesday, October 4th, 1769. see R. Douglas, The Baronage of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1798), 493; (ed.), S. Lee, Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1909), xii, 869-72. [2] MacGregor, Martin, 1989, unpublished thesis, page 18 at click here for link [3] MacGregor M, op cit. page 19


Duncan Ladasach

Martin MacGregor states in his thesis, on page 59-61 "A poem in Scots titled Duncane Laideus’ Testament is found in the Black Book of Taymouth, apparently composed for Donnchadh Dubh, chief of the Glen Orchy Campbell kindred between 1583 and 1631, and thus at least a generation after the events it purports to narrate. By the time of Donnchadh Dubh, the relationship between the Campbells of Glen Orchy and the MacGregors had altered irretrievably. The author’s preoccupation with moral and religious themes adds a further distorting element." "The poem recounts the life of Donnchadh Làdasach, who belonged to a MacGregor lineage principally associated before 1550 with the forest of Mamlorn and Corrycharmaig in Glen Lochay. Donnchadh’s father was named Pàdraig, probably the Pàdraig MacGregor who was apparently tenant of Mamlorn in 1541. According to the poem Donnchadh Làdasach became an enormously influential figure within the clan in the period between the death of James V in 1542 and his own execution in 1552. It was at his instigation that the MacGregor chief or chiefs carried out separate raids against the MacLarens of Balquhidder (27 of whom were killed) and the Robertsons of Struan (whom Donnchadh Làdasach averred to be planning an attack on the MacGregors); and an abortive night-attack upon the Campbells of Glen Orchy themselves, which aimed to pave the way for nothing less than the replacement of the latter by the MacGregors as the dominant kindred within Breadalbane. In the words the poet gives to Donnchadh Làdasach: Had we gottin oure will in thir thingis, This cuntray we thocht oure selffis for to gyde." "1542-49 seems to have been a period of general disturbance in Breadalbane, while independent confirmation exists for the attack on Robertson of Struan, which took place on 22 August 1545. But on other counts the poem’s version of events seems to square less satisfactorily with what other evidence we do possess. A tack of his Rannoch lands granted by Alasdair Menzies of Rannoch to Eoin Ruadh of Glen Strae on 4 October 1548 gave the latter the right to introduce subtenants, “excepting Duncan McGregour Mcphadrik [Donnchadh Làdasach] and his barnis alanerlie”. While confirming that Donnchadh Làdasach was a recognised malcontent, the tack demonstrates that whatever influence he had acquired within the clan as a whole did not mean that wider society was incapable of drawing a distinction between him and the rest of Clann Griogair." "The onset upon the MacLarens is placed at Easter, at some point between the death of James V and the attack on the Robertsons. Thus 1543, 1544 or 1545 would all be possibilities. Yet within this period relations between the earl of Argyll - under whose protection the MacLarens were - and Alasdair Ruadh of Glen Strae seem to have been particularly close. Not until 1547, when Alasdair’s successor Eoin Ruadh lost his position as Argyll’s vassal in Glen Ample to the earl’s son Cailean, is there any hint of estrangement between the MacGregor chiefs and the earls of Argyll." "Also problematic is the onset claimed to have been made upon the Campbells of Glen Orchy. What little evidence we have for relations between the two kindreds in the late 1540s betrays no sign of a major crisis. Eoin Campbell of Glen Orchy witnessed the grant of the tack of the Rannoch lands to Eoin Ruadh of Glen Strae on 4 October 1548, while until his death in 1550 he remained on the closest terms with the MacGregors of Brackley and the family of the dean of Lismore. Again, one wonders what realistic hope the MacGregors could have harboured of achieving pre-eminence within Breadalbane at the expense of the Campbells of Glen Orchy. Despite the distance which had developed between the latter and the earls of Argyll, the earls were hardly likely to view such a process with equanimity, given that it was through the Campbells of Glen Orchy that they themselves exercised influence on


Breadalbane. Hence any serious attempt to displace the Campbells of Glen Orchy would surely meet with general Campbell opposition. " "From the perspective of the Glen Orchy chiefs, the MacGregors’ continued expansion, and the formation of their relationship with Campbell of Cawdor, may have served to underline the MacGregor capacity for independent action. That capacity may have been personified, albeit in extreme terms (remembering his ostracism from the rest of the clan in the tack of 1548), by Donnchadh Làdasach, and it could even be that through his influence the potential threat which the MacGregors may now have come to represent to the Glen Orchy chiefs was actually realised. If an attack on the Campbells of Glen Orchy did indeed take place in the late 1540s then it must have been an isolated incident which created no major repercussions prior to the death of Eoin Campbell of Glen Orchy on 5 July 1550; but it might well help to explain what happened immediately thereafter. " The murder of Alexander M'Patrik V'Condoqhuy at Wester Morenish The Glenorchy Campbells advanced into the area around Loch Tay with surprising rapidity. In fact they were not obtaining feudal tenure of lands from the Crown, but from the chief of the existing dominant kindred, Sir Robert Menzies, the 12th Baron Menzies. Sir Robert and his son Sir Alexander of Rannoch failed to act according to the precepts and principles of his grandfather, which was not to trust the Campbells in any way! Alexander's marriage with the daughter of Lawers brought him into close relationship with them ; and the Campbells at this time seem to have been ready to do almost anything for Sir Alexander, so as to have the thin edge of the wedge inserted to gain their own ends ; and as he had the vast and extensive estates of Rannoch in his keeping as heir to his father, there was some chance of the Campbells making some land capital out of a mutual arrangement with the young Laird of Rannoch. Campbell of Lawers, the brother-in-law of Alexander was, therefore, the man most fitted to approach the young Laird ; and, representing to him his willingness to help him against the caterans on his estates, arranged a mutual bond of manrent, which is as follows: — "Bond of manrent and maintenance betwixt Alexander Menzeis of the Rannoch, son and heir-apparent of Robert Menzeis of the Weme, Knight, and John Campbell of Lawers, whereby they mutually bind themselves in speciale for the defence, keping, iosing, and bruking of the landis of the Rannoch, woddis and forestis of the saym, and aythir of thame sail be traist and trew to vtheris at all tyme, and supple and defend vtheris, baith with thair bodeis, landis, gudis, placis, stedingis, and sail give vtheris the best counsall thai can ; and rychtsua that tha sail ane conuenient man, chosin with baith thair avis, to the keping of the haill woddis and forestis of the Rannoch, quhilk the said Alexander hes of the Kingis grace in few and heretage; and this kepar to answer thame of all and sindry proffitis of the saidis woddis and forestis, quhilkis proffitis and the saidis Alexander and Johne sail equalie divide betuix thame; and gif this kepar pleses thame nocht, tha sail remove the samyn and put in ane vthir in his sted, chosin be baith thair avisis, als oft as tha think expedient. And attour that the Isle and Loch within the landis of the Rannoch, that the Johne hes in liferent of the said Alexander, sal be reddy at all tyme to thame baith, makand the expensis equaly betuix thame for the keping of the said Isle. Dated at Perth, April 1536." — Charter Room, Castle Menzies, No. 129. This bond of mutual manrent is from the Charter Room of Castle Menzies, in which Alexander Menzies is the principal, having the whole property in question. Campbell, having no property in Rannoch, had everything to gain and nothing to lose; and as his predecessors had outwitted the confiding Menzies by similar bonds of manrent, and had got a feu of Lawers; so this Campbell hoped to get a hold in Rannoch. He had even got concessions, as is seen in the foregoing, which he had no right to.


Duncan Ladasach, who held the lands of Ardchoill, [1] seems to have been an object of peculiar aversion to Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurquhay, the 6th Campbell Laird. In the “Black Book of Taymouth” there is a satirical ballad entitled “Duncan Laideus alis Makgregouris Testament,” [2] the writer of which is not known, but throughout which the gall of the penman in abuse of the warrior, with whom his Clan was at deadly feud, is virulently displayed. [The author may have been William Bowie, clerk to Black Duncan at the end of the century and author of much of the 'Black Book'] “The Lairds of Glenlyon” [3] quoting first from the “B.B. of Taymouth” has “Colene sext Laird of Glenurquhay ..... was Laird induring the space of threttie-thre zeiris, in the quhilk tyme he conquesit the few of the kingis landis and Charter-hous landis in Braydalbane, the tackis quhairoff his predecessouris obtenit,” [Cailean Liath, Grey Colin, was laird of Glenorchy from 1550 to 1583. He was succeeded by his son, Donnchadh dubh na curich, Black Duncan of the cowl, from 1583 to 1631.] The writer continues :- “... he had acquired the ‘superioritie of McNab his haill landis.’ Grey Colin gained possession of the greater part of Breadlabane, and with the exception of Struan’s small Barony of Fernay, or Fernan, and a few other small bits of land, was Lord Superior and Bailie of the different Baronies and Lordships of Breadalbane. With the most ample feudal privileges, and though his predecessors had held lands in the district for nearly a century, he was still but a stranger in a strange land, in which his footing was but precarious, and the authority granted by the King far from being satisfactorily acknowledged and obeyed. At that time the feudal charter, until the title of the holder was recognised and confirmed by the so-called vassals, according to the old Celtic custom, that is, by acknowledging him as chief, and granting him the calp [4] of chieftainship, was little else than a piece of useless parchment. A landlord in order to have the use and mastery of his possessions, must either conciliate or extirpate the inhabitants. The Laird of Glenurquhay was not in a position to adopt the latter alternative, and he therefore eagerly and skilfully seized upon the former. Breadalbane was at that time inhabited mostly by several old colonies or sections of distant clans, who had come under the auspices of different lord-superiors. The inhabitants of Breadalbane were thus made up from a number of separate kindreds, and except the McNabs, a supposed branch of the ClanGregor, none of them had a chieftain. This gave the Laird of Glenurquhay the opportunity to establishing his own judicial authority. Thus bonds of manrent and calp of Ceann-Cinne followed, from men alive to feelings of gratitude, for having been rescued from oppressors, and confirmed in their rights. Every act of judicial authority added what was both absolutely necessary for the safe exercise of that authority and the gradual vindication of feudal possession, a willing recruit to the standard of the ‘justiciar.’ Today it may sound strange that a proprietor could exercise no privilege of property until mutual kindness produced a 'bond of brotherhood' between him and his vassals. Until a voluntary action confirmed the parchment charter so that the calp of clanship superseded the feudal enfeoffment. No suspicion appears to have crossed the Celtic mind that the parchment right to the soil was sufficient in itself to confer the personal pre-eminence and that 'kindness' in future years would convey no rights whatsoever.. The preceding able description of the then state of matters will best explain the following bonds of “Manrent,” which are to be found in the “Black Book of Taymouth,” Grey Colin and Black Duncan would issue more bonds of manrent than any other Lord in this period. “The second day of Junii anno domini 1547 zeris at the castell of Glenurquhay Donald McGillekeyr, Fynla McGillekeyr his son, Duncan McGillekeyr and Neill Mcoull VcIllekeyr, Mylcallum McCoull VcIllekeyr, Finlay McAne VcKyndlo, Donald McHewin VcIllekeyr, John oyr McCoull VcIllekeyr for thame and thair successioun. [5]


“Thai and ilk ane of thaym hes. . . . chosyn of thayr awyn fre motywe. . . . ane honorable man Jhon Cambell of Glenurquhay and his ayris to their cheyf to be thair protector. . . . in all just actionis. . . . as ayne cheyf dois in the contreis of the helandis and sall haif landis of me in assedatioun for the payment afor wderis. . . . and quhen ony of thaym decessis sall leyf to me or my ayris ane cawylpe of kenkynie [6] as is usit in the contreis aboutis befor thir witnesses &a. &a . . . . And atour thay hayf promest to bryng all the layf of thair kyn that thay may to the sammyn effek. . . . and for the mair securite the pairt remanent witht Jhon Cambell the saydis persones aboun hes subscriuit witht thair awyn handis led at the pen. . . be the viccar of Inchadyn Donald McGillekeyr with my hand led at the pen. Fynla McGillekeyr and Duncan his broder our hands led at the pen. Neill McCoull VcIllekeyr and Malcum his broder do. do. Fynla McAne VcIndlo do. do. Donald McHewin VcIllekeyr do. do. Jhon Oyr McCoull VcIllekeyr siclyk. On the 22nd May 1550, Sir Alexander Menzies witnessed a bond of manrent initiated by Colin Campbell of Glenurchy." At this time the Menzies' had as tenants on their lands of Wester Morenish, at the west end of Loch Tay, a family of MacGregors, who had been there for many years. The covetous Colin Campbell of Glenurchy had his eyes on Morenish. Finding that Sir Alexander the Menzies could not be induced to break the bond of peace and friendship existing between the MacGregors and himself, Campbell concealed his designs in order to induce them to assign to him their rights as tenants of these lands, and transfer possession of the tacks MacGregor held from Sir Alexander Menzies to Colin Campbell. On the face of it, the MacGregors would continue in uninterrupted possession as the occupiers of Wester Morenish, with the only change being that they would pay their feudal duties to Colin Campbell, who in turn would pay Alexander Menzies. This document of agreement was completed before Alexander Menzies at the Menzies Castle and Isle of Loch Tay, 10th July 1550, it being necessary for the contracting parties to have his consent, he being the overlord of these lands, by him witnessing them first as consenting to the transfer thereby. The bond, in BBT, pages 189-190 is included later on this page. Duncan Ladasach may have had a deeper understanding of Colin Campbell's underlying motives, for, on learning that Alexander M'Patrick MacGregor had became vassal to Colin Campbell, he was so enraged that on 22nd November 1551, he murdered him. The slaughter of Alexander MacGregor by his kinsman incensed the Campbells against Duncan MacGregor, for this uncalled for and treacherous murder. In this Colin Campbell was supported by the neighbouring chiefs, who met at the Menzies Castle, on the Island of Loch Tay, and there agreed to pursue the murderers, as MacGregor and his followers had been a pest to the whole district. They also signed a bond of association, to which Alexander Menzies, as over-lord superior, is first witness. The bond is as follows : Abridged from Amelia, volume I, chapter 9 In July 1550, Alasdair MacGregor in Wester Morenish agreed with Colin Campbell: [7] - “Alexander McPatrick VcCondoqhtty is becumyn of his awin fre will ane. . . . faythtfull seruand to Collyne Cambell of Glenwrquay and his ayris for all the dais . . . . of his lyftyme. . . . incontrar all. . . . personis the authorite beand excepit alanerly baith till ryd and gang on horss and futt in Heland and Lawland upon the said Collynys expenses. And gif it happinnys ony difference betuixt the said Collyne his ayries and McGregour his Cheyff. . . . the said Alexander sail nocht stand with ane of theme bot he sall be ane ewinly man for baith the


pairties. Attour the said Alexander hes made. . . the said Collyne and his ayris his. . . . assingnaris to his takys. . . . of ony landis and specially of the ten merkland of Wester Morinche [8] now occupyit be the said Alexander and his subtennendis and allse hes nominat the said Collyne and. . . . his ayris. . . . his executours and intromittours witht all. . . . his gudis mowible and immowible that he happinnis to hef the tyme of his decess, and that in cace he hef nay barnis lewand at that tyme lauchtfully gottyn. . . . For the quhilk the said Collyne and his ayris sall defend the forsaid Alexander in all his just actionis. . . . the authorite my Lord of Argyle and thair actionis alanerly excepyt. . . . Acta meridiem presentibus ibidem Alexandro Menzies de Rannocht, Joanne McEmeweyr et magistro Willelmo Ramsay notario publico testibus. 10th Julii 1550.” Notwithstanding this band with Glenurquhay, Alexander McPatrick VcCondoqhuy seems to have acted on his own account in some encounter as shown by the following, found in the “Chartulary” :- “1550, October 31st. ‘Gregour Dougalsoune’ Pledge for ‘Alexander Oure (dun or sallow) McPatrick McGregor,’ and Nicol MaKintaylzeor for art and part of the slaughter of the late John McDonald Bayne. Not appearing fugitated. - Record of Justiciary.” In the preface to the “Black Book of Taymouth,” the editor, Cosmo Innes gives an indictment which shows that Duncan Ladasach resented either this slaughter, or Allaster Our’s defection to an adopted Chief. “On the 26th of November 1551, ‘The Queen’s advocate set forth that Duncan Laudes and Gregour his sone recently, namely opoun Sounday the 22nd day of November instant at sex houris at even under silence of nycht, be way of hamesukin, cam to the hous of Alaster owir, alias McGregoure, servand to Coline Campbell of Glenurquhay of the lands of Moreis and be force tuke him furth of his said hous, and be way of murthure straik him with whingearis and crewellie slew him and spulzeit and tuke fra him his purs, and in it the soume of fourty poundis incontinent thireftir past to the landis of Killing to the hous of ane pure man callit Johnne McBayne Pipare, and thair assegit the said hous and brak the durris thairof and be force tuke the said Johne furth of the samyn, and straik his heid fra his body and crewellie slew him and gaif him divers uther straikis with whingearis in his body.’” Duncan Ladasach and his son were afterwards outlawed and put to the horn. [9] Sir Colin Campbell engaged certain persons to pursue the said Duncan; in this case, as in many others, the Laird of Glenurchy having recourse to strangers and not to his own Clan. “Band to pursue to the deid Duncane Laudosach. “Be it kend till all men, We James Stewart sone to Walter Stewart of Ballindoran, Alexander Dormond and Malcolme Dormond, yonger to hawe gewin our band of manrent to. . . Colline Campbell of Glenurquhay and his ayris; Duncan Campbell sone and apperand air to Archibald Campbell of Glenlioun and his airis. . . for all the days of our lyvetyme in all actiones. . . and in speciale that we sall dispone owrselffis at our haill power wytht our kyn, freyndis and part takeris to invade and persew to the deid Duncane Laudosach McGregour, Gregour his sone, thair seruandis, part takeris and complices in all bundis and cuntreis quhair euer thai sall happyn to mak resydens be reasoun that thai are our deidlie enemies and our Souerane Ladeis rebellis. And lykwiss salbe redye. . . to serve the. . . saidis Colline and Duncane and thair airis upon thair. . . expenssis baytht in the Heland and Lawland aganes all maner of. . . persones, the Quenis Grace hir authorite, the Earl of Menteytht and the Lord Drummond, allanerlie exceptit. In witness of the quhilk thing because we culd nocht subscrywe our selffis we have for us causit the notare onder wrytin subscrywe the samyn


witht our handis tuechand the pen, at the Ile of Loch-Tay the xi day of Marche the zeir of God M.V. fifty ane zeir (1551) befoir thir witnesses Allexander Menzies of Rannocht, Thomas Graham of Calzemuk, Andro Toscheocht of Monze, Patrick Campbell, Johnn Mawire and Andro Quhit notar publicus. James Stewart wytht my hand at the pen. Alexander Dormond wytht my hand led at the pen. I ta est Andreas Quhit notarius publicus.” It is impossible to fathom the reasons which led Sir Colin, the following year, to reconcile himself to McGregor. “Be it kend to all men - Me Colyne Campbell of Glenurquhay grants me to have ressavit Duncane McGregour and Gregour his sone into my menteinance in all thir just actionis in so far as I may of law, and gude conscience. and atour to have forgevine the saidis Duncane and Gregour thair sarvandis complices and part takers the zeil of luf and gude conscience moving me to the samyn, all manner of actionis and faltis thay ony of them hes committit to me providing alwais that the saidis Duncane and Gregour fulfill thair band and manrent maid to me and my airis in all pointis. Forquhilkes grantis me to have given to the saidis Duncane and Gregour thair eschitis of all thair gudis movabill and unmovabill, quhilkis I purchist at my Lord Governouris handis, tha beand for the tyme our sourane Ladeis rebellis and now ressavit to hir heiness peace and my favouris. In witness wherof I hes subscriuit this my letter of meintenance at the Ile of Lochtay the secund day of Maii the year of God Mvc. fifty tua yeris befor thir witnesses Alexander Menzies of Rannocht, Patrick Campbell, David Tosheocht, and Alexander Maknab, Gregour Clerk [10] and Andro Quhit notar publico. COLYN CAMPBELL of Glenurquhay. This letter of maintenance is the more remarkable because, within a month afterwards, Sir Colin succeeded (by treachery, it is said) in getting both his recently-accepted friends into his power, and slaughtering them. The following tradition is told in the “Lairds of Glenlyon” [11] as a legend, which may possibly explain Glenurchay’s temporary reconciliation with Duncan Ladasach : “MacGregor of Dunan, in Rannoch, had committed great herships on the lands of the Campbells in every direction, and particularly on those of Campbell of Glenurchay. The latter did all in his power to take him dead or alive; but McGregor, notwithstanding, not only eluded his enemy, but continued to commit greater depredations. At last Glenurchay offered terms of amity and peace, and proposed a conference at the newly-built Castle of Balloch (Taymouth), with a certain number of friends on both sides, to settle disputes, and ratify the relations of friendship into which the parties were about to enter. Glenurchay did all this deceitfully, thinking thus to capture McGregor and his principal followers when off their guard. McGregor, not suspecting the snare, set off for Balloch at the time proposed, accompanied by the number of men agreed upon. On the top of Drummond, the hill overlooking the castle and meadows of Taymouth, they encountered an old man, who, on bended knees, before a huge, grey stone, appeared to be repeating his orisons in a state of


great perturbation. Struck with a thing so unusual, McGregor, drawing near, discovered the old man was repeating the prayers for the dead, with which ever and anon the following sentence mixed : ‘To thee, grey stone, I tell it, but when the black bull's head appears, McGregor’s sword can hardly save the owner’s fated head. Deep the dungeon, sharp, the axe - and short the shrift.’ McGregor saw at once the toils were set for him and that the old man had taken this round-about way of apprising him of the vile conspiracy, for fear of the laird, and in consequence of being sworn to secrecy. He proceeded on his way, however. Glenurchay received him with the most cordial, appearance of kindness. Dinner was laid for them in the great hall of the Castle, each Campbell having a McGregor on his right hand-a circumstance giving the latter a very decided advantage in the melee which followed. The introduction of the black bull's head, and a simultaneous clatter of armed men in an adjoining chamber, put the McGregors into an attitude of defence. Snatching the dagger stuck in the table before him, which a few moments previous he had used in cutting McGregor held its point within an inch of the heart of Glenurchay, while with the other hand he compressed his throat. His men following promptly the example of the leader. . . the McGregors carried off captive the Baron and some of his principal retainers, the armed vassals, at the earnest request of the Baron himself, whose life the least attempt on their part to rescue him would endanger, offering no resistance. McGregor crossed by the boat at Kenmore, dragged his captive to the top of Drummond, and there and then forced Glenurchay to subscribe an ample pardon and remission for all past injuries, and a promise of friendship for the future.” The legend is characteristic of the times, but although the writer suggests that the hero may have been Duncan Ladasach, it would hardly have been possible at his supposed advanced age. Mr. MacGregor Stirling in the “Chartulary,” supposes this to have taken place in 1550-60 or 61; but by the following entry in the Obituary of the “Chronical of Fortingal,” continued by the curate, [12] the date of their deaths is shown clearly to have been in the month of June 1552. “1552 Interfectio et decapitio Duncani McGregor et filiorum eius vidilicet Gregori et Malcolmi Roy per Colinum Campbell de Glenurquhay et per Duncaniim Roy Campbell de Glenlyon et Allexandrum Menzheis de Rannoch cum suis complicibus quo die Joannes Gour McDuncan VcAllexandrum Kayr fuit interfectus per Alexandrum Menzies de apud . . . . . . in mense Junii vidilicet xvi anno Domini ave M.V. Lij.; The Black Book has a memorandum in regard to this Sir Colin :- “He was ane greit justiciar all his time, throcht the quhilk he susteinit thee deidlie feid of the Clangregour ane lang space. and besydis that he causit executt to the death, mony notable lymnaris, he beheidit the Laird of McGregour himself at Kenmoir in presence of the Erle of Atholl the justice clerk and sundrie other nobillmen.” The Laird of McGregour was Griogair ruadh beheaded in 1570. It is probable that it was to Duncan Ladasach that the compliment of personal decapitation was paid by Sir Colin out of his “zeil of luf.” As will be noticed later, Duncan Ladasach was undoubtedly much feared and detested by his enemies, and was turbulent and reckless of shedding blood in his quarrels. In that respect he was no worse than his neighbours. Not till the publication of the “Black Book of Taymouth” was his career looked upon as blamable, and those who enjoyed the venom of the scurrilous doggerel about him adopted its views. If Duncan Ladosach openly slew, perhaps, several men, Sir Colin, his executioner, compassed the death of many more. The following was given by Mr. MacGregor Stirling as a traditional account gathered from “an aged native of Glendochart” [13] :-


“Glenurchay, having some disputes with Gregor, son and heir of the aged MacGregor, about some marches (it is supposed in reference to the properties of Ardchoille Easter and Wester), proposed ‘a friendly conference for adjusting these. The parties therefore met at the village of Kincauser, on the river Lochy, and in the near neighbourhood of Glenurquhay’s seat, Finlarig; when Sir Colin caused some armed men, whom he had concealed, to rush suddenly upon Gregor. These, having overpowered their single opponent (for he had no attendant), proceeded towards his and his father’s residence, Ardchoille Wester, and getting the old Chief in their power, killed him on the spot. The son was reserved for a more publick and mortifying triumph at Kenmore, whither he was dragged all wounded and bleeding, and there, in the presence of several noblemen, beheaded.” This version makes the son survive the father. It seems probable however, that the earlier tradition may have been the more correct, the father being reserved for the solemn execution. [14] NOTES [1] In Glen Dochart. [2] Duncan Laideus Testament see http://glendiscovery.com/duncan_laideus_testament.htm [3] “The Lairds of Glenlyon,” historical sketches contributed to the Perthshire Advertiser, 1855-58 by Mr. Duncan Campbell, parish schoolmaster of Fortingall, and now editor of the Northern Chronical, Inverness. the sketches have been collected by Sir Donald Currie, M.P., in a volume printed for private circulation, together with another volume of the same nature entitled “The Book of Gather and Fortingall,” and are quoted here by the kind permission of Mr. Campbell. [4] “An exaction made by a superior, especially by the Head of a Clan, on his tenants and other dependants, for maintenance and protection. This was generally the best horse, ox, or cow the retainer had in his possession” (Jamieson’s “Dictionary”). It seems only to have become due at the decease of the clansman. Calpach or Colpach in Gaelic means a Heifer. - Editor. [5] These all belong to the Dougall Ciar Family, to be considered later. [6] “Ceann Cinnidh” - “Head of the Tribe.” [7] Descendants of Duncan Beg (see Obituary 1477) settled at Moreninch at the south-west end of Loch Tay. Moreninch was the property of Menzies of Weem at that time and till about 1600 when it was bought by Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy. [8] Allusion is made to this Alexander twenty years later as son of Patrick, son of Duncan; he was probably nephew of the two brothers, Duncan MacGregor in Moreynche and John Dow, son of Duncan, mentioned in entry October 1531. [9] To put the horn, in Scotch Law is to denounce as a rebel; to outlaw a person for not appearing in the Court to which he is summoned. This is done by a messenger-at-arms, who proceeds to the cross of Edinburgh, and amongst other formalities gives three blasts with a horn, by which the person is understood to be proclaimed rebel to the King for contempt of his authority. - Dr. Ogilvie’s “Imperial Dictionary.” [10] Slain by Ewin McDuncan VcGregor of Roro, sept. 22, 1552. - Chron. Fort. [11] The author of this work, Mr. Duncan Campbell, supposes throughout that Duncan Ladosach was acting as tutor for the young Glenstray Chief, but we do not find evidence or mention of Duncan as tutor. It was Gregor McPatrick who, in 1528, got the ward of the lands of Glenstray. [12] The continuation of the Obituary, from October 1542 to 1576, is not printed with the first part of the “Chronicle of Fortingal,” but is to be found in the “Black Book of Taymouth.” [13] MS. by Mr. MacGregor Stirling. [14] In the “Lairds and Lands of Loch Tay Side,” by John Christie, published in 1892, it is stated that Duncan Ladosach and his sons, Gregor and Malcolm Roy, were executed at Finlarig. This is quite impossible, as the place of their deaths is not mentioned in the “Black Book of Taymouth.”


John Dow MacGregor in Balquhidder The following notes in the Rev. William MacGregor-Stirling’s 1817 edition of Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire related to John Dow (Iain dubh) MacGregor, at Stronvar in Balquhidder, as recorded by the Rev. Alexander MacGregor, minister of Balquhidder. MacGregor-Stirling subsequently undertook, in 1822, the compilation of a history of the Clan Gregor, for Sir Evan Murray MacGregor. The work, which had the assistance and cooperation of Mr. Donald Gregory, was not ready for publication at the time of Mr. MacGregor-Stirling’s death in 1833. [1] Their manuscript research notes, comprising 491 folio pages, formed a principal source for AG Murray MacGregor’s 1898 History of Clan Gregor, (referred to in this article as Amelia). Comparison of the 1817 notes with Amelia and other more recent work demonstrate a number of discrepancies with the 1817 account. From: History of Stirlingshire [2] . “Sir John Murray, 12th Lord of Tullibardin was in 1592 appointed Master of the King’s Household; on the 15th April 1604, created Lord Murray of Tullibardin; and, on the 10th of July 1606, 1st Earl of Tullibardine. John had by Catherine, daughter of David, 2nd Lord Drummond, … 4 sons, 4 daughters … and a 5th daughter [married] to John MacGregor.” “John MacGregor, descriptively named Glas, ie ‘wan’ inhabited, before 1602, Innis-Mhic-Ghrighoir, or ‘Isle of MacGregor’ (also called ‘Geata ‘n tuim bhain’), at the southeast extremity of Loch Voil in Balquhidder. The foundation of his castle, 20 feet wide and 66 long, existed within the memory of persons still alive (in 1817). It was defended by a ditch 6 yards wide and drawbridge. John Fergusson at Stronvar recollects the piers of the bridge. The ditch was filled up 55 years ago (approx 1762) with part of the stones of the fortress. The rest of the stones were, this year (1817), used for a wall on the land-side of the island. John Glas MacGregor was proprietor of the following lands, Stronvar, Glenbucky, Gartnafuaran, Letchrich, Craigrich, Monachoil-Mor, Monachoil-Beg, Imerioch (now Newton), Invercharnaig, Inverlochlarig-Mor and all pertinents, Drumlich, Blarcrich. Invernenty, Monachoiltuarach, Murlaggan. The yearly value was 200 merks. By his lady, he had two sons, Gregor and John. Sir John Murray, after the battle of Glenfruin, in which his son in law had borne an active part (and died there), fetched home his daughter and grandchildren, and took possession of the abovementioned lands for their support. Gregor assumed the name of Alexander and surname of Murray. Such is the tradition as it has recently been collected from John Fergusson, aged 60, born on the lands of Stronvar, close to Innis Mhic Ghrighoir, and who has lived there from infancy. We have not been able to ascertain the point but it seems most highly probable to us that John Glas was the younger brother of Alexander MacGregor of Glenstrae. Fergusson (according to what he has heard) says, that John was the Chief of the Clan, and commanded at Glenfruin. In this he is mistaken, as the then undoubted Chief was Alexander of Glenstrae. John is represented by Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, as the principal in that quarrel with the Laird of Luss that led to the mediation by his elder brother, and the spirited resistance by both, and their followers, of an unexpected and treacherous onset by a force four times their number. (History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p246). John MacGregor was slain at Glenfruin, a circumstance corresponding to the foregoing narrative. His birth entitled him to such an alliance. Fergusson says that he is uncertain regarding the name of John Glas’s lady, but that, so far as he recollects it was Sarah.”


The following lines are from the Edinchip papers and published in Amelia :- “By MacGregor’s Bard at ye Battle of Glenfroon on seeing Lindsay of Bosville fall on the side of the Colquhouns and by Colquhoun’s Bard on seeing John, brother of the Laird of MacGregor fall by the hands of McLintoch. [3] The Gaelic spelling has been modernised:- Iain dubh nan Lurag, ‘Black John of the Mail-coat’, was brother to Laird MacGregour. In 1602, “The said Johnne MacGregour being in his own cradak in a rowme that he haldis of the Laird of Tullibardin. [4] ” [cradak – fort on a artificial island, cf. crannog; rowme – estate; haldis – holds as feudal vassal.] John actually married a daughter of John Murray of Strowan, a kinsman of Sir John Murray of Tullibardine, by whom he left three sons. 1. Gregor, in the custody of Sir John Moray of Tullibardine after his father’s death and on whom devolved the succession to his uncle, Alasdair of Glenstray. 2. Patrick of whom the Laird of Grant had charge. (The Laird of Grant was married to Lilias, a daughter of Tullibardine). 3. Ewin, of whom John Murray of Strowan, his maternal grandfather was answerable. [5] “1604. Feb. 10. Ane (royall) Lre: maid to James Murray fear of Strowane his aires and assignaries of the gift of the eschete of all guidis geir & ; quhilkis pertenit of before to vmqle : Johnne Dow Mcgregour broyer germane to vmqle Alester Mcgregour of Glenstrae the tyme of his deceis. And now pertening to our Soverane Lord - thrw being of the said vmqle, Johnne Dow Mcgregour ordourly denuncit rebell - for not finding cautioun and souirtie of his Mr. and landlordis gif he ony had that war sufficient. And for failzing yairof vyer responsall personis that ha and all sic personis yat ar oblist to ansuer for be ye lawis of yis realme, actis of Parliament, and general Band sould keip his Maj, peax, gude reul and quyetnes And sould not invaid, truble, oppres, nor persew his hienes subjectis in yair persones, landis, &a. - Register of the Privy Seal.” [6] The above simply grants the movable property and lands of Iain dubh to James Murray, fiar of Strowan, a grandson of John Murray of Strowan, and aged just 18 in 1604. This was a device, presumably with the approval of Tullibardine, the superior, to retain the lands for the benefit of John Dow’s widow and sons who continued to reside in Stronvar castle, including Gregor, the 12th of Glenstrae who used the alias John Murray (not Alexander). In 1598 John Dow was referred to as ‘pretendit occupair of the five merkland of Glenbaich and two and a half merkland of Mekill Stronvair’ [7] . As John left three very young children in 1603, he may have married in 1598/99 with the approval of Tullibardine. John was commonly known as Iain dubh, not Iain glas. Dubh means dark but glas means wan or grey, it seems unlikely that the same person is being referred to unless he had aged terribly and Iain dubh was only 33 at the time of Glenfruin and this may be an error by Fergusson. Tullibardine would probably appoint a tacksman to manage the lordship, and if this person married either his or a kindred Murray’s daughter, then it is possible that some part of the lordship might be provided on ‘liferent’ as dowry. It is certainly the case, borne out by repeated references in Amelia [8] , that Tullibardine, as Lord of Balquhidder acted as surety

Tighearna Bhunolla, Cris olla mi chliaheamh Bu chiar dubh fuil a’ choin Am poll-moine na laidh. ‘s tapaidh thug thu’n tionndadh ort, Mhic an Leanndaig oig; Thuit Iain dubh nan Luireach, Mac ur Mhic Ghriogair mhoir.

Lord of Bunolla And a woollen belt about his sword Dark was the black blood of a dog, In a peat hag lying. Quickly you gave a turn Young McLintoch You gave a wound to Black John of the coat of mail The fresh son of MacGregor.


under the General Band for many MacGregors around 1600, including Alasdair of Glenstrae and his brother, John. In 1599 a complaint by the Laird of Menzies cites Johnne Dow McWilliame alias McGregour as a ‘household man’ of the Laird of Tullibardine. This Johnne Dow is not the same person, but Tullibardine does appear elsewhere as a ‘resetter’ of ClanGregor, whom he clearly favoured. [9] In 1601, John dow was being considered a suitable individual to become part of Elizabeth I’s forces in Ireland. Here is a transcript of the letter which includes reference to him: Roger Aston [Gentleman of the King’s Bedchamber] to Henry Lok [poet and sometime agent for Elizabeth I] Nov 7 1601 - “Upon the motion made by Mr Nicolson the King [James VI of Scotland] is most willing to employ what forces her Majesty [Elizabeth 1 of England] shall think convenient for her service in Ireland and only men, but what men she shall make choice of to be best answerable for the discharge of that service. The King is presently advising some of his Council what men are fittest and of best trust to undertake that service… There is another thought very meet, a younger brother of Macgregor [John dow], a very brave and expert man for those services.” From: History of Stirlingshire. [10] “The Lordship of Balquhidder had anciently belonged to the MacGregors; and as appearing from charters, had since 1482 been enjoyed by the Morays of Tullibardine, whose representative, Sir William, obtained a charter of it from James III, which James IV confirmed in 1492. Sir William’s descendant, John, 2nd Marquis of Atholl, was on the 30th June 1703, created Duke of Atholl, and, amongst other titles, Viscount Balquhidder. The Lordship of Balquhidder was lately purchased, from the present Duke, by Sir John MacGregor Murray, Baronet, of Lanrick and Balquhidder, eldest nephew and male heir of Robert MacGregor Murray of Glencarnaig, and son of Evan MacGregor Murray.” William, the 2nd Earl of Tullibardine, married Dorothea Stewart, daughter of the 5th Stewart Earl of Atholl. On the death in 1625 of the last Stewart Earl, William petitioned Charles I for the earldom of Atholl by right of his wife. William died in 1626, so his son John succeeded, in 1629, as the 1st of the Murray Earls of Atholl, while William’s younger brother Patrick became Earl of Tullibardine. The two Earldoms were reunited in 1670 in the hands of John, 2nd Earl of Atholl and 1st Marquis of Tullibardine, thus bringing the Balquhidder lands into the Atholl regality [11] . From the 14th century Balquhidder had been divided between the barony and larger lordship of Balquhidder. The barony included the duthchas (native patrimony) of Clan Labhran [12] and lay north of the river Balvaig along the modern road to part way along Loch Voil. The remainder of the glen comprised the lordship, including Glenbuckie, and was for much of the 15th and 16th centuries crown estate under the stewardship of Tullibardine or, more often, Lord Drummond. In the Great Seal Register is an entry dated January 1482 to Sir William Moray of Tullibardine creating him ‘super officiis Senescallatus, Forestarii et Coronatoris, infra comitatum de Straitherne et dominium de Bouquiddir, cum foedis et proficuis’ [13] Roughly translated he was made the steward, king’s forester and coroner of the crown estate comprising the earldom of Strathearn and lordship of Balquhidder. The first reference to William Stewart of Baldorran in the Great Seal Register is as a witness to a charter to ‘Patricii Maknab de Bovane in baronia de Glendochard’ dated 1486. [14] There are no charters under the great seal to Stewart of Baldorran, ancestor of the Stewarts of Glenbuckie, who acted as baillie of Balquhidder in 1490 [15] but there are exchequer roll grants by the crown. In 1536 [16] and 1542 [17] , Lord Drummond received charters including the same terms ‘senescalli, coronatoris et forestarii de Straitherne, Glenartnay et Balquhiddir’.


In 1547 the lordship of Balquhidder was granted to Lord Methven [18] and in 1564, Queen Mary confirmed ‘Jonete Stewart, domine Methven, sponse Patricii domini Ruthven’ (spouse of Patrick Lord Ruthven) in the lordship of Balquhidder. [19] The 3rd Lord Ruthven died without heirs and the lordship of Balquhidder was resumed as crown estate under the stewardship of Lord Drummond in 1582 [20] . James VI granted the lordship of Balquhidder to Lord Tullibardine in 1587 [21] as security for a loan of 4000 merks to ‘D. Joannes Murray de Tullibardin, miles … terras er dominium de Balquhiddir, … Inverlochlarig, Eister et Westir Drumlycht, Inverchernage, Innereache, Monochoille-moir, Monochoill-dischart, Craigrowie, Leidcreicht, Innerewin, Monochoill-Twarach, Garrathy, Gartnaforrow, Stronslanye, Murlagane, Stronwar, Mekill et Litill Dallinlagane, Leanach, Invernantie, Dalquhappak, Craigintulzie, Craigintore, Ardbeych, Glenbeych, Carnlea, Dalweych, Glenogill, Achra, Innerambill, Asblair, Udenambill, Glenambill, Garsplace-of-Daleambill, Quarteron, Latir, Auchinvavie, Ballivoir, Ballivilling’. [22] A subsequent charter of 1591 to Sir John granted ‘liberum dominium de Balquhidder, ut unica sasina &c, (ut in carta 1325)’ [23] – that is the crown lands of Balquhidder, previously given as loan security were granted in free barony, being alienated from the crown estates. ClanLabhran tenants expanded into the lordship of Balquhidder (as distinct from the barony) as vassals of Tullibardine but paid their feudal dues reluctantly [24] . ClanLabhran had no charter to any of the lands they originally occupied as kindred of the Earls of Strathearn, forfeited in 1344 [25] . Following the forfeiture of the Albany Stewarts in 1424, the lordship of Balquhidder was retained by the crown and in 1446 assigned to Sir Andrew Stewart [26] . ClanLabhran possessions in the barony at the start of the 16th century were Achleskine, Tulloch, Lembar, Lichnascridan, Kirkton, Achtow, Cuilt and Drumness [27] . These lands formed part of the barony of Craigy in 1511, confirmed in a charter of 1541 [28] , and in 1558, Ros of Craigy sold them to Lord Drummond [29] and their ownership remained in the Drummond family until forfeiture in 1746 [30] . Duncan Ladosach raided Balquhidder in 1542, killing 27 MacLarens [31] . In 1558 MacGregors from Glen Dochart again attacked ClanLabhran in Balquhidder and took possession of 18 farms, presumably in the lordship [32] . The chief of ClanLabhran gave his bond of manrent to Glenorchy in 1559 [33] . It is interesting to speculate, as a consequence of the vicious war, beginning in 1550, between ClanGregor and Grey Colin Campbell of Glenorchy whether (a) ClanGregor lineages displaced from their lands elsewhere had no choice but to grab what they could in Balquhidder, or (b), in the light of Glenorchy’s obtaining the manrent of the chief of ClanLabhran, no doubt aiming, as he had achieved by similar tactics elsewhere, at the superiority of the barony of Balquhidder, the whole scheme had been more typical of the pre-1550 co-operative expansion by ClanGregor and ClanCampbell. In 1604 John McCoul Chere (Mac Dubhgall Ciar) and other MacGregors were tried (and acquitted) for the 1558 slaughter [34] . His name indicated that he was a member of the lineage already settled in Glen Gyle and upper Balquhidder. In 1559 Malcolm McCoul Chere in Balquhidder appeared as a witness and also signed his own bond of manrent with Glenorchy [35] . By 1558 Glenorchy appeared to have defeated the most intransigent members of the leaderless ClanGregor and was in the process of drawing many of its members into allegiance to him by bonds of manrent. In summary, so far, a Laird of Tullibardine became steward of the crown lands of the lordship of Balquhidder in 1482. However, William Stewart of Baldorran also acted as crown baillie. In 1536 and 1547 Lord Drummond had stewardship of the lordship. Thereafter the lordship of


Balquhidder was granted to Lord Methven, whose daughter married Patrick, Lord Ruthven and brought Balquhidder as dowry. Lord Drummond purchased the barony, including the duthchas of ClanLabhran, from John Ros in 1558, perhaps as a result of the raid. After Ruthven’s death, the lordship was granted to Tullibardine, becoming his ‘in free barony’ in 1591. There is nothing inconsistent between the description of ‘John Glas’ as proprietor of lands in Balquhidder in the first extract and in Balquhidder having ‘been enjoyed by the Morays of Tullibardine’. Feudal tenure of land was based on the relationship of vassal and superior. A vassal could in turn be the superior of subordinate vassals. Tenants-in-chief held their lands of the crown but could sub-infeudate part or all of their lands to their vassals. Subject to feudal duties and obligations of service to the superior, the possession of the vassal could be heritable and transferable. It can be likened to leasehold in perpetuity, provided the conditions continued to be met, with renewal by the heirs and with a ‘rent’ originally in service rather than money. By the 16th century the medieval system of feudal military service had become obsolete and had been largely commuted into a rental of money or goods under the system known as feu-ferme. Feudal tenure was not inconsistent with the vassal being described as proprietor. If the ‘Lordship of Balquhidder had anciently belonged to the MacGregors’ there is no evidence of the truth of this, how they obtained it and whether they had been in vassalage to any other Lords. It may not be inconsistent with Martin MacGregor’s thesis [36] of ClanGregor expansion into, and occupation of, lands in Perthshire as client kindred of the Glen Orchy Campbell lineage. The Clann Dubhgall Ciar lineage of ClanGregor may have occupied part of the upper reaches of Balquhidder, as well as Glen Gyle at some point in the late 15th or early 16th century. The charter of James III to the Tullibardine family was typical of many in that it awarded the superiority to a favoured family with little or no local following. Such a scenario did not necessarily lead to conflict, unless the superior attempted to dispossess and replace the actual occupiers. It would be more normal to accept the occupiers as tenants or perhaps grant them a charter of the lands that they possessed which expressed their relationship of vassal to superior. Most lords who were granted lands that they did not already possess as head of a kindred were anxious to obtain the personal service of the vassals that they had acquired by charter. In 16th century Scotland it was common to issue bonds of manrent to emphasize the personal nature of service between a Lord and his ‘Man’ as opposed to the strictly land-based feudal tie between superior and vassal. Manrent obligations were often for life, although some were drawn up for specific circumstances or term of years. Manrent, unlike feudal obligations were rarely heritable, unless specified in the bond. Some bonds have survived and are discussed by Jenny Wormald. [37] Although a large number of Glenorchy’s bonds have survived there are none by Tullibardine to confirm any relationship with MacGregors in Balquhidder. The Gaelic practice of giving calp (literally a promise to bequeath one’s best cow to one’s chief, in exchange for support and often, but not always, land for maintenance) had similarities to manrent, in that it was a personal bond of mutual obligations between chief and follower, but calp was based on real or assumed kinship, whereas manrent did not assume kinship, although many bonds of manrent were made between heads of families and their subordinate kin. Grey Colin and Black Duncan of Glenorchy in particular used manrent to establish relationships with unrelated supporters in order to establish support on the ground in their newly acquired possessions. Manrent tended to create military alliances that might be disapproved of, but at least they had the sanction of the legal establishment. Calp was a traditional bond in Gaelic society that the Government tried hard to suppress in the early 17th century. ClanGregor settlers in Balquhidder, in the absence of any one able to remove them, were able to occupy land and reduce any existing population into their service. The ‘slaughter’ of


1558, may have included MacLarens that had settled, perhaps without consent of the feudal superior, in the Lordship, providing further opportunities for MacGregor settlement. It is no more than speculation, but it may be possible that Lords Drummond or Methven used ClanGregor to clear unwelcome settlement by MacLarens from land that ClanLabhran considered their own by right of descent from the Earls of Strathearn. Subsequently, Tullibardine may have favoured ClanGregor for the same reason, with the Castle at Stronvar usefully situated in close proximity to the barony tenanted by ClanLabhran. For ClanGregor, such friends were useful in their struggle with Glenorchy. Marriage links tended to confirm relationships and created actual kinship links in future generations. The marriage between John Dow MacGregor and one of the Murray kindred is quite typical of this pattern. However, a reason suggested for the ferocity of the proscription of ClanGregor after 1603 is the clan’s lack of support in Government. On the contrary this evidence suggests strong kinship links with the Murrays and the children of John Dow appeared to benefit from this, with Gregor taking the alias John Murray, (not Alexander). According to Amelia, Tullibardine assisted Gregor in establishing himself as chief of ClanGregor after the execution of Alasdair in 1604. This Gregor finally resigned Glen Strae to Glenorchy in 1624. The lands that Fergusson claimed to be possessed by John include the whole of the lordship of Balquhidder from Monachyle Tuarach on Loch Doine westwards. Stronvar, Gartnafuaran, Glenbuckie and Immeroin and Muirlaggan on the southern shore of Loch Voil and Glen Buckie. It is possible that John held Glenbeich and Stronvar by charter from Tullibardine, but exercised temporary stewardship, on behalf of Sir John, for the rest. The archivist at Blair Castle was unable to find documentary evidence of this, but admitted that the surviving records for the period are incomplete. Fergusson’s account does demonstrate the fallibility of oral tradition, although the gist is there, many of the details are inaccurate. The commonly accepted view of our clan in 1603 is of a group of broken, landless men or caterans looking backwards to the mythical past and fighting, against all odds, a rapidly modernising Scottish state. That sits uneasily with the marriage of John Dow MacGregor into a senior family of the Murray kindred. Tullibardine fostered Gregor, preserved the lands that his father held for his maintenance, and supported him as Chief of a clan that had been ostensibly abolished by Act of Parliament. Frequent inter-marriages of ClanGregor elite husbands with Campbell brides from the 14th century onwards are known although they do not appear to have brought much fortune in their wake. How many marriages by the elite of ClanGregor, particularly females, into other elite families occurred and to what extent can this explain the reset and protection, such as that in Strath Ardle, that enabled our ancestors to survive proscription? NOTES [1] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p2 [2] Rev. William MacGregor Stirling (Ed), 2nd edition of Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire, republished in Stirling, 1817, page 459 [3] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p308 [4] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p307 [5] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p308 [6] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p312 [7] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p231 [8] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, [9] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p232 [10] Rev. William MacGregor Stirling (Ed), 2nd edition of Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire, republished in Stirling, 1817, page 706 [11] William Anderson, The Scottish Nation … and Biographical History of the People of Scotland, Edinburgh. 1869 [12] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p42


[13] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol II, 1424-1513, Edinburgh, 1984, p322, 1540 [14] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol II, 1424-1513, Edinburgh, 1984, p351, 1668 [15] Elizabeth Beauchamp, The Braes of Balquhidder, Glasgow, 1981, p27 [16] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol III, 1513-1546, Edinburgh, 1984, p348, 1560 [17] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol III, 1513-1546, Edinburgh, 1984, p656, 2825 [18] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p39 [19] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol IV, 1546-1580, Edinburgh, 1984, p364, 1568 [20] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol V, 1580-1593, Edinburgh, 1984, p136, 439 [21] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p51, Tullibardine was a court favourite and was appointed master of the household. The King’s gratitude to him was due to Tullibardine’s participation in the rescue of the King from the Earl of Gowrie. [22] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol V, 1580-1593, Edinburgh, 1984, p455, 1325 [23] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol V, 1580-1593, Edinburgh, 1984, p654, 1939 [24] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p41, When Tullibardine sent a peremptory demand for his feudal dues to be sent by the swiftest messenger available, the MacLarens tied a bag with a few coins in it around the neck of a buck and sent it on its way over the hill. [25] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p38 [26] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p39 [27] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p44 [28] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol III, 1513-1546, Edinburgh, 1984, p560, 2448 [29] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p35 [30] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p44 [31] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p47 [32] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p48, [33] Jenny Wormald, Lords and Men in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1985, p213 [34] AGM MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p117 [35] Jenny Wormald, Lords and Men in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1985, p213 [36] M D MacGregor, A Political History of Clan Gregor before 1571, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989 [37] Jenny Wormald, Lords and Men in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1985


The Political Context of the Battle of Glen Fruin

2003 marked the the 400th Anniversary of Proscription of the MacGregor name. Rather than take an inverted pride that our ancestors were ‘bonnie fechters’ who were, somehow, special and unique, it is important to understand the context in which proscription came about. Martin MacGregor, in his 1989 thesis, concluded that Clan Campbell and Clan Gregor had expanded, together, in alliance, into northern and western Perthshire after the forfeiture of the Dukes of Albany in the early 15th century. Successive Campbells of Glen Orchy in particular had benefited from Clan Gregor military power. To put matters simply, Clan Gregor lineages occupied and exploited lands to which, subsequently, the Campbell chiefs, as their feudal superiors found ways of obtaining legal title. Highland clanship was focused on the control of land and its resources. The chief, as head of his kindred collected and controlled the distribution of surpluses. In a decentralised state real power was in the hands of the territorial lords. The legal nicety of who had the charter in his chest appeared to be of small consequence in the 15th century, but became desperately important later. The six-day entertainment of James IV at Inchcalloun in 1506 demonstrated the real territorial power of the Clan Gregor chief at that time. In 1550 Grey Colin Campbell, Cailean Liath, became chief of the Glen Orchy lineage, and in 1583 he was succeeded by his “clever, scheming unscrupulous and cruel” son, Donnchadh Dubh a’ Churraic, Black Duncan of the Cowl, who ruled until 1631. Their philosophy is captured in the 16th century words of advice in the Black Book of Taymouth “Conques or keip thingis conquest”. An unsubstantiated, traditional account in Amelia, states that MacGregor of Glen Strae lost half of his 700 men in the Scots army at the Battle of Pinkie against the English in 1547. Around the time of Grey Colin’s succession, John of Glen Strae was mysteriously killed of ‘the hurt of an arrow’ in Glen Lyon, leaving the infant brother, Gregor Roy, as chief. Grey Colin moved to subordinate and reduce the client kindreds on his lands of which the most powerful was the weakened Clan Gregor. This led to a vicious regional war which lasted until sometime after Gregor Roy’s execution at Balloch in 1570. The conflict became enmeshed in the wider Civil wars in Scotland that came out of the incompetence of Queen Mary in the mid 1560s, and then the power struggle over the possession of her infant son in 1571. At the end of this period, in a nutshell, Campbell power had been greatly enhanced and Clan Gregor were defeated and leaderless. In the theory of clanship, as a fractured, landless kindred, Clan Gregor should have disappeared, its members finding new lords, chiefs and probably names. An irruption in 1589 led by the young chief, Alasdair of Glen Strae, over the murder of Drummondernoch saw new persecution, enthusiastically led by Black Duncan among others. There was wide-scale reset and protection of Clan Gregor, particularly by Campbell of Calder who had the ear of the King and obtained forgiveness for Alasdair in 1592. However, in 1601, Gillespic Greumach, Archibald the Grim, Earl of Argyll, was awarded full powers of Lieutenancy over the Clan Gregor, ostensibly to bring the Clan to ‘gude rewle and the Kingis pece’. In fact. Argyll as hereditary Justice General had his own feuds to prosecute and in the context of intense royal disapproval of violence it was far too dangerous for him, a member of the Privy Council, to be implicated in feuding. He had been disciplined by the King for quarrelling with the Duke of Lennox and along with personal animosity


he looked with jealous eyes on the rich Lennox lands, including those of Lennox’s vassal Colquhoun of Luss. He also had ambitions towards the lands of Clann Iain Mhòr (Clan Donald South). His manipulation of his lieutenancy over Clan Gregor was aimed at both these prizes. Several MacGregor-led ‘herships’ of the Lennox brought much booty that was surreptitiously reset among Campbell lairds while at the same time damaging the revenues of the Duke. Colquhoun’s attempted armed retaliation, with his purchased royal license led to the battle of Glen Fruin which will be looked at in more detail in later Newsletters. King James, on the point of departure for his long-awaited Crown of England ordered Argyll to make a most exemplary punishment of the ‘rebellious tribe of lymmars’, for which, in 1607, he was rewarded with title to the forfeited lands of Kintyre. What of the wider Scottish context? Professor Keith Brown has kindly given me permission to quote from his book Bloodfeud in Scotland 1573-1625, published by John Donald in 1986. Brown identified 365 bloodfeuds in Scotland during the reign of James VI, only 16% of which were distinctly Highland. His book examines the actions taken, particularly in the 1590s to tackle the problem. Since the death of James V in 1542 until James began his personal rule in 1587, Scotland had a succession of minorities, regencies and incompetent rule. The Scottish state had always been decentralised, relying on local lordship. The art of kingship was in managing the lords. Despite a completely feudal land system, lordship operated in a kin-based society. In the late 16th century, even in the environs of Edinburgh, bonds of kinship and allegiance to lords were of vital importance. Honour and pride ranked high and, when slighted, this easily led to feud. James VI turned feuding Lowland and Border lords into a noblesse d’epee to serve the state, but in the Highlands, while the Campbells, Gordons and Mackenzies understood and benefited hugely from the new order, language and religious divisions as much as the machinations of the kindreds perpetuated a feuding society. It is fascinating to read of the concern for private rights, the dangers of concealed weapons, and the rights of the ordinary citizen to legal protection from the powerful. It is also noteworthy how the process augmented the power of lawyers and, in a particular parallel to Clan Gregor troubles at the hands of the Campbells, how the MacKenzie chief exploited the law in Edinburgh in his acquisition of the land of the Glen Garry MacDonalds. >Sixteenth century governments were not interventionist in the manner of modern governments, and even in more centralised states than Scotland the greater part of governing was a local concern. Law itself was rarely innovative, and the interests of men like Skene and Balfour in editing old laws reflected ‘a continual turning back' in search of an authority derived from antiquity. Yet earlier in the Middle Ages attempts had been made to limit the effects of the bloodfeud, and those concerned about it could not simply wait for it to disappear. There was no inevitable decline of the bloodfeud in early modern society. Throughout the 1590s much of the debate on law and order within Scotland had concerned the question of how the Crown could satisfy those critics who were urging the King to enforce civil peace, and at the same time avoid alarming a very widespread community of interests which believed that the state's freedom to act was limited by private rights, privileges and traditions. The legislation of the Jacobean period responded to that problem with a programme - a term which is only meaningful in the unconscious sense - which did innovate, and did increase the degree to which the Crown interfered in private rights, but its philosophy was a conservative one, and in practice it made compromises in order to get the job


done. Social peace, not state building, inspired it. The framework on which a more effective means of ending feuds was built already existed in private arbitration. When in 1578 the politically sensitive Gordon-Forbes feud was brought to the attention of parliament, it was agreed to appoint a commission of eight arbitrators to negotiate the issues between the two families. Private arbitration remained the basic principle upon which peace was founded, but the Crown was granted the authority to pressurise men into negotiations, and the authority to persuade them to compromise before their right to private arbitration was superseded by the Crown's responsibility to maintain the peace, that is by imposing a settlement. It was this ad hoc arrangement, approved by noble-dominated parliaments during the royal minority, which was later to form the basis of more comprehensive legislation. In 1582 the Lennox-Arran Privy Council made a serious attempt to tackle the law and order issue. Justiciary courts were to be held throughout the Kingdom, and attention was drawn to feuding in the west of Scotland, where Lennox and Arran had most of their own lands. Widespread disorder was blamed on ‘sindre deidlie feidis, grudgeis and displeasures standing betuix sindre gret personis, thair freindis and partakers, throw bloodsheid and uther inconvenientis happinit amangis thame'. The participants in eight separate feuds were, therefore, ordered to assure one another before a certain date. This initiative was sunk by the Ruthven Raid a few weeks later, but at a convention in February 1583 the new regime persuaded a large number of the nobility to “assure eache one others, to be unhurt, unharmed, molested, persued, or in anie wise invaded, ather for old feed or new, otherwise than by ordinar course of law and justice; nather saIl we, nor anie that we may lett, make provocatioun of trouble, displeasure, or tumult, in word, deid or countenance ...” It was agreed that within forty days they would submit their feuds to the King who, with the advice of the Privy Council, would appoint arbitrators for them. Once again nothing came of this measure, and its aims may have been more political than social, but it did contain a voluntary surrender to the Crown of the right to arbitrate. Throughout the 1580s feuding increased, and the King's naively idealistic attempt in 1587 to reverse this trend was a complete failure. A discussion within the government in the spring of that year did raise the possibility of enforcing a royal decreet ‘gif parteis having discension not eslie to be reconcelit will not subject thame selfis and kynnisfolk commandit to obey the chargeis of tua newtrall persones', but this was far too extreme. What did emerge was a grand banquet of the nobility at which they renounced their feuds in a spirit of goodwill, festivity and drunkenness: ‘Upon the xv day of Mai, the King maid the banchet to all his nobiletie, at ewin in Halyroudhouse, quhair the King maid thame, efter drinking of many scolis ane to ane uther, and made thame efter supper, quho utherwayis had beine at great fead, tak twa and twa be handis, and pas from Halyroudhouse to the merket croce of Edinburgh, quhair the provost and baillies had prepaired ane table and desert for his Majestie, at the quhilk theare was great mirthe and joy, with sik ane great number of pepill as the lyke had not beine seine befoir.’ The sentiments were the right ones for celebrating peace, but they had not been preceded by the hard bargaining to give them more than a superficial meaning. Two months later, in July, parliament passed an ‘Act for Universal Concord Among the King's Lieges' which was equally lacking in substance. Until the political environment was more stable, there was really nothing that could he done and it was a despairing Privy Council which wrote in 1591 of the ‘multitude of deidlie feidis' in which men ‘tak their privat revenge and advantage of


utheris, disdaining to seik remeid be the ordinair forme of law and justice, without fear God or reverance of his authoritie'. By 1595, with both Bothwell and Huntly defeated, the King was more confident of his authority, and more realistic than he had been in 1587. A convention of the nobility meeting in November recognised the unacceptable level feuding had reached, and allowed the King to mediate the more important ones, and to imprison those who refused to cooperate Lesser feuds were to be settled by sheriffs working alongside local barons and presbyteries. This act was essentially an emergency measure, being ‘provided upon the resisting of foreign enemies’, and as such it had limited implications. The Privy Council did summon the principals of seven feuds to assure one another and submit to arbitration, but the order was largely ignored, except for the signing of a few assurances. In May 1598 it was observed that ‘almost all feuds in Scotland are renewed so dangerously as this country was not under such appearance of trouble these 20 years'. So bad had the situation become, and so frustrated were royal officials with the King’s erratic attention to the problem, that some were said to have threatened to resign. In response to this the nobility were informed that feuding would be discussed at a convention of the estates planned for June, and the King plunged himself into a bout of work in preparation for it. The convention met on 29 June 1598 in Holyroodhouse, the King having to mediate between some noblemen who threatened to obstruct the legislation in order to protect their particular interests. Bureaucracy and lordship were fused in kingship, while noblemen were faced with reconciling their private loyalties with their public responsibilities. The ‘Act Anent Removing and Extinguishing of Deidlie Feuds’ decreed that parties presently at feud were to be charged to submit to arbitration. The arbitrators would be named by the parties and had thirty days in which to reach agreement, or they could elect one of their number as oversman, granting to him the power to draw up a binding settlement. If neither a compromise nor an oversman could be agreed on, the committee had to set out in writing their points of disagreement which were to be submitted to the King who at this point became oversman himself. If the arbitrators failed to make this submission to the King, abandoned the proceedings, or allowed them to drag on beyond the time permitted, they were each to be fined £1,000. Once the business was in the King’s hands he, or Privy Councillors or judges appointed by him, would deliver a decreet arbitral against which there was no appeal, and which would be registered by the Crown with the status of an act of the Privy Council. The act was thus very conservative in substance, adopting long established forms and principles. The only difference it made was in insisting on a mandatory submission of the feud to arbitration, and in allowing that process a finite period in which to work before the Crown imposed a solution of its own. Feud was divided into three categories by the act: where there had been slaughter, where there had been slaughter on both sides, and where there had been slaughter on only one side. In the first case the act was to be implemented in full in the hope that it could prevent an escalation. In the second where private revenge had already introduced the blood-justice of the feud, private assythment was to be agreed by both parties rather than each prosecuting the other in court. In effect this meant that the great majority of existing feuds were being left in private hands. Only where a killing had taken place on one side, and vengeance had not yet taken its course, did


the Crown reserve to itself the right to intervene, as ‘... the pairtie grevit can not refuis in resoun to submit in maner foirsaid all querell he can beir to ony persoun Innocent. Justice being maid patent to him aganis the giltie.’ In this case justice was to be provided by the law, not by kindreds or lords. When punishment was meted out, the quarrel was to cease. The King’s right to pursue in his own action was reserved should the offended party decide not to pursue, and where a private settlement was reached it could be set aside should new evidence appear. Emphasis was laid on the offended party not seeking revenge from innocent kinsmen, and on kinsmen not protecting the guilty in an effort to make slaughter a crime isolated from the responsibilities of the kindred to either the victim or the criminal. While there was, therefore, some increase in the importance of the third party, the Crown, in dealing with cases of slaughter, the main emphasis of the act was still on private arbitration and privately initiated prosecutions. The act had some success between 1598 and 1603. The prospects of a share in the rich inheritance of James’s English throne for those favoured by the King, resulted in many of the more significant noble feuds being either settled or assured by 1603. Without serious noble opposition the King felt more confident of extending royal powers over the settlement process. Yet it was only the offensive aspects of kin responsibilities which were being attacked, not those which contributed to keeping the peace. Essentially the King was fulfilling his responsibilities as a peacemaker, a traditional role, in a society which had recognised the need to allow him greater powers in order to achieve a level of peace demanded by a higher degree of expectancy, and had been shaken by the long years of violence and instability it had had to endure. This conservatism is even more apparent in the enforcement of the feud legislation. After 1598 the Privy Council did make a more systematic attempt to deal with feuding, and the instances of assurances being renewed suggest that records were being kept of the progress of the peacemaking. That feuding was driven from Lowland Scotland by the end of the King’s reign was not simply due to the acts of 1598 and 1604, but to a whole range of legislation associated with creating a more peaceful society. The Crown’s growing ability to ensure that settlements were made and kept was what gave the arbitrated peace a permanence which had formerly been impossible. In a kingdom like Scotland where the Crown could not afford to pay for a standing army, it was necessary to have an armed population. Arms were also a symbol of status, symbolising the authority and honour of the wearer. It was expected therefore, that men would own and wear arms appropriate to their status, and that they would be able to play their part in the kingdom’s defence. In spite of the survival of a military ethos, however, the high cost of arms caused quite a degree of resistance to meeting the minimum requirements made by the Crown on individuals. Wappinschaws were held throughout the country in order that sheriffs could inspect the level or armed preparedness in their localities, but these were unpopular. In 1574 the Privy Council noted that many men were turning up with weapons borrowed from neighbours, and they were given eight months in which to satisfactorily equip themselves. Ten years later little had changed and in 1596 in the midst of the King’s preparations for resisting Spanish invasions and enforcing his claim to the English Crown, attendance was still low. A ‘sluggishness and cairlessness’ was in evidence, caused by ‘the not exercise of armour this lang tyme begune’. In 1599 the wappinschaws were simply abandoned through lack of public interest.


This slackness in attitudes to weaponry is worth remembering when discussing what was, in spite of it, an armed society. Yet the Crown’s concern that men should the requisite weaponry was matched by a desire to see those weapons used in a controlled manner. Above all there were worries about the dangers of handguns, a favourite weapon of those engaged in feuds. Gun control, the King wrote in Basilikon Doron, was one means of securing the abolition of feuds. As early as 1567 draconian legislation had been passed by the first parliament of the reign, making amputation of the right hand the punishment for firing, or even wearing a pistol without authorisation. In 1574 parliament decided that such severity was counter-productive because no-one would enforce the act, and punishment was reserved for those who actually shot at someone, whether they hit them or not. Death was decreed for those who killed with a gun, and fines were to be imposed on those who wore firearms without a licence. However, the law continued to be widely ignored in spite of repeated proclamations from the Privy Council. In 1579 parliament further criticised the harshness of the punishments, and allowed magistrates greater discretionary powers of enforcement, a measure which did result in a few prosecutions. The worst offenders continued to be many of those noblemen who sat in parliament making these laws, and who were expected to see them implemented. Twelve years passed before in 1591 the Privy Council granted powers to any liege to make a form of citizen’s arrest of any person he saw wearing, bearing, or firing guns without a licence. This was a typical Scottish solution, pushing the issue back into private hands, but it was equally ineffective, and was highly likely to cause violent quarrels if anyone did try to enforce it. Two years later the Privy Council complained that ‘wicked men, holden in deidlie feid and malice, for their privat revenge, sall, be shuitting of hagbutis or pistollettis, touking outragious countenance or reprochefull speichis, do quhat lyis in thame to entir noblemen or gentlemen in blude...’ In 1595, the same year in which an attempt was made to restrain feuding itself, the Privy Council abandoned the thinking of the previous twenty years, and in effect revived the 1567 act. Dismemberment returned as the universal punishment for all firearms offences in conjunction with fines, imprisonment, and the confiscation of the weapons. This, explained the council, was because ‘the murthour committit in Scotland was sa far owt of all measure and mearcie, be the treasonable use of pistols and small gunnis’. Condemnation of the gun as an instrument of ‘revenge of particular quarrellis and privat grudgeis’ in 1596 was followed by a declaration that the Crown intended to abolish handguns altogether. A minimum size of pistol was established, and craftsmen who broke the law were to be executed. While this did give the Privy Council a more vulnerable type of offender on whom they could vent their wrath, further proclamations suggest that this law was no more paid attention to than previous ones. If enforcement of gun control in England, which began in 1514, created policing problems, Scotland was likely to prove even more difficult. Coercion was one solution, and in 1597 two men who came into the King’s will during their trial were banished for life simply for wearing guns without licences. In that same year Perth burgh magistrates were summoned to ‘byde tryal’ when David Edmonstone of the Wowmet was shot dead within their jurisdiction. Most of this reflected a policy which chose to make a few strategic examples rather than attempting to vigorously enforce the law. Occasionally its full rigours were applied, as when George Porteous had his


hand cut off before being beheaded for shooting Adam Bothwell dead the day before. Yet there were few such cases, and the government’s intention was clearly to persuade the majority of men to leave their guns at home by a discretionary use of its powers. Controlling the market seemed an obvious solution, and the 1596 act was followed two years later by another from the Privy Council which limited gun size to ‘an elne in the rotch’ as a minimum size, while also outlawing certain types of handguns. Yet as long as there was a demand such guns would continue to be produced or imported. In 1600, as an accompaniment to the ratification of the ‘Act Anent Feuds’, parliament criticised the circumvention of the law and authorised the lord advocate and the treasurer to co-ordinate prosecutions. All existing gun licences were cancelled, and new ones were only to be issued by the King and the Privy Council. This allowed the Crown a greater degree of flexibility as the Privy Council was less easily entangled by clever lawyers than the Court of Justiciary, but there was attraction in the revenue-raising potential of the act, such as the Master of Ogilvy paying a £5,000 fine to avoid criminal prosecution for his use of firearms. This 1600 act remained the basis of all future efforts to control firearms. In 1603 sheriffs were threatened with the pains of the law themselves if they failed to uphold it in their localities. Assizes could still refuse to convict if they thought the punishment too extreme, but dismemberment was occasionally enforced ‘to the terrour of all utheris to offend in the lyke soirt’. In the Highlands gun control was much later in becoming a reality, but the large scale shoot-outs and the casual use of guns were eradicated from most of the rest of Scotland during the first decade of the seventeenth century. That was the same period when the greatest advances were made against feuding, and the connection between the two, which was made by contemporaries, appears to have been a justifiable one. Whether the decline of feuding made men more willing to go out without their guns, or whether the successful enforcement of gun control reduced the level of violence cannot really be ascertained. If guns were a recent problem, private combats, or duels, had a long history of dubious legitimacy in the eyes of medieval Kings. In 1580 the Privy Council pointed out that private combats were only lawful when ‘na uther triall is to be had’, and that the sending of ‘ony infamous libellis or utheris, or to appoint or keip trystis for the combat’ was a criminl offence. This noble-dominated council had little thought of securing a monopoly of violence for the state, and they were simply worried about the potential impact this form of continental violence might have. Twenty years later, in April 1600, the Privy Council were scathing about those who saw an excuse for duelling ‘upoun everie licht occassioun, quhairupoun mony deidlie feidis and uther inconvenientis hes oft fallin oute’. Shortly before this the King had signalled his intention to get tough on this issue when he pressed for the execution of an Edinburgh burgess who had killed a fellow burgess in a private combat, although it was not until November that parliament made death the penalty for unlicensed duelling itself. For the governing elite itself prevention rather than punishment was the only acceptable cure, and in 1602 the Earl of Argyll and the Duke of Lennox were committed to their chambers for challenging one another. In contrast tuilyies (fights) broke out spontaneously, and were particularly associated with places where men congregated in numbers. When parliament met it was common for the Privy Council to order that no-one ‘tak upoun hand to invaid molest


or persew utheris, or gif provocatioun or displeasour be word, deid or countenance, owther for auld feid or new’. In 1597 all inhabitants of burghs were ordered to assist their magistrates in ‘redding and stoppin all tuilyeis’ since so many offenders were escaping. In 1600 the ‘frequent tuilyeis’ of Edinburgh and the Canongate were still allowing men to ‘revenge thair particular querrelis’, and all arms were banned within a mile of wherever the King happened to be. Kings in Scotland had been trying to restrict the size of noble retinues and convocations since the fifteenth century. To a degree this reflected their own insecurity in the face of such visible power, but these large followings were also the cause of friction as rival groups met, or were the means by which existing quarrels were pursued. In 1579 and 1581 insecure minority governments tried to limit the size of retinues. In 1583 retinues were limited to sixteen for an earl, eight for a lord and six for a baron or knight, and in 1590 these were further reduced to twelve, eight and five respectively, with the additional condition that they be unarmed. This act was extremely unpopular, and unrealistic, and a year later the numbers were increased to twenty-four for an earl, sixteen for a lord, and ten for a baron or knight. It was again decreed that they should be unarmed, that licences should be sought before entering Edinburgh, and that lords would be held responsible for any crimes committed by those in their retinues. This too appears to have been widely disregarded. Convocations, usually associated with lords levying their forces within their localities, were a threat to local peace, and could be raised in preparation for wider political employment. In 1587 the Privy Council attacked those who raised mercenary companies, ostensibly for service abroad, but in fact ‘to assist some subjects of this realme in thair particulair querrelis aganis utheris, to the raising and intertenying of civile seditioun, insurrectioun and uproare within the cuntrey’. In spite of this both Lord Maxwell and the Earl of Huntly are known to have maintained bands of paid soldiers, and Chancellor Maitland was said to ‘keep a great train to save his life from his enemies’. More commonly lords used dependants and servants in local disputes, ‘chieflie for leding of the teinds this present seasoun of the yeir quhairupoun hes followit and dalie is liklie to follow sindry deidlie feidis and utheris greit inconvenientis’. This habit, however, was a long time in dying, and the act of 1590 was repeated in 1591 and 1595, while in 1610 the King was still reminding his councillors of ‘how odious these convocationis be unto us, as savoreing of that auld barbaritie which wes the roote of all deidlie feidis’. Yet resistance to such limitations on the status of great men, some of whom were themselves councillors, proved deep-rooted. In 1610 the King wrote to the Privy Council complaining that ‘it wald seame rather that thair apperance war not so muche ether for obedience or cleiring thameselvis’ as ‘to imprent in thair waik hairtit adversarie some feir of thair parteis grite freindship and upoun terrour to enforce him to relinquische his just persute’. He advised them to make more use of the 1579 act’s postponing technique as the best discouragement of the practice since long stays in Edinburgh for lords and their followers would prove very costly. As with gun control, there was an interdependence between feuding and convocations or retinues since the practical need for them declined along with feuding, just as feuds were less likely to be stimulated as large bands of armed men became a rare occurrence.


Those bonds which existed between lord and man were encouraged where the relationship could be seen to be a stabilising influence in society. In 1585 bonding among noblemen had been discouraged for narrow political reasons, but the general band, under which lords recognised their responsibility for those men who lived on their lands, was popular with the Crown. However, it had its critics, like Forbes of Tolquhane, who objected to being lumped together with the rest of his surname, and having to answer for broken men who, through no fault of his, were living within his bounds. It was, he said, peaceful men like himself who ended up paying fines for the crimes of these outlaws, and he poured scorn on this ‘maist pernicious and dangerous practique’. The general band was rarely used outside the Highland zone, and one Lennox landowner complained that he should not have to observe it since none of his men ‘speik with the Irishe tung, but onlie sic landed pecable men as speikis onlie Scottis language’. It was an unpopular measure, but the fact that it reinforced local obligations and authority was in its favour, and the general band enjoyed a modest degree of success. In all these measures lords were being asked to alter their behaviour and habits, but the Crown was also in need of some reform if it was to be more effective in enforcing the peace. One old thorn was that of respites and remissions. In 1584 the Arran government passed an act against the granting of respites or remissions for capital offences for three years since the practice was thought to encourage slaughters. Those already held were nullified unless a letter of slains could also be produced. As usual good intent was insufficient, and those with a hand in dispensing court patronage continued to exploit the mercy market. Acts of 1585 and 1587 passed equally unnoticed. The difficulties this created in a feuding society were obvious. In 1591 Hay of Gourdie, whose son had been killed by a man who had since obtained a seven-year respite, reminded the Privy Council of the dangers involved in continuing with the practice. Not only was it unlawful, but gif thay salbe frustrat of justice undir pretens of the said pretendit respett purchest of his Majestie privatlie, and be suppressing of the treuth aganis a publict law, and his Majestie solempne vow and promeis, it sail discourage all men to seik redres be way of justice heirefter, bot rather to seik thair privat revenge at thair maist advantage, quhen thai sall find it mekle mair easie to gett ane respett nor to summond and mak voyage to Edinburgh. Within two months of receiving this complaint the Privy Council responded with a new act in which all those who held respites or remissions would be called to account and must give caution, but that their lives would be guaranteed by the Crown. Having given caution, they would then be obliged to ‘mak assythment and satisfaction to the saidis kin and freindis’ under the council’s supervision. The Privy Council would also determine whether the King had an interest in the case, and would impose a fine where appropriate. Thus the irregularly obtained respites and remissions were to be recognised, and justice would be done, not through the courts, but by the kindreds. This act, which was repeated in 1593, was specifically allied to the problem of the feuds, and it too reflected the government’s conservative instincts in placing the emphasis on reconciliation rather than punishment. For those men who were subject to criminal prosecution, and who tried to evade it, horning remained the Crown’s principal weapon. In 1573 that the Privy Council ordered sheriffs to co-operate more with the treasurer by publishing lists of horned men within their jurisdictions. Six years later parliament again complained that scant regard was paid to letters of horning, and further efforts were made to oil the


bureaucratic wheels by increasing the supervisory powers of Crown officers over local officials. Of course, the underlying defect in such legislation was that the public interest which those men who sat in parliament recognised quickly suffered when it clashed with their private interests. However, the ‘double think’ persisted, and in 1584 an ‘Act Anent Slaughter and Troubling Made by Parties in Persute and Defence of Their Actions’ revived legislation of l555. This was concerned with the more fundamental question of whether private persons could kill outlaws without themselves breaking the criminal law. Traditionally outlawry had very often meant that the outlaw was fair game for other men, but most early modern states were aware of the dangers inherent in this. By the 1584 act an outlaw who wounded or slew his pursuer could be further pursued by the victim or his kindred by an irreducible act of horning. However, if the outlaw was slain, his heir and kinsmen were to be absolved of any responsibility for the original crime, and the affair was never to be raised again. Outlaws could, therefore, be slain, whether they were guilty of the original charge or not, but only by the party which was pursuing them. This act was given a trial period of seven years, lapsed between 1591 and 1594, and was then given perpetual status in l594. In 1586 the Privy Council attempted to clarify the distribution of the profits arising from hornings. They decreed that all of a rebel’s property and goods were to be seized, while the rebels were to be warded and stripped of any offices they held. A year later it was decided that all escheats were to fall to the Crown, not to private persons as had been happening, and later in 1588 a loophole was closed by which rebels made over their property to kinsmen to avoid its confiscation. Acts in 1588, 1590, 1591 and 1593 all tried to improve on the administration of horning, but the most effective measure arose from the 1592 ‘Act for Punishment of Resettars of Traitors and Rebells’ which made those who protected rebels liable to the same punishment as the rebels themselves, thus denying outlaws the protection which had so often made their condition tolerable. In 1595 the Privy Council ordered that a list of resetters be compiled, and in the same year sheriffs and their deputies were again asked to compile lists of horned men so that the Crown could keep a central register. Parliament added two more acts in 1597 and 1600 which made minor improvements to the working of the law, and in 1598 and 1601 the Privy Council were heavily critical of sheriffs and stewards for their laxity in enforcement. Revenue was probably as important as law and order in giving impetus to such legislation, and the role of the treasurer in its enforcement was crucial. Yet while all this did make outlawry a more meaningful condition, and rebels were more likely to be brought to justice, horning was still a less than clear process. Preventive measures were just as important in keeping the peace, and lawburrows, or caution, was intended to anticipate violence between parties by binding one or both to observe the peace. In 1579 parliament divided the pains of Lawburrows between the offended party and the Crown in an attempt to recoup something out of the system by putting the onus of enforcement in private hands. This idea had been suggested ten years earlier, at the 1567 parliament, but had not been enacted. In 1581 the scope of the law was widened to include on the principal, his kindred, tenants or servants. Over the next decade there was a substantial growth in the use of cautions, and in 1593 parliament increased the minimum amount of surety since what was being currently asked for was so small as to be meaningless. A year later money was also the issue when attention was drawn to the number of people who were coming to private agreements with their pursuers, and were thus defrauding the


Crown of its share of the pains. The clerk register was therefore asked to hand in a monthly list of cautions to the treasurer and advocate to allow them to oversee enforcement. In 1597 further tightening of the financial aspects of the law took place. For the Crown the lack of local means of enforcement was a frustration. Some independence from the network of private policing and courts was achieved with the creation of a royal guard. This was formally done by parliament in 1584, but before 1603 the major function of the guard was to provide the King with some security. The Crown did have at its disposal a body of royal officers whose job it was to deliver royal letters, such as letters of horning, in localities and efforts were made towards raising the standards of these officers, and in 1592 parliament passed an act against deforcement, thus enhancing the dignity of their office. It was much less easy to do anything about the higher officials responsible for enforcing the criminal law. In 1567 parliament had expressed concern at the wisdom of granting more heritable offices, especially judicial ones, but the practice was too tied up with the spoils of political life for anything to be done about it. As the King himself had recognised, without attacking the fundamental heretability of the offices nothing could be really achieved and the Privy Council could only protest from the sidelines. In the central criminal court the justice generalship was also hereditary, but the evolution of the lord advocate’s office had a substantial impact upon the Crown’s role in criminal law. As early as 1579 the Privy Council had instructed the lord advocate and the treasurer to pursue ‘all slauchters, convocations and utheris odious crymes’ even when private parties declined to do. In that same year parliament recognised the advocate’s discretionary powers in deciding whether private pursuits were groundless or worthy, in 1582 deputes were first appointed, and in 1587 the privacy of criminal prosecution was further eroded by parliament empowering the advocate and treasurer to ‘persew slaughter and utheris crimes although the parties be silent or wald utherwayis privilie agree’. This did not result in an immediate changeover from party prosecution to the dominance of the third party, but it did represent a shift in legal thinking which allowed the Crown greater freedom to manoeuvre, and it had far-reaching implications for the future which may not have been anticipated at the time. It would, however, be a mistake to see this as part of an intense centralising process. In 1587 parliament revived the sitting of justice ayres in localities in order to take justice out of Edinburgh where it was both costly and protracted. This response to demands for the local exercise of royal justice was not backed with the funding necessary to make it work, and the justice ayres were greatly circumscribed by the rights of local courts. However, the level of local peace secured before 1609 suggests that in fact the hereditary courts and the leaders of local society did a far better job in co-operating with the Crown in establishing peace than Crown propaganda has led one to believe. The transformation from a society which resolved its disputes in private bloodfeuds and agreements to one which had them decided by the pleading of lawyers before judges of the Crown was not a sudden one, and it was one which had only begun during the Jacobean period. Feuding may have been under control by 1625, but it was only temporarily contained in the Highlands, and the principles of private justice continued to be recognised in the courts into the 1640s. Councillors might argue that ‘the doing and ministring of justice is the speciall grund quhairupoun his Hienes croun standis and dependis’, but that justice was still equated with peace, not with an


objective and punitive law enforced by royal judges. Resistance to making use of the courts continued to be inspired by the same disincentives of cost and time as before, and these may even have become more of an obstacle as fees and legal complexities both grew. Yet in spite of that the Earl Marischal had a point when he wrote to the earl of Errol asking him if they could settle their differences ‘nocht be the law or truble quhilk is the cummour custome of the cuntrie in maiteris of less wecht’. For Marischal, ‘truble’ - the feud - was as unacceptable as going to law, but as far as he could see, men were willing to do both for the slightest of reasons. Sir Robert Gordon suggested that litigation was gradually replacing feuding when he related how two Highland clans had had their feud pacified by mediation, and ‘have continued in peace and quietnes, without oppin hostilitie; bot they have had actions of law the one against the other’. The effectiveness of this newly sharpened weapon was demonstrated by Mackenzie of Kintail who after years of fighting with the Glen Garry MacDonnells finally achieved the territorial expansion he had coveted by exploiting his Edinburgh connections and his own knowledge of the law: ‘Thus doe the tryb of Clanheinzie become greit in these pairts, still incroaching upon thir nighbours, who are unacquented with the lawes of thir kingdome’. The successful attack on private violence and the confinement of feuding to the less governable parts of the Highlands was one of the major achievements of Jacobean government. Yet it would be wrong to place it wholly within the context of government. Certainly the Crown was responsible for the practical business of making and enforcing laws which curbed violence and reduced the likelihood of feuding in the future. It also benefited in that violence moved closer to being a state monopoly, and power was enhanced at the centre at the expense of the localities. It would, however, be an over-simplification to see the decline of feuding as only the obverse side of state building, as a victim of early absolutism. The achievement was made by the elite of Scottish society setting themselves against private violence. The ministers of the church, the nobility, the King and the royal officials were all involved, drawing on a synthesis of ideas in which the emphasis may have varied, but which led to the same conclusion that violent feuding had to go. The Crown was left more powerful than ever before because that was the price men were prepared to pay for greater peace. As a by-product of that the lawyers were able to grow in status as more and more business was brought to the courts. The church was able to increase its authority, although in some respects the removal of feuding was an effect of the church’s already enhanced influence in society. By helping create a more peaceful society in which the sinfulness of crime was becoming more widely recognised, the church could point to the greater godliness of that society as a sign of Scotland’s elect status. Finally, Scotland moved closer to being a civil society, thus fulfilling a long and often frustrated tradition of humanist aspirations. Yet pragmatism rather than principles shaped the direction of the campaign, and government put its efforts into making and keeping the peace rather than punishing criminals or sinners. Such an approach was realistic but also derived from the intrinsic conservatism of the personnel of government. James VI and his servants were prepared to make a number of innovations, but those were modest, and stopped well short of any revolution in government. The King himself essentially saw his role as a peacekeeper in medieval terms, and there is little evidence of radical thinking among his councillors. Even if there had been, the nobility would never have permitted laws to be passed or enforced which were an explicit threat to their power.


The road to the elimination of private violence had therefore to respect a great array of other entrenched rights and privileges, such as hereditary franchise courts, which often stood in the way of more dramatic change. Peace was achieved, and if much of the bloodfeud’s own principles were taken over by the law, and much of the socio-political framework within which feuds operated remained intact, so much the better. The long-term effects of the disappearance of feuding may have been more complex and more far-reaching than was intended, but in the short term Scottish society simply became less violent. Whether it actually became more just is less easily answered. Private justice continued to operate for some time, but was gradually eroded by the attraction of waging war in the courts, and by the growing belief that justice did not deal in compromises, only in right and wrong. Certainly more people turned to the law for justice, but whether the quality of that justice was any better than that hammered out between kindreds and lords in the bloodfeud is debatable.


The Battle of Glen Fruin - Cath Ghlinn Freoin In 2003 the Clan Gregor Society held an International Gathering to commemorate the quatercentenary of the battle on 7th February 1603. The actual ceremony took place at the cairn by the roadside above Auchengaich farm. Certain events on that day definitely took place nearby but the fighting began some miles further north. The evidence for this is contained in a traditional Gaelic account of the battle collected in the mid 19 th century by John Dewar from Robert Scott, a cobbler in Glen Orchy. The translation used was published by Michael Newton in Bho Chluaidh gu Calasraid – From the Clyde to Callander, Stornoway, 1999, ISBN 0-86152-265-6. This book was reviewed and strongly recommended in the Clan Gregor Society Newsletter 50. First of all it is necessary to recapitulate the political situation leading up to 1603. Gillespic Greumach, Archibald the Grim, Earl of Argyll had been awarded full powers of Lieutenancy over the Clan Gregor, ostensibly to bring the Clan to ‘gude rewle and the Kingis pece’. In fact. Argyll as hereditary Justice General had his own feuds to prosecute and in the context of intense royal disapproval of violence it was far too dangerous for him, a member of the Privy Council, to be implicated in feuding. He had been disciplined by the King for quarrelling with the Duke of Lennox and along with personal animosity he looked with jealous eyes on the rich Lennox lands, including those of Lennox’s vassal Colquhoun of Luss. He also had ambitions towards the lands of Clann Iain Mhòr (Clan Donald South). His manipulation of his lieutenancy over Clan Gregor was aimed at both these prizes. Several MacGregor-led ‘herschips’ of the Lennox brought much booty that was surreptitiously reset among Campbell lairds while at the same time damaging the revenues of the Duke. During the winter of 1602/3 two MacGregor merchants, described as little older than boys, passed through the Luss lands on their way home with goods that they had purchased in Dumbarton. Night was falling and the weather was bad. The local people denied them shelter, food and even ferry passage over Loch Lomond to Craig Throstain where there were MacGregor farms. Cold, tired and hungry they took shelter in a goat-hut, they made a fire of some bits of wood and killed a sheep for food. Before break of day a band of Luss tenants arrested them and took them to Sir Humphrey Colquhoun for trial. Colquhoun sentenced the two boys to hang. Hearing of this MacGregor of Glengyle crossed the loch with his men. On the first attempt at hanging the boys the rope broke. Glengyle protested that this, traditionally, was a sign that the law had been satisfied and they should be set free. However, Colquhoun ordered a new rope and proceeded with the executions. Their heads were removed and set on stakes beside the gates of Rossdhu house. Glengyle informed Alasdair ruadh of Glenstrae, the clan chief, of these events. Alasdair in turn, in conformance with the King’s instructions went to the Earl of Argyll. Argyll counselled conciliation whereby Colquhoun should be pressurised into giving compensation to the boys’ mother, but conflict should be avoided. It was therefore agreed between the two sides that Alasdair ruadh MacGregor of Glenstrae and Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss should meet at the head of Glen Fruin, well inside Sir Humphrey’s lands, in order to discuss the matter and agree suitable compensation to the boys’ widowed mother. This was fully in accordance with contemporary Scots


legal practise. By way of security each party was to be accompanied by 100 chosen men. Fearing that Colquhoun intended treachery, Alasdair ruadh took with him his entire fighting strength of 200 men. However, he scrupulously observed the agreement by stationing 100 of them, under the command of his brother Eoin dubh at a stream called Allt a’ chlèith, just outside the Luss estate. This site was stated to be three and a half miles from the agreed meeting point. Most modern traffic going north from Dumbarton follows the A82 along the side of Loch Lomond, but in the 16 th and 17 th century, the road, such as it was, followed the Gareloch and Loch Long to Arrochar and Tarbet and thence to Glen Falloch. This route was known as the Great Highland Road. Many of the names in the Dewar account cannot be located on the modern map and there is no stream named Allt a’ chlèith. However, we are told that they had passed Bràigh sròn a’ Mhaolanaich which can only be Sron Mallanach at NS255975 on 1:50000 OS map 56. Therefore Allt a’ chlèith must be the stream which flows through Glen Culanach crossing the road and entering Loch Long at NS249963. The outfall today is very close to an MOD ordnance depot associated with the Faslane submarine depot. The area is now heavily wooded with overgrown rhododendron bushes. However, several hundred yards from the roadside, a site which closely resembles the description in Dewar’s manuscript can be found. True enough, Sir Humphrey intended treachery. He waited at the head of Glen Fruin with his agreed 100 men and a further 300 hidden in ambush behind a hillock called Badan Beithe. The exact site of their meeting is not known but may be assumed to be near Auchengaich at the head of Glen Fruin. The two leaders discussed matters for some time. Alasdair returned to his men and stated that ‘there will not be any bloodshed this time’. Instead of taking the anticipated route by which they had arrived, down the hill to rejoin the Great Highland road, Alasdair led his men across the moor directly back towards Allt a’chlèith. Thus frustrated, the laird of Luss summoned his men from ambush and gave chase. As has been mentioned, the place-names in the Dewar account cannot be found on the modern map. However, after some examination of the present day landscape, it appears likely that the present road from Auchengaich to Faslane which descends steeply to the side of the Gare Loch and joins the main road close to the gates of the submarine depot may have been the route by which the MacGregors arrived and by which Luss expected them to depart. Their direct route was probably close to the line of the modern electricity pylons which follow the western side of Glen Fruin, marching across the moorland and from thence alongside the railway line through Glen Cullanach. The story continues that the MacGregors ran the three and a half miles back to Allt a’ chlèith where they passed out of the Laird of Luss’s lands. The stream, we are told, was full of holes and deep pools. Only at a few points was it easily forded and on the north side was a small embankment. Here the MacGregors made their stand. Soon the Colquhouns, packed together and knee deep in the stream, were taking casualties but having little effect on Clan Gregor. At this point the MacGregor bowmen left in reserve and stationed behind a craig next to the ford began to fire down on the Colquhouns. They killed a number of them, including Lindsay of Bonhill and the sons of the laird of Camstradden. At this the Colquhouns began their flight


back down the road. The MacGregors followed, keeping to the higher ground. A stand was made at an unidentified site called Toman an Fhòlaich, where more of the Colquhouns were killed. They retreated again to the head of Glen Fruin. At this point, Eoin dubh, brother of Glenstrae was killed. He was the first MacGregor casualty of the battle. Traditionally the cairn near Auchengaich - Clach Ghlas MhicGriogair - is the site of his death. Sir Humphrey’s remaining men still outnumbered the MacGregors. There is a large level field at Auchengaich, where Sir Humphrey set his men in battle formation, supported by horsemen. This stage of the fight lasted only three minutes, whereupon, the Colquhouns took to panicked flight down both sides of Glen Fruin. Near the lower end of the glen the MacGregors attacked an armed band of the freemen of Dumbarton, killing some of them. The second MacGregor casualty, and the last man killed that day, was shot by an arrow fired by a Colquhoun that he had pursued to a place called Eas Fhionnglais, or Finlas waterfall. Alasdair gathered his men together to return home. They had won a significant victory, although severely outnumbered. However, the consequences would be most severe for the clan. Sir Humphrey, thwarted of the fruits of the treachery he had planned, complained to the king in Stirling. He arranged to have bloody shirts paraded in front of the castle. The king’s prejudice towards Clan Gregor, the result of many years of misrepresentation by Sir Duncan Campbell of Glen Orchy, among others, led to the most draconian punishments, including the abolition of their name; the forgiveness and reward of anyone who killed a MacGregor – involved at Glen Fruin or not and the branding of women. As late as 1609, Sir Humphrey’s continuing vendetta is demonstrated by the series of lists of surviving members of the clan that he had drawn up. What of Argyll? He had been responsible in law for the behaviour of Clan Gregor. Various Campbell lairds were cited in 1604 for having benefited from the cattle reived from Glen Finlas and Glen Fruin by the MacGregors. As Alasdair ruadh stated at his trial in 1604, when he tried to refuse Argyll’s instructions, his own lands had been ravaged by MacLeans acting on Argyll’s command. Argyll subsequently, became the chief persecutor of Clan Gregor, for which the king rewarded him with the former Clan Donald lands of Kintyre. Thankfully those days are long past. Today we remember with sorrow the consequences of deceit caused by the ambition and jealousies of great men. As Clan Gregor, we remember the dreadful days of 1603 and 1604 that were repeated with as much venom between 1609 and 1611. However, we should also remember those of the Colquhouns, Buchanans, Lindsays, MacLintocks and men of Dumbarton that were killed and maimed and also, the understandable anger that the tenants of Luss must have felt towards Clan Gregor after the herschip and destruction of Glen Finlas in 1602 and the even greater driving of livestock and destruction of houses that the Clan Gregor visited upon the Luss lands after the battle.


Kinship, Landholding & Crime - Clan Gregor 1583 - 1611 Introduction A vast amount of authoritative analysis remains to be done on the histories of particular kindreds and localities. There is a tendency to produce surveys of clanship and society which range over the whole Highland area, and cover long time spans, when what is needed is detailed research at the local level. [1] Popular histories of the Clan Gregor often take the conflict with Clan Campbell culminating in the proscription of 1603 and extrapolate backwards into the Dark Ages, assuming that the conflict had always existed. [2] Martin MacGregor established that prior to 1550 relations with Clan Campbell had been good and that they had expanded in tandem from their origins near Loch Awe after the forfeiture of the MacDougalls of Lorn. [3] This chapter commences with the succession of Donnchadh dubh as laird of Glen Orchy in 1583 and terminates with the executions of various MacGregors in 1612/13. Was the Clan Gregor truly a kindred tied by blood relationships and how did the different lineages relate to each other? Did the clan control real resources despite possessing almost no documented titles to the lands they occupied? Did the clan deserve its reputation for lawlessness and crime? Why did Clan Gregor, in particular, become so detested by the king? Finally, did the clan fragment in the late 16th century and how did it survive? The answers are largely drawn from an analysis of names and locations in an early 19th century collection of contemporary sources. Studies of Highland clanship often concentrate on clans whose fine maintained or increased their control of land during the 16th and 17th centuries. When deprived of the control of land clans usually died out or became totally dependent on the fine of more successful clans. [4] The response of Clan Gregor to Cailean liath and his son, Donnchadh dubh, the Campbell lairds of Glen Orchy from 1550 to 1623 showed a determined if ultimately unsuccessful struggle against such reduction. No documentary evidence, such as rentals and letters actually created by the Clan Gregor fine, earlier than the 18th century has survived. However, their activities are better reported than most clans in the largely hostile records of their neighbours and the state. Martin MacGregor suggested a close relationship between Clan Campbell and Clan Gregor up to 1550, during a period of joint expansion into a territory stretching from Rannoch to Strath Gartney spearheaded by Clan Gregor military strength and settlement. [5] After 1550, the lairds of Glen Orchy established dominance in Breadalbane, displacing many kindreds completely and reducing others in status. [6] In a conflict from 1562 to 1571, Clan Gregor proved their formidable military strength which Cailean liath and his allies could not defeat, but also their political weakness. ‘The power to make peace lay with the fine of Clan Campbell and the Crown. The MacGregors’ only real outlet lay in armed resistance and aggression’. [7]


‘The long-lasting result of this conflict was that Clan Gregor became stereotyped as a touchstone of Highland lawlessness … by the late 16th century, the MacGregors had come to be perceived as probably the most violent and lawless of the Highland Clans’. [8] Following the Battle of Glen Fruin, in 1603, their very name was proscribed, rewards were given for killing MacGregors and determined efforts were made to exterminate the entire lineage. Martin MacGregor’s original intention had been ‘to deal with the consequences of the proscription in April 1603, in the belief that, if one could explain how the MacGregors maintained their identity as a clan in the face of determined efforts to destroy that identity, much light could be shed on the nature of clan society in 17th century Scotland’. [9] Sufficient earlier sources enabled him to concentrate on the period before 1571. Dodgshon defined the Highland clan in terms of a chief-focused system of exchange based on the control of territory and the resources that the territory could produce. He concentrated on those clan elites that maintained or expanded their territories during the transformation from kin-based hierarchies to landlord-tenant relationships. [10] Dodgshon suggested that control of territory by the chief was the decisive factor in the definition of a clan. [11] Dodgshon took the assumption of a name, or alias as establishing membership of another kindred. However, it appears that aliases may have been adopted or changed as the situation demanded and ‘former’ MacGregors knew exactly who they were and readily assumed their old identity or changed their names as the situation demanded. [12] An examination of the names listed in the appendix demonstrated that prior to 1600, patronymics were the rule and few members of the clan were actually called ‘MacGriogair or MhicGriogair’ unless their fathers or grandfathers had been Griogair. Similar patronymics were common amongst other clans. Macinnes pointed out that clanship was not inherently violent and lawless, [13] however, due to mismatch of duthchas and oighreachd, it often tended to disorder. [14] Surplus manpower might form cateran bands but their persistence was often due to the patronage of noble lords or reset by clan gentry. [15] The use of the general band from 1587 placed responsibility for good order on landlords, without any attempt to redress the problems of tenants that followed other chiefs. Such state intervention increased the problems of clans such as the MacGregors. [16] Successive Earls of Argyll and their kinsmen, the lairds of Glen Orchy pursued a policy of victimisation. Outlawry and eviction made the Clan Gregor full-time caterans.’ [17] Brown viewed Highland conflicts, whatever their nature and origin, as incidental to the power-struggles of noble society during the reign of James VI. Some of the ‘roots of violence’ [18] lay in conflicts between kin-based elites. He cited the Justice-


General, Earl of Argyll and the MacGregors as an example of criminal networks that, in return for protection, carried out the lord’s dirty work. [19] The problem of feuding may have been a consequence of powerful kin-based lordships, but the growth of state power could result in far greater violence. [20] Brown also highlighted a society in which the importance of honour came above rational behaviour. [21] Perhaps this sense of honour led to the suicidal victory at Glen Fruin in 1603. Goodare compared the intent of the state after 1587 to remedy the Highland ‘problem’ with its earlier policy of allowing favoured magnates, such as the Earl of Argyll, with interests on both sides of the Highland line, a free hand. [22] Successive legislation, from 1581, had been intended to ‘danton’ or daunt, the Highlanders. [23] Some clans including the Campbells participated in state institutions and made use of state power, such as lieutenancies, for personal aggrandizement at the expense of their neighbours. State policy in the Highlands had failed if pacification had been the goal, ‘but really the goal was state control’ and the method was to encourage reliable clans to reduce the unreliable. He concluded that James actually created a ‘Highland problem’ between 1581 and 1617 that would continue to trouble both the Highlands and the state for long after. [24] The conclusion may be irrefutable but Goodare implied a logic to James’s Highland policies which may not have existed, whereas such a logic and purpose can be more easily perceived in Campbell policies over the generations. Michael Lynch focused on the ‘Highland Problem’ [25] in the transformation of the Scottish state. The Highlands were viewed as a problem for the Lowland zone requiring a solution and also, peripheral to the development of the state and therefore defined as remote. [26] During the reign of James VI, political power in the Scottish state became more concentrated at the centre. [27] The increasingly interventionist state was determined to ‘civilise’ its periphery, in which Clans and Gaelic culture were defined as barbarous. [28] Central authority in the 1580s aimed at ‘quieting’ the Highland frontier. By the 1590s it saw the Highland zone as a source of additional revenue, while increasingly determined to assert its authority over the periphery. [29] At the same time conspiracy and conflict involving the Campbells drew more state attention to the Highlands. [30] Hopkins pointed out that James V had ordered the extermination of Clan Chattan, but had not persisted in it. James VI planned the extirpation of Clan Leod of Lewis but ultimately handed over responsibility to Lord Kintail, chief of the MacKenzies, ‘a clan that matched the Campbells in ruthless expansion’. [31]


The proscription of Clan Gregor was carried out with extreme and widespread brutality. ‘Argyll, their chief persecutor had earlier secretly protected and encouraged them, as his descendants were to do again. James feared Argyll’s power and the bribe (Kintyre and Jura) with which he won him over showed how far his hostility to the MacGregors overwhelmed his political prudence.’ [32] There is a convenient printed source which includes most of the primary references. Amelia MacGregor’s The History of Clan Gregor from Public Records and Private Collections is a printed arrangement, with little analysis, of the material in the manuscript ‘Chartulary of Clan Gregor’. [33] The Rev. William MacGregor Stirling and Professor Donald Gregory compiled the ‘Chartulary’ between 1820 and 1833 by at the request of Sir Evan Murray MacGregor. It comprised two large folio volumes of hand-written extracts from state and private papers referring to Clan Gregor. These become particularly detailed from the mid 16th century. The status of the modern chiefs of Clan Gregor derived from elections in 1787 and 1822. Doubts about the seniority of their lineage led to the publication of the History in two volumes by the daughter of Sir Evan in 1898 and 1901. The History needs to be used carefully as her purpose had been to prove the seniority of her family. In this dissertation it has been used solely as a printed source for primary material. Almost every indexed reference to the clan in the published Privy Council Register has been included in the ‘Chartulary’ and the History. Much of it reflected the impact of Clan Gregor activity on other chiefs, landowners and the state and thus, many of the documents are strongly biased against Clan Gregor. Mention of places and individuals can be used to understand the underlying activities of members of the clan. NOTES [1] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History of the MacGregors before 1571’, (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989), 7 [2] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, Introduction 1-9 [3] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 36-37 [4] R.A. Dodgshon, From Chiefs to Landlords: Social and Economic Change in the Western Highlands and Islands 1493-1820, (Edinburgh, 1998), 8 [5] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 406 [6] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 407 [7] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 398 [8] M.D.W. MacGregor,, ‘A Political History’, 402 [9] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 1 [10] R.A. Dodgshon, 15 [11] R.A. Dodgshon, 8 [12] R.A. Dodgshon, 47 [13] A.I. Macinnes, Clanship Commerce and the House of Stuart, 1603-1788, (East Linton, 1996), 30 [14] A.I. Macinnes, 38 [15] A.I. Macinnes, 32 [16] A.I. Macinnes, 51 [17] A.I. Macinnes, 61 [18] K.M. Brown, Bloodfeud in Scotland 1573-1625, Violence Justice and Politics in an Early Modern Society, (Edinburgh, 1986), 12-42.. [19] K.M. Brown, 20 [20] K.M. Brown, 33


[21] K.M. Brown, 23 [22] J. Goodare, State and Society in Early Modern Scotland, (Oxford, 1999), 255-6 [23] J. Goodare, 264-285 [24] J. Goodare, 284-285 [25] J. Goodare, & M. Lynch. The Reign of James VI, (East Linton, 1999), 1208-227 [26] J. Goodare, & M. Lynch. 186 [27] J. Goodare, & M. Lynch. 187 [28] J. Goodare, & M. Lynch. 197 [29] J. Goodare, & M. Lynch. 212 [30] J. Goodare, & M. Lynch. 215 [31] P. Hopkins, Glencoe and the End of the Highland War, (Edinburgh, 1986), p19 [32] P. Hopkins, Glencoe, p19 [33] Stirling Archives, PD60, MacGregor of MacGregor papers, bundles 812, 813, 814


Kinship and Clanship 'Clann' means family. Theoretically the clan descended from a common male ancestor, but ‘Pretense of blude’ implied that these links could be a fiction. [34] ‘Successful’ clans might expand their numbers by recruiting unrelated residents of new territories. According to a report by Donald Campbell of Airds in 1746, ‘Clan Cameron have taken pains to perswade such as are call’d their dependants and followers, though of a different name, to assume the name “Cameron”’. [35] Did Clan Gregor do the same? Y-chromosone DNA carries definitive evidence of male line descent. Recent tests have shown an identical match between a member of the family of the present chief of Clan Gregor with a descendant of the Clandoulcheire lineage. [36] A descendant of the Roro lineage has a single allele variation. The testing laboratory suggests a greater than 90% probability of common origin with a single variation on 25 alleles in 20-25 generations. The division of Roro from the main stem of Clan Gregor around 1380 is consistent with a single variation, while the Clandoulcheire relationship to the chief’s lineage may be two generations closer. [37] Several other MacGregors have more significant 2 and 3 step variations that could be the result of matrimonial indiscretions or the descendants of ‘part-takers’ with the kindred. [38] The results are all within a generic ‘Celtic’ haplogroup-1, distinct from haplogroup-2, which is also common among the Scottish and Irish populations and a ‘Viking’ haplogroup-3 common in Scandinavia.[39] The one Campbell tested so far also has a single allele variation from these three MacGregors. This individual may be the descendant of an aliased MacGregor, but if a genuine Campbell, it may suggest a common ancestor of Clan Campbell and Clan Gregor in the 12th or 13th centuries. It is too soon for definitive conclusions, but as the testing databases grow, interesting results may emerge. The nominal lists of 1586, 1590 and 1602 include very few non-MacGregor names. The labouring population of the extensive MacGregor farms [40] may not have been ‘part-takers’ in the activities which rendered the clan obnoxious to the king. ‘Broken men’ may have consorted with the clan during periods of outlawry - perhaps the ‘Patrik Mckilvarnoch’ tried in 1604 [41] and ‘Johnne McEwin in Kilbryde’ tried for various thefts in 1611. [42] Probable non-MacGregors included Darriche, Lawrye, McCadanich, McCaddell, McAchaincasich, McCoruther, McGillehelichy, McGillevie, McGowne, McInleiche and McCorcodale. Most of these are represented just once, but some may be genuine members of the clan whose names have been mangled by non-Gaelic clerks. Johnson, Duncanson and Jameson are anglicised patronymics used by members of the Fortingal and Glenlednock kindreds.


No contemporary genealogies have survived except for the lineage of the chiefs up to Eoin (obit 1519). [43] Sixty-six of the obits in Dean MacGregor’s chronicle mention members of the clan or their wives between the ‘Death of John MacGregor of Glenurquhay' in 1390 and ‘Patrick Dow McGregor McDuncan Lawdossyt slain in Bofudyr by Clandowilchayr’ in 1574. [44] Martin MacGregor identified a number of references to MacGregors before 1560. [45] The intervention of the state resulted in a series of official lists. [46] Lists in the Luss papers and elsewhere have been collected by John MacGregor WS. [47] Some of the genealogies in Amelia MacGregor are little more than fictitious demonstrations of the seniority of the lineage of Sir Evan Murray MacGregor. Later in the 19th century John MacGregor WS attempted more careful reconstructions. [48] The Gaelic Society of Inverness published a pedigree of the MacGregors of Roro in 1904. [49] These pedigrees can show inconsistencies and illogicalities particularly in the earlier generations. In kin-based societies expansion occurred from the top downwards. [50] The chief would set his closest kin over new territory. Failure of chiefly control might free subordinate lineages to create new clans or to give their calp [51] to new, perhaps unrelated chiefs. An understanding of kinship is crucial to understanding the behaviour of Clan Gregor and for this reason a hypothetical genealogy has been attempted. The basis of this has been references found by Martin MacGregor, the obits in the Dean’s ‘Chronicle’, nominal entries from the published Amelia MacGregor, checked against the ‘Chartulary’ [52] and the Luss lists. In total 1863 entries were found and it proved possible to propose places within the genealogy for almost 1320. Some individuals feature a number of times in the total. There are eight references to the chief, Alasdair ruadhand nine to his brother Eoin dubh. Double and triple patronymics with place-name qualifications make the reconstruction possible. Often the last patronymic denoted the original settler in a locality rather than the lineal ancestor. For example, ‘John dow McCondochy VcFatrik VcCoullcheir’ in a Luss list of 1613 is Eoin dubh, son of Donnchadh (executed in 1604), grandson of Padraig ruadh (executed 1613). VcCoullcheire is (mhic) Dubhgaill chèir, ancestor of the Clandoulcheire lineage who was the grandfather of Padraig ruadh. In this case the third generation, Maol-coluim is omitted. Sorting the genealogical and nominal spreadsheets permitted the identification of new matches and recognition of discrepancies. The date of each mention was noted


against lines in the genealogy spreadsheet. It is not the purpose of this dissertation to exhaustively prove the genealogy as it is intended solely as a tool in order to understand the activities of the clan. It is possible that some of the family groups found in lists of the clan were in fact ‘part-takers’. However, genetic linkages have been assumed if the patronymics appear to indicate them. Without patronymics and locations the process would be impossible as five personal names covered half the total and fifteen almost all of it. There were 349 instances of John/Eoin, Duncan/Donnchadh occurred 310 times, Gregor/Griogar 204, Allaster or Alasdair 185 and Patrick/Padraig 180. ‘John’ subdivided into 142 instances of John dow and 18 qualified ‘John dow’s – Eoin dubh gearr, Eoin dubh lean, etc; a further 30 qualified Johns – Eoin ruadh, Eoin mor, etc; and 159 plain ‘John’. Eventually 37 different John dows and 58 other Johns were identified out of 244 entries, leaving 105 unidentified Johns. It appears that Eoin dubh (obit 1415), the grandson of the eponym Griogair may have had four sons. The lineage of the eldest, Malcolm or Gille-coluim failed with his grandson Eoin dubh who died in 1519. The successor as chief was Griogair, who died in 1526, and was descended from Alasdair the second son of Eoin dubh. Padraig Chaoldich (231), ancestor of the Glenlednock lineage, is also assumed to have been a grandson of Alasdair.. In the earlier generations certain assumptions had to be made in order to fit the observed relationships of the various lineages to the genealogy. In the theoretical model of clanship, the chief would emplace his sons or closest kin rather than, and sometimes at the expense of less closely related kin. Thus, as the kindred expanded, the third son of Eoin dubh, Donnchadh mor settled in Roro, Glen Lyon [53] and the fourth son may have been Dubhgall, vicar of Fortingall and great grandfather of Seamus, the Dean of Lismore. [54] It is possible that one or more of these were the sons of Griogair (obit 1415), as claimed by Sir John Murray, however, this is not critical to an examination of the 16th century lineages. The relationship of other branches of the clan to the main stem is problematic. A letter of 1592 reciting the ‘principallis houshalderis of the Clangregour’ [55] divided the clan into three: ‘the lardis awn gang’, the ‘gang and hous of Roro’ and the ‘gang of Gregour McEane’. Buchanan of Auchmar in the 18th century gave the principal families as ‘the lairds of MacGregor, being extinct’; ‘Dugal Keir’s family’; Rora and Brackley. [56] The laird’s lineage are the descendants of Griogair who succeeded on the death of Eoin dubh in 1519. The sons of Donnchadh mor of Roro are stated by Martin MacGregor to be Donnchadh beag Niall bhreac , Uisdean and Uilleam who settled in Roro (Glen Lyon), Fearnan, Ardeonaig and Rannoch respectively in the early 15th century. [57] The ‘gang of Gregour McEane’ which included Brackley is more problematical. I suggest that Griogair may be the father of Donnchadh MacGriogair , constable of


Kilchurn and Padraig MacGriogair , obit 1518, tenant of Mamlorn. Eoin dubh , son of Donnchadh was in turn the constable of Kilchurn Castle for the lairds of Glen Orchy. He held the lands of Brackley in Glen Orchy, which his descendants continued to hold until at least 1690. Hereinafter his lineage will be referred to as Brackley. He also obtained lands in Glen Lochay where his sons were found in Duncroisk and Murlaganmore in the later 16th century. The eldest son of Eoin dubh was the eponym ‘Gregour McEane’ and as his name appears to be used to label both lineages it suggests that Donnchadh, constable of Kilchurn was the senior. The son of Padraig MacGriogair in Mamlorn, was Donnchadh ladasach who held lands at Corriecharmaig in Glen Lochay and at Ardchoille in Glen Dochart. The descendants of Donnchadh ladasach, referred to as Ladasach included Donnchadh abrach and his son Raibart abrach. . Two other lineages may descend from Tearlaich ciar, (obit 1494), a possible brother of the above Griogair . Dubhgall ciar, progenitor of the Clandoulchèire of Balquhidder and Glengyle, and also Raibart mor, progenitor of a lineage in the Buchanan lands of Craigrostan and Strathyre that used the surname MacRob. This suggestion was based on the common byname ciar. A patronymic for Dubhgall ciar has not been found and it is possible that he was closer to the main stem. The MacGregors of Ardinconnel in the Gareloch were recorded in the 16th century, feuding with the Buchanans. Their origin is unclear but it is possible that they descend from Griogair (obit 1415), perhaps a brother of Eoin dubh in Glenorchy. This could be Sir John Murray’s ‘Gregor Aluin’. [58] A bond of manrent in 1591 between Aulay MacAulay of Ardincaple and Alasdair MacGregor of Glen Strae claimed kinship between them. A 13th century link is suggested by ‘understanding ourselves and our name to be MacAlpins of Old and to be our just and true surname whereof we are all come, and the said Alexander to be the eldest brother’. [59] Even at that distance the kinship link was valued. However, despite the suggestion that the feud between the Colquhouns and MacGregors of Ardinconnel had been the origin of the conflict of Glen Fruin, [60] the MacGregors of Ardinconnel remained at a distance from the turmoils of the wider clan. They do not occur in the various lists. Finally, in 1609: 'MacAulay of MacAulay, who had an estate in Ireland called Bally Law, exchanged it with Robert MacGregor of Ardnaconnell, who went to Ireland, where he assumed the name of Stewart, and the belief in the country is that he was the ancestor of the family of Londonderry.' [61] Assigning years of birth is an arbitrary procedure. Identifying multiple marriages, or ‘natural’ offspring is impossible unless explicitly stated. Even seniority of birth can only be guessed at from the ranking in the lists. However, it became apparent that in order to connect the generations based on known dates (charters and obits) and the evidence of the patronymics, many sons appear to have been born to fathers aged thirty or older implying late marriage. As a rule, 25-30 years between generations works until the late 16th century when the gap appears to reduce. This may have been the result of pressure on the clan, suggesting that in better times, marriage was deferred until the clansman had the means to support a family, but behaviour changed when times became harder. Earlier marriage may also explain the sixteen


score of children reported in 1613. Obits or mention of individuals in processes for removal or crimes, especially with their sons cited, may indicate considerable age. Unless they were mentioned, as with Donnchadh ladasach, as being of great age, an apparent age of over 70 has been rejected. However, Eoin MacDubhgaill chèir acquitted at his trial in 1604 of a slaughter ‘committit fourtie sax yeir syne or thairby’ [62] ' must have been at least in his sixties. Letters of horning recorded at Perth in 1586 and 1602, listed most of the clan by name. Another list was included in the Privy Council record in 1590. [63] The 1602 horning was not printed in Amelia MacGregor but was transcribed by John MacGregor WS. [64] Of the 103 names in the 1586 list, four were not MacGregors and only two of the remainder could not be placed in the genealogy. Among the 139 named in 1590, all appear to be MacGregors but 13 could not be identified and there are seven apparent duplications. The 1602 list has 196 names, including a MacNab and a Lawrye, the remainder all appear to be MacGregor. Forty-nine, including twelve with the unqualified surname Mcgregor, could not be identified. The 1602 list has fewer specified locations and of these a number are unidentified and apparently different from the established clan locations. Previously unknown MacGregor locations such as Strathspey demonstrate definite dispersion. Coupled with fewer and shorter patronymics this list contains indications of severe stress on the kindred, not so evident in the earlier lists. Sixteen names identified on earlier and later lists, ought to be in the 1602 list, but may be among the forty-nine unidentified. It is quite possible that ‘part-takers’ described as MacGregors have been included. The complete genealogy has 172 men been born between 1520 and 1559 and a further 224 between 1560 and 1590. An estimated 200 adult males alive in 1590-1600 may be reasonable and consistent with ‘sixteen score of new arising’ in 1613.' [65] It is probable that there are errors in the hypothetical genealogy, especially in the estimated ages, but the purpose is to understand whether the events show the clan acting as a whole, or as a series of sub-clans, or indeed as individual householders. While specific genealogical relationships are largely educated guesswork, unless explicitly stated, the assignment of individuals to particular lineages of the clan may be made with a little more confidence. As well as locations, particular names were useful: most Roberts, apart from Raibart abrach in Ladasach, were in the MacRob lineage; Johnson, Jameson and Deneson were peculiar to the Fortingal lineage; most of Clandoulcheire used the patronymic VcCoulcheire; McNeil was common in the Roro-3/Fearnan lineage; Charles/Tearlaich occurred only in Brackley. The majority of the unidentified names are post 1603. The complete genealogy back to Gille-coluim, the chief who died in 1440 contains 586 names. Taking the 1602 list of 196 as the total number of adult males in the clan then alive, 39 out of 47 documented deaths and executions in 1603/4 and a further 35 out of 40 deaths in 1611/12 with an unknown number killed as outlaws represented a considerable proportion of the kindred and most of the leadership. More so with some lineages


becoming divorced from the clan, such as Glenlednock which, while numbered with the rest in 1602, fought against the rebels at Tomzarloch in 1610. Numbers appear to increase significantly from ‘four scoir of men’ in 1564 [66] to 196 in 1602 and in 1613, ‘a fresh growth of this unhappy weed (whereof there be of male kind, some sixteen score of new arising).' [67] Perhaps this was an exaggeration but in December 1612, ‘the haill bairns of the Clangregour … the oldest not past thirteen years of age’ numbered fourscore. [68] The table demonstrated a high turnover, with the elderly being replaced by their sons. Between the 97 identified in 1586 and 119 of 1590 only 41 occur in both lists and only 31 occur in all three. The 1586 list appeared to include mainly heads of households while the 1602 list may have been an attempt to include all adult males. However, there was a considerable reduction in the Ardeonaig and Glenlednock lineages in 1602 compared with the earlier lists. Both lineages had been moving into Strathearn around Comrie since 1569. [69] They appear to have become closely aligned with Lord Drummond. Two members of the Glenlednock lineage died in 1603/4 and one in 1611/12, all three being the sons of Padraig Ammonach in Kingart. [70] Three of the Ardeonaig lineage died in 1603/4 and one in 1613. The seven members of the chief’s own lineage in 1586 and 1590 had grown to 23 by 1602 as his five uncles had 23 sons, natural and legitimate, between them. In the chapter on crime the cousins of the chief feature prominently. Their numbers may have exceeded the resources available to them. Eight of this lineage died in 1603/4 and a further two in 1611/12. Four members of the Ardlarich lineage listed in 1590 may have been the closest to the main stem but suffered no executions. Apart from the immediate relatives of the Alasdair ruadh, the Clandoulcheire suffered six executions in 1603/4 and four in 1611/12. Clandoulchèire numbered seven in 1586, ten in 1590 and 20 in 1602. In 1586 and 1590 there is no trace of the Ladasach lineage although 11 are listed in 1602. ‘Duncan Abroche of Ardchoille grandson of Duncan Ladosach had fled to Lochaber in 1552 but appears in 1592, living at Corriechairmich’. [71] Brackley, which seems to be closely associated with Ladasach, had six each in 1586 and 1590, when Gregour McEane continued as Glenorchy’s constable of Kilchurn, but 16 in 1602. Brackley suffered seven executions in 1611/12. In 1604, according to the Black Book of Taymouth, at Bentoig (Beinn Todhaig near Loch Tulla), Robert Campbell slew 'Duncane Abroch McGregour with his sone Gregore in Ardchyllie, Dougall McGregour McCoulcheir in Glengyle with his son Duncane, Charlis McGregour VcEane in Braiklie quha wer principallis in that band, with tuentie otheris of thair complissis slain in the chais. [72] Sir Robert Gordon stated that although 60 MacGregors were outnumbered by Glenorchy’s men ‘accompanied with some of the ClanChameron, Clanab, and


Clanronald to the number of two hundred men’, only ‘Duncan abrach and his son Duncan’ (Gregor?) were killed against seven of their pursuers. [73] The McRobs of Strathyre and Craigrostan numbered 16 in 1586 and 1590, dropping to 14 in 1603, suffered no deaths in 1603/4 and two in 1611/12. Some of the MacRobs adopted the alias Buchanan after 1603. The Roro (Roro-2 in Glen Lyon) and Rannoch (Roro-5) lineages together were numerically strong, 24 in 1586, 21 in 1590 and 26 in 1602. Between them they had four deaths in 1603/4 and just one in 1611/12. This may mean a detachment from the rest of the clan or could indicate the greater security of the terrain around Rannoch. The claimed militancy and aggression of the clan was inconsistent with their spatial distribution, demonstrated by the map in the appendix. Less than 200 men were spread widely over an area of roughly 2500 square kilometres. Among the total of 144 identified in 1602, 23 of the Glenstrae lineage were considerably dispersed from Glenstrae itself, with some in Morenish and Fearnan, by Loch Tay and others in Balquhidder. Fifteen of the Roro-Rannoch and Ardlarich lineages occupied farms spread over 30 km along Loch Rannoch and to the west. Thirty-four of the Clandoulchèire and MacRob lineages had settled in an area of over 400 square km around Balquhidder, Strathgartney and Strathyre. Twenty-seven of Ladasach and Brackley were in 600 square km around Glen Lochay, Glen Dochart, Strath Fillan and also at Dowletter and Brackley near Kilchurn. Fifteen of Glenlednock and Ardeonaig occupied 500 square km to the south of Loch Tay, the east of Loch Earn and around Comrie. Twenty-four of the Glen Lyon, Fearnan and Fortingal lineages were in the 400 square km around the Northern end of Loch Tay and upper Strath Tay. The popular impression of an armed and numerous band of caterans summoned out of the mist by the crann-tàra, or fiery cross, within moments is untenable. Days would be required to communicate and gather. Landlord and state policy may have gone a considerable way to creating such landless cateran bands, particularly after 1613 but it could not been true earlier. Among the unidentified are the ‘MacCotter lineage. In April 1612,‘Patrick MacGregour McCotter’, one of the ‘most notable thieves, and limmers of the ClanGregour’ was taken. [74] In December 1612, ‘Duncan McCorcodell of Fantelands became plege and souertie for Lauchlane McCorcodale Notter his brother for ye allegit being in cumpanie wt umqle Allaster McGregor of Glenstrae and his complices at ye raid of Glenfrune’. [75] The McCorquodales were an old family from Loch Aweside. ‘Fantelands’ may be Fionnt Eilean on Loch Awe. [76] Duncan McOtter dow in the Otter was horned in 1602 and ‘John dow McCottar dow McGregour’ occurs on one of the Luss lists. ‘Duncan MacCarlye in the Otter’ was included in the 1602 horning suggesting that he might be a son of Tearlaich, and grandson of Gregour McEane, erstwhile Constable of Kilchurn. A possibility for the ‘Otter’ may be An Oitir on Loch Fyne, less than a mile from Argyll’s seat at Inveraray. If so, it is likely that they, like the


McCorquodales, were in Argyll’s service and makes it even more probable that Argyll instigated the events leading to Glen Fruin. Only 70% of the 1863 nominal entries could be identified, but many of the unidentified are in the Luss lists of 1613. Ignoring the Luss lists raised the percentage to 85% of 1194. Although some of the unidentified may well be ‘part-takers’, the evidence appears to indicate that the large majority of the clan descended from Griogar. Some ‘part-takers’ may have been described as ‘MacGregor’ and the DNA evidence may support this. However, it has been suggested that Sir John Murray paid expenses to the MacGregors that voted for him in 1787 and a small number of those re-assuming the name may have been opportunistic. [77] The earlier, territory-occupying clan may have incorporated ‘part-takers’, but it may be speculated, as there is no evidence either way, that the later, outlawed clan provided a nucleus for collecting ‘broken-men’ and thus augmented its numbers. NOTES [34] R.A.Dodgshon, ‘Pretense of blude and place of thair duelling: the nature of Highland clans, 1500-1745’, in R.A.Houston and I.D.Whyte (eds), Scottish Society 1500-1745. (Cambridge, 1989), 169-98 [35] A Pearson, ‘The Place of Designation in Scottish History’, unpublished typescript, 76, quoted from J Stewart of Ardvorlich, The Camerons: A History of Clan Cameron, (1974), 129 [36] See below for a discussion of the lineages. [37] http://www.familytreedna.com/faq.html#q1 [38] The laboratory is part of the University of Arizona. Website: http://www.familytreedna.com [39] The ‘haplogroup’ term is being changed at the time of writing but does not affect this argument. [40] See discussion chapter 2 [41] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 323, Record of Justiciary [42] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 377, Record of Justiciary [43] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, discussion, 10-42 [44] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of The Clan Gregor from Public Records and Private Collections, (Edinburgh, 1898, 1901), vol i, p57-66, Donald Gregory’s translation [45] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, throughout. [46] D Masson, Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, vols iii - xi . [47] National Archives of Scotland (henceforth NAS) G.D.50, The John MacGregor, W.S. Collection. [48] NAS: G.D.50, The John MacGregor, W.S. Collection. [49] J. MacGregor of Roro, ‘The MacGregors of Roro’, printed in Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness’, vol xxiv, (Inverness, 1904), 413-428 [50] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 408 [51] A sign of allegiance. Literally the ‘best cow’ which went to the chief on the clansman’s death. [52] Stirling Archives: PD60; MacGregor of MacGregor papers, bundles 812 and 813, ‘The Chartulary of Clan Gregor’. [53] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 160 [54] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 165 [55] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 237, NAS, G.D.112/1/196a [56] W. Buchanan of Auchmar, … the genealogy…of The Highland Clans &c, (Glasgow, 1820), 106 [57] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 160 [58] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 44-55 [59] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 231. [60] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 228 [61] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 341 [62] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 327, Record of Justiciary. [63] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 205-210, Register of the Privy Council of Scotland (henceforth RPC) Vol iv, 453-6 [64] NAS G.D.50/187/2 [65] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 409


[66] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 336, NAS, G.D.50/187/1 [67] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 409 [68] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 427, Balfour’s Collection [69] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 98-99 [70] see chapter 3 below [71] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 336 [72] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 335, Black Book of Taymouth [73] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 336, Sir Robert Gordon’s History of the Earldom of Sutherland [74] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 399, Record of Secret Council [75] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 404, Record of Justiciary [76] F Adam & T Innes, Clans Septs and Regiments of the Scottish Highlands, (Edinburgh,1954), 334 [77] I am grateful to Dr Richard McGregor for this suggestion


The possession of land by Clan Gregor When deprived of the control of territory and its resources, [78] Dodgshon claimed that clans died out or became totally dependent on the elite of more successful clans. The MacCairbres were a prominent, even expanding lineage in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, but the grant of their Glen Lochay lands to Cailean liath, laird of Glen Orchy, in 1554 brought about a rapid descent into oblivion and extinction. [79] Dodgshon commented on the chiefly display and behaviour by the Clan Gregor fine who, in 1506, ‘despite their poverty of land and resources’ [80] entertained James IV for eight days at Inchcalloun. Dodgshon viewed this event in the light of the absence of documentary evidence for the possession of land by the Clan Gregor chiefs, rather than taking such reported behaviour as evidence of their real control of resources. ‘The way in which the clan sub-divided into a plethora of distinct lineages as it moved eastwards after 1437 perfectly illustrated the connection between rapid territorial expansion and kindred frag-mentation’. [81] There had been a close relationship between Clan Gregor and Clan Campbell up to 1550, during a period of joint expansion spearheaded by Clan Gregor military strength and settlement in a territory stretching from Rannoch to Strath Gartney, and Glen Strae to Strath Tay. [82] James I’s elimination of the Albany Stewarts created a vacuum of power which enabled the Clan Campbell and Clan Gregor to extend eastwards. The pattern was repeated on a smaller scale in Rannoch, where James IV’s elevation of Menzies of Weem at the expense of Stewart of Fortingall created a breakdown of control from which the MacGregors profited. The crown’s motive had been economic and failed to give due consideration to the potential local consequences of their actions. [83] Only 55 ‘householders of the Clangregor’ had been listed in 1592, [84] although, including all adherents, 132 are listed in 1590 and 194 in 1602. [85] Twelve different territorial lineages can be identified. There is no evidence of the ‘ideal clan’, with the chief populating his undisputed charter lands with his kindred. Instead, Clan Gregor lineages resided on the lands of various lords. These lands changed hands, by inheritance, sale or crown grant, often to lords with their principal lands elsewhere in Scotland. In 1599, twenty-two landlords of MacGregors were named, seven of them Campbell, five others with long-standing local possessions and the remainder probably lowland. [86] Few had a significant kin-based local following of their own. Cailean liath and his son and successor from 1583 as laird of Glen Orchy, Donnchadh dubh used bonds of manrent to establish dependents, but also had an impressive breeding programme intended to rectify their lack of kindred and perhaps came closer to the ideal model of clanship than did Clan Gregor. After 1550, Cailean liath and Donnchadh dubh, established their dominance in the area around Loch Tay, displacing many kindreds completely and reducing others in status. [87] The Justiciary and Perth sheriff court extracts in the ‘Chartulary’, printed in Amelia MacGregor, [88] contain the evidence of many apparent attempts from the late 1580s to dispossess clan Gregor lineages from the lands they occupied. [89] The repetition of the same names in the same locations over many years demonstrated the landlords’ lack of success.


Land measurements derived from a medieval taxation assessment, based on productivity at the time they were made, rather than physical extent. The davoch was an early medieval form, widespread in the north and northeast, and roughly equivalent to 200 acres of arable. [90] The ounceland was the davoch by another name, in the Norse areas of the west Highlands, which paid 1 oz of silver in tax. [91] There were 20 pennylands in an ounceland. Pennylands, heavily concentrated in Argyll, [92] paid a silver penny in tax. The oxgang was reckoned as the area that one ox could cultivate in a year. There were two oxgangs to a husbandland (26 acres) and eight to a ploughgate (104 acres). Apart from four in lowland Moray, there were no ploughgates north of a line from Dumbarton to Aberdeen. [93] Merklands, poundlands, 40-shillinglands (three merks), 40-pennylands (a quarter-merk) were assessments for ecclesiastical taxation, possibly used as early as 1199, but certainly by 1366 in Scotland. [94] The average taxation per square mile varied between £3 10s per square mile, making the merkland 120 acres, in lowland, south-east Perthshire to 2s in Argyll, setting it at 4200 acres. However, the other measures related to cultivatable land, whereas the old extent taxation system may have measured all potential farmland. Taking cultivatable land only, the merkland might be closer to the davoch measurement. Almost all references in late 16th century Perthshire use the merkland form. Kenknock in Glen Lochay at the western end of Loch Tay was described as a two-merkland comprising 196 acres, [95] placing the merkland at around 100 acres, or equivalent to the ploughgate. The quarter merkland, known as a 40-pennyland might be the lower economic limit of a farm, equivalent to the 26-acre oxgang. A 3-merkland would be a substantial farm. The pre-1832 rural parliamentary franchise was based on possession of heritable property of at least 40 shillings (3-merklands) of old extent. The Highland economy was cattle-based and upland grazings were essential. Boundary evidence is sparse, but a clue to the upper extent of the merkland may be found in the 4-merkland of Invergeldie in Glen Lednock, whose catchment area may have been up to 10000 acres, although the arable might be only 500 acres. The 4-merkland of Kingart in the lower glen had less hill ground. Glen Lednock was one of the only sites of MacGregor settlement where a heritable crown tenancy had been obtained. Elsewhere, Clan Gregor lineages may have occupied up to 180 merklands, as tenants with little evidence of feudal possession. The 32 merklands of Rannoch were held of the crown by Menzies of Weem but largely occupied by MacGregors from the early 16th century. The 20 merklands of Glen Strae, held by the MacGregor chiefs since the 14th century were the subject of bitter dispute with Cailean liath of Glen Orchy who purchased the superiority from the Earl of Argyll in 1554, [96] and refused to infeft the young chief, Griogar ruadh in 1562. This was finally settled in 1624 when Donnchadh dubh enfeoffed Griogar, alias John Murray, grandson of Griogar ruadh, who immediately resigned them in exchange for £10,000. [97] The 30-merklands of Fearnan, held of Robertson of Strowan, were a valuable area, which Clan Gregor lineages appear to have occupied for most of the 16th century. Well-drained, gently sloping land on the sunny side of the loch, with extensive limestone geology provided unusual fertility. The 10-poundland of Easter Ardeonaig on the south of Loch Tay was a Haldane possession and the 10-poundland of Wester Ardeonaig belonged to the Napiers until Campbell of Lawers acquired both in the early 17th century. From the early 16th century, until at least 1613, Ardeonaig had been occupied by a branch of the Roro MacGregors.


[98] Clan Gregor lineages were found in a variety of other places around Loch Tay, Glen Lochay, Loch Rannoch, Glen Lednock, Strathyre, Balquhidder and Strathgartney. There was significant settlement of the Glenlednock lineage and Mallochs of the Ardeonaig lineage in the Drummond lands along Strath Earn between St Fillans and Comrie. Land ownership was significant in the context of 16th century inflation. Fiar’s prices of oatmeal in the eastern burghs rose from 25s per boll in the 1550s to a peak of 200s per boll in the late 1580s, (the peak appears to suggest unusual shortages and prices averaged around 150s a boll in the 1620s). Although the evidence of Edinburgh prices and wages is fragmentary and not directly relevant to Highland conditions, wheat bread rose from 1d in 1530 to 12d in 1600; day labourer rates rose from 1d in 1530 to 5d in 1600. [99] While this may indicate economic distress among wage-earners, it also accounts for an increase in prosperity of those many land-owners who built new chateaux in the later 16th century, notably Cailean liath, who added to Kilchurn and built Edinample. [100] He built Balloch in 1559 on land which up to 1552 had been occupied by the MacGregor ruling lineage [101] . His son, Donnchadh dubh, built Finlarig, Achallader, Benderloch, Barcaldine and made more additions to Kilchurn. [102] Menzies of Weem could not have been deprived of income by MacGregor occupation of Rannoch since he substantially enlarged his house between 1572 and 1577. [103] The misery of inflation could prove a bonanza for landowners. If they borrowed to purchase land, inflation increased the land value while diminishing the real debt. Rentals in kind also left the landlord with the profit from the increase in the price of food. The Glenorchy lairds’ modus operandi was first to acquire the bailiary and tenancy of crown demesne or former church lands for which term rentals had to be paid. Increasingly in the later 16th century these lands were granted in feu-ferm for fixed perpetual feu-duties whose real value reduced with inflation. As an illustration of the increased value of land, in 1480, 10 merklands of Morenish paid 10 merks in rent to Menzies of Weem. [104] At that time most of the remaining 20 merklands appear to have been occupied by Griogair MacDhonnchaidh bhig (312) of the Roro lineage. In 1602, Donnchadh dubh purchased the 54 merklands of Morenish, Crannich, Auchmore and Kenknock for 28000 merks. [105] Assuming a valuation of thirty times rental, [106] lands worth around 1600 merks in 1480 were worth seventeen times as much in 1602, or £345 per merkland. The sale of Glen Strae in 1624 valued each merkland at £500. Campbell/MacGregor expansion was both military and economic. ‘Military’ suggests a degree of violence, as in the forcible occupation of Rannoch from 1523. [107] The tenancy or at least bailiary of lands subject to Clan Gregor occupation might subsequently be granted to Campbell lords as the most able to ensure their ‘gude rewle’. The Campbells did not succeed in wresting Rannoch from Menzies. However, late in the 16th century, the Glenorchy lairds acquired lands with MacGregor tenants around Loch Tay, such as Duneaves from Moncrieff of that ilk. [108] Economic warfare reduced the income of rival lord, by the burning of crops and theft of livestock. Cailean liath was criticised for the destruction his men wrought in Strathearn under the excuse of letters of fire and sword against Clan Gregor in 1564. [109] Cailean liath had previously acquired some Strathearn lands, but more would follow. [110] Similarly, he received the manrent of the surviving MacLarens in


Balquhidder in 1558, [111] shortly after the MacGregor raid that destroyed 18 MacLaren households and occupied their farms, despite the MacLaren’s long-standing dependence on Argyll. [112] It seems unlikely that this occurred without Argyll’s agreement. Lords were often heavily indebted, so that the economic damage of a major raid might induce a sale to the expanding Campbells. This must have been the intention in Rannoch though it did not happen, but the dislocation caused by MacGregor-Campbell disputes may have been the inducement for the sale of his Loch Tayside lands by Menzies of Weem in 1602. It may have been Argyll’s intention to use the financial losses to Colquhoun of Luss caused by MacGregor raids in 1602 in order to acquire his lands. While it appears that Clan Gregor lineages occupied all of the 32-merklands of Rannoch and the 30-merklands of Fearnan, it is less clear how much of the 30 merklands of Morenish they occupied. Menzies of Weem wadset most of Morenish to the Glenorchy Campbells (who appear to have had a residence in Easter Morenish) from at least 1488. [113] In the Chronicle of Fothergill, Gregor Duncanbegson died at Morenish in 1503, and his brother Padraig ruadh in 1522. [114] The lineage of Alasdair odhar murdered by Donnchadh ladasach in 1551 for giving his manrent to Cailean liath, probably held only 10-merklands of Wester Morenish. Morenish was then held by Padraig dubh [115] and subsequently by the sons of Eoghan, ‘tutor of Glenstrae’. ‘Gregour MacGregour of Moiris’ featured in a removal process of 1595 and ‘Gregor, John dow, and Duncan MacEwne in Moirninche’, sons of Eoghan tutor of Glenstrae, are specified in a 1602 Luss list. [116] On surrender in 1611 [117] and remission by the King in 1613, [118] the designation of ‘Duncane Dowglas formerly surnamed McGregour’ was ‘of Morinsche’. An 18th century stone in Killin old kirkyard to ‘John MacGregor Tomachrochar’ showed that MacGregors remained in Morenish. The relative quietness of the Privy Council and Justiciary records with regard to the deeds of the Clan Gregor from the early 1570s up to the death of Cailean liath in 1583 suggest that having executed Griogair ruadh, he had achieved his objective of bringing most of the Clan Gregor into dependence upon him. It could be argued that local lordship functioned quietly and effectively in the absence of interference from the Government of the child James VI. For example a bond of Cailean liath in 1580 binds the fine of Clan Gregor to ensure that two clansmen who had taken or killed cattle from Glen Orchy would undergo two years exile from Scotland. [119] Either way there does not appear to have been a ‘Clan Gregor problem’. Among other references, ‘Gregor McDougall alias McGregour’ was presented to the office of reader at Moulin in 1576 and ‘Gregour McEane in Brakley’ witnessed Glenorchy bonds in 1578. [120] The modus vivendi appears to have changed on the accession in 1583 of Donnchadh dubh, self-styled ‘blakest laird in all the land’. [121] Among his first actions were renewals of bonds of Manrent with some of the fine of Clan Gregor and others. [122] In January 1584/5 the Privy Council fulminated, in an ominous portent, that “his Majesties’ good and peaceable subjects inhabiting the countries of the Lennox, Menteith, Struilingschyre, and Stratherne are heavily oppressed by reif, stouth, sorning, and other crimes, dayly and nightly used upon them by certain thieves, lymmers, and sorners lately broke loose upon them furth of the braes of the countries next adjacent”. [123]


In 1586, 103 named members of the Clan Gregor were put to the horn for unspecified acts of theft. [124] Beginning in July 1587 [125] up until 1602, the Sheriff Court Books of Perth contain a series of actions for removal of MacGregor tenants. That these were often futile is demonstrated by the failure of Robertson of Strowan to remove ‘Allaster McGregour clerich’ from the 3-merkland of Croftnalin in Fearnan despite finding against him in 1588, 1595, 1599 and 1601; likewise Neil MacCondochy from the 5-merkland of Fearnan in 1589, 1595, 1597 and 1601; Duncan MacAllaster VicAllaster from the 3-merkland of Fearnan Tomintivoir in 1589, 1595, 1597 and 1601; and William McNeill VcEwin from the 7-merkland of Boreland of Fearnan in 1588, 1595, and 1601. The 5-merkland of Stronfernan occupied by John dow MacAllaster was the subject of removal actions by Strowan in 1595 and 1597. [126] He had been listed in the horning after the death of Drummondernoch in 1590. [127] In April 1601 he was specified in a bond to Argyll as a pledge for the behaviour of the clan while in July 1601 Strowan raised a further action for his removal, specifying a previous attempt in 1599. [128] Despite the proscription of the clan in 1603 following the Battle of Glen Fruin, Eoin dubh apparently remained in possession. In November 1609, Colquhoun of Luss complained of continued MacGregor aggression against his tenants. [129] The king instituted a determined campaign [130] against MacGregor possessions as evidenced by the tax in 1613 ‘of £60 for every merkland pertaining to them which was possest by the Clangregour at the term of Whitsunday 1610’. [131] In May 1611, the brother of Campbell of Lawers sent the head of ‘John dhu McAllaster McGregour of Stronferna’ to the Council. [132] In December, he raised an action under the act of 1605 that ‘whoever should apprehend and enter before them any of the name of McGregor ‘quick or dead’ should receive a nineteen years tack of all such lands as were possessed by the person presented’. Following arbitration, the Council - awarded to Campbell a certain sum in silver to be paid by Robertsoun in full discharge of his claim. … the relict and bairns of the said Johnne Dow to be removed therefrom ‘as personis unworthie to brook ony benefit within his Majesteis kingdome’ the Lords declare that it shall be lawful to enter in possession of the said lands without any process of law, and to remove the said widow and her goods furth thereof. [133] Even this did not remove all MacGregors from Fearnan, although their status had been reduced. In 1621, James Campbell of Lawers was charged as ‘cautioner for Malcolm Robertson in Fernar and other 13 McGregours’. [134] Processes for removal between 1584 and 1602 named 146 MacGregors, some several times. Were these actions genuinely aimed at removal or were they intended to demonstrate to the government that these MacGregors held their lands in defiance of their landlords who should not, therefore, be subject to the provisions of the general band? As well as the 20-merkland of Glenstrae, the 32-merklands of Rannoch and the 30-merklands of Fearnan have been mentioned. In addition we find: 10-merklands of Wester Morenish; 8 merks of Kingart and half of the 4-merks of Innerzeldie in Glen Lednock; 4-merks of Auchnacroftie at Balloch [135] ; 40-shillingland of Bynzemoir in


Glen Dochart; [136] 5-merklands of Ardchoille (part of the 20-merklands in Glen Dochart); the 40-shillingland of Roro, in Glen Lyon; 5-merklands of Glenveich and 4-merklands of Mewie in Strathearn; 2.5-merklands of Stronvar, as well as Invernentie and Blairvoir, also in Balquhidder. Settlement sites of unspecified extent are also recorded, such as Duneaves and Glenalmond. The purchases of Donnchadh dubh in 1602 suggested an approximate valuation of £44,000 for 126 merklands. With the exception of Glen Strae and, for a time, Glen Lednock, Clan Gregor lineages did not possess heritable title to these lands. They occupied them as tenants but it can only be speculated whether they deprived their charter lords of the benefit of them. No actions for removal were discovered against the Clann Dubhghaill chèir in Strath Gartney and Glengyle in Callendar parish. Stirling Sheriff Court records do not survive for this period so it is not known whether any removals were attempted in Craigrostan and Stukenroy in Buchanan parish. [137] The Clandoulcheire was included in the 1586 and 1590 hornings and ten of them were numbered among those executed in 1604 and 1612. They remained in Glen Gyle and Balquhidder until the 19th century. Members of the MacRob lineage in Strathyre were listed in 1586 and 1590, put to the horn in 1605 and summoned to compeir before the Council in 1610, but there is no record of actions for their removal and they remained in Strathyre during the 17th century, nor for Padraig aulach, in Strathyre, executed in 1604. The extent of these lands is uncertain but may have been, at least, a further 30 merklands. No removal actions against the Mallochs in the 30-merklands of Ardeonaig could be found. Kingarth in Glen Lednock had been held by the kindred of Padraig Chaoldich (231) as crown tenants, but Cailean liath obtained the superiority in 1566. Donnchadh dubh acquired Dalmarglen in 1596 and purchased Invergeldie in 1625. [138] In 1591, his son, Colin of Ardbeith raised an action for removal of MacGregor tenants, which Padraig ammonach defended claiming that Because that Duncan Paterson alias McGregor his guidsir Deit heritably Rentalit in the landis libellit to our souerane lord And the said Patrik as Air, at the leist aperand Air, to his said umquhile guidsir, as succeeding to him hes brukit the saidis landis thir diverss zeiris bygane And payit the few malles & Dewties to the comptrollers his collectouris, And therfour be the prevelege of the said rentall and daylie practis observit in faouris of all kyndlie possessouris of landis haulden of his Majestie & therefore newayis aucht to be removed. [139] He was ‘decerned to flit’, but a May 1598 decreet for payment against his son ‘Gregour McGregour in Kingart in Glenleidnoch, son of umqle Patrik Ammonach McGregour’ [140] indicates that he had not. In 1621, ‘John Drummond of Innerzeldie, and six other McGregouris’ were cited to appear before the Council. [141] Members of the Glenlednock lineage and the Mallochs of Roro-Ardeonaig had spread throughout the Drummond lands in the strath from St Fillans to Comrie by the late 16th century. [142] The lineage became closely associated with the Drummonds with many adopting that name in 1603. Having dispossessed the Campbell lineage of Glen Falloch, Donnchadh dubh enfeoffed his son Robert in March 1596. This was followed by actions for removal of various tenants in July 1597, including Donnchadh abrach in the 5-merkland of Ardchoille in Glen Dochart; the Macgillecholuims in the 20-shillingland of Clachbretane in Glen Falloch, and Glenstrae’s uncle, Donnchadh na ghlinne (from


the 3-merkland of Innerchaggany in Strath Fillan. These were ignored as the same three were put to the horn for non-compliance in July 1599. [143] The Glenorchy rent book of 1602 does not show any MacGregor tenants in Innerchaggany or in Glen Orchy. [144] In April 1604, Robert Campbell of Glen Falloch ‘slew Duncane Abroch McGregour with his sone Gregore in Ardchyllie’ at the skirmish of Beinn Todhaig. [145] Glen Dochart was not included in the rental, but although still described as ‘in Ardchyllie’ in 1603, Donnchadh abrach had entered into a 19-year tack of 2.5-merklands of Lairge in Menteith from Shaw of Knokhill in 1602. [146] Processes were raised by Donnchadh dubh against twenty-nine named MacGregors between 1590 and 1599. The first seven, in August 1590 when the entire clan had been at the horn, had been aimed at the ruling lineage in the 20-merk lands of Glen Strae. [147] It can be assumed that these processes were not successful as Donnchadh dubh burned Glen Strae in 1611 and the dispute would not be settled until 1624. In July 1595, Donnchadh dubh raised an action against ‘Gregour McEane in Brackley’, recently dispossessed as his hereditary constable of Kilchurn. The lineage had been servants of the Campbells of Glen Orchy since the 1440s. One tenant in ‘Moiris’ (Morenish on Loch Tayside) was also cited. [148] In June 1599, Glenorchy raised further actions against ‘Duncan abrach and Gregor McEane’ with his sons, and other tenants in unspecified locations. [149] It was likely that Donnchadh dubh genuinely intended to remove them and probably succeeded. [150] In his 1602 rental, only three probable MacGregors remained, all in Glen Lochay. [151] One of them, ‘Johnne dow McPatrik vy’ (?), was listed as a member of the clan in 1611. [152] Descendants of Gregor MacEane continued as feuars in Brackley and were mentioned there as Jacobites in the 1680s. [153] Campbell of Lawers raised an action against six tenants of the merkland of Duncroisk Mylne in Glen Lochay in 1587. [154] The principal MacGregor tenant, Donnchadh odhar, remained ‘in Duncroisk’ in the horning of 1590. [155] James, Commendator of Inchaffray raised actions in 1589 and 1598, and at least one tenant appeared on both occasions [156] . John Murray of Tullibardin raised actions against two MacGregor tenants in Invernentie, Balquhidder in 1592 and one of them is named again with five others in 1599 [157] . Menzies of Weem raised actions against 27 MacGregor tenants in May 1595. [158] He had complained about unruly MacGregor tenants since 1523, but they remained in Rannoch into the 19th century. Clan Gregor military capabilities proved useful to other lords, with MacGregors cited in legal actions as being in the service of Tullibardin, [159] Lord Drummond [160] and especially Argyll. [161] The Act of Council of August 1621 stated that landlords who suffer any of the Clangregour to dwell upon their land and take maill and duty, plaint and court of them shall be answerable for them, and their doings, seeing sundry landlords set their land to the Clangregour for a greater rent, than poor men are able to pay which is easy for them seeing that they take from all men. [162] Though from a strongly biased source, this implies the passive enjoyment of the profits by landlords as well as their active employment of members of the clan in illegal activities. The Clan’s historic role had been the exploitation of local weaknesses in the service of the expanding Campbells. Some elements of Clan Gregor may simply have found new masters for their hereditary activities. However,


the evidence suggests that the majority of the clan were substantial farmers, and that state policy ultimately turned them into landless bandits. Donnchadh dubh had apparently succeeded by 1603 in reducing the status of the MacGregors remaining on his own lands, but he may have been content to use the disorder created by state sponsored actions against MacGregors elsewhere to weaken the landlords for his own benefit. The success of this policy is apparent in the vast possessions of his descendants, the Earls, Marquises and Dukes of Breadalbane. This review has demonstrated the remarkable lack of success of the landlords, with the partial exception of Donnchadh dubh, in removing their MacGregor tenants. MacGregor armed strength may have ensured defiant possession. However, armed occupation alone does not grow crops or rear livestock which are vulnerable to destruction and removal, demonstrated by the MacLean raid on Rannoch in 1598, for which Griogair ruadh made a successful but pointless action for restitution [163] and complained in 1604 that the raid had been ordered by Argyll in order to pressurise him. [164] The complaint of Donnchadh dubh that Clan Gregor were ‘reset by the baronis and gentilmen of the cuntry’ [165] in both Argyll and Atholl in 1590 when these gentlemen had been commanded by the Council to ‘concur, and fortifie and assist the said Sir Duncane, under the pain of being reputed art and part with the said Clan’ [166] suggests considerable support in the community which seems inconsistent with their claimed reputation for brigandage and coercion. It may be that the landlords did not intend the actual removal of MacGregor tenants, but had to be in a position to prove that they had tried. There is little doubt that Cailean liath and Donnchadh dubh intended to reduce Clan Gregor lineages into absolute dependence on themselves, but except for their vindictive pursuit of recalcitrant individuals, it does not appear that their intention was extermination. NOTES [78] R.A. Dodgshon, 8. [79] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 241-2. [80] R. Dodgshon, 85. [81] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History, 408. [82] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History, 406. [83] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 410. [84] NAS G.D.112/1/401, ‘Names of the Householders of the Clangregor and their landlords’. [85] NAS G.D.50/187/2 Horning dated 10th June 1602, inhibitions, vol.1 fo.86. [86] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 252-253, Lord High Treasurer’s Books. [87] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 407. [88] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of the Clan Gregor, throughout. [89] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 412. [90] P.G.B. McNeill & H.L. MacQueen, (Eds) Atlas of Scottish History to 1707, (Edinburgh, 1996), 284. [91] P.G.B. McNeill & H.L. MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History, 284. [92] P.G.B. McNeill & H.L. MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History, 285. [93] P.G.B. McNeill & H.L. MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History, 285. [94] P.G.B. McNeill & H.L. MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History, 298. [95] J. Christie, The Lairds and Lands of Loch Tayside, (Aberfeldy, 1892), 60. [96] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 268. [97] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 272. [98] J. Christie, The Lairds and Lands of Loch Tayside, 75-79. [99] P.G.B. McNeill & H.L. MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History, 326-8. [100] C. McKean, The Scottish Chateau, The Country House of Renaissance Scotland (Stroud, 2001), 116. [101] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 156. [102] C. McKean, The Scottish Chateau, 105.


[103] C. McKean, The Scottish Chateau, 131-133. [104] J. Christie, The Lairds and Lands of Loch Tayside, 49. [105] J. Christie, The Lairds and Lands of Loch Tayside, 44. [106] M.H.B. Sanderson, Scottish Rural Society in the 16th Century, (Edinburgh, 1982), 154. [107] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 126. [108] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 211. [109] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 331. [110] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 215. [111] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 218. [112] J. Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire: Land and Society North of the Highland Line 1480-1851, (Haddington, 1990), 48. [113] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 148. [114] J. Christie, The Lairds and Lands of Loch Tayside, 49. [115] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 162. [116] RPC, vol vi, 1599-1604, 484. [117] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 394. [118] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 427, Privy Seal record 21st dec 1613. [119] NAS, G.D.112/1/225 [120] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 170-1. [121] NAS, G.D.112/22/2 written on flyleaf. [122] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 176. [123] RPC, vol iii, 718. [124] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 177-180. [125] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 181. [126] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 245 and 250. [127] RPC, vol iv, 1585-92, 509-510. [128] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 269 and 273. [129] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 353. [130] RPC, vol ix, 1610-13, 46-49; A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 389-92 [131] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 420, Lord High Treasurer’s Books. [132] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 382 [133] RPC, vol ix, 1610-13, 302; A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 394. [134] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 445,. Treasurer’s books. [135] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 170, Court of Session decreets 1574. [136] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 171, Privy seal. [137] NAS; Perth Sheriff Court records for the late 16th century but Stirling Sheriff Court records have not survived [138] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 217. [139] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 227, sheriff books of Perth. [140] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 250, court of session decreet. [141] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 446, payment to messenger with letters. [142] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History’, 98. [143] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 249; Reg Hornings, Perth. [144] NAS. G.D.112/9/7, Rental book for East and West Loch Tay, and Glen Orchy. [145] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 335; Black Book of Taymouth. [146] NAS. G.D.112/10/1/1/20, Tack by Shaw of Knokhill. [147] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 222, Court of Session decreet. [148] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 245, Court of Session decreet. [149] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 253, Sheriff Books of Perth. [150] NAS. G.D.112/9/7, Rental book for East and West Loch Tay, and Glen Orchy. [151] NAS. G.D.112/9/7, Rental book for East and West Loch Tay, and Glen Orchy. [152] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 394, Treasurers Books. [153] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol ii, 179-182. [154] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 181, Sheriff Books of Perth. [155] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 207, RPC, vol iv, 453-55. [156] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 182 and 251, Sheriff Books of Perth. [157] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 235 and 253, Sheriff Books of Perth. [158] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 241, Court of Session decreet. [159] RPC, vol v, 1592-99, 518. A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 252. [160] RPC, vol vi 1599-1604, 96, A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 261.


[161] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 246-7, Record of Justiciary. [162] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 442; RPC, vol xii, Aug 1621. [163] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 250. Court of Session decreet. [164] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 321, The Laird of McGregours declaration. [165] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 224, RPC, vol iv, 541. [166] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 222, RPC, vol iv, p509-10.


The crimes of Clan Gregor Brown cited the MacGregors as an example of a criminal network that, in return for protection, carried out the dirty work of lords such as the Earl of Argyll. [167] Was Clan Gregor’s reputation for criminal behaviour justified? Amelia MacGregor has been used as the source for ‘criminal activities’ recorded between 1558 and 1624 in the Sheriff Court books of Perth, the Justiciary records and the Privy Council records. The local baron courts dealt with most local crime but these records rarely survive. Single events have been counted for as many participants as were involved. Many of these crimes were cited as evidence against members of the clan at trials in 1603/4 or 1611/12, although some events occurred many years earlier. There are many instances of fines for shooting deer and fowl or wearing guns, most of them in 1618-22. As early as 1581, several of the principals of Clan Gregor had been prosecuted by ‘Ewir Campbell of Strachur Forrester of Glenfernate’ Gregour McIllichallum McCoule in Glengyle, Ewin McCondoquhy Glas McColchallum queyelecht, & Duncan McGregour in Glen, Allester Gall McGregour his brother to compeir and underlye the law for slaughter of deir, hiarirt, (grey hen) Hynd, da, ra, and other wild fowls, with culveringis pistollettis, handbowes. [168] This private prosecution may be a dispute over the reservation of hunting rights to lordship. Later, there were state-sponsored attempts to control the ownership of firearms. Fined in September 1612: ‘For wearing hagbutts &a … William Buchanan in Glengyle’, probably a member of Clandoulcheire and ‘Gregour McGregour McCoulle’. [169] A number of non-MacGregors are also cited, demonstrating widespread defiance of the royal ordnances against unlicensed firearms. Former MacGregors that had taken service with the Drummonds were not immune to the forest laws. In November 1612: ‘Patrick Drummond in Darmaglen and Duncane Drummond McAllaster in Dundurne are fined each in £5 for shooting with guns and killing Roebucks’. [170] In June 1618, among a number fined for wearing of ‘hagbuttis and pistolettis and the slaughter of wildfowls, and venisoune’, occurred the names of 20 persons believed to be MacGregors ‘all under pretext and colour of thair recreatioun’ A further ten were accused in July. [171] Again in 1619, a further 20 were fined for the same crime. [172] Further fines for slaughter of wildfowl were handed down in March 1622. [173] Clan Gregor, as a whole, was outlawed in 1562-70, 1586, 1590-92, 1603-4 and 1611-12. During these periods many attempts were made to force clansmen to ‘underlie the law’, while the clan took private revenge on their persecutors. Forgiveness and even rewards might be handed out to those who killed MacGregors or destroyed their property, while corresponding acts by the clan were treated as capital crimes, particularly in the trials of 1603/4 and 1611/12. Seventy-five instances of such crimes are recorded. During the 1590 horning, Glenorchy complained


specifically about one of Glenstrae’s brothers, two of Ardlarich , one of Roro and two of the Rannoch Roros. It has been argued that most of the leadership were substantial farmers rather than bandits. However, opportunities for expansion had largely ended by 1550 and the numerous sons of the clan appearing in the records in the later 16th century faced reduced opportunities. As well as new locations such as Strathspey in 1602, the displacement of members of the clan from farming to banditry may be illustrated by ‘John McGregour brother to the said Laird of Glenstra with his men’ who appears in the 1602 list followed by nine, mostly unidentified names. Five MacGregors are indicted for the burning of Glenlochie and Achallader in 1604. Eight are specified for the burning of Aberuchill in 1612. It is very likely that many more were involved in these and similar events, while the provocations and atrocities on the side of Glenorchy and his followers are glossed over and usually forgiven. The single trial of ten MacGregors in 1612 is detailed here, as an illustration. ‘Gregor beg McGregour son to umquhile Gregor Mceane, Gregor McAllaster galt, Johne Dow McInleith (?), and John Dow Mcgille phadrick Vcrobert’, were accused of art and part of the treasonable raising of fire, burning and destroying of the haill houses and biggings of Glenlochie and Achallater, and for the slaughter of … McColeane bowman to the Laird of Glenurquhie with divers uyeris persons to the number of eight persons, burning of three young bairns, daughters to Johnn McKishock and for stealing of six score cows and oxen furth of Glenlyoun in April 1604. ‘Allaster Mcallaster Vccoule (?), Patrick McGregor Craiginsche, Duncane McCoulecheir, Patrick roy McGregor, and Gregor Mceane Vccoulecheir’ indicted for art and part of the burning and destroying of the haill houses and biggings upon the forty merk land of Aberuchill pertaining to Colene Campbell and for the slaughter of Duncane Webst, John Seatoune, Patrick Stabache, John McGillievorich, burning of the three daughters of John McKishack, stealing and away taking of eighteen score of cows, six score piece of horse, eight score sheep and goats, pertaining to the said Colene and likewise for burning of the mill of Bolquhaster with the haill houses and biggings upon the grounds and, lands of Carne Doune and Dillater pertaining to Robert Campbell of Glenfalloche and of his haill houses and biggings upon his lands of Airdcane, Knochane … in the month of June 1611. Gregor McGregour beg, for ‘the slaughter of umquhile Solomon Lany alias Buchanane committed at the Kirk of Kilmaheug twenty years ago, or thereby’. This killing probably occurred during the outlawry of 1590/91 and may have been retaliatory or during pursuit. Johnne Dow Mcgillephadrick - for the stealing and away taking furth of Glenfynles of a great heirschip of cows and oxen pertaining to the Laird of Luss and his tenants, and slaughter of umquhile John Reid webster and Patrick Lang servant to the Laird of Luss committed upon the said lands of Glenfinles in the month of December 1602


Johnne Dow moir McGregor in Rora for stealing and away taking of a great number of goods pertaining to mylord Ogilvie furth of Glenylay And sicklike for taking and keeping of the Island varnach against his Majesty’s commissioner and hiring and oppressing of the whole tenants and inhabitants of the country about, taking and inbringing of the haill guids and be all to the number of eight score cows and oxen, eighteen score sheep and goats which were eaten by them within the said island. Finally as a catch-all, the haill forenamed persons indicted and accused for common theft, common reset of theft, common sorning, and oppressing of his Majesty’s peaceable subjects and for intercommuning with the rest of the surname of McGregours fugitives and at the horn and furnishing of them with meat, drink, and money and keeping of trysts, councils, and gatherings with them contrary to the tenour of his Majesty’s proclamations. [174] While an efficient use of the court’s time, this trial dealt with very different crimes. The burning of Glenlochie and Achallater were in revenge for the vigorous persecution of the clan by Raibart, eldest son of Donnchadh dubh after Glen Fruin. Similarly, the burning of Aberuchill in 1611 was a revenge attack against Colin Campbell, another son of Donnchadh dubh. The clan may have viewed these as just retaliation during the course of a feud, rather than an act of defiance against crown authority. In addition to this, however, ‘Gregour McGregour beg’ alone, was accused of a murder while outlawed in 1590. ‘Johnne Dow Mcgillephadrick’ was charged with taking part in the herschip of Glenfinlas in 1602, during which two of Luss’s men were killed. ‘Johnne Dow moir McGregor in Rora’ is charged with a undated Highland spreidh on Lord Ogilvie’s lands. The partial nature of the justice being dispensed is demonstrated by the Privy Seal entry for July 28, 1612 giving remission to a MacGregor who had submitted: On account of the broken state of the Highlands to Duncan McRobert McGregour now called Grahame for the treasonable raising of fire and burning of the barn of Blair-vadden lying within the Dukedom of Lennox in Feb. 1603, also for the treasonable raising of fire and burning of the places and house of Aberughill belonging to Colin Campbell of Aberughill and for all other crimes. [175] Remission was given in June 1612 to Patrick, Alexander and Duncan formerly called MacGregors, now Levingstounes, sons of the late Patrick Aldoch McGregour in Chorychorumbie for art and part in the burning of the houses and outsteads of the lands of Glenlochie belonging to Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy and for all other crimes, [176] The burning of Glenlochie took place in April 1604, only a few months after Padraig aldoch had been executed by the verdict of a jury including Colin Campbell, younger of Glenurquhy. [177]


Violence against Clan Gregor was as much a crime as any other, but forgiveness was usually forthcoming. On March 31, 1600, remission was granted to ‘Malcolm and Duncan MacGregors brothers, servants of Patrick Lord Drummond for the slaughter of Duncan McCleriche’. [178] Pardon was issued in 1614 to the Earl of Perth’s men, including MacGregors taking the name of Drummond, who engaged a body of MacGregors at Tomzarloch in March 1612, when five were captured and six killed. The killed included John Dow MacGregor, Donald Gramich MacGregor VcCulchere, John McPhatrik Nadidin MacGregor VcCulchere), Gregor McEan VcEanan MacGregor, Elensisens MacGregor (?). [179] ‘Malcolm McCoullchere in Innerlochlarig’) was accused in 1604 of being airt and pairt, and being on the grundis at the crewall Slauchter of vmqle Hew Stewart serveand to my Lord of Athole ; committit threttie yeir syne. Item for Airt and pairt of the slauchter of umqle Patrik McGregour in Glenbokie; committit in the moneth of Sep. 1576. [180] The killing of Padraig dubh was an instance of MacGregor on MacGregor killings. ‘Duncan Mcfadrik VcCoullcheir’ was accused at the same trial of ‘the slauchter of Patrik McGregour’. ‘Patrick Dow McGregor McDuncan Lawdossyt was slain in Bofudyr by Clandowilchayr on October 4 1574’. [181] This had been in revenge for a killing in September 1572 when Allaster McAllestyr slain and his son ane yonge barne of sewin yer ald callyt Gregor, and Duncan brodyr tyl Allestyr al slain in Stronfarna be Patrik Dow McGregor VcCondoquhy Lawdossyt with his complesis, and be the drath of Allestyr Gald VcGregor. [182] This cycle of violence demonstrated fault lines within the kindred. Alasdair galt was a natural brother of Griogair ruadh the chief executed in 1570. The killing of Alasdair MacAlasdair) is suggested to have been his plan, but Padraig dubh, surviving son of Donnchadh ladasach, was chosen to commit the murder of one of the leaders of the Roro-Fearnan kindred. The revenge murder would not be committed by kinsmen in Fearnan but by the Clandoulcheire. This private justice was brought up at their public trial 28 years later. Among the accused at the same trial was Niall MacUilleam VicNiall, one of the surviving relatives of the deceased Alasdair MacAlasdair, though not accused of the revenge killing. The same 1604 trial has the only recorded acquittal of a member of the clan: ‘Johnne McCoull Cheire to be clene, innocent and acquit’ .. ‘ffor airt and pairt of the crewall Murthour and Burning of auchtene houshalderis of the Clanlawren, their wyves and bairnis ; committit fourtie sax yeir syne or thairby’. [183] Did he inform on his kinsmen? This trial raises questions of who supplied the evidence and what it may indicate about the stresses within the clan, in the 1570s as well as in 1604. This murder of 18 MacLarens in 1558 [184] raises further questions, since the MacLarens were in the service of Argyll and shortly after signed bonds of manrent with Glenorchy. Did the MacGregors raid of their own accord, or was the raid ordered or at least condoned by either Argyll or Glenorchy? In July 1581 orders were given to to tak souertie of Ewin McGregour tutoure of Glenschra, Allester McGregour VcDonichy VcAllester, Johne Dow his brother, Patrick Moirwell (?), Allester


Pudreauch McGregour, Malcum MacWolchallum VcWill, Dougall Denesoune, David and Johne Dow brother, and Duncane. That they should underlie the law for airt and pairt of ye slaughter of ye said umqule Duncan Stewart committed in Nov. last bypast. [185] In this accusation, Eoghan was cited as tutor of Glenstrae and acting head of the kindred. Eoghan was also cited in 1584/5, as acting head of the clan and with other lairds in 1585 ‘to compeir before his Majesty and Lords of his Privy Council at Haliruidhous’. [186] Of the others, Alasdair pudrach was a natural brother of Eoghan, while the others are members of Roro-2 and Roro-5/Rannoch lineages. ‘Dougal Denesone’, Chancellor of Lismore, was of the Fortingal lineage. He occurred in the lists of 1586 and 1590 but this was the only crime ascribed to him. In another 1603 trial, ‘Duncane McAllaster Vrek in Farne’, was accused ‘ffor airt and pairt of the thiftious steilling furth of the Laird of Strowane’s crandoche of his haill insicht’. Also for ‘the airt and pairt of the slauchter of vmqle Donald Dereiff’ and ‘for the airt and pairt of the thiftious steilling furth of the landis of Downance in Menteith, of fourtie ky, tuelf horsis, committit 1588. ‘Allaster Mcewin Vccondochie in Couldar’, in Rannoch, was also accused of ‘the heirschip of the Downance in Menteith; and of the slauchteris then committit ; and speciallie the slauchter of vmqle Andro Grahame. [187] At the same trial ‘Gregour McNeill alias Cownache’ (?) and ‘Johnne McKean VcGregour, in Glenogill vnder Tawie barne’ (?) were both accused of ‘crewall murthour and slachter of umqle the ffidler Mckillope’, and his wife in 1602, ‘being in company with vmqle Patrik Aulach’. [188] In November 1590, along with Eoin dubh nan lurag, ‘brother german to Glenstrae’, ‘Johnne Dow McEwin VcGregour and Donald Dow McAllester with their accomplices stole from Graham of Fintrie, yet Allaster Roy McGregour and his Cautioners refuse to apprehend them.’ [189] Eoin dubh mac Eoghan was a son of the tutor and first cousin to the chief. At his trial in February 1604, along with four counts of theft in 1603, he was charged with being ‘airt and pairt of the slauchter of vmqle Johnne Drummond in Drony of Cowgask committit in Aug. last’, [190] and was included in the accusations against Eoin dubh nan lurag in 1596. Aside from the documented killings, a number of members of the clan were accused of theft. Of the Glenstrae lineage, the clan chief was accused as head of the kindred in 1586 of different acts of theft, but in 1603 he led the raid on the Luss lands following Glenfruin and was accused ‘of having killed about 140 of Sir Alexander’s men; of having carried off 80 horses, 600 cows, and 800 sheep; and of burning houses, cornyards, &c’. [191] The Chief’s brother, Eoin dubh nan lurag, was one of two Macgregors killed at Glen Fruin, but he had been previously accused of the theft of 16 horses from Stewart of Dalguise, theft from Graham of Fintrie, [192] and the heirschip of Tulliebodie, [193] all in 1596; as well as being horned with seven others for theft and oppression by Lindsay of Edzell. [194] Eoin dubh appears to have been a focus of criminal activity although he held lands in Balquhidder from Tullibardine. Eoin dubh mac Alasdair galt, another member of the chief’s lineage, was accused in 1600 of the theft of 14 cattle from William Pitalloch in Maidlinis in February 1594/5 [195] and took part in the raid on Lindsay of Edzell. His cousin Seumas, son of Donnchadh na ghlinne participated in the heirschip of Tulliebodie. [196] ‘Donald Dow


McAllester’ of Ardlarich is mentioned once, above, for theft from Graham of Fintrie. [197] MacRob: In 1583, Alasdair’s brother ‘Duncane Bayne McRobb alias McGregoure in Craigrostane’, had been put to the horne, at the instance of Lord Doune from whom he had stolen ‘a quhyt meir and ane foill and ane mirkgrey meir.’ [198] Alasdair MacRaibart moir MacGregor and his sons in Strathyre, alias Buchanan from 1604, [199] horned some of their Clandoulcheire neighbours in September 1605, including ‘Allaster McCondoche vic Fatrik in Strathyre, Duncan and John McKirrist vic Condochie his sonis, Patrik cowle McGregour, for molestation and oppression’. [200] The son of Donnchadh bain, ‘John Dow McCondochie vayne’ was executed in June 1613 ‘for art and part of the stealing of certain cows and horses pertaining to Walter Stirling of Ballaghan furth of the parochine of Campsie’. [201] Ladasach: Alasdair scorach, brother of Donnchadh abrach was decerned to flit from Ardchoille in 1599. [202] In July 1596. ‘Alexander Maister of Elphinstoun’ charged the earl of Argyll to produce a number of Campbell and MacGregors ‘Mentenents and seruands to ye said Archibald Erll of Ergyll to underlie the law for certain heirschipis committit aganis the compleinaris foirsaidis’. [203] As well as three members of the laird’s near kin, mentioned above, these included Patrick McGregour sone to Patrick Dow McGregour, as well as ‘Archibald and Duncan Campbells sones to Alexander Scorach’. Padraig was a cousin of Donnchadh abrach, leader of the Ladasach lineage and the ‘scorachs’ were his nephews. All are stated as having been in the service of Argyll. Brackley: Alasdair cass was either a son or grandson of Eoin dubh in Dowletter, Glen Strae, and if so was the only member of the Brackley lineage accused of murder or theft. He was executed in June 1613 ‘for the cruel slauchter of umqle Neill McWeyane’. Glenlednock: In February 1603 Donald Menteith of Carquhine called ‘Gregour Ammonach in Glenlednoch to answer for stealing 3 cows and 2 oxen, aucht zeir syne’. [204] In 1611 ‘ane hundreth merkis’ was paid ‘for the heid of Gregour Ammonach’. [205] His brother Padraig was hanged in 1604. Also in 1604 ‘Johne Ammonache McGregour in Kingart’, was hanged ‘ffor airt and pairt of the thiftious steiiling if sax scheip furth of Schandballie ; committit aucht yeir syne or thairby’. [206] This family account for all the crimes and executions attributed to the Glenlednock lineage. The Ammonachs had been subjected to removal actions by Colin Campbell of Ardbeyth since 1591. [207] They appear to have remained although most of their kin had settled on Drummond lands. Roro-2/Glenlyon: In 1582, action was raised against ‘Gregour McGillichallum in Glenlyoun and Neill McGregour McGillechallum his sone tuching the spoiliatioun of sindrie gudis and geir’. [208] The same ‘Gregour Makolchallum in Inverbar in Glenlyoun’ [209] signed a bond of manrent with Donnchadh dubh in 1586. This family may possibly be the descendants of Eoin Maol (313) in Balloch in 1492, from Maol-coluim dispossessed from Balloch by Cailean liath in 1552. ‘Johne McCondochie VcAnedowie McGregour in Rannoche’, ‘John dow McEwin McGregour boch’ (3141121) of the Roro lineage and ‘Allester McGregour in Fernane servitor to


Robertson of Strowane’ were included in the 1598/9 horning by Lindsay of Edzell. [210] In 1584, ‘James Menzies of that Ilk’ pursued ‘Duncan McGregour eldest sone to umqule Johne cam Mccondoquhie tuching the violent profeittis of the fourtie schilling land of Rorow’. [211] Donnchadh, tutor of Roro during the minority of Griogair, may have been in dispute over the inheritance of the lands of Roro. The same ‘Duncane Mceane cam in Forthergill tutor’ was denounced rebel by Menzies in 1602. [212] He was executed in 1604, being accused of ‘thiftuous steilling fra Eduard Reidoche of fyve horse and meiris’ in 1594 and ‘thiftuous steilling fra Allaster Mccondochie Vic James Robiesone, in Callewin, of ten horsis and meiris’. [213] After the same trial ‘Allaster Mcewin Vccondochie, in Couldar’, was executed ‘ffor airt and pairt of the heirschip of the Downance in Menteith’. Roro-3/Fearnan: ‘Duncan McAllaster Vrek in Farna’ also mentioned above for two instances of theft as early as 1588, was a member of the Roro-Fearnan family. ‘Allaster McAllaster wreck’ is probably Duncan’s brother. He is mentioned by the Earl of Argyll in June 1613 as one of only two remaining ‘notable limmers and chieftains’, [214] and died after apprehension by the Laird of Grant in September 1613. [215] He had been charged in 1595 to flit from Strowan’s lands of Fearnan. Although his brother is mentioned earlier, Alasdair is first recorded in the August 1602 ‘Complaint of Andrew Ramsay at Mill of Innerqueich, theft of Cattle by Alaster McAlaster and John Dow McEwen McGregor and others from the lands of Corb and Drycurie in the forest of Alyth’. [216] Again in August 1604, ‘Andro Ramsay at the milne of Innerqueich against Argyle to present Allaster McAllaster McGregor and Johne McEwin McGregor for theft.’ [217] Roro-4/Ardeonaig: In 1586, ‘William Redheugh of Meigour’ pursued ‘Johne Comrie of that Ilk, . . . and Patrik McVallycht alias McGregour in Comrie, tuching the allegit wrangous spoliation be thame, of .. guidis and geir, furth of his dwelling-house of Garterlume’. ‘John McNeill corroche’ was accused at his trial in 1613 of being ‘at the burning of Aberurckle and slaughter’ and for ‘art and part of the stealing of five cows from James Chisholme in Dundrwne’. [218] These two are the only ones of the Ardeonaig lineage accused of crimes. ‘John McEwin in Kilbryde’ (?) was accused in 1611 of small thefts between 1566 and 1610. [219] It is not certain that he was a MacGregor, and only five of the eight at the assize were definitely MacGregors. ‘William McEwin VcGilleecheliche in Rannoche’ (?) was horned in 1599. [220] The McGilleheliches in Rannoch are mentioned with the clan in 1553 and for carrying weapons in 1618. Their relationship is unclear. ‘Ewin crowbache McGregor’ (?) was accused in 1613 of four distinct but undated thefts. [221] Finally, as instances of the pressures leading, inexorably, to fragmentation: Donnchadh MacEoghan in Moirinch, acting leader of the clan in August 1610, accompanied by ‘6 or 7 score of his name’ boisterously threatened Donnchadh dubh unless renewed bonds of manrent were agreed. Donnchadh dubh agreed, but he subsequently met with other landlords, ‘in hopes of making a division among the Clangregoure’. [222] Such divisions were soon apparent. A contract by Donnchadh dubh in August 1611 identified the brothers ‘Duncan, Patrick and Gregor’


MacPhadraig aulach, John dow McEan VcEan and Dougal McOndoquhie oig as being with Locheyll ‘in his majesty’s service against the Clangregoure’ [223] In a Gaelic poem, ‘Griogar odhar ard’ had been a hero of Ruadhaig Beinn Todhaig in 1604, but his attempts to mediate on behalf of the clan with Glenorchy and Argyll led to his murder by the Clann Dubhghaill chèir. [224] In the Act of January 1611, any MacGregor that slew another of the same rank ‘shall have free pardon and remissioun’, while the slayer of one of six specified leaders, including ‘Duncane Mcewne McGregour now callit the Laird’, Donnchadh MacEoghan in Moirinch) should have a thousand pounds reward. [225] In 1603 the brother of Donnchadh, Eoin dubh MacEoghan received remission and 500 merks for betrayal of kinsmen [226] but the remission was short-lived as Eoin dubh would be tried and executed in 1604. [227] The king granted to Argyll in November 1611 three or four of thair lyves and a remissioun: Duncane Makewin alias Duncane the Tutour to be one, in regaird that he wes chief of thame and breker of the societie: providing alwise that thay find sufficient caution and suretie to the Counsell. For the rest, if ony of thame haif killed a McGregour als good as himselff (or) two thrie or four of thame which in comparisone may be equal unto him, and assuredlie knowne to be deid, his Majestie is pleasit he haif a remissioun, with the uther thrie or four whiche his Majestie hes grantit to the Erll of Argyll. And for such as ar come in and done no service by killing of the McGregouris nor cannot find sufficient suretie that then the law to haif his dew course, and no favour at all to be shown. … And for Robert Abroche who is now Chief of thame that ar presently out that he be not pardoned unless he bring at least halff a dusone of thair headis. [228] Surely this represents the ultimate victory of lordship over kinship. If the essence of clan society was the bond of kinship, then the purchase of individual forgiveness by the betrayal to death of one or more of one’s kin strikes at the very heart of such a social order. We are not told who Duncan betrayed, nor the extent of the service, or betrayal, by Raibart abrach who received remission in January 1613. [229] This listing of crimes may give the impression of a violent clan out of control and as it is largely based on the evidence presented at the trial of those who were captured, it undoubtedly understated the actual crimes committed by these and others of the clan. However, they occurred over a period of more than 30 years. Apart from the periods of outlawry when the clan quite naturally responded to the violence offered to them, criminal activity appears to be confined to the junior members of the kindred without land and those who had been dispossessed. In particular, some of the ringleaders were among the uncles and cousins of Alasdair ruadh, and especially his brother Eoin dubh nan lurag. The intervention of the crown against them made the survival of Clan Gregor as an entity impossible. The king’s ‘Justice’ offered erstwhile MacGregors a stark choice: hang or take service with a lord. It is apparent that lineages such as Glenlednock and Ardeonaig which took service with Lord Drummond escaped much of the persecution. The Fortingal lineage in Strath Tay almost disappeared from the record as MacGregors, taking almost no part with the rest of the clan. Other lords, such as Robertson of Strowan, Menzies of Weem and Murray of Tullibardine all employed


MacGregors as servants. The greatest employer of MacGregors may well have been the Earl of Argyll in the lead up to Glen Fruin, a period in which his lieutenandry gave him great power over the clan. NOTES [167] K.M. Brown, 20 [168] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,171, Record of Justiciary [169] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 402-3, Record of Council [170] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,404, Justices of the Peace in Perthshire [171] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,439, Secret Council [172] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,440-441, Secret Council [173] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,447, Secret Council [174] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 401-402, Court of Justiciary [175] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 402, Court of Justiciary [176] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 399-400, Privy Seal, 81-84. [177] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,400 [178] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 261, Secret Council [179] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 398, Mag Sig [180] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,326, Record of Justiciary [181] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,66, Chronicle of Fortingal [182] ibid [183] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,327 [184] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,128, note. [185] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,172, Record of Justiciary [186] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,175, Privy Council [187] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,324, Record of Justiciary [188] ibid [189] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,248, Register of Hornings Perth [190] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,323, Record of Justiciary [191] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,315, Record of Justiciary [192] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,248, Register of Hornings Perth [193] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,246, Record of Justiciary [194] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,251, Register of Hornings Perth [195] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,260, Privy Council [196] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,246, Record of Justiciary [197] ibid [198] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,174, Black Book of Taymouth [199] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,339, [200] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,346, Register of Hornings Perth [201] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,414, Record of Justiciary [202] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 253-254, Sheriff books of Perth [203] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 246, Record of Justiciary [204] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,300, Protection [205] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,373, Privy Council [206] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,324, Justiciary [207] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,328 [208] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,174, Sheriff books of Perth [209] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,176 [210] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,251, Register of Hornings Perth [211] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 174, Black Book of Taymouth [212] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 275, Privy Council [213] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 323, Justiciary [214] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,415, letter to Council [215] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 423, [216] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,276, Complaint to King at Falkland [217] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,340, Register of Hornings Perth [218] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,414, Justiciary [219] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,377, Justiciary [220] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,251, Register of Hornings Perth


[221] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,414, Justiciary [222] N.A.S. G.D.112/1/393a [223] N.A.S. G.D.112/1/2/6 [224] N.A.S. G.D.50/65 [225] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 369, Record of Council Acta [226] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 303, Secret Council [227] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,323, Record of Justiciary [228] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,390, Royal letter dated November 1611 [229] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 406, Record of Secret Council


Kinship, Landholding and Crimes of Clan Gregor - Conclusion Nominal analysis and genealogy have been used in this dissertation as tools to understand the Clan Gregor during a critical period. It is quite credible that all MacGregors descend from a 14th century common ancestor, but recent DNA tests suggest that some modern MacGregors are descendants of ‘part-takers’. Numbers appear to have increased dramatically from the 80 with Griogair ruadh in 1564 to almost 200 listed in 1602, with a probably exaggerated, ‘sixteen-score of new arising’ in 1612, but including at least four-score orphans. These numbers may have included some ‘broken-men’. Reduction in the generation gap from the 1580s and new, dispersed locations in 1602 suggest severe pressure on the kindred. A total of 87 deaths and executions were recorded in 1603/4 and 1611/12. Thirteen of these may not be MacGregors and seventeen MacGregors could not be identified. Among those identified, 29 belonged to just three lineages – the chief’s own, Clandoulcheire and Brackley – accounting for half their manpower. Members of other lineages, particularly those of Glenlednock, Ardeonaig, Fortingal and Strathyre, had become associated with other lords and suffered less as a result. However, the extent of the persecution, illustrated by the king’s command to annul bonds with MacGregors may have created a false unity in a fragmenting clan. [230] The Clan Gregor and Clan Campbell had expanded together until the accession of Cailean liath in 1550. After 1571, conflict may have reduced until the succession of Donnchadh dubh in 1583. This was followed by outlawry of the entire clan in 1586 and 1590. The operation of the general band bore heavily on Clan Gregor with its chief being held responsible for the actions of distant clansmen that he could not control, as well as members of his own immediate family that appeared equally out of control. Various landlords repeatedly raised legal actions to remove MacGregors from their lands. It is possible that, in some cases, the processes were intended to avoid lordly responsibility, rather than actual removal. These processes served to show that MacGregor lineages occupied large areas of farmland in the late 16th century. Their geographical dispersion across Highland Perthshire and parts of Argyll and Stirlingshire and their lack of legal title made the responsibilities of the chief, under the general band almost impossible. Other clans as widespread as Clan Gregor, such as Clan Donald, Clan Campbell and Clan Kenneth, for example, possessed titles and influence that Clan Gregor lacked. Several criminal trials of MacGregors were recorded in 1603/4 and 1611/12. At the same time various members of the clan were forgiven, as a result of taking service with lords and adopting new names. It is impossible to determine whether those indicted represented all the ‘criminal’ activity or whether they were simply those unfortunate enough to be caught. It is also impossible to determine how many of the clan died while outlawed. Of those tried, during a period of thirty years, 25 individuals were cited for theft and 22 for killing, some of them for both. Many of their ‘crimes’ took place while outlawed and may have been in revenge for crimes against the clan. Only a few of them also appear in the removal processes, suggesting that they were drawn from among younger sons and the dispossessed. The record almost certainly understated the true level of theft and killing but has to be viewed in the context of a violent, feuding and armed society.


Lacking powerful friends, Clan Gregor became a focus for royal exasperation with Highland feuding. The greatest and most unforgiving enemy of the Clan Gregor appears to have been the king. The Campbells of Glen Orchy and Argyll may have carefully cultured the royal attitude. The 1590 murder of Drummondernoch and its consequences were discussed at great length in the 19th century. [231] It is possible that the reported events, along with the 1586 horning of the entire clan for unspecified crimes, [232] had been manipulated by Donnchadh dubh in order to demonstrate to the young king what a ‘wicked tribe of limmers’ the Clan Gregor continued to be. It would be easy to blame them for the turmoil and unrest that his acquisitions were bound to cause. Similarly, Argyll manipulated the king in order to obtain lieutenandry over the clan in order to use them as a ‘hit squad’, that would do his bidding but his responsibility could be denied to the king. Alasdair ruadh claimed that he had raided the Colquhoun lands at the command of the Justice General. [233] The raiders were subsequently reset by and the booty distributed among, at the very least, the nine Campbell lairds cited in June 1603. [234] The overwhelming defeat of the Colquhouns at Glenfruin inflamed the king to such an extent that Argyll stepped out of his role as secret instigator to become the chief persecutor. It seems unlikely that James VI was unaware of Argyll’s agenda, but his antipathy to the Clan Gregor was greater. By 1610, uncertain circumstances, perhaps initiated once again by Donnchadh dubh, led to further rebellion, which was put down with great violence and determined attempts were made to deprive members of the clan of their remaining possessions. However, it does not appear that extermination had been the intention of the local lords. History has attributed, indiscriminately, the crimes of individuals, the violence of the proscribed clan in defending itself from persecution and violence in the service of other lordly employers equally to the discredit of the clan. The greatest failure of the clan leadership may have been its inability to establish secure title to landed resources, independent of the growing Campbell hegemony in Argyll and Perthshire. Their resistance to reduction by local lords and the crown would create an unenviable reputation for violence. Clan Gregor’s misfortune sprang from the ambition and cunning of Campbells such as Cailean liath, Donnchadh dubh and Gillespic gruamach of Argyll, as well as the antipathy of the king. The clan’s only response lay in armed resistance and aggression which, unlike the conflict of 1562-1570, led to near annihilation. However, the fines listed in the Privy Council records for reset of the clan demonstrated a large degree of support in the community. The severity of proscription may have been, paradoxically, responsible for the survival of a Clan Gregor, whose reputation labelled its members, despite their many aliases and set them apart. Less severe treatment may have led to the same oblivion that befell the MacCairbres. After the death of James VI, remnants of Clan Gregor, centred in Rannoch, coalesced under the leadership of the descendants of Eoin dubh nan lurag and Eoghan. [235] Others dispersed widely, especially in upland Moray and Deeside. Confined to marginal lands, the reputation of some elements for criminality persisted with characters such as Gilderoy and ‘John dugar’. [236] There is nothing new in finding that when deprived of legitimate means of living, men may resort to the illegitimate. The reputation of Clan Gregor may also be an illustration of the truisms that victors write history and judge the war crimes of the losers.


NOTES [230] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,153 [231] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 204-218. [232] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 177-180, Register of hornings, Perth. [233] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,322, The Laird of McGregours declaratioun [234] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 303, Letters to compeir before Council. [235] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol ii, 7-20 [236] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol ii, 45-86


Robert Abrach and Tomzarloch The interventions of King James VI made the survival of Clan Gregor as an entity impossible. Following the Battle of Glenfruin, the king’s ‘Justice’ offered all MacGregors (whether or not they had been involved with Glenfruin) a stark choice:- death or find a lord prepared to guarantee future behaviour and take the Lord's name in place of their own. The King's edict of 3rd April 1603 had ".. it was ordanit that the name of McGregoure sulde be altogedder abolisched, and that the haill personnes of thatt Clan suld renunce thair name and tak thame sum uther name, and that they nor nane of thair posteritie suld call thameselffis Gregor or McGregoure thairefter under the payne of deid." This proscription of an entire clan was almost unique, but not quite. James had issued a similar draconian order for the extermination of Clan Chattan in 1583, although it appears that the lords who had been instructed to carry it out failed to do so. It is apparent that clan lineages such as Glenlednock and Ardeonaig which took service with the Drummond Earls of Perth escaped much of the persecution. The Fortingal lineage in Strath Tay almost disappeared from the record as MacGregors, taking virtually no part with the rest of the clan. Lords, such as Robertson of Strowan, Menzies of Weem and Murray of Tullibardine, all employed MacGregors as servants who mostly took the names of their cautioners in place of MacGregor. The greatest employer of MacGregors may well have been the Earl of Argyll in the lead up to Glen Fruin, a period in which his lieutenandry gave him great power over the clan. Some of the clan refused to accept such subservient status and remained in rebellion despite royal and lordly pressures. Undoubtedly they must have been surreptitiously aided in this by their settled kin, hence the frequent condemnation of reset by the Council in Edinburgh and complaints of disorder by the Lairds of Glenorchy and Luss. The rebels had been deprived of the wherewithal to support themselves legally, so they resorted to raiding the lands of their enemies, and retreating into the least accessible hiding places in the hills. Bentoig Donnchadh Ladasach had been executed in 1552 personally by Cailean Liath - Grey Colin - Lord of Glenorchy from 1550. Ladasach had resisted Grey Colin's attempts to subborn members of Clan Gregor into his own service. Ladasach killed several of the kindred for entering into bonds of manrent with Grey Colin. Following the execution of Alastair of Glenstrae in 1604, Duncan Abrach, (also Abroch and Aberigh and, in Gaelic, Donnchadh abrach) - a grandson of Donnchadh Ladasach - led a group of MacGregors in continuing rebellion. Duncan Abrach and his son Griogair were killed at the conflict of Bentoig. His surviving sons were Raibart abrach and Padraig aldoch. Raibart abrach would become one of the most violent of the rebels and a survivor against all the odds as discussed below. The great great grandson of Padraig aldoch would be John Murray, elected 20th chief of the clan in 1775 and 1st Baronet MacGregor in 1795.


According to Sir Robert Gordon's account of Bentoig, Robert Campbell, a son of Black Duncan of Glenorchy, with his own Campbell followers supported by "some of the ClanChameron, Clanab, and Clanronald to the number of two hundred chosen men fought against thriescore of the ClanGregor in which conflict tuo of the ClanGregor were slain, to wit Duncan Aberigh (one of the chieftanes) and his son. Seven gentlemen of the Campbell side were killed, though they seemed to have the victory." The conflict of Bentoig (also Bintoig) occured at a location close to Beinn Toaig (OS map ref NN263456), a peak of 834 metres / 2750 feet in the Black Mount area to the west of Rannoch Moor, about two miles to the North-West of Loch Tulla. Bentoig was the last recorded occasion on which a body of MacGregors were involved in open battle with their enemies Tomzarloch MacGregors from Glen Lednock and Glen Almond had given their submission to the Earl of Perth and adopted the name Drummond, in obedience to the 1603 Act of Proscription. We may presume that some of the remaining rebels led by Raibart abrach resented this and planned to attack their kin for their betrayal. However, it appears that their intention was revealed, so that most of the group were killed and some captured at Tomzarloch in 1612 "Tomzarloch" has been impossible to locate. It cannot be found on maps and gazetteers or even in documents contemporary with the events apart from the one brief mention by the Earl of Perth who stated that it was "within the low country". The place had to be in a populated area as the MacGregors "having occupied some houses were dislodged by means of fire applied". The names of the rebel MacGregors who died suggest that they were of Clann Dubhgall Ciar from Glengyle and Balquhidder. From the context, therefore it appears most likely to have been in upper Strathearn, somewhere either along Loch Earn or between the loch and Drummond Castle, the principal seat of the Drummond, Earls of Perth. I have made use of "Place-names, land and lordship in the medieval earldom of Strathearn", a St Andrews University PhD thesis by Angus Watson in 2002, hereinafter referred to as Watson. Tomzarloch is only mentioned once by Amelia, on page 398 of volume i. She quoted from an article entitled "The Wicked Clan Gregor" by Joseph Anderson, which was published in the Scottish Review of 1890. Anderson referred to "a memoir of the Earl of Perth, written by himself". The original of the Earl's memoir does not appear in the extracts from the Register of the Privy Council by MacGregor-Stirling, documented in the "Chartullary of Clan Gregor", which was the principal source for Amelia's "History of the Clan Gregor". However it does appear as Tomyarloche, in a 1614 retrospective pardon of the Earl of Perth and his men which is printed in Latin in the Register of the Great Seal. The full text is at note 6 following the paragraph "An Account of Tomzarloch" below. Following an enquiry to Drummond Castle, Lady Willoughby de Eresby kindly


responded with a reference to the Spalding Club Miscellany, which included the text in English of the Earl's memoir. See below under "A memoir of the Earl of Perth" for the full text. Lady Willoughby also stated that "Tradition has this encounter being at Glen Artney, although I do not know where about". The Gaelic tom usually means a mound, hillock or knoll. However, in placenames, it can also mean a thicket or bush, so instead of an obvious hillock, it may refer to a heavily wooded spot, especially with uneven underlying topography. Land use changes over four centuries could well have removed the thicket, while a hillock would be a more persistent feature unless quarried away, for instance, by the now-closed railway which was built along the strath in the 19th century. My first thought, not being a Gaelic speaker myself, was that 'zarloch' may have derived from Teàrlach, the Gaelic for the personal name Charles. However, Paraig MacNeil, official bard to the Clan Gregor Society, advised that 'Charlie's hillock', would have been Tom Theàrlaich in which (genitive) case the letter 'T' would be dropped and therefore it would be pronounced as Tome Harlaich and, in any case, no such place can be identified in Strathearn. Paraig suggested the closest Gaelic to 'tomzarloch' would be tom earr loch - pronounced: tome-yeaarr-loch - literally 'East loch hillock or thicket'. Furthermore, Paraig pointed out that the Earl of Perth's non-Gaelic speaking clerks would have spelled Gaelic place names phonetically. The obsolete letter ȝ (yogh) in the Scots language was usually written as 'z'. (Menzies, for example - 'Menȝies' - which is pronounced 'Mengyes). Hence tom earr loch, could well have been written down by the Earl's clerk as tomzarloch. Dr Simon Taylor, a foremost scholar of Scottish placenames, advised that anything beginning "c", "ch" or even "th" is very unlikely to come through as z (yogh), and he would be much more comfortable with an underlying Gaelic "gh" + front vowel. Hence he suggested looking for tom gheàrr loch which would mean ‘hillock (or thicket) of the short loch’. Loch Earn is certainly not a 'short loch' but, apart from the loch of Balloch, there are no significant bodies of water between Loch Earn and Drummond Castle. John Stuart-Murray, author of "Reading the Gaelic Landscape" concurs - "the Scottish ‘yogh’ sound is more likely to come from Tom a’ Ghearr Loch - Hillock of the Short Loch, rather than Tom Thearlach or Tom an Ear Loch - the latter would be an unusual Gaelic construction in any case. Better Gaelic would be: Tom an Loch an Ear. The dipthong EA gives an EHR sound whereas a’ Gh ... definitely voices a ‘yogh’". Unfortunately for this theory, no such placenames can be identified in Strathearn or Glen Artney in any source I have come across. Little Port Hill The National Library of Scotland Map section suggested Tomzarloch might possibly refer to Little Port Hill. 'Port' refers to ‘Port of Locherne’ which was the 17th century


name for the village now known as St Fillans at the eastern end of Loch Earn. Little Port Hill itself is the summit of the steeply rising ground to the North of the present A85 as one leaves St Fillans. There were no houses on the hill then or now, but it is possible that houses at the foot of the hill may have been referred to. Watson, on page 187 of his thesis, lists the older name Tom na Ceàrdach for Little Port Hill at NN714245 - meaning hill of the smith, which usually implies a bloomery where there had been ironworking. Dropping the genitive na it could be pronounced 'tom kyard ach', but this also would seem unlikely to have come through as z (yogh) for a non-Gaelic speaker 'tom yar loch'. Garrocherow / Garchory I am grateful to Dr Neil McGregor for his contributions to this paper and for drawing my attention to Garrocherow. Part of Pont's map of Strathearn in 1573 is on the left. Garrocherow is clearly shown. Watson cites a number of variations in the name between the 15th and 19th centuries, such as 'Garchory', 'Garricherow', 'Garcharrow', and most recently, Garrichrew. From the earliest forms, 'Garchory', Watson derived the name as garbh choire (rough corrie or den) or perhaps geàrr choire (short corrie or den). He went on to suggest it could also be garbh cheathramh - the rough quarterland, [a quarterland being a measure of taxable area.], Garbh may be pronounced 'garv' or 'garr'. The place is on the edge of steeply rising ground and is inhabited to this day. Tom as above, could either be a smallish rocky knoll, of which there are many in Upper Strathearn, or a small area of dense woodland. The rocky knolls will not have disappeared in 400 years, but the woodland might have. However, as 'yogh' is more likely to have come from gheàrr is it possible that choire could have resulted in a placename ending 'loch'? If Garrocherow is the location of Tomzarloch, where is the loch? Watson, on pages 161 and 162 of his thesis, listed the settlement of Garrichrew at NN742237. 'Garrichrew' is the name of the farm on the 1888 six-inch map shown on the right. There are no lochs nearby, but plenty of thickets. On the latest 1:50000 map, the farm is named Whitehouse of Dunira. It is about 3km east of Little Port Hill and half way between St Fillans & Comrie. Does the site now lie beneath the waters of the Pond of Drummond, NN855185, which is to the North East of the Castle, and part of the landscaping of the Drummond Castle Gardens? While there is no mention of the placename 'Tomzarloch', the Pond of Drummond was created by damming the burn which rose in the elevated land to the west of the castle. Watson has: "Where the Pond of Drummond is now, there was once a cultivated valley, which was portioned out by the King's Commissioners on the forfeited estates, as a reward for some of the bravest men who hazarded their lives in the Rebellion of 1745" {NSA MUT, 314).


I considered whether there have been a small, or gheàrr loch, on the burn prior to the creation of the larger 'pond'? But with no evidence to support this, it has to be ruled out. On the Pont map of 1583-1614, only the loch of Balloch is shown. (Top left on the image.) It is the only body of water shown on Pont's map between Loch Earn and Drummond Castle. While it is quite short - approximately 250m by 500m, none of Watson's discussion of the placenames around the loch, which date back to the Lands of Ballach in 1490, are of assistance in placing Tomzarloch near here. Could Tomzarloch have been in Glen Artney? I considered Lady Willoughby's statement that tradition placed the site of Tomzarloch in Glen Artney. This would certainly be a feasible route for a small band finding their way from Balquhidder to Drummond Castle, using a less well travelled passage. Perhaps via Glen Buckie and the west bank of Loch Lubnaig to Kilmahog, north of Callander. I examined all of Watson's references in Tullichettle parish which encompasses Glen Artney, but found only one possibility, on page 341.Tom-oir, says Watson, was given by Stobie in his map of 1783 (OS Ref NN726 169). Watson stated that "the spelling was not clear", but he interpreted it as tom-oir translated as 'golden hillock'. The OS reference is to a site just south of the farm of Mailerbeg with an un-named structure close by (it turned out to be a sheep fank). I located Stobie's map, and the name appears to be "Tomvoir". Neither placename, Tom-oir/Tomvoir, is present on the modern OS map or on the 6-inch 1888 map. Tomvoir suggests a big hillock - which does not describe the site at all. Possibly this is the reason for Watson indicating that the spelling was not clear. Could Stobie's Tomvoir which Watson interpreted as Tom-oir have actually been Tom earr, meaning 'east hillock'? Or perhaps tom gheàrr, meaning ‘short hillock’. However, there are no lochs nearby, or, indeed, anywhere in Glen Artney, so this derivation misses the final desired syllable - loch. This leads on to questioning whether the original toponym may have had an -och suffix, rather than refer to a loch? For example tom gheàr-luch - "a hillock of moles" or tom gheàrragach - "a hillock abounding in young hares". I didn't see any moles but there are certainly rabbits there! Unfortunately for my theory, Paraig advised that Tom followed by a gh rather than a simple g denotes genitive usage of the noun following for emphasis. In other words if this was the name i.e. Tom a' Ghearr Luch ('y' sounding) then it would have to translate ' the hillock of the short mole'. If it was to be the short hillock of moles then it would be rendered as Tom Gearr Luch. ('g' sounding) On the other hand, if we use the 'gh' - 'y' sounding rather than 'g' sounding then the (in this case) the adjective is coming ahead of the noun rendering it as 'short mole' rather then 'short loch' (ghear loch) or east loch (gh'earr loch). Therefore it can only be Tom gh'earr Luch. Also luch is pronounced as looch. I think it also unlikely that a place would be named for something as temporal as moles, although not impossible." John Stuart-Murray advised that he had not come across a reference to moles in any Gaelic place-name


I drove up Glen Artney to Mailerbeg farm at NN726172 in May 2018 and spoke with the farmer's wife, explaining my purpose. She was unable to help, but clearly these are very old references - 1612 for Tomzarloch and 1783 for Tom-oir/Tomvoir. The farm of Mailerfuar, shown but not named on the current OS map at NN730170 is derelict, although it appeared to have been occupied at the time of the 1880 6-inch map. Around 280 metres on the rising ground south of the farmhouse of Mailerbeg the hillside flattens into a small but obvious knoll (Gaelic tom) with the land then dropping by about 2m in elevation to a slight streamlet. The remains of an ancient dyke covered by moss and heather was apparent here, demarcating the edge of the knoll from the streamlet. At either end of the curve, the dyke could be followed down the hill side towards the present farmhouse. Within the enclosure of the dyke it was possible to identify the traces of at least two structures, possibly more, which may have been single-roomed turf buildings - some footing stones could be felt forming a rough rectangle through the grass. It appeared to me following a quite brief examination that this was probably the site of a small farming settlement which almost certainly pre-dated the nineteenth century clearances by the Breadalbane estate. The last known reference to Tomvoir was by Stobie in 1783. The place must have been deserted well before the time of the 1880 maps, which only show the sheep fank about 100 metres to the east. The Pont map of Glenartney (1583-1614) at https://maps.nls.uk/view/00002315 shows Maylor and Mailyrowar but no Tom-oir / Tomvoir. Mailyrowar is probably the now deserted Mailerfuar. An image from the 1880 6-inch map shows the farm of Mailerbeg (still occupied) and the site of Mailerfuar which is now a ruin. Regular field boundaries which are still visible today, contrasts strongly with the outline of the ancient and irregular remains of a dyke running east of south from the road for a little over 300 metres to a point beyond the sheep fank, then north of west to a point where it turns in a north-easterly direction to the point on the road with the elevation mark 691. My impression is that this field predates any late-18th/early-19th century improvements and probably delineates the farming township which Watson identified as "Tom-oir". "Golden hillock" seems an unlikely name which does not fit the site. I believe Tom earr or Tom gheàrror something which sounded similar would be more suitable. What is the meaning of Tomzarloch for Clan Gregor? So where could Tomzarloch be? I would welcome suggestions from any Gaelic toponymists but, perhaps, we shall never be able to discover the actual site. However the 'where it was' is less important than the 'what it was' for Tomzarloch represented the dishonourable betrayal of kin for personal redemption. In February 1603, King James, a few weeks prior to his departure for London, had specified the leaders of Clan Gregor who were to be hunted down, including Raibart abrach: "And siklyke quhatsumevir persoun or personis will tak, apprehend and present to us the personis undirwritten, and failyeing thairof thair heidis,-thay ar to say, Duncane McGregour VcEwne, Johnne Dow Gair Ewne, and Duncan Pirdrachis, Robert Abroch McGregour, Patrik Aldoch, and his twa sones, Patrik


Mcconnoquhy in Glen, Gregour McGregour, sone to Duncane Glen, Charles McGregour VcEane, Callum McGregour Ruy, Johnne Dow, Duncan Bane McRobertis sone, Allaster McGregour VcEane Dullihaith, and Allaster McRobert, his brother, -that not onlie sall the said apprehendair and presentair have a free pardoun and remissioun for all thair bygaine offensis, except for the barbarous attempt laitlie committit within the Lennox, bot with that thay sail have twa hundreth merkis in present and reddy payment deliverit unto thame, as alswa quha evir will bring and present unto us ony utheris personis quhatsumevir culpable of the said barbarous crueltie committit within the Lennox, or ony utheris of the name of Clangregour quha salbe denuncet fugitives and rebellis for not compeirance, before us and oure Counsale, that the saidis apprehendairis and presentairis sall not onlie have a free pardoun and remissioun for all offences committit be thame (except and aIwyse the attempt of the Lennox), bot with that thay sall have ane hundreth merkis of present and reddy payrnent deliverit unto thame.” In the Act of the Scottish Privy Council, as directed by King James, in January 1611, any MacGregor that slew another of the same rank ‘shall have free pardon and remissioun’, while the slayer of one of six specified leaders, including ‘Duncane Mcewne McGregour now callit the Laird’, (Donnchadh MacEoghan in Moirinch) should have a thousand pounds reward. [2] The king granted to Argyll in November 1611 “For suche as ar yitt rebellis and outlawis after the Counsell he considered of the roll presentit unto thame by my Lord Argyle that ther be no pardoun grantit unto any nor takin in will except he present a better head at least ane as goode als his awne or such two thrie or more as salbe enjoyned to him by the Counsall. And for Robert Abroche who is now Chief of thame that ar presently out that he be not pardoned unless he bring at least halff a dusone of thair headis." [3] If the essence of clan society was the bond of kinship, then the purchase of individual forgiveness by the betrayal to death of one or more of one’s kin strikes at the very heart of such a social order. In 1613 we find Raibart abrach receiving the King's forgiveness. Why? “1613. Jan 21. Proclamation in favour of Robert Abroche. “James &a. To all and sundry. ‘Forasmuch as Robert Abroche McGregour being moved with a hatred and detestation of the wicked and unhappy trade of life, of the rebellious thieves and limmers called the ClanGregour, and being most desirous to become our lawful subject, and to live hereafter in the rank and condition of a humble and obedient subject, he has for this effect, not only entered in action against the said limmers and brought in some of the specials of them who have worthily suffered death, but with that he has come in to our court, and offered to employ his person in whatsoever our services, as well against the ClanGregour as others.’ “Received into favour on finding caution and taken under special protection, defence, supply, maintenance and safeguard. 21 Jan. 1613. [4] We are not told the extent of the service, or betrayal, by Raibart abrach to deserve this favour. [5]


An account of Tomzarloch Amelia has an entry dated 1612. March. "At this time a skirmish took place between the Earl of Perth at the head of a considerable force composed partly of MacGregors who had taken the name of Drummond and a body of MacGregors at Tomzarloch, the latter having occupied some houses were dislodged by means of fire applied, when five were captured and six killed." Five of the six reportedly killed were John Dow MacGregor, Donald Gramich MacGregor VcCulchere, John McPhatrik Nadidin MacGregor VcCulchere, Gregor McEan VcEanan MacGregor Elensisens (Gillespie?) MacGregor. Those named are probably all Clandoulcheire men from Balquhidder. The captives may have been among the ten MacGregors executed in Edinburgh in July 1612. However the Earl's memoir [below] stated that only three were captured and there are only two obviously Clandoulcheire names among those executed in July. The Earl’s force is thus specified in a pardon issued to them early in 1614, [from the Register of the Great Seal vol 7 - the original latin is given in note 6 below] An asterisk (*) marks the probable MacGregors, mainly of the Glenlednock kindred, who had taken service with the Earl of Perth. “John Earl Perth (the 2nd Earl) John Master of Madertie James Drummond his brother Sir Alexander Drummond of Carnock Knight, Alexander brother of Sir William Drummond of Hawthornden, James Drummond of Millness, David Drummond, Chamberlain of Drymen, Thomas Drummond of Drummowhence,* John Drummond of Innerzeldie,* James Drummond his brother,* Duncan Drummond late of Kincart beg,* Duncan Drummond in Pitluir,* Duncan Drummond in Wester Dundorne, James Drummond officer, Patrick Drummond in Dalmarklawis* John Drummond in Auchinskelloch,* Duncan Drummond in Mawia, James Drummond in Balliclone, Patrick Drummond in Williamsoune,* John Drummmond in Wester Dundorne, Alexander Stewart in Port, Alexander Reidheugh* David Malloch, John Drummond of Drummondearnoch, Patrick Drummond forester of Glenartney,* John McCoruther, James Drummond of Pitzalloun* Malcolm McAndrew in Dundorn, James Stewart late in Torry,* James Menzies in Mewis William McNiven in Glen Artney,* John McCoruther in Blairtown, James Dow in Glenkishon." [6] Dr Masson summarised the situation as follows:- "King James finding that the ' utter extirpation ' of all the Clan Gregor would be too troublesome, resolved on some to execute justice and the rest to take to mercy, and to transplant them and the wives and children of those that are killed or executed. Accordingly, he submits a series of proposals to the Council, among which are the following : — “For those of the MacGregors that have come in will or surrendered themselves, if any of them have killed a MacGregor as good as himself, or two, three, or four of them which in comparison may be equal to him, he shall have a remission if he find surety, but for such as have come in will and done no service by killing of MacGregors, nor cannot find surety, then the law to have its course and no favour at all to be shown. For such as are yet rebels, that there be no pardon or


surrender taken unless he present a better head — or one at least as good as his own. or such two or three more as shall be enjoined unto him by the Council. Robert Abrach was not slow to take the hint," [7] A memoir of the Earl of Perth In a memoir of the Earl of Perth, written by himself, (that is, by the Earl, although the language has been modernized by Joseph Anderson) there is an account of the affair at Tomzarloch as a result of which Raibart abrach would obtain the King's pardon. "In March, 1612, I came from Edinburgh to Drummond Castle. Some dozen of the MacGregors came within the low country, Robin Abrach and Gregor Gair being chiefs. Abrach sent for my chamberlain, and alledging that his comrades were about to betray him, contrived to let them fall into the hands of justice. The plot was cunningly contrived, and six of that number were killed, three were taken, and one escaped, besides Robin and his man." The full text of this memoir by the 2nd Earl of Perth, as printed in volume ii of the Miscellany of the Spalding Club, reads as follows: - "In the meantime, some dussein of the Clangregor came within the leach of the countrie, Robin Abroch, Patrick M'Inchater, and Gregor Gair being chiefs. This Abroch sent for my chalmerinlan, David Drummond of Innermey, desiring to speak to him. After conference, Robin Abroch, for reasons known to himselfe, alleaging his comrads and followers were to betray him, was contented to take the advantage, and to let them fall into the hands of justice. The plot was cunninglie contrived, and six of that number were killed upon the ground where I with certain friends were present; Three were taken, and one escaped, by (i.e. besides) Robin and his man. This execution raised great speeches in the countrie, and made manie acknowledge that these troubles were put to an end, wherewith King James himselfe was well pleased for the time," [8] The Privy Council record mentioned five captives, while the Earl's memoir has "three taken ... besides Robin and his man" - thus Raibart abrach and his servant must have encouraged the survivors to surrender themselves but were themselves released by prior arrangement with the Earl's chamberlain, while the others were probably taken to Edinburgh and were among the ten executed in July 1612. Here were the half-dozen heads for which the King had stipulated as the price of Raibart abrach's pardon, but the wily fox instead of carrying them to the Privy Council in Edinburgh went direct to the King himself in London, and the first intimation the Council had of the matter was a request from the King to draw out a remission in his favour. It was in vain that SirThomas Hamilton, Sir Duncan Campbell, and others remonstrated in the strongest terms that "Robert Abrach was the most bloody and violent murderer of all that damned race" ; the King will have his way, and Robert Abrach is commended for good service and fully pardoned. [9] Griogair gear What of Griogair gear, mentioned along with Raibart abrach as a leader of the party? Griogair gear was a son of Padraig ruadh in Strathyre (who would himself be executed in 1613). His brother, "John McPhatrik Nadidin MacGregor VcCulchere", was among those killed at Tomzarloch. Gregor appears to have had a son “Dowle


Oig McGregor Ger" apprehended by "Scogy McIntyre” who in March 1614 received a reward for the service, and Dowle Oig was thirefter execute to the deid." [10] Gregor may have been the one escapee from Tomzarloch mentioned by Perth. However, he did not appear to share in the King's forgiveness of Raibart abrach and was listed as number #1 in the Luss list of the clan in 1613, as he had "not found caution for his good behaviour". At a meeting of the Privy Council on February 17, 1614, "It was alleged by the Laird of Madertie, that he could take no burden for Robert Abroch, because the Vicount of Haddingtoun had taken a dealing for him, and would find caution to make him furth coming and answerable. and it was alleged that Gregor gair was in Ireland, and so there was no necessity of finding caution for him. To this, it was answered by the Laird of Lundie in name of the Erle of Ergyle, that the said Robert Abroche and Gregor Gair were taken by the Erle of Perth, the Lord of Madertie, and the Master his son, and that they were a long time in their company." [11] This appears to suggest that Griogair gear had not escaped, but had being taken by the Earl of Perth with Raibart abrach. Yet while Raibart abrach had been specifically pardoned by the King, over the objection of the Council, there is no such pardon for Griogair gear. Despite the Laird of Lundie's claim, it seems more likely that the King had made Raibart abrach the responsibility of Viscount Haddington after pardoning him, while Griogair gear had not been pardoned but had escaped, perhaps after a period of imprisonment by the Drummonds, and had gone to Ireland. John Ramsay was a favourite of James VI, being knighted by the King in 1600. In 1603 Ramsay travelled with the king to London, being appointed a Gentleman of the bedchamber. He was created Viscount Haddington in 1606 and later the Earl of Melrose. If Maddertie claimed that Haddington had been made responsible for Raibart abrach, it must follow that Abrach remained in London for a time. Abrach in rebellion again In 1621 and 1622, Raibart abrach is being condemned once more. “1621. Sep. 24. “JAMES R. “ ‘ Right Trusty &a we greite you well Wee have seen a note of your proceedings this last counsell day, and are well pleased that the proclamation which you have caused to be framed against the Makgregors be published but much is to be done in that businesse before ainie good effects, can follow according as we intende at some fitte occasioun more at length to aduertise you heirafter farewell. Given at our mannor of Hampton the 24 of Sep. 1621.’ “Sep. Item to a messenger passing from Edinburgh with letters to be published at the market crosses of Crieff and Dunkeld and ther inhibit all and sundry his Highness lieges none of them take in hand to receive, supply, or intercomoun with Robert Abroch McGregour nor with the bairns of umqle Patrik Abroch McGregour with certification to them who do the contrary, that they shall be pursued punished, and fined to the rigour, at the arbitriment of the Council. And likewise passing with letters to charge the Earl of Perth as cautioner and surety for the number of 20 McGregours who have taken upon them name of Drummond, to bring, present, and exhibit them


before the Lords of Secret Council, the 19. day of Sep. instant to give a prove of their obedience to his act of cautionery. “1622. Jan. 17. Commission against Johne Angus and others. The persons above written have associated unto them Robert Abroche McGregour a declared rebel, traitor and lymer. [12] Forgiveness except for Raibart abrach Moving on to 1624, a general Forgiveness of Clan Gregor appears, specifically excepting Robert Abrach. Although constraints are placed on them, that they do not gather in groups of more than four and do not possess weapons. However, it appears that all clan Gregor members are being asked to appear personally before the Council on 17th March 1624 in order to obtain this, which would surely be very difficult. Raibart abrach is excepted from this “1624. Jan. Commission against certain McGregouris. “Forasmuch as the King’s Majesty having by the force, and strength of his Royal authority, reduced the Highlands and Isles of this kingdom to obedience, and established peace, justice, and quietness within the same, so that no part thereof, stands out in a professed and avowed rebellion; yet, there is some few numbers of mischeant (mischievous) and lawless limmers within the said bounds, who being received to his Majesty’s gracious favour wherof they were most unworthy and having given their oaths and found caution for their future good behaviour as namely, Robert Ramsay sometime called Robert Abroch McGregour, Patrik McPatrik Aldoch, and Callum McPatrik Aldoch his brother, have broken loose against their faith and promised obedience, [13] “1624. Feb. 3. at Edinburgh. Protection to the ClanGregor. “Forsamekle as there has been a proposition made to the Lords of Secret Council, in name of the Clangregour, proporting that they for testification of their submissive and willing disposition to become his Majesty’s peaceable and willing subjects, and to live hereafter, under the obedience of his Majesty, and his laws, are not only content to redress and satisfy parties skaithed, and to find caution for their future good obedience, and for their personal compeirance before his Majesty’s council upon all occasions when they shall be lawfully charged, But with that, to compeir personally before the said Lords, upon the 17 day of March now approaching, for finding of the said caution, Whereas in the meantime they be in surety to be untroubled, apprehended or warded for any cause whatsoever, And the said Lords, having considered of the said proposition and finding it expedient for the good of the country, that the whole persons of the Clangregour, except Robert Abrach,who is no way comprehended in this warrant, but excepted, and reserved furth thereof; shall be secured and warranted, to come in, and to present themselves before the said Lords, to the effect abovewritten. Therefore the said Lords upon good respect, and considerations for the peace and quiet of the country, have given, and granted, and by the tenour hereof, give, and grant, their warrant, permission, and allowance, to all and sundry persons of the ClanGregour, except Robert Abroche and his followers who are specially reserved, out of this warrant, as said is, to haunt, frequent, and repair publickly, and avowedly in all parts of the country, at their pleasure, without any search, stay, and arrestment to be made for or upon them, for whatsoever deed, cause, or occasion or by any person or persons. All


which stay, and arrestment (not) to be made on any person of the Clan foresaid, except Robert Abroch and his followers, as said is, The said Lords discharge and ordain to rest until the 21. day of the said month of March next, Discharging hereby all his Majesty’s lieges, and subjects of all taking, apprehending, or warding of any persons of the Clan foresaid, (except before excepted) for whatsoever deed, cause, or occasion, but to suffer them peaceably brouke the benefit of this warrant, until the day abovementioned, without anything to be done, or attempted by them to the break, or violation thereof, as they will answer upon the contrary, at their peril. Providing always that in this meantime they behave themselves as peaceable and good subjects, that they forbear theft, reiff, sorning, and oppression, and the wearing of unlawful and forbidden weapons. That they keep not companies, nor societies together; nor exceed not the number of four persons, in one company, and that they give their compeirance before his Majesty’s council, upon the said 17 day of March next to come certifying them, that shall fail, in any point of the premisses that they shall be pursued, and punished as thieves, rebels, and limners, with all rigour, and that letters of publication be directed hereupon.” [14] Finally Raibart abrach surrenders “1624. Oct. 20. Robert Abborach ane MacGregor and great Lymmer who had been once or twice forgiven, and remitted by his Majesty for his oppression, upon hope of his amendment, and who yet still, continued in his courses after there had been much searching for him in the Highlands and all his friends had been charged to apprehend him came into Perth this day being Sunday, or preaching day after sermon. He fell down upon his knees having a tow about his neck, and offered his sword by the point to the Chancellor of Scotland. The Chancellor refused to accept of it and commanded the Baillies to ward him, Likeas they instantly warded him, and put both his feet in the Gadd where he remained. Chronicle of Perth in Scott’s Collections, A.D. Lib.” [15] Raibart abrach released from prison and ordered to join MacKay's mercenaries going to Germany and never return. "1626. August 22. Warrant for delivery of Robert Abroch and others to Colonell Mcky. "Forasmuch as Sir Donald M'ky Knight Colonel of the Regiment lifted by him for his Majesty's service under the charge of Count Mansfield has petitioned the Lords of Privy Council That Robert Abroch McGregour, Duncane Drummond and . . . . some times called McGregours, Charles M'Cleane and Johnne Robiesoun who have been this long time bygone prisoners in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh may be delivered unto him and he will transport them out of this kingdom and employ them there in the wars. And the said Lords finding it more expedient that they shall be delivered to the said Colonell to be employed in the wars than to be detained longer in ward in the said Tolbooth Therefore the said Lords ordain and command the Provost and Baillies of Edinburgh that how soon the said Sir Donald or any in his name having his power and commission shall require delivery to be made of the persons foresaid to him That then the said Provost and Baillies shall send the persons abovewritten to the town of Leith sufficiently guarded by some of their officers who will be answerable for their not escaping and there deliver them a shipboard to the said Colonell or to others in his name as said is to the intent they may be transported forth of this realm And ordain the said Colonell and others


having charge under him to have a special care that the persons foresaid escape not, as they will be answerable upon the contrary at their peril. Providing always that before the said persons be taken out of the Tolbooth they compeir before his Majesty's Justice and his Deputes and there act themselves that they shall never return again, within this kingdom, under the pain of death And touching their jailor fee and other things bestowed upon them by Andrew Whyte Keeper of the Tolbooth the said Lords will have a care to see him satisfied by his Majesty's theasaurer and deputy theasaurer and receiver of his Majesty's Rents" - Record S.C. "August 24. at Edinburgh. The which day in presence of Justice Clerk, Robert Abroch MacGregour, John Robieson, Charles Mcclane, Duncane Drummond alias McGregour and Duncane Hay alias McGregour being brought furth of waird by Patrik Eleis ane of the bailzies of Edinburgh and according to an act of Privy Council 22d instant obliged themselves to depart of this country with Crowner McKy to serve in his Majesty's wars beyond sea and never to be found again within any part of his Majesty's dominions in time coming under the pain of death &c."-High Court of Justiciary. [16] Five Tolbooth inmates including the notorious Robert Abroch Macgregor were delivered to Sir Donald Mackay for his unit In August 1626, and explicit instructions were added that their exile was permanent under pain of death. [17] Raibart abrach returned However, despite Abrach's exile, "never to return":- Letter: 5 October 1629. Archibald Campbell [of Glencarradale] to the laird of Glenurquhy, younger, sheriff principal of Perth. Sends the king's declaration which was written for; Loudoun is home and intends to meet recipient's father along with writer; "your ould frend Robert Abroch is cumming home to attend your service". [ref: GD112/39/39/8] They even discuss giving him a tenancy on their lands. 16 November 1629. Letter from Lord Lorne to the laird of Glenurquhy, his cousin. Inveray, Bearer of letter, Robert Abrache, wishes tenandry of some of his kindly lands; asks that he should be preferred thereto. [Ref: GD112/29/12/18. ] Robert Abrach adopted the alias Ramsay, almost certainly as a result of him being referred to, in 1614, as under the charge of John Ramsay, Viscount Haddington and Earl of Melrose. 1631. June 16. Be it kend to all men be thir presents Wee Johne Grahame alias McGregor off Brekland, James Grahame his sone, Robert Ramsay alias Aberich McGregor, Patrik Aberich McGregor his brother, Donald Roy McGregor Brother to umqule Patrik Aulich, Duncane McGregor sone to ye said Robert Aberiche, Johne Dow , Duncane Mcphatrik McGregor, Johne McKewne McGregor, Alaster McIlchetir, Patrick McGregor vig. [18] "1632. April 3. at Forden. Be it known to all men by these presents we Robert Ramsay alias McGregor Abroch and Donald Roy Mcpatrik Aulich that forasmuch as the Decreet Arbitral, pronounced, betwix Robert Buchanan of Leny for himself


and taking burden upon him for the rest of his kin and friends on the one part, And the said Donald and sundry others persons our friends on the other part as the same Decreet dated at Forden 24. October 1628. Years The said Robert Buchanan of Leny was discerned to make payment to the bairnes of umqule Patrik McGregor Aulich the sum of 650 merks more and the bairnes of umqle Callum Mcpatrik Aulich the sum of 325 merks more, in satisfaction of the said bairnes for the slaughter of the said umqule Patrik and Callum and seeing the said Robert Buchanan of Leny and Walter Roy Buchanan in Bochastell have given us a bond subscribed with their hands as nearest friends to the said bairns, and in thair names for payment making to the said bairns of the said sums, when¬soever they were of ability to. "Letter of Slaines for the said slaughter, of the said bond as the date of these presents bears, And therefore the said Robert Ramsay and Donald Roy nearest friends to the said bairns for ourselves and taking burden on us for our friends, assisters and partakers, …. or leis directly or indirectly …. the faith and breath of our own bodies, fully remit with our hearts and forgive the said Robert Buchanane of Leny, Walter Roy Buchanane, Rob. Buchanan servitor to the laird of Leny, Ard: Buchanan in the Port of Menteith and his son, and John Campbell alias McLauchlan and all others their friends, men, tennents, assisters, and partakers, the said slaughter of the said umqule Patrik and Callum and Donald McGregour and hereby discharge them all actione of law whatsoever intended, or to be intended by us, or any of us, aginst them, or any of them therefore. So that the said deed and ….. fully binds and never …… be us hereafter directly nor indirectly And obliges us to live in honesty, love, society, and friendship with them hereafter Besides we acknowledge that the said deed was done only upon mere accident and no forethought of felony And therefore by these presents request our Sovereign Lord to grant to the said persons a remission for their said deed in form as accords. in witness whereof we have subscribed the same with our hands at Forden the 3. day of Apprill 1632. Before these witnesses Sir James Campbell of Lawers Knight, Johne Campbell of Clathick, George Stirling brother german to William Stirling of Ardoch, Oliver Maxtone and John Grahame servitors to the said Sir James Campbell, and Patrick Drumond notary, writer hereof. [19] NOTES [1] Placenames, Land and Lordship in the Medieval Earldom of Strathearn, Angus Watson, 2002, , Unpublished thesis, University of St Andrews Allt na Cearlaich NN644243 (1) W 348 COM. G 'burn of the (ball of) yarn or thread' ? This may be a reference to spinning or weaving being carried out on the Derry lands. The factors for the Annexed Estates cl755 report that spinning was becoming a common occupation in this part of Perthshire (Wills 1973, passim) . Tom na Cearlaich is not listed but is likely to be a small hillock close by [2] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 369, Record of Council Acta [3] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i,390, Royal letter dated November 1611 [4] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 407, Proclamation in favour of Robert Abroche, Record of Secret Council [5] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 406, Record of Secret Council [6] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 398, Record of Secret Council Here is the full text in Latin from volume 7 of the Register of the Great Seal : A retrospective pardon in 1614 for crimes committed by the Earl of Perth's men at Tomzarloch in March 1612 977. Apud . . .


REX, — quia cum hactenus gens ilia scelerata rebellesque latrones de Clangregour, qui cedibus, concitandis incendiis, latrociniis, excursionibus apertis aliisque abominandis maleficiis devoti in quietos regis subditos grassando se exercuerant, plerisque proclamationibus regiis refractorii, latrones, proditores in Deum ipsum, regem et patriam adjudicati erant, eamque ob causam ferro et flammis aliaque omni severitate in eos animadvertendum merito decretum fuerat, JOANNES COMES PERTHENSIS dominus Drummound et Stobhall &c., in memoriam revocans fratrem suum quondam Jacobus comes Perthensis in mandatis a rege regisque interiore concilio accepisse ut dictam gentem persequeretur ad internecionem (in quo numere obeundo operam gratam regi prestiterat donee mortalia hec liquisset), decreverat eandem rem tentare, quo in negotio successum adeo prosperum nactus erat ut 5 rebelles in pugnando cepisset, 6 autem in ipso conflicto interfecti cecidissent (viz. Jo. Dow M'Gregour, Donaldus Gramiclie M'Gregour VCoulchere, Joannes M'Patrik Nadadin M'Gregour VCoulchere, Gregorius M'Ean V'Ean M'Gregour, Jo. M'Eane M'Gregour et Elensiscus M'Gregour), hisce etenim persequendis dictus comes incendia excitare coactus erat, unde edes nonnulle terarum de Tomyarloche (que latibula latronibus prebebant) exuste erant . . Mar. 1612, — cum avisamento secreti concilii, declaravit dictum com. ejusque amicos et servos ibidem presentes (viz. Jo. magistrum de Madertie, Jac. Drummound ejus fratrem, M. Jac. Drummound fratrem D. Alasandri D. de Carnok militis, Alex. Drummound fratrem M. Willelmi D. de Hathorndene, Jac. Drummound de Mylnnab, Davidem Drummound camerarium de Drimmen, Tho. Drummound de Drummoquhence, Jo. Drummound de Inneryeldie, Jac. D. ejus fratrem, Duncanum Drummound olim de Kingartbeg, Dunc. Drummound in Pitlivir, Dunc. Drummound in Wester Dundorne, Jac. Drummound oiBciariura, Pat. Drummound in Dalmerklawis, Jo. Drummound in Auchinskelloch, Dunc. Drummound in Mawie, Jac. Drummound in Belliclone, Pat. Drummound in "Williamsoune, Jo. Drummound in Wester Dundorne, Alex. Stewart in Port, Allasterum Reidheuch, Davidem Malloch, Jo. Drummound de Drummenerinoch, Pat. Drummound forrestarium de Glenarknay, Jo. M'Gruder, Jacobum Burdoun in Craigneisch, Jacobum Drummound de Pityallonie, Malcolmum M'Andro in Dundorne, Jac. Stewart olimin Torray, Jac. Meinzies in Mewie, Wm. M'Niven in Glenartnay, Jo. M'Gruder in Blairtoun, Jac. Dow in Glenlichorne, et ceteros ilic presentes), acceptable servitium regi prestitisse ; et eos exoneravit ab omnibus lie fynes, penis, criminibus et periculis quibuscunque que iis propterea imputari potuerunt. P.R. i. 225. [7] Dr Masson's summary of King James's actions against Clan Gregor [8] Spalding Club Miscellany, Aberdeen, 1842, volume ii, page 396-400 [9] Dr Masson, in VoL xiv. of the published edition of the Register of the Privy Council quotes a letter from the Earl of Perth in which he states that the raiding MacGregors were deliberately betrayed by Robert Abrach in return for the King's pardon. Although this extract found in the 'Chartulary of Clan Gregor' based on the research of William MacGregor Stirling, it is omitted from Amelia's published History of Clan Gregor, as it cast Robert Abrach in a very bad light. the full text of Dr Masson's remarks are here [10] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol ii, 253, quoted by MacGregor Stirling in a MS. Memoir of the House of Dougal Ciar from the "Lord High Treasurer's Books," [11] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 429, Record of Secret Council [12] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 445, Record of Council Acta [13] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 450, Record of Council Acta [14] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 451, Record of Council Acta [15] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 453, Record of Council Acta [16] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol ii, 26, Chronicle of Perth in Scott’s Collections, A.D. Lib [17] http://theses.gla.ac.uk/941/1/1973fallonphd.pdf page 76 - (Note 66) - RPC 2nd Series, 1,385 [18] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol ii, 33, [19] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol ii, 34,


Clan Gregor in Montrose's Campaigns - 1644-46 Background The National Covenant was created in 1638 in protest against the attempted imposition by King Charles I of a uniform Episcopacy across his three kingdoms of Britain. James Graham, 5th Earl of Montrose was among the first signatories of the Covenant and, for a time, was one of its most energetic champions, sharing the ill-feeling aroused by the political authority Charles had granted to the bishops. In July 1639, after the signing of the Treaty of Berwick, Montrose was one of the Covenanting leaders who met Charles. His change of mind, eventually leading to his support for the King, arose from his wish to end the political power of bishops without giving that same power to the presbyters. In the Scottish Parliament which met in September, Montrose was opposed by Archibald Campbell, 8th Earl and 1st Marquis of Argyll, who had gradually assumed leadership of the Presbyterian and national party, and of the estate of burgesses. Montrose, on the other hand, wished to bring the King's authority to bear upon Parliament to defeat Argyll, and offered the King the support of much of the nobility. However, he failed, because Charles could not even then consent to abandon his bishops, and because no Scottish party of any weight could be formed unless Presbyterianism were established as the ecclesiastical power in Scotland. Rather than give way, Charles attempted in 1640 to gather a military force from England to enforce his will on Scotland but was unable to find sufficient support to do so. Montrose was of necessity driven to play something of a double game. In August 1640 he signed the Bond of Cumbernauld as a protest against the ambition of Argyll. On 27 May 1641 he was summoned before the Committee of Estates and charged with intrigues against Argyll and on 11 June he was imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. Charles visited Scotland to give his formal if most reluctant assent at the Parliament on 17 August to the abolition of Episcopacy and acceptance of the Covenant. Upon the King's return to England Montrose shared in the amnesty accorded to all Charles's partisans. Across his three Kingdoms, relations between Charles I and many of his subjects continued to deteriorate until by 22nd August 1643, Charles resorted to raising an army against Parliament in England. Throughout his reign Charles refused to abandon the concept of his divine right to rule in spite of opposition from his subjects. From his initial support for the Covenant in Scotland, James Graham, Earl of Montrose moved increasingly towards support for the King. Ultimately taking up arms for the King against the Covenant. Murdo Fraser argues that far from aiding the King, Montrose's actions may have caused the King to maintain his intransigent attitudes until it was too late. Without Montrose, there might not have been a regicide in 1649, a Cromwellian Commonwealth, and perhaps no incorporating Union in 1707.


For the Scots commonweal, Montrose's rebellion alone, adding up the contemporary estimates, may have cost the lives of up to ten thousand fellow Scots, with many others crippled by injuries and economic devastation. What had been the benefit? In addition to those casualties, four to five thousand may have died at Dunbar and Worcester, while Cromwell is reported to have captured up to twenty thousand Scots, most of whom were transported to the English colonies in the Caribbean as indentured servants - effectively slaves. Estimates based in the 1691 Hearth tax suggest that the population of Scotland in the mid century may have been around a million. However, this paper is not about "What-ifs", nor broadly about the religious wars of the mid-17th century, but to what extent our MacGregor ancestors became involved - and with what consequence. A brief summary of Montrose's campaign Montrose failed on his first attempt to incite a Royalist uprising against the Covenanters but returned to Scotland in August 1644 where he joined forces in Atholl with the Antrim MacDonalds led by Alasdair MacColla. With MacColla's Irishmen and a band of Athollmen as the nucleus of his army, Montrose achieved a spectacular series of victories, discussed below, against the armies of the Covenant across the Highlands culminating at Kilsyth, north of Glasgow in August 1645. News of Montrose's victories in Scotland had kept up the morale of the Royalists in England. However, when Montrose moved into the Borders in preparation for an advance into England to join with Charles's army, MacColla left him with most of his Irish troops to continue his feud with the Campbells in Argyll. Montrose's much diminished army was surprised and decisively defeated at Philiphaugh in September 1645. To Argyll's great annoyance, however, Montrose himself escaped. He remained in Scotland for a further year but was no longer able to pose a significant threat to the Covenanters. In July 1646, King Charles, having surrendered himself to Leslie's Covenanters ordered Montrose to cease hostilities. Montrose sailed into exile on 3 September 1646. The sequel The Covenanters ultimately handed the King over to the English Parliamentarians. However, to their horror, this led to his execution in London in January 1649. Regicide had never been the object of the Scots Covenanters who promptly declared the King's son as Charles II. In March 1650 Montrose returned to Scotland via Orkney but was overwhelmed and defeated on 27th April at Carbisdale, Sutherland. Afterwards, when he looked for shelter at Ardvreck Castle, MacLeod of Assynt handed him over to the Covenanters. Montrose was executed on 21st May in Edinburgh and his head stuck on a spike of the Tolbooth.


Charles's son landed in Scotland on 24th June and resided for a time at Falkland Palace. Oliver Cromwell invaded Scotland and inflicted a disastrous defeat on David Leslie and the army of the Covenant - after it had been purged of malignants with impure thoughts by the ministers - at Dunbar on 3rd September 1650. On 1st January 1651, Charles II was crowned at Scone - the last coronation to take place in Scotland. Cromwell's army remained in Scotland and on 1st August captured Perth. Rather than face Cromwell, the remainder of the Scots Army invaded England in the forlorn hope of finding Royalist support for Charles, but went down to utter defeat at Worcester on 3rd September 1651, exactly a year after Dunbar. The King escaped and went into exile. Around 2000 Scots were killed and 10,000 captives sent to the Americas as indentured servants. According to some accounts, MacGregors were at Worcester, but as I argue here that is incorrect The following has been edited, from Amelia, Vol II, ch 8 along with supporting extracts from "The Rivals" by Murdo Fraser. On 19th January 1644, under the terms of the Solemn League and Covenant a Scots army of 20,000 foot and horse led by David Leslie crossed into England to join the Parliamentary forces which had come to an open rupture with the King. Charles elevated Montrose to Marquis and appointed him commander of Royalist forces in Scotland with the Marquis of Huntly as his deputy, although he had no force to command and only the promise of 10,000 Irish from the Earl of Antrim. In April 1644 Montrose entered Scotland, with a small body of troops from Cumbria. Despite being warmly welcomed by the Provost of Dumfries, he found little practical support and, being threatened by a substantial Covenant force, retired to Carlisle. Meanwhile Argyll had collected a large force with which he advanced to Aberdeen to oppose Huntly's rising in the North-East. On 2nd July the Royalist forces in England suffered a serious defeat at Marsden Moor by a Parliamentary army which included the Scottish Covenanting army under Leslie. Montrose himself was not present, but shortly afterwards was given permission by Prince Rupert, Captain-General of the King's army to go to Scotland and raise the King's banner. "1644 August. "Royal Commission to the Marquis of Montrose to raise troops in Scotland. "Patrick McGregor of that Ilk soon after received from Montrose a Warrant to raise his friends and followers in his Majesty's defence, as appears from a renewed Warrant to that effect 3rd July 1645, which referred to the former warrant. In August 1644, Montrose returned to Scotland but with just a few companions. In Perthshire with the assistance of his cousin, Graeme of Inchbrakie he raised a small force of Highlanders. He joined at Blair Atholl with Alasdair MacColla Chiotach McDonald of Colonsay commander of a body of 1600 Irish troops sent by the Earl of Antrim. Montrose soon raised a further 800 men from Atholl, who were put under the command of Inchbrakie, as the Earl of Atholl was at that time only 13 years of age. Montrose now had 3000 men under his command and raised the Royal standard. [1]


Tippermuir The first victory of Montrose and Alasdair took place at Tippermuir near Perth on September 1, 1644. Despite the Covenanting army under Lord Elcho outnumbering the Royalists two to one, the battle was short, bloody and decisive leaving the Covenanters utterly routed with as many as 2000 casualties. It does not appear that any of the Clan Gregor fought on this occasion. Aberdeen Montrose, faced with three further Covenanting forces in the field, marched to Aberdeenshire where some of the Gordons joined him in a crushing defeat of Balfour's army outside Aberdeen following which he allowed his Highlanders and Irish to sack the city for three days. Soon the approach of a larger Covenant force commanded by Argyll forced Montrose to abandon Aberdeen. Fyvie At the end of October, although lacking MacColla's Irish, Montrose faced Argyll near Fyvie Castle in an inconclusive, defensive engagement, following which both retreated. Montrose did not possess sufficient military strength to take the fight into the Lowlands and some of the Lowland gentlemen who had joined him in August now left with their men. Montrose had no option but to withdraw deeper into the Highlands. In December Alasdair MacColla rejoined Montrose at Blair Atholl, bringing not only his Irish, but also 500 MacDonalds along with MacLeans, Stewarts, and Camerons. Some MacGregors probably joined Montrose's army at this time - perhaps attracted by the thought of revenge on Clan Campbell. On December 11, at the urging of Alasdair MacColla the army left Blair Atholl and proceeded through Breadalbane, looting and burning Campbell of Glenorchy's properties on both sides of Loch Tay on their way into the enemy's own country of Argyll. The ravaging of Argyll "1644 November, and December. "The army commanded by James Marquis of Montrose as His Majesty's Lieutenant General over his whole kingdom was, on its march from the Brae of Atholl toward the country of the Marquis of Argyll who headed the insurgents, joined by the Clan Gregor and the Clan Nab. "'Ye heard before of Montrose's march into Atholl,' says Spalding, between 8th and 22nd December 1644. 'He took the Laird of Wemyss, Menzies, captive, and other outstanding rebels; he goes to the Laird of Glenurchie's lands, burns wastes and destroys his country, being one of Argyle's special kinsmen." The Red-Book of Clanronald agrees with these intimations, and further specifies 'both sides of Loch Tay.' [2] "Much of Breadalbane was in possession of Sir Robert Campbell of Glenurquhy an active Covenanter. His brother Patrick of Edinample was with Montrose and signed the Kilcummin Bond. The MacGregors and MacNabs joined soon after," i.e. November 1644. "Montrose divided his army into three parties, the first commanded by the Chief of the MacDonalds and third by himself. With these he descended on


the enemy's fields and ravaged the whole district of Argyll. This devastation of Argyll "lasted from the middle of December 1644. to the end of January 1645." [3] The Band of Union In Montrose's 'Band of Union' dated February 2nd 1645, 'Patrik McGregre of that Ilk' was included in a list of 52 leading men. The full text is in the footnote. [4] Inverlochy In January 1646, the Royalists in Scotland were faced by three Covenanting armies - Seaforth was in Inverness; Baillie in Perth; and Argyll in the West. Montrose planned to first attack Inverness, held by the Earl of Seaforth which he considered the weakest of the three. Then he learned that Argyll's main force was much closer that he had thought, at Inverlochy [now Fort William] and with defensive positions on the approach down the Great Glen. Montrose was at Kilcumein, [now Fort Augustus], at the SW end of Loch Ness and had only about fifteen hundred men with him, the remainder being dispersed. By a forced march through Glen Roy he arrived in Glen Nevis before Argyll knew of his approach, Montrose gained an overwhelming victory over Argyll's army which was commanded by Campbell of Auchinbreck. The Battle of Inverlochy on Feb. 2. 1645 was a disaster for the Covenanters with up to 1700 killed, most of them Campbells. The clash saw not just the defeat of a Covenanting army, but the blackest day in the history of Clan Campbell with MacCailean mor watching it all from his galley. “Patrik Macgregor of that Ilk, surnamed popularly Caoch, led a party of his Clan in the Battle of Inverlochy." [6] Eoin MacInvallich in Culcrieff, the uncle of Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies who was elected 17th clan chief in 1714, is known to have been among the few of Montrose's army killed at Inverlochy. This is an indication of Clan Gregor involvement 'in the front line' with Montrose. Inverness By the time Montrose reached Inverness, preceded by the news of Inverlochy, Seaforth's army had disintegrated and the Earl himself made peace with Montrose. At Elgin 300 Grants and 200 Gordon cavalry joined Montrose as he made his way through the Mearns into Angus. The sack of and flight from Dundee Montrose allowed his Highlanders to storm and loot Dundee, but then was surprised by a large Covenanting army under Baillie, he was fortunate to extricate his men without significant losses. Balquhidder In April 1645 Montrose desperately needed more troops. Lord Gordon was sent to Aberdeenshire and Alasdair MacColla to the west on recruiting drives, while Montrose remained near Crieff with a small force. Baillie with a large army at Perth, attempted to surprise Montrose by a rapid night march; but the Royalists withdrew by Loch Earn to Balquhidder as far as Loch Katrine. Baillie, finding it useless to pursue them into the Highlands, returned to Perth. Reference is made to the short visit to Loch Earn in the following passage.


"Montrose retreated from Crieff up the Earn by Comrie, and south of the loch to Loch Earn Head. At the head of Loch Earn three ways lay open, by Glenogle, Strathyre, or Balquhidder. By the last he recruited from the MacGregor lands." [7] Auldearn Hearing that another Covenanting army under Hurry was preparing to attack Lord Gordon, Montrose returned through Balquhidder and marched with rapid strides along the side of Loch Tay and through Atholl and Angus, being joined by the Athollmen and other Highlanders, who after short campaigns loved to return home for a time. In the North East, 1000 Gordon infantry and 200 cavalry joined him, doubling the size of the army and allowed him to confront Hurry, By good fortune he won another great victory at the subsequent Battle of Auldearn, May 1645. [8] Auldearn was the hardest fought and closest run of all Montrose's battles, but at the end of it around 2000 of the Covenanters lay dead for the loss of around 200 of the Royalists. A promise of Royal restitution of Clan Gregor lands "1645. June 7th. "Wheras the Laird of McGregor and his friends have declared themselfs faithfullie for his Majestie and doe follow ws in his service These ar therfor be power and warrand granted be his Majestic to ws to certify and assure theme, that whatsoever lands and possessions belonged justlie, to the said Laird of McGregor and his predecessors in Glenlyon Rannoch or Glenurchy, or whatsoever lands belonged justlie to his freinds and their predecessors and ar now in the possession of Rebells and Enemys to his Majestie's service; They and ther Heirs sall have the same Disponed to them and confirmed be his Majestie under his hand and seal, when it shall please God to put an end to thes present troubles, Providing always that the said Laird of McGregor and his said freinds and their foresaids continow faithfull and constant in his Majestie's service, otherwise these presents shall be null. “Subscribed at Kinady in Cromar the seventh day of June One thousand sex hundreth fourtie fyve yeires." (Signed) "Montrose." [9] Alford On July 2, 1645, Montrose won another victory over Baillie's Army at Alford, on the river Don, with perhaps 1000 of the Covenanters killed in the ensuing rout. Lord Gordon however was killed during the battle. Montrose then marched through Angus and Blairgowrie to Dunkeld, and was rejoined by the Highlanders according to the following narration. "July 3rd, day after Battle of Alford. "Wheras the Laird of McGregor hes received a former Commission from his Majestic for raising his Freinds Followers and these of his Name, We therfor by power and Warrand granted to ws be his Majestie, Doe by these presents in his Majestie's name and be his Authoritie, Renew the forsaid concession, and we do of new again give and grant to the said Laird of McGregor the like power and warrand to raise his wholl Freinds Followers and these of his Name for assisting of his Majesties service Willing and ordaining him to obey and fullfill the forsaid comission and to do therein accordinglie in everie thing Subscryved at Kinady in Cromar the third day of July Ane thousand sex hundreth and fourtie fyve yeires." (Signed) "Montrose." [10]


Note connected with foregoing :. “MacGregor had, like others of the commanders of corps, retired to recruit, and had again joined the army with a greater force than he had originally furnished. An eye witness and actor, Clanronald's Bard, after describing the battle of Alford fought 2nd July, says Alexander McDonnell' (meaning Colkitto's son, Major General since the beginning of the campaign) came from the west, with a great army of men, namely John Muidertach, with a band of good looking young men of his own country and kin, and Donald his son along with him, the Clan MacLean from Mull, the Steuarts of Appin, the Clan Gregor and others. MacLean, according to the same author, had before the battle of Inverlochy, joined Montrose with twelve men only, for a body guard. 'When they reached Montrose's camp' says this writer, 'they were joyfully received, and made heartily welcome by him, and by all the rest, and each Clan set in proper order by itself.' [11] According to the Abbé Salmonet, the MacGregors joined Montrose, when he had reached Angus on his way south.' Naseby Although Montrose had won a string of victories for the Royalists against the Covenanters in Scotland, In England the Royal cause suffered a crushing defeat on 14th June at Naseby. Montrose marches into the Lowlands "July. In the mean time Montrose entered the shire of Angus, where he met Inchbrakie at the head of the Atholemen, and MacDonald with a good number of Highlanders with whom had joined Mackclean, a powerful man in the Highlands with seven hundred men, and Glengarry, with as many; the Clans of Macgregor and Macknab, with a good number of that of the Farquharsons of the shire of Mar, and some others of Badenoch, all which joined Montrose about the same time. [12] With 1400 men under Alasdair MacColla and more Gordons raised by Lord Aboyne, Montrose had a total of 4500 foot and 500 cavalry with which he felt strong enough to confront Baillie and the last Covenanting army in Scotland, which had around 6000 foot and 800 cavalry. Kilsyth Montrose for a time remained at Little Dunkeld. The only obstacle to the entire subjugation of Scotland to the King being the army of Baillie. An interesting contemporary account discussed the battle of Kilsyth - “16th August Battle of Kilsyth. "Montrose having resolved to pass this beautiful and rich River of Forth, he marched from Kinross, and incamped about three miles from Stirling. The next day having sent away his Foot before him, he followed them with the Horse, which he kept still in the Rear, suspecting that the enemy was pursuing him, Nor was he deceived in that suspicion; for some spies that he left behind brought word that Bailly was advancing with a powerful Army; and soon after his Scouts began to appear. One of the foremost having been taken prisoner and brought to Montrose confessed to him frankly, that in his opinion the Covenanters were resolved to pursue him the whole


night, in order to bring him to a battle as soon as possible before the troops of Fife which by no means would pass the Forth should leave them. Wherupon Montrose having incouraged his men to continue their march, left the town of Stirling on his left hand where there was a strong garrison, and passed the river that same night about four miles above the town. By break of day he was got six miles on this side of Stirling, where having halted, he understood that the Covenanters had not passed the River the night before; but they had incamped about three miles from Stirling on the other side. Nevertheless Montrose still marched on till he came to Kilsyth, where he incamped and ordered his troops to be in readiness, either to fight or march as occasion should offer. In the meantime the Covenanters taking a shorter and more easy way passed the river at the Bridge of Stirling, and incamped about three miles from Kilsyth. During the march of the two armies, the Earl of Lanrick having got together a thousand Foot and about five hundred horse was incamped about twelve miles from Kilsyth, and on the other hand the Earls of Glencarn, Cassils and Eglinton were hastening the levies in the Western shires, which was going on the more easily that that country had not as yet felt any of the inconveniencies that attend War. Therefore Montrose resolved to fight Bailly; for though he was much stronger than he, and that his army consisted of six thousand Foot and eight hundred Horse, Montrose having only four thousand five hundred Foot and five hundred Horse, yet he considered that the Match would be still more unequal if he should wait there till these Earls joined him with their forces; in which case he would be forced, with the danger of losing the reputation he had formerly gained, to betake himself to the mountains. On the other hand the Covenanters thinking that Montrose had passed the Forth more of fear than design, their chief aim was to deprive him of all hopes of a retreat. In order to compass that, by break of day which was the 15 of August, having drawn up their Army, thay began to march directly to the Royalists; which Montrose having perceived, and sensible that the good or bad success of the King's affairs in Scotland depended upon that day, he forgot nothing that a great General could do, for incouraging his soldiers. He ordered them all, as well Horse as the Foot to throw off their doublets and every man turning up his shirt sleeves, by that resolution to strike tenor into the enemy and let them know that they were resolved either to conquer or die. In the Field of Battle there were some cottages and Gardens adjoining them, Montrose drawing up his men, posted some musketeers there; but before he had done putting the rest of his men in order of Battle, the Covenanters charged these musketeers very smartly in order to drive them out of that post; but thay received the Enemy without giving ground, and after this first heat was a little cooled, they fell upon them, put them to flight and laid some of them dead upon the spot, which so heartened the Highlanders whereof there were about a thousand in Montrose's advanced Guard, that without waiting the General's orders, they ran desperately up a little hill, within pistol shot of the Covenanters and exposed themselves to be cut in pieces, if the Enemy's Horse had surrounded them. But their advanced Guard waiting for that of the Rear, which was advancing but slowly, Montrose had time to relieve these rash men. For as the Covenanters had caused these troops of Horse, followed by two thousand Foot to advance, in order to attack them, he ordered the brave Earl of Airley to go to


their assistance with his Brigade, which he did with so grat courage, that after a sharp ingagement, his Horse which consisted for the most part of gentlemen of his own name of Ogilvie routed the Enemy's Horse and made them fall foul upon their Foot. This advantage continued to animate Montrose's men, so much that with a great shout, they rushed in amongst the Enemy, and charged them with so much fury, that their Horse having given ground the Foot threw down their Arms and fled. The Victorious pursued them hotly for fourteen miles and made so great a slaughter that, about four thousand of them lay dead upon the place, and all their cannon and baggage were taken, besides a great number of Prisoners Montrose only lost six men, three of which were Ogilvie's who paved the way to that great victory, which was a grat check to the Covenant." [13] "August 15th. "Extract of Red Book of Clanronald describing the Battle of Kilsyth. "'The men of Donald son of John Muidartach, and Patrick Caoch MacGregor's men, made but one regiment. They gained the trenches. Donald was the first that leapt over them, and his men followed; and, by the rush of the rest of the army who followed close the great army of the enemy was routed The keys of the great castle were sent from Edinburgh, and all Scotland yielded.' [14] On September 1st, while camped at Bothwell, Montrose received a letter from Charles appointing him Lieutenant-Governor and Captain-General in Scotland. Charles was desperate following the defeat at Naseby and requested Montrose to bring his army into England. However, many Highlandmen were reluctant to do this and 'melted away'. Alasdair MacColla took most of his men to continue their depredations on the lands of Argyll, leaving Montrose fatally weakened. Disastrous defeat at Philiphaugh A much diminished army, including a few hundred Antrim men under O'Cahan, was surprised and decisively defeated at Philiphaugh ion September 13 1645 by Covenanter forces commanded by Major-General David Leslie which had returned from England. Following the battle many of the prisoners, especially the Irish and 300 of their women and children camp followers were murdered out of hand. Noble captives were taken to Edinburgh and most of them beheaded. Argyll celebrated the victory as "God's work". To Argyll's great annoyance, however, Montrose himself narrowly escaped with less than 30 men. He returned to Atholl "where he induced about four hundred Athollmen to follow him in search of further reinforcements with the promise of the whole joining him on his return". He remained in Scotland for a further year but was no longer able to pose a significant threat to the Covenanters. Defeat of the Campbells at Callendar The following is quoted from the "Chronicles of the Atholl & Tullibardine Families, volume i"." " In February 1646, Montrose sent Inchbrakie and John Drummond, younger of Balloch, into Atholl on a recruiting expedition. In a short time they raised 700 men, and proceeded with them into Menteith, where, on February 13, they defeated 1200 of Argyll's men under Campbell of Ardkinglas at Callander, with considerable loss.


Regarding this action Bishop Guthrie writes, that " Argyll, on his way from Edinburgh to Ireland, encountered his few country people who had outlived Inverlochy and Kilsyth in a very sad posture, whereof the occasion was this — They having, at Macdonald's settling in Argyll, retired to corners and lurked until hunger forced them to come out ; Ardkinglas drew them together, they being about 1200, and brought them to Menteith to have lived upon my Lord Napier's Tenants and other Malignants, but Inchbrakie happening to be in Atholl at the time, brought down 700 Athollmen and fell upon them at Callander, whereof at the first they fled like madmen, divers of them being slain in the fight, and more drowned in the river of Goodie, their haste being such that they staid not to seek the fords. The rest who escaped made no halt until they had crossed the water of Forth at the Drip and arrived near Stirling, where the Marquis {of Argyll) found them." Wishart gives a somewhat different account, the substance of which is as follows : — "After having fallen upon the MacGregors and MacNabs, friends of Montrose, and being joined by the Stewarts of Balquhidder, the Menzies's and other Highlanders, they laid Siege to the Castle of Edinample, but hearing that the Athollmen were marching against them, they raised the Siege and retired towards Menteith. They were overtaken at the Castle of Callander, where they prepared for battle. They occupied the Ford to the eastwai'd of the present Manse, posting a strong party of Musketeers on the rising ground immediately west of the Ford on the south side of the Teith. The Athollmen, notwithstanding their inferiority of numbers, resolved to charge. Posting a hundred picked men opposite the guard at the Ford, as if intending to force it, their main body made all haste to cross at another ford nearer the Castle. The defenders instantly fled towards Stirling. The party of Athollmen at the lower ford crossed the river and fell upon the rear. The slain of the fugitives amounted to four score. The assailants having that morning marched ten Scottish miles along a difficult road, and being unprovided with horse, did not long continue the pursuit, but, having accomplished their object in dispersing a force which had threatened to invade Atholl, returned home. Browne's Higlanders has: "1645. December. When marching through Strathspey, Montrose received intelligence that Atholl was threatened with a visit from the Campbells, a circumstance which induced him to dispatch Graeme of Inchbrakie and John Drummond younger of Balloch to that district. The inhabitants of Argyle, on hearing of Sir Alexander McDonald's arrival in their country after the battle of Kilsyth, had fled to avoid his vengeance and concealed themselves in caverns or in the clefts of rocks; but being compelled by the calls of hunger to abandon their retreats they had been collected together by Campbell of Ardkinlass to the number of about twelve hundred and had attacked the MacGregors and Macnabs for favouring Montrose" Being joined by the Stewarts of Balquhidder, the Menzieses and other partisans of Argyle, they meditated an invasion of Atholl and had advanced as far as Strathample, with the intention of carrying their design into execution when intelligence was brought to Inchbrakie of their approach. Inchbrakie and Balloch had by this time collected seven hundred able-bodied men, and with this force they immediately proceeded to meet the Camphells, who had laid siege to Edinample Castle. On being apprised of the advance of the Athollmen the Campbells retired to Menteith whither they were hotly pursued by the Athollmen who overtook them near


the village of Callender. After crossing the river Teith they halted and prepared for battle, having previously stationed a large party of musketeers to guard the ford of the river. Having ascertained the strength and position of the Campbells, Inchbrakie ordered his men to advance to the ford as if with the intention of crossing it in order to draw the attention of the Camphells to this single point, while with the remainder of his men he hastened to cross the river by another ford, higher up and nearer the village. This movement was immediately seen by the Argylemen, who, alarmed at such a bold step and probably thinking that the Athollmen were more numerous than they really were, abandoned the position and fled with precipitation towards Stirling. As soon as the Atholl party stationed at the lower ford saw the opposite bank deserted, they immediately crossed the river and attacked the rear of the retiring Camphells. They were soon joined in the pursuit by the party which had crossed the higher ford, but as the Atholimen had performed a tedious march of ten miles that morning they were unable to continue the pursuit far. About eighty Camphells were killed in the pursuit" Allusion to this skirmish is made in the following:- [15] The survivors of Argyll's men driven from absolute necessity or fear of Macdonald's power and threats of annihilation had left their own country and made a raid on the MacGregors and Macnabs, Montrose's friends. …. They laid siege to Edinample but decamped and were defeated by the Athollmen near Callender." Clan Gregor with Montrose after Philiphaugh This from the Parliamentary record in 1649 shows that the MacGregors were active with Montrose in the Southern Highlands during late 1645 and early 1646 following the defeat at Philiphaugh. “1649. March 15th. "Act in favouris of George Buchannane fear of that Ilk. "The estates of Parliament, Taking to their consideratioune The Supplicatioune given be George Buchannane fear of that ilk, Makand mentioune That James Grahame haveing conceaved ane deadly hatred and malice againes the said supplicant, for his fidelitie and constant service in the publict caus, sent some of the rebelles and took away the haill guids that wer vpone the supplicantes landes, and herried the same in august 1645 Lykas in November that same yeere he came againe with his haill forces, horse and foote and brunt and waisted his haill landes murdered and begg(ar)ed his freindes and tennentes man, wyff and childring without respect of sex or age besydes his hous. Whill the Estaites sent vp for the must pairt of their Armie vnder the Command of the Erle of Callander, Generall major Midletoune and generall major Howburne, who wer ey witnesses and forced the enemie to retire And thairefter ordanit the supplicant to keepe ane garisone in his hous for the vse of the publict. Lykas also the said James Grahame in the moneth of Januar thairefter sent the Clangregour and the Macnabes to the rest of the supplicantes landes of Stroshire, Strathire, and vtheris in Perth and Stirling Schires possest thamselves thairin, herrieing and waisteing all whaerever they came placed tennentes of thair owne and removed his exacted in his laite Majesties’s name The haill few dewties at ten merk alledging thame to have ane gift thairof wherby ever since the supplicantes haill landis hes bene altogether vnproffitable to him [16] Montrose ordered to disband his army and retire to France


In May 1646 the king desired Montrose to disband his army and retire into France. In July a cessation of Arms was arranged between Montrose and General Middleton the Covenanting Commander and on the 13th July the Royalist Leader addressed his army and formally disbanded them, himself sailing to Norway in the following September. "1646 July 24th. “Wheras the Laird of McGregor has been engaged in his Majesteis service during thes troubles wherin he hes aquitted himselfe most Loyallie and Faithfullie Thes ar therfor not onlie to witnes the same but also to assure him That whensoever it shall please God to restore his Majestie and render to him his just Rights that he shall be thankfullie and amplie rewarded according to his deservings and merits Gevin at ….. the twentie fourth day of July Ane thousand sex hundreth and fourtie sex yeires." (Signed), " Montrose." [17] "1648. February 17th. "Act anent Gregor McGregor. "The Committee of Estates ordaines the Laird of Buchanan to delyver Gregor McGregor and his adherents prisoners within the hous of Buchanan to the Laird of Ardkinlass or to the Commander in Chiefe of the regiment upone the place; And ordaines the Officeris To send thame in speedilie and saiflie to Edinburgh That course may be taken with thame according to Justice."-Record of the Committee of Estates. "1648 May 16th. "The Committee (of Estates) doe seriously Recommend to the Collonells and Comittees of Warre of the schyre of Perth to grant Sir Robert Campbell of Glenvrquhy, John Campbell fear theirof, Colonell James Campbell of Lawers, Alexander Menzies of Comries and James Campbell of Clathik such ease in the present leveyes as thair Lands quhilk have bene destroyed ther yeires bygane, be not now Layed waist be want of tennents." -Record of Committee of Estates. [18] "1648 May 19th. "The Commitee of estaites Declaires that efter the last of this moneth They will no longer intertaine the garisons of nynescoir men quhilk ar within Glenorquhy, Lawers and the Laird of Weemes bounds And ordains the sojours that ar now in anie of these garisons to repair furthwith to thair Regiment with thair armes and stay with thair Regiment As they will be answerable. "1648 July 11th. "Jon Mcpatrik alias Mcgregour in … declared a fugitive for breaking up the gates and doors of Rothie, or Rotheis, pertaining to Mr Wm. Leslie of Aikmotie (?) in September 1645."-Record of Justiciary. “1649. January 30th. King Charles I. was put to death in London. Within Clan Gregor, it is likely that the leading men, - among them Padraig ruadh the chief, Domhnall glas in Glengyle, Iain MacPhadraig aldoch, and Padraig MacEoinvallich in Roro - were aware of the issues at stake, but for the majority called out to fight on the command of their chief, it was a chance for booty and to take revenge on the hated Clann Diarmaid.


In August 1649, many of the Clan Gregor continued to be described as the enemy by the Estates in session at Perth. 148 individuals were named in the Act as being responsible for " skaith, violence, wronges and oppressions of all rebellious, lawlesse and malignant persones." [19] . According to Fergol, [20] On 11th June 1651, the King and Committee of Estates ordered Calum and Ewan MacGregor to bring their servants and followers to Stirling on the 17th. Fergol states ‘they appear to have complied with alacrity and fought as a clan regiment at Worcester from which few if any returned home’. However, Fergol appears to be wrong in this as I argue in my paper on the Battle of Worcester. Following the defeat at Worcester, Scotland was occupied by an English army as part of Cromwell's Commonwealth. Resistance to that rule arose in 1653 in the form of the Glencairn Rising, but this collapsed following the Battle of Dalnaspidal on 19th July 1654. I discuss the Clan role in the Glencairn rising and the Restoration of 1660 here. NOTES [1] Spalding, Memorialls, Vol I, page 130 [2] Amelia, Vol II, ch 8, page 91 [3] Memoirs of Montroas," 1639-1650, latin history by Bishop George Wishart, translated and edited by Rev. Alexander Murdoch, F. S. A., Canon of St Mary's Cathedral, and H. F. Morland Simpson, 1893. [4] Band of Union quoted in Amelia, Vol II, ch 8, page 91-92 "1645. February 2nd. "Ane band of unione amongst all his Majesty's faithfull subjects, as also of mutuall assistance and defence. "Wheras his sacred Majestie for the vindication of his oune honor and just authoritie and the happines and recoverie of his thralled and oppressed subjects, hat been from all reasone and necessitie constrained to oune himself and ther miseries, by declaring by open Proclamations the horrid courses of the rebellious factione that now so raigeth within this kingdome, to be most wicked and traiterous, as they are most unjust and unnatural, willing and requiring all his Majesties faithfull and loyall subjects to yield by no means ther obedience thereto, Bot on the contrarie to joyne themselfs with Prince Maurice his Majesties Nephew and Captain Generall ower this wholl kingdome, or James Marquis of Montrose his Majesties Lieutennant Generall of the same, and to use ther best and most vigorous oppositione, against the Actors and Instruments of all those abominable and monstrous crymes: Witt ye ws, therfor Wndersubscryners, out of the deep sense of our deutie to God, our consciences, King, and native countrie, yea to all Lawes and Justice divine and humane by these presents; To bind and obleige ourselfs, Lykas we ar by God and Nature tyed, with our lyfes, fortunes and estates to stand to the mainte(na)nce of the honor and authoritie, of our sacred and native Generall, contrarie to this present perverse, and infamous factione of desperat Rebells, now in force against him, And that we shall, upon all occasions, according as we ar required by his Majestie or any having his authoritie, or as the opportunitie shall offer, be ever readie to wse all our best and most active endeavors for that effect. As also each and everie one of ws do falthfullie promeis mutuallie to assist one another herein, as we shall be desyred or the occasion requir All which befor God and his angells, we most solemnlie, and from our Consciences, and just sense, voluntarlie and sincerlie vowe and promeis firmlie till adher to and never to suerve from As we would be reputed famous Men and Christians, and expect the blessing of Almightie God in this lyf or his eternall happines heirafter. In witness whereof we have subscrynit these presents at Killiwherme [Kilcumein, later Fort Augustus] the penult dayis of January …. the yeir of God Ane thousand sex hundreth fourtie fyve yeirs. (Signed) 1. Montrose. 2. Airly. 3. Seaforth. 4. Grahame.


5. Lo Gordon. 6. Thom: Ogilvy. 7. L McLaine of Dowart 8. J. Mcoronald of Eyellanttirrem. 9. E. McDonald apirand of Gleugarrie. 10. Alexander McDonell. 11. Duncane Steuart Fiar of Appen. 12. Donald Camronne Tutor of Lochiell. 13. Nat Gordon. 14.. Gordon of Knokespic 15. Donald Robertsone Tutor of Strowane. (D.?) Mcpheirsone. 16. P. Campbell of Edinampil. 17. P. Graeme. 18. Johnne Drummond. 19. J. Grame. 20. James Grant of freuchie. 21. Robert Gordon. 22. D. Farcharson. 23. J. Grant of Moyne 24. J. Kinnard of Coulbyne. 25. G. Innes Yungr of Leuthars. 26. Wm. Dow of (Orchardwall?). 27. J. Gordon of Letterfurey. 28 Donald MacDonald of Ceippec ftom the beginning. 29. W. Gordon feyve. 30. A. Gordonne of fyvie Vounger. 31. Alex. Dunbar of (Teikbork?). 32. J. Martine of Kempkairne. 33. J. Abereromby. 34. R. Gordone. 35. W. Innes. 36. P. Gordonne of Kirkhill. 37. T. McKenzie of Pluscardin. 38. Johne Innes of Leuthars. 39. Hugh Innes. 40 T. Mowat of Balquhol. 41. J. Gordon of Carnborrow. 41a. (Name illegible). 42. Patrik McGregre of that Ilk. 43. Murich McLean of Lochbuy. 44. W. Douglas Glenbervy. 45. R. McGwir of Montdow. 46. Wm. Chisholme fiar of Cromlix. 47. F. Hay. 48. Alexr Robertsone of Doune. 49. J. Robertsone fiar of Doune. 50. David Moray of Colquhalzie. 51. L. McPhersone. 52. J. Mceadam. [6] Amelia, Vol II, ch 8, page 100, From the Red Book of Clanronald, as cited in a Process in the Court of Session, MacDonald of Glengarry versus MacDonald of Clanronald, 1824-5." [7] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p96 - Deeds of Montrose. [8] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p95 - This account is abridged from Browne’s "Highlanders." [9] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p100 - [Transumpt in the Collection of MacGregor of Balhaldies.]" [10] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p101 - [Transumpt in the Collection of MacGregor of Balhaldies.]" [11] John Muidertach, as he was styled popularly, who signed the Bond for, King Charles I., as "John M'Orronald of Island Tirrem." See page 92. [12] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p96 - Deeds of Montrose.


[13] From History of the Troubles of Great Britain, Account of remarkable passages in Scotland, 1633 to 1650, and Montrose's Battles. Written in French by Robert Monteth of Salmonet. Translation by Captain James Ogilvie, printed by the Bannatyne Club. [14] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p103 - Extract of Red Book of Clanronald describing the Battle of Kilsyth [15] Deeds of Montrose [16] Amelia vol II, ch 9, p107 - March 15th 1649, Record of Parliament." [17] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p104 - [Transumpt in the Collection of MacGregor of Balhaldies.]" [18] Amelia vol II, ch 8, p104 - Record of Committee of Estates." [19] Amelia vol II, ch 10, p115-120 - Record of Committee of Estates." 1649. August 28th, at Perth. "Anent the Precept issued foorth from the Estates of Parliament Against the persones underwritten Makand Mentioun That the Estates of Parliament taking into their consideration that the peace and quiet of the Kingdom this tyme bypast had beene much disquieted and disturbed, and manie thiftes, murthers, wronges, oppressions, burnings and depredations have been done and committed by the rebellious insolencies, outbreakings, ryseing in armes and wicked practises of Highlanders, Islesmen and uther disaffected persones in the Kingdome And Lykewayes considering the laudable course formerly sett doune and prescryved in diverse actes of Parliament maid anent the quieting of disorderlie subjects in the Highlands and elsewhere; As also that the Estates of Parliament be their Act in the last Session thairof ordained Precepts to be issued foorth for citing such persons as were upon the late engagement in England, or others, as they should think expedient To Compear before them, or their Committees, To give suretie and subscribe the Bond and Declaration for keeping the peace of the Kingdome and not disturbing the peace and quiet thereof, Thairefore the Estates of Parliament being carefull to prevent any danger that might arise to the Kingdome, and to secure the subjects from the skaith, violence, wronges and oppressions of all rebellious, lawlesse and malignant persones Did find it necessarie and ordaine That all such persones within the Isles and Highlands and other places as have been accessorie to the lait troubles of the Kingdome and all Landslords and Baillies of Lands where broken men do haunt and dwell, Chiftaines of Clannes & all Sorners or Oppressers who by the said slaughters or depredations have troubled the cuntrie bee cited to appeare before the Committee of Parliament having power and Commission for that effect, at the Toune of Perth at ane certain day or dayes to be appointed for that end with continuation of dayes To underly and obtemper such orders as the said Committee should prescryve unto them for the peace of the Kingdome, according to the power granted to the said Committee for that effect With certification if they failzied they should he esteemed as enemies to this Kingdome and proceeded against accord¬inglie and should be ordained to be denounced Rebels, and Letters to be issued out against them for that end; As the Precept ordaining the persones underwritten to be charged to the effect and with certification as is before specifeit personallie if they could be apprehended & failling thereof at their dwelling places where they dwell and repaire or where they dwelt and repaired of before, and at the Market Croce of the heid burgh of the Shyre or uther Jurisdiction quhere they presentlie dwell or repair or dwelt or repaired of befoir; And if there were not tutus accessus to their said dwelling houses at the market Croces of the heid Burghs of the Shyre or uther Jurisdiction quhere the dwelling wes or quhere they did most haunt Admitting the Charge and Citation to be used in manner foresaid to bee als valid as if they and everie one of them were apprehended at mair lenth beares And ANENT the Charge given to 1 John Dow Drummond alias McGregor in Ardtrostan, 2 Patrik McCondochie VcGregor in Dundurne, 3 Duncan Roy McGregor his sonne there, 4 Patrik Mcean there, 5 Duncan his sonne there, 6 & 7 John and Donald McOndy voir in Glenleidnoch, 8 Finlay Moreson there, 9 John McConochie Vcean there, 10 & 11 Patrik and Donald McNivens, in Glenartney, 12 Donald McEwen in Tullibannecher, 13 and Patrik McCondochie VcGregor in Dalveich. And siclyk anent the charge given to 14 John McGregor VcAlaster galt now in Glenalmond, 15 James McGregor there, 16 Neill Mcconneil Vcneale there, 17 Malcolme McGregor at the west end of Loch Earne,


18 & 19 James and Robert McQweanes calling themselves McGregors in the heids of Menteith, 20 and David Malloch in Corimuclach, at their respective dwelling places and Market croces underwritten respectively And in like manner anent the charge given to 21 Kallum McConnochie Vcewin Tutor to…children to umqull Laird of McGregor, 22 Ewin McConnochie Vcewin in Atholl, 23 John McEwin VcAllaster phudrach in ….. sonne to Kallum McGregor in Culchra. 24 Donald M'Gregor sonne to Duncan McRobert VcCole and his four brethren in …. 25 John McCulcher in …..& his two brethren there. 26 John dow McGillespick VcConnochie VcGregor in Rannoch, 27 Donald McGregor his brother there, 28. ... sonne to oge Mcoule Vcewin in …. 29 Alaster McAlester vig VcGregor in Fernan, 30 Gregor McGregor his brother there, 31 John Dow McPatrik Roy VcGregor there, 32 Alaster McGregor his brother there, 33 John Dow Findlay there, 34 Donald …. his brother there 35 Donald McGilliechallum vcGregor in Culdrye, 36 Kallum Mcean VcGregor there, 37 Duncan his brother there, 38 Duncan Mceandowie VcGregor in Edramuckie, 39 Gillespick Mceantyre in Kallilichan, 40 Donald Mceantyre there, 41 Gregor Mceandowie VcAlaster in …. 42 ......McGregor sonne to Alaster McConnochie VcAllaster in …. 43 John dow roy McGregor in Innervar in Glenlyon. 44 John dow McGregor in Belnick, 45 Gregor and ……sonnes to John dow McGregor in Belnichanick, 46 Gregor McConnochie VcGregor in Rora, 47 Ewin McGregor his brother there, 48 Donald McGillichallum VcGregor in Leodnick, 49 John dow McGillechallum VcGregor in Forse, Foss. 50 Donald McGregor his sonne, 51,52,53 Donald, Alaster and Neale McGregor sonnes to John Neale McGregor in Strathtay, 54 Duncan McConnochie VcConochie Vcean in Rannoch, 55 Duncan bane McGregor in Fernan, 56 Allaster McCoull VcConnochie VcGregor in Glenlochie, 57 ……. McGregor sonne to Kallum bane McGregor there 58 Duncan McCallum bane VcGregor in Rannoch, 59 Gregor and John sonnes to umqule Gregor vig McGregor in Rannoch, 60 John dow McChallum Vcneale VcGregor in Fernan, 61 Callum Connonach McGregor in Rannoch, 62 …. McGregor his brother there, 63 Patrik McConnochie Vceandowie VcGregor there, Leader to these and many more McGregors, 64 Kallum Mcphaile in Forse, 65 Angus Mcphail his brother there. 66 William Stewart sonne to John Stewart in Urquhillblaries, 67 James Stewart sonne to John Stewart callit the page now in Atholl, 68 Neale McConnochie Vceanduywie in Rannoch, 69 Duncan Clerach bedall in Killin, 70 Finlay Clerache in Garth, 71, 72 Duncan buy Clerach and Duncan dow Clerach his brethren in … 73, 74 Gregor McGregor and Duncan McGregor sonnes to Robert Abroch .. 75 Duncan Fletcher McGregor in Rannoch, -~ 76 John Mceanduwie VcEwin McGregor, Vagabond. 77 John dow McGregor in Dundurne, 78 Patrick McConnochie VcAllaster there. 79 McGregor his son there, 80 Patrick McConnochie vig McGregor in Balquhidder,


81 Patrick McConnochie VcPatrik there, 82 Gregor McConnochie VcEancham in Rannoch, 83 McGregor his son there, 84 John dow roy McConnochie VcEancharn in … his three sons, 85 Kallum ure McConnochie VcGregor in …. 86 his sonne in ………. 87 Gregor McPatrik VcConnochie Reach in… 88 Patrik dow McGregor in …. 89 Allaster Dow M'Gregor VcPatrik in Strathspey his sonnes in ….. 90 Duncan reach beg McGregor in Strathspey, 91 John McCallum VcConnachie reach there, 92 his two brothers there, 93 Gregor McPatrik aldoch in Garth, 94 John McConnochie VcPatrik Aldoch there, 95 Kallum McGregor VcCoull in Glengyle under the Laird of Buchannan, his nyne sons there. 96 Duncan roy McGregor sonne to Donald McGregor alias Mcillihuas in …. 97 Alaster McCheller alias McGregor in …… 98 John dow McAlaster pudrach in …… 99 John dow McPatrik ewin VcGregor in Innerveik, 100 Alexander McGregor his brother in ……. 101 Donald Mcilroy servitor to the said Kallum McGregor Tutor aforesaid, 102 Duncan roy McGregor sonne to Patrik McConnochie VcGregor at the end of Loch Earn. 103 John McGregor McConnochie vaine in …. 104 John buy McGregor in …. 105 John Glasse McGregor in Menteith, under the Earl of Perth, 106 Neale McConnell VcNeale VcGregor in Glenalmond, 107 Patrik Drummond in Ardlarich, 108 John dow Drummond in heides of …… 109 John McGregor VcPatrik in Tombay, 110 Donald McGregor Vcpatrik and Donald Clerach in Tombay, 111 Robert McClairen in Corriechrombie, 112 John Mcpatrik in Anie, 113 Archibald McLaran his brother there, 114 John Dow McRobert VcCleran in Stank, 115 John Dow McPharlan alias Ariach in Lark, 116 Alexander Fergusone in Innervuckling, 117 Donald Fergusone in Lagan both in Strathyre, 118 Duncan Lamb Mcpatrik dow in … 119 Mcarthur tailzeour in Bracklan, his two sons, 120 John Mceanwire in Dullater, 121 Duncan McCoull in Kilmore, 122 John McArlich VcGregor and 123 Charles McArlich his sonne in …. 124 John McDuff sometime in Tom carron in Strathbrand, 125 Donald McGillechrist VcKier in Tullibannocher, 126 John Comrie sonne to Alaster Comrie in Mewie 127 Dougall oge McCallum VcCoull in Balquhannan, 128 John dow McCallum VcCoull in Innerlochlarich, in the Bray of Balquhidder, 129 John Dow Fleiger there, 130 Kallum his sonne there, 131 Patrik roy sonne to Neale McGregor there, 132 Kallum oge McCoull in Craigruy, 133 John McGregor VcEan in Rowfan, 134 John McGillphatrik in Bray of Leny, servitor to McCanter ther who was at the burning of the house of Aberurchill 135 Duncan and William Drummonds in Achalavich,


136 John glasse Drummond there, 137 Callum McCondoy glas VcGregor in Garriechrew at Mewie, 138 Gregor McGregor brother to Kallum McGregor under the Laird of Buchannan, likewise in Glengyle. 139, 140, 141, 142 his foure sonnes callit John, Callum, Gregor, and Donald McGregor, 143 Callum McGregor guerr McCoull in Killetter in Glenfalloch, 144, 145 his two sonnes there, 146 John roy McIllmichael and 147 William Mclllmichael under the Earl of Perth in Glenlichernie. at the Market Croces of the Burgh of Dumbartan heid burgh of the Sherreffdome of Dumbartan, at the Market Croce of Sterling heid burgh of the Shereffdome of Sterling, at the Market Croce of Dumblane heid burgh of the Regalitie thereof at the Market Croce of Creif heid burgh of the Stewartrie of Stratherne, at Tapali¬tanum the Castle of Doune held place appointed for proclamations within the Stewartrie of Menteith, and at the Market Croces of Perth and Dunkell respective quoniam non patebat tutus accessus to manie of their dwelling places, and in regard manie of them have no certaine dwelling places or places of residence To have appeared before the said Committee of Parliament at Perth at ane certaine day bigane with certification and to the effect before mentioned as in the Execu¬tions and Indorsations thereof at mair length is contained Which Haill Persones abovenamed being ofttymes called at the Haill Window of the Lewetennent Generall's House in Perth, where the said Committee sate for the time And they nor nane uthers in their name compeirand And the said Committee of Estates having at length considered the said Certification and Charge given upon the said Precept in manner foresaid and being fullie therewith advised They Do Find that the foirnamed persones and ilkane of them because of their not compeirance have incurred the paine contained in the Certification And therefore the said Committee of Estates do hereby Declare the said haill abovewritten persones and ilk ane of them to bee enemies to this Kingdome and Ordaines them to bee proceeded against accordinglie Declareing alwayes Lyke as it is hereby Declared That if betwix and the first day of November nixt the said persones shall subscribe the Band for the peace of the Kingdome enjoined bee and conteined in the Act of Parliament of the 26th of Januarie last and shall in like manner subscribe the other Band enjoined bee the said Committee to be subscribed bee Landlords Chiftaines of Clannes and Baillies quhere broken men do reside and dwell bee act of the said Committee of the 27th instant and find suretie and caution for that effect as is thereby prescryved The said persones or such of them who shall so subscryve and find suretie shall be exonered Lyke as the said Committee in that caice doth hereby exoner them of this present Decreit and of all that may follow thereon." -Record of Committee of Estates, in which the foregoing paper is titled "Decreit contra the McGregors and utheris." [20] E.M. Fergol, A Regimental History of the Covenanting Armies, 1639-1651’, (Edinburgh 1990)


Clan Gregor during the Commonwealth 1651-1660

The Battles of Aberfoyle and Dalnaspidal Clan Gregor appointed to defend the passes at the head of the Forth In 1651, March, "Calum McCondachie VcEwin” with his brother "Ewin McCondochenin petitioned King Charles II. stating on behalf of the whole name of McGregor, that they having been appointed, by the Marquis of Argyll, and Lt-General David Leslie, to defend the Passes at the Heads of Forth, had contrary to the Act of Levy, which ordained that "all Clans should come out under their respective Chieftains, been daily troubled by the Earl of Atholl and the Laird of Buchanan, for additional men, drafted from them, and praying that their men might be restored, and the Clan have a quarter assigned them for their entertainment, which petition was remitted to the Committee of Estates." [1] Scots defeat at Battle of Worcester The Battle of Worcester took place on 3rd September 1651. The Scots Covenanter Army was totally defeated with between two and three thousand dead and around ten thousand captives, most of whom were sent to the Americas as indentured servants in the English colonies. Charles II escaped with a few others and went into exile in Europe. The Covenant was dead and Scotland occupied by Cromwell's English army. Cromwell pushed through an incorporating union and placed garrisons at strategic points throughout Scotland. The Commonwealth In 1652, the English parliament declared that Scotland was part of the Commonwealth, ruled by the Lord Protector Cromwell. Various attempts were made to legitimise this forced union, calling representatives from the Scottish burghs and shires to negotiations and to various English parliaments, where they were always under-represented and had little opportunity for dissent. In June 1652 there were eleven English regiments of foot and seven of horse garrisoning Scotland. It was not only the common people who suffered the financial burden of foreign occupation. During the political instability of the previous years, many noblemen and clan-leaders had accumulated vast debts - the Marquis of Argyll especially.. The English restoration of peace – albeit superficially – meant that creditors began to push for payment. As Firth believes, the end of the debt amnesty was a contributing factor to outbreak of the Glencairn uprising. [2] The raising of the Standard of Charles II at Killin “King Charles II.'s standard had been raised at Killin, reported the Mercurius Politicus No.167, published in Edinburgh August 1653: "We now have certain intelligence that on the 27th July Charles Stuart's standard was set up at Killin. On that day 40 horsemen, well mounted with swords and pistols, went by the house of Doune (Doune Castle) towards the Highlands and on the 28th Sir Mungo Murray went thither in the night; and Kenmore with 100 horsemen crossed the Water of Clyd, and went by Duntreth towards Killin and is returned into the South to raise more forces. On the 30th Glencairn was at Maggrigor's House in Loth Kennoth (Loch Rannoch the Hall on the Island) and listed three men there. To


each he gave 2/6 and sent them for the lowlands, there to be in readiness and return on notice." [3] "October 5th, 1653. King Charles II. issued a warrant to the "Tutor of MacGregor" dated at Chantilly, to raise his friends and followers in His Majesty's defence." [4] The above reports from "An account of the expedition of William 9th Earl of Glencairn as General of His Majesty's Forces in the Highlands of Scotland 1653-1654, written by John Graham of Deuchrie who was eye and ear witness to all that passed from first to last." [5] William Cunningham, 9th Earl of Glencairn "The Earl of Glencairn went from his own house of Finleston in the beginning of August, 1653 to Lochearn, where several of the Clans did meet him, viz the Earl of Atholl, MacDonald of Glengarie, Cameron of Lochyell, ordinarily called MacEldney, John Graham of Deuchrie, Malcolm MacGregour tutor of MacGregour, Farquharson of Inverey, Robertson of Strowan, MacNachtane of MacNachtane, Archibald Lord Lorn, afterwards earl of Argyle, Colonel Blackader of Tullyallan. "These gentlemen, after some few days consultation with his lordship, did promise to bring out what forces they could with all expedition. My lord, notwithstanding, did lie to and from the hills, not having any with him but the writer of this, and three servants, for the space of six weeks. "The first forces that came to, him here, were brought by John Graham of Deuchrie: they were forty footmen. Within two or three days after came Malcolm MacGregour the Tutor, with eighty footmen. Having been joined by some eighty Horse and about the same number of Lowlandmen on foot and marched to Deuchrie, Glencairn's rising attracted the attention of the parliamentary authorities. Battle of Aberfoyle "Colonel Kidd, [6] [The Commonwealth] Governor of Stirling, being informed that the king's forces were come so near him, did march with the most part of his Regiment of foot and troop of horse, to Aberfoyle, within three miles from the place where my Lord General did lie, who, having intelligence thereof, did march with the small force he had, to the pass of Aberfoyle; and drawing up his forces within the pass, did distribute his footmen on both sides thereof, very advantageously; and the horse which were commanded by Lord Kenmure, were drawn up on the wings of the foot. He gave orders that Captain Hamilton who commanded the Lowlandmen, called Gravats with Deuchrie's men should receive the first charge, which they did very gallantly; and at the very first encounter, the enemy began to retire back. The General perceiving the same, did command the Highland forces to pursue, as also Lord Kenmure with the Horse he had. The enemy began upon this, downright to run; they were pursued very hard, they lost on the spot about sixty, and about eighty were killed in the pursuit: no prisoners were taken. My Lord General having succeeded so well, from all places men did daily come in to him. We then marched to LochEarn, and from that to Loch Rannoch, where at the Hall in the Isle of Loch Rannoch the Clans met him.


"The Clans who met him at Loch Rannoch brought their forces with them: the Laird of Glengarie brought three hundred very pretty men - the Laird of Lochyell brought four hundred Lochaber men - the Tutor of MacGregour had then about two hundred men with him." Letter to the Tutor, signed Charles II “1653. October 5th. - "To our Trusty and well-beloved the Tutor of McGregor. "Charles R "Trusty and well-beloved we greet you well since the affection of our good subjects in the Highlands is now so notorious that the Rebells themselves begin to confess some apprehension of their power and the mischief would be irreparable if after so gallant an attempt to redeem their countrie from the slaverie and dishonor it groans under they should, for want of concurrence in the wholl natione be reduced to extremitie and made a prey to the bloodie and merciless English Rebells who intende ane utter extirpatioune of the Nobilitie and ancient Gentrie of that kingdome We thought it fitt in ane especiall maner to Recommend so important a consideration to you, and to desyre you that if upon any privat and particular reasone you have hitherto forborn to engage yourself for those who ar now in arms for ws, that you will, as soon as they who ar entrusted by ws shall desyre you, join with thame And use your utmost interest and power to advance our service by drawing all our friends and Dependants to a conjunctione with thame; and as we also endeavouring all we cane to procure arms, ammunitionne and uther supplys to be sent unto you by degrees, and in such a maner as we find most convenient, so we directed Liuetennent Generall Middleton himself speedily to repair to you as soon as he cane obtaine such a supply as we hope will not requir much mor time And we doubt not but God Almightie will bless you in this enterprise, and we shall never forget the service you shall do us and the alacrity you shall express therein, and so we bid you heartily farewell.-Gevin at Chantilly the fyfth daye of October One thousand sex hundred and fyftie three years and the year of our Reigne." [7] Middleton tales over from Glencairn Although it gained recruits, the rising began to suffer from internal divisions, particularly between the Highlanders who made up the bulk of the forces and the Lowland nobles and officers who were their commanders. In early 1654, nine months into the revolt, John Middleton (1608–74), a Lowland officer and a veteran of the Battle of Worcester, arrived with a commission to command from Charles II. Despite objections from his followers, Glencairn surrendered control over his forces, which had now reached 3,500 foot and 1,500 horse. A series of disputes and duels undermined the leadership of the campaign for the remainder of the rising Unlike the dynamism shown by Montrose ten years earlier, Middleton adopted a strategy of raid and harrying. Although successful in distracting the Commonwealth forces and causing disruption, it soon began to prove counter-productive, as growing unpopularity led to a drying up of recruitment. The Battle of Dalnaspidal In the summer of 1654, General Monck, now returned to Scotland as the commander of the English occupation, began a determined campaign against the rising. On the evening of 19 July 1654, the English surprised Middleton's army - which the report specifcally mentioned including MacGregors from Rannoch - at Dalnaspidal near


Loch Garry on the Drumochter Pass. The Royalist horse had become separated by about four miles from the foot. Most of Middleton's cavalry fled, leaving the infantry unprotected. As the cavalry continued to advance, the Royalist infantry also turned and ran. The Rising as reported by Lilburne, Commonwealth Governor in Scotland According to a 2005 Thesis by Helen Baker, [8] it was "difficult to give any kind of connected narrative of the guerrilla warfare that took place in Scotland from the summer of 1653 to the following thirteen or fourteen months. On 6 August Lilburne informed Cromwell that he believed that the rebels were intending ‘suddaine action’ and that they were daily joined by Lowland stragglers and men from Ireland. Of course, at this point the Royalists still hoped that the arrival of Middleton with large numbers of men, supplies and finance from the Continent, would prove to be the decisive turning point in the struggle. A similar hope that the Dutch fleet might render aid was quashed by its defeat on 31 July at the hands of Monck at the battle of Texel." On 13 August 1653 Lilburne reported that Glencairn was not far north of Badenoch and heading towards Inverness and that he was joined by around 1200 men including Lorne and Glengarry. A few days later, he reported that Kenmore and the Tutor of Macgrigar had retreated to the Hills after attempting to stir up support in the area between Dumbarton and Stirling. Another group of rebels were in Frazers’ country to the east of Inverness. It seems that the rebels were capitalising on rumours which suggested that Middleton and the Duke of Gloucester were to land on 20 August at Portpatrick with 10,000 men. On 18 August, Lilburne wrote that the news of the Dutch defeat had provoked the rebel forces to disperse from Bonnywher near Ruthven Castle in Badenoch. Lorne and M’Lean (M’Clane) had returned to their own territories in Argyllshire and the Isle of Mull respectively. Glencairn and Glengarry had travelled in the direction of Lochaber while the Macgrigars had travelled to the west of Stirling. The rumour that the Highlanders had dispersed is illustrated in a letter from Argyle to Lilburne dated 30 August 1653. He passed on the information that only Kenmore, McNaughton and Lorne were still ‘bent on mischief’. It seems that the insurgents realised they were insufficiently strong to engage in open combat so had temporarily broken up into marauding bands and had travelled to various parts of the country. On 3 September, Argyle reported that Lorne and his cousin Kenmore were in Menteith, a few miles to the west of Stirling, Glencairn was on the Isle of Mull and Seaforth had returned to his territory in Kintail. Col. Reade, the governor of Stirling, attempted to pursue Lorne and Kenmore but with little success. A skirmish took place at Aberfoyle at which both sides declared victory. Reade only managed to kill two or three of the insurgents for the remainder quickly retreated into the Hills where the English army could not follow. Like Monck in the previous Scottish campaign, Lilburne’s attempts to surprise the rebels were usually unsuccessful and he was forced to accept a war of attrition. The strategy of the Royalists was to avoid outright confrontation in favour of attacking small parties of the enemy and engaging in sudden raids. The native Scots had the geographical advantage, being more familiar with the challenging Scottish territory


and able to retreat into the mountains when necessary. The conflict then took the form of a kind of guerrilla warfare, focussing on the Highland territory. Such tactics were also useful in enabling the Royalists to divide their men and, therefore, keep apart feuding Highland leaders. Moreover, the Scottish community, albeit for the greater part unwilling to commit to open rebellion, refused to inform the English of the rebels’ movements. In November 1653 Lilburne was complaining of the ‘secrett contrivements and incouragements the generality of this people affords [the Royalists]’. In another report of the same month he writes that even victims of the Royalists’ plunder refused to provide intelligence and that every appearance or victory of the enemy seemed to heighten the spirit of the Scottish people. This is perhaps the greatest indicator of the feelings of the majority of native Scots. Encouraged by every Royalist victory, the ordinary people of Scotland were illustrating their innate hostility to their foreign conquerors. On 19 July 1654, Monck was camped at Kinnell in Breadalbane, at the head of Loch Tay. The Royalists, moving away to avoid Monck, bumped right into Morgan who had travelled from Ruthven to Dalnaspidal at the northern tip of Loch Garry. This long-awaited encounter appears to have taken both sides by surprise. Middleton’s foot, which numbered 1200, had separated from his horse and they were around 4-5 miles apart. The English first encountered the Royalist horse at Dalnaspidal. The Royalists immediately retreated but the narrowness of the track allowed the English to capture over 300 of Middleton’s horses. It was reported: ‘We presently put them to the Rout, persued them about six miles, and forced them to disperse three waies.’ The English also seized documents and around 25 prisoners. The English went on to pursue the Royalist foot in the direction of Lochaber. Middleton was badly wounded and his horse was captured, but he escaped on foot and, a week later, was reported to be in Sutherland. By dramatically reducing the number of horses Middleton had at his disposal and dispersing the rest, Morgan had ensured that the Royalist force could no longer pose any kind of real threat to the English in formal battle circumstances. After the engagement at Dalnaspidal, the only form of resistance left to them was a continuation of guerrilla warfare. Many of the foot soldiers deserted to their homes. Monck was determined to pursue those who had failed to disband. Even though the main body of rebels were in no state to engage the English in formal battle, they were still able to challenge English authority by means of plunder and skirmishes. Like the English army, Middleton’s men continued to burn and pillage and committed acts of brutality on any lone English solider they happened upon. On 20 July Monck left Kinnell for Glen Lyon where he ordered Major Bridge to round up escapees around Loch Rannoch, where he captured a number of prisoners and supplies and rejoined Monck on 21 July near Weem. In August Monck and his men marched in the southern Highlands, continuing to destroy crops and property particularly in Aberfoyle in the area of Perthshire and Loch Lomond in Dunbartonshire. End of the Rising Although the rising was unsuccessful it forced a change of policy by the regime, which now looked for reconciliation. Instead of a blanket forfeiture among those implicated in resistance, the Act of Grace and Pardon, proclaimed in Edinburgh on 5


May 1654, had named 24 persons (mainly from the nobility) whose lands would be seized, and 73 other landholders who could retain their estates after paying a fine. Even then most of those named were treated with leniency and fines were remitted for confiscations, or were reduced, and some were abandoned. William, Earl of Glencairn eventually surrendered to General Monck in September 1654. Middleton escaped back to the Continent and rejoined Charles II at Cologne early in 1655. Conflict between Buchanan and MacGregor “1649. March 15th. "Act in favouris of George Buchannane fear of that Ilk. "The estates of parliament, Taking to their consideratioune The Supplicatioune given be George Buchannane fear of that ilk, Makand mentioune That James Grahame haveing conceaved ane deadly hatred and malice againes the said supplicant, for his fidelitie and constant service in the publict caus, sent some of the rebelles and took away the haill guids that wer vpone the supplicantes landes, and herried the same in august 1645 Lykas in November that same yeere he came againe with his haill forces, horse and foote and brunt and waisted his haill landes murdered and begg(ar)ed his freindes and tennentes man, wyff and childring without respect of sex or age besydes his hous. Whill the Estaites sent vp for the must pairt of their Armie vnder the Command of the Erle of Callander, Generall major Midletoune and generall major Howburne, who wer ey witnesses and forced the enemie to retire And thairefter ordanit the supplicant to keepe ane garisone in his hous for the vse of the publict. Lykas also the said James Grahame in the moneth of Januar thairefter sent the Clangregour and the Macnabes to the rest of the supplicantes landes of Stroshire, Strathire, and vtheris in Perth and Stirling Schires possest thamselves thairin, herrieing and waisteing all whaerever they came placed tennentes of thair owne and removed his exacted in his laite Majesties’s name The haill few dewties at ten merk alledging thame to have ane gift thairof wherby ever since the supplicantes haill landis hes bene altogether vnproffitable to him [16] “1655. August 15th. “My Noble Lords, "According to ane order I received from the Generall [ie Monck] for removeing of differences and setleing of ane agriement betwixt the Buchananes and Mcgregors, I did convein the speciall men of both syds, and after conference with them, they have condescendit and agried that all differences questioned and caused, civil and criminall betwixt them 'be settled?' And lykwayes that surety either of the saids parties shall for themselves and behalfe of their wholl kinred and name give for peaceable liveing and Indemnitie In tyme to cum shalbe referrit and submittit to the Judgement and Decisione of yor lop. for the past part of the Mcgregors and to the lord Cardross and Livtennent Generall Hapburne for the part of the Buchanans and in caice of any difference or variance betwixt the afoir sd arbitrators they have named and chosen me to be oversman ffor determineing of all differences and their are six persones for each syd quhose names are contained in the inclosed list who are to be take burding in the sd submission and to become obleist for obsereing, performeing and fulfilling quhilk ever shalbe dicernit and ordained to be done be aither of them and their name and kindred to others concerning the particulars before mentioned and have appointed ane meitteing for perfecteing and subscriveing ane permissioune for that effect to be at Dunblane the fyft day of September next wher the parties submitters whose names are conteined in the inclosit list and the freinds and arbiters chosen for them are to subscryve the submissioune all quhilk I thought


fitt to communicat to your lops entreateing you will be pleasit to keip the foirsd meiteing and contribute yor best advyce and Indeavour for setling of that busnes and I sall be willing for my part to give my best advyce and accept upoune me the decisioune of any variance or difference iff any happin to be in the foirsd matter and in the mean tym I have taken assurance and (of?) the laird of Lenie and of Callum Mccondechie wt him and Pat. roy Mcphadrick alduch that ther sall be a cessatioune and forbearance of all acts of hostilie and all trouble and molestatioune betwixt the forsd parties and ther names to the forsd submissioune perfectit and subscribed and item thereof to be an article and conditioune of the submissioune and the decreit in the submissioune to be betwixt, and the first day of March next and I remaine: Your lops affectionate freind and servant Argyle. [9] "September 12th 1655, at Doune. "The which day James Lord Drummond, David Lord Madertie, Judges, Arbiters and amicable compositors nominated, elected and chosen for the part of the name of Clangrigoure, David Lord Cardross, James Holburne of Menstrie, Judges, Arbiters and amicable compositors nominated, elected and chosen for the part of the Name of Buchanane on the other part, to witness their care and respect to the desire of the Lord Marques of Argyll his Lordships letter, anent the agree¬ment of the said two Clans. In reference to what Injuries have been committed betwixt them since the last letter of the slaines anno 1631, whereby their friends had been at his LordshIp and nominated his Lordship oversman in the said matter, the said noblemen, Judges foresaids, have met and convened at this time with one and others of the said two parties under subscryvand friends and that at the special desire of the said two parties, that for establishing and keeping a true and friendly agreement betwixt the said two Clans, In all time coming, that six more men of the said two Clans on One and either side be added and eikit to the six on ane and either side nominated and listed to the said noble Lords. My Lord Marques Argyll sent hithertill his Lordship's letter, namely for the said Clangreigour, Allan McConachie vic Kewin, Gregor McConachie Grigor in Rora, Donald Glass Mcallum vic Gregor vic Doulcheir, Pat roy Mcphadrick alich, Pat McCondochie abroach, Pat McCondochie beg in Dalbeigh, in My Lord Marquiss list and added Pat. McCondochie vie Dowie in Rannach, John McGillespik there, Jon McGregor roy in Leragan, Duncane McChallum baine alich, John Roy McGregor in Innervair, Pat. McCallister in Dunblaine, as the other six which makes up the twelve in number And for the name of Buchanane the Lairds of Buchanane, Lennie, Drummakeill, Arnpryor, William Buchanane of Ros, Duncane Buchanan of Caslie Which parties undersubscribing faithfully bind and oblige them conjunctly and severally to meet and convene at Dunblaine the twenty third day of October next to come and bring with them personally all the forenamed friends respective to bind and subscribe with them conjunctly and severally on one and other sides for keeping and observing a friendly peace in all time coming betwixt them and to sign a submission conform to the Intent of the Lord Marquiss letter as oversman and give such asithement and good security to others as the Judges shall think expedient at their meeting and in the meantime the said parties shall keep hence-forth their friendly peace and good will not harming one or other of the said Clans in body or goods, Consenting these presents be registrated in any Judicatory books within this nation for preservation and constitute their procurators In witness whereof these presents are subscribed as follows and written by Hairie Blackwood notar, day year and place foresaid Subscribed thus R. Buchanan of Lennie, W. Buchanan, J. Buchanan of Arnepryor, Wm. Buchanane,


Duncan Buchanane, … McGregor, Patrik Drummond, Callum McGregor, Patrik roy, Pat abroch, these three by an Notar H. Blackwood. "Noblemen subscribed thus. J. Drummond, Madertie, Cardross, Ja. Holburne. [10] "October 24th 1655 at Callander. "Convened the Laird of Buchanan and Malcolm MacGrigor Tutor, and finding all former meetings ineffectual for taking away the differences betwixt their names Did condescend that three or four the especials of each particular race of their names should bind for all whatsomever came of their races, that they shall do no manner of damage, skaith or prejudice in body or goods, to any of the other name nor in any kind be art or part with those of any other, that does the same. As likewise that the race of Buchanan of Lenie and those of Duncan Ladosich's house shall find such sureties as friends on both sides shall think fitting and condescend on the foresaid sureties and obligations, which are to be given by each to others any day my Lord Argyll will appoint to bothe parties after his home comeing. As likewise the Laird of Buchanan and the Tutor promises faithfully and upon oath that they will concur against and to the utmost of their power be enemies, to any whatsoever of the races that will not condescend to bind or to be bound as aforesaid. As likewise for effectuating of the premises, the rolls of those that are to be bound for the particular races are to he given in by Buchanan and the Tutor to each other betwixt and the month of December And further they condition that all differences betwixt the Buchanans of Lenie and Duncan Ladosich's house be referred to the four chosen in my Lord Argyle's letter and stating their agreement to my Lord Himself And in the meantime The laird of Buchanan and Malcolm McGregor are bound for their whole respective names that they will abstain from all acts of Hostility until the premises be performed Before these witnesses Johne Stuart of Annet, Walter Stuart his brother and Captain Drumond, Day and place foresaid." (Signed) Buchanane Cardross witnes The mark of the tutour M'Gregor. S. Haldane witnes" [11] The Restoration As military commander in Scotland, commanding the Commonwealth's largest armed force, Monck was instrumental in the restoration of Charles II. After the death of Cromwell in 1658, Monck remained aloof from the political manoeuvring in London. In 1659 Monck opened negotiations with Charles II and began a march south with his army. After reaching London he restored the English Long Parliament that had existed at the beginning of the civil wars. This body, having received some assurances from Charles II, voted for a restoration of the monarchy in England and then dissolved itself. This created a de facto restoration of the monarchy in Scotland, but without any safeguards as to the constitutional position in the country. Scottish notables were in a weak position in negotiations with the crown as to what the settlement would be. Charles II gave Monck the title Duke of Albermarle in gratitude for his part in the Restoration. Charles was proclaimed king in Edinburgh on 14 May 1660 (for the second time: the first having been more than ten years earlier on 6 February 1649). He was not crowned again in Scotland. Charles II summoned his parliament in Edinburgh on 1


January 1661, which began to undo all that been forced on his father Charles I. "The Rescissory Act 1661" made all legislation back to 1633 "void and null". “1660 August 29th. - "The Sub Comittie of Estates, appointed for drawing of the letter to be sent to the Chieftans of Clans Gave in their Report to the Committee with ane draught of the Letter and the Gentlemen's names to whom the same are to be directed -Whereof the Committie Approves and Ordaines the same to be subscryved and sent accordinglie. "Sir, The Comittie of Estates conveined by his Majesties speciall warrand and authoritie being comandit by his Ma: to secure the peace of this Kingdome by all lawfull meanes. And especially to suppresse any depradations committed by the Hielanders and broken men in the hills and braes Understanding that severall louse ydle men in the hielands doe gather themselffes together in companies and carries away sprauchs of chattell and other bestiall to the hills & comitting many other insolencies to the disturbance of the peace of this kingdome And considering that by many Acts of Parliament and lawes of this Kingdome standing in force The Chiftanes & heads of Clans have been ever bund & obliged for the peaceable carriage and behaviour of all of their Clan, Kinsmen, followers and tennents They doe therefore require yow That ye tak speciall notice of all such of your Clan, Kinsmen followers, servants and tennents and of all others travelling thro' your bounds whom you may stop or lett, that they carry themselfs peaceably and doe not in any sort trouble the peace of this Kingdom by gathering themselffs together in Bands or Companies or making of any depredations upon any of their neighbours or committing any other insolencys pnvate or public. Certifieing yow that whatever shall be comitted by them or any of them of that sort will be imputed unto yow and yow will be called to accompt for the same And ordaines yow to make ane report of your diligence herein from tyme to tyme to the Comittie of Estate Wee rest your afectionat freinds “This Circular is addressed to - Earl of Seaforth Earle of Tulliebarden Earl of Athole and in his absence to Mr Robt Nairne of Strathurde Earle of Airlie Earle of Aboyne Lord Rae Lord Lovit Laird of Ballingoune Laird of Fouls Laird of Assin McCleud Laird of Glengarrie Laird of MCloud Sir James McDonnald The Captane of the Clanronnald Laird of Lochiell Donald of Guirk Laird of McIntosh Laird of Grant Ferquharson of Innercauld Laird of Glenurquhie Laird of Auchenbrek or George Campbell Shirreff deput of Argyll in absence of the Marqueis


Callum McGreigour Tutor of McGreigour Laird of Luss Laird of McFarline Laird of Buchanan Lord Kilpunt Stewart of Appin Sir Thomas Stewart of Garritullie and the Laird of Eggell." [12] Eoghan MacCondochy or Ewin son of Duncan in Morinch, the 1st of Kilmannan, entitled 'Colonel' Ewin, or Hew, noticed in Record 31st March 1651 as Ewin McCondochenin, when he joined in a Petition by his elder brother to King Charles II. He appears about this time to have been styled Colonel, as in a Charter by Colin Campbell of Mochaster to Patrick Roy McGregor of the Lands of Corriechrombie, [13] Note that Malcolm (Calum) is addressed as tutor. Patrick, 13th chief had died by 1649 when his son James, 14th chief, was still a minor. Malcolm the tutor was the grandson of Ewin the Tutor and father of Gregor who became the 15th chief when James died in 1679. Patrick Roy appears to have died by 1649 as did Duncan in Morinch, (the father of Eoghan, 1st of Kilmannan and grandfather of Archibald, 16th chief.) Eoin McInvallich, uncle of Alexander of Balhaldie, the 17th chief, is recorded as having been killed at the Battle of Inverlochy in 1645. The Burial of Montrose and Execution of Argyll On the 11th May 1661, so much of the remains of James Graham, Marquis of Montrose as could be found were gathered together and interred with great solemnity at St Giles Kirk in a ceremony attended by every peer in Scotland. While, on the 27th May, Archibald, 1st Marquis of Argyll was executed in Edinburgh and his head stuck on the same spike of the Tolbooth on which Montrose's had been displayed in May 1650. Proscription lifted (for a while) Following the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660, although none of the promised restitution of MacGregor lands took place, the proscription of the clan was lifted. "1661 April 8th at Edinburgh. "Act in favours of the Clangregor. "The King's Majesty considering that these who were formerly designed by the name of McGregor have during these troubles carried themselves with such loyalty and affection to his Majesty as may justly wipe off all memory of their former miscarriages and take away all marks of reproach put upon them for the same And his Majesty being desirous to reclaim his subjects from every evil way And to give all due Encouragements to such as live in due obedience and submission to his Majesty's authority and laws of the kingdom Therefore his Majesty with advice and consent of his Estates of Parliament Doth Rescind Casse and annul the thirtieth Act of the first parliament of King Charles the first Entituled Act anent the Clangregor And declares the same void and null in all time coming And that it shall he hereafter free to all persons come of the name and race of the ClanGregor to keep and make use of the


said name of Gregor or McGregor and enjoy all privileges and immunities as other subjects Notwithstanding of the said Act or any other Acts or any thing therein contained to the contrary Provided that the surety's formerly given for those of that name Stand in force Ay and until the Lords of his Majesty's Privy Council take such course with them for their good behaviour in time coming As shall be done with other clans." -Parliamentary Record. [14] Back to 'Business as usual' 1661. 1st October. Malcolm McGregor, eldest son of Duncan MacGregor alias Douglas, Tutor to the Laird of McGregor, "Gregor McGregor of Roro, and Patrick Drummond alias McGregor in Dundurn" had a decree passed against them, as "Chieftains" for neglecting to obey a citation, 2nd August preceeding, to find security in terms of the General Band. -Record of Secret Council. [15] Following the insurrection of another Graham, John Graham of Claverhouse, 1st Viscount Dundee, on behalf of James VII which ended with the death of Claverhouse at Killiekrankie in 1689, the proscription of Clan Gregor would be re-imposed and remained in force until 1774. NOTES [1] - Record of the Scottish Parliament, 31st March 1651. See Amelia volume 2 Chapter 9 page 113. [2] Firth, C.H. Scotland and the Commonwealth, p.xxix. [3] Mercurius Politicus No.167 states, Edinburgh August 1653 See Amelia volume 2 Chapter 9 page 108. [4] Mr MacGregor Stirling quotes this in his MS. Memoir of Glenstray See Amelia volume 2 Chapter 9 page 108. [5] Taken from published memoir, not from Sir Walter Scott's quotation. [6] The Colonel's name was Reid , not Kidd [7] Letter from Charles R - Transumpt in the archives of MacGregor of Balhaldies. As Malcolm McConnichie Vic Ewin, or Malcolm Douglas, afterwards of Ewir in Glendochart, was now known as Tutor of McGregor, this document probably existed in the original in the archives of McGregor of Kilmanan, his representative, and found its way into the Balhaldies Collection, through Rob Roy, about the time of Balhaldies's election, by Rob and others, to the station of Captain of the ClanGregor in 1714" [8] The Glencairn Uprising, 1653-54. Helen Baker Lancaster Universityy, 2005, pp38-41 and 67-69 [9] Amelia, Vol II, ch 10, page 129, Rosneath, 5 August 1655. "This is the just authentick and true copie and double of the lord marquise letter collationed and subt by me J. Blackwoode not publict. ffor my Noble Lordes My Lord Drummond and my Lord Madertie." -Leny Papers. [10] Amelia vol II, ch 10, p130 - "The above is a transumpt, modernized in the spelling, of a notarial copy by Hairie Blackwood notary public. Subscribed: H. Blackwode notar publict." [11] Amelia vol II, ch 10, p131 - - Original in the possession of Hamilton of Bardowie or Buchanan of Leny. [12] Amelia vol II, ch 11, p138 - Circular from the Sub Comittie of Estates, appointed for drawing of the letter to be sent to the Chieftans of Clans [13] 16th June 1655, one of the witnesses is Robert Clerk, Quartermaster to "Hew Colonell McGregor. - In Particular Register of Sasines, Stirlingshire, October 1666. Malcolm MacGregor of Ewir, as he was latterly called, surnamed Douglas, succeeded to his father, Duncan McEwin or Douglas of Moirinch in the office of Tutor of Glenstray before 28th August 1649, on which day he appears on record as "Kallum McConnochie VcEwin Tutor to the children of umquhile, the Laird of MacGregor." - Register of Committee of Estates. The names of the wards were: James, Representative of Glenstray and his sister Jean. See page 108. chapter 9 [14] Amelia vol II, ch 11, p140 - Record of Parliament." [15] Amelia vol II, ch 9, p113 [16] Amelia vol II, ch 9, p107 - March 15th 1649, Record of Parliament."


Clan Gregor in the 1689 rising and the Battle of Killiecrankie Introduction This paper concerns the role of the Clan Gregor in the first Jacobite Rising of 1689/90 in Scotland, initially led by John Graham of Claverhouse, Viscount Dundee. Donald glas MacGregor of Glengyle was referred to as Lieutenant Colonel and imprisoned in 1690-91. There are clues to the involvement of the clan in James's commissions and the acts of the Scottish privy council and committee of the Estates found by MacGregor Stirling and published in Amelia (vol 2 chapter 13) . Other references have been found to supplement Amelia and some explanation has been attempted. A General Summary of the 1689 Rising James VII had widespread support in Scotland, despite his personal Catholicism, when he became King in February 1685. [1] The 1681 Succession Act of the Scottish Parliament confirmed the rights of the natural heir 'regardless of religion,' the duty of all to swear allegiance to that king and the independence of the Scottish Crown. [2] The Test Act passed at the same time required all public officials and MPs to swear unconditional loyalty to the King, as well as 'promise to uphold the true Protestant religion.' [3] The linking of these two meant Parliament would support James but he would not be permitted to alter the religious settlement. James had been Lord High Commissioner when the Acts were passed as well as swearing to uphold them in his Coronation Oath. However, like his father and brother James believed in the Divine Right of Kings. When Parliaments in Scotland and England refused his wishes, he resorted to arbitrary rule. This would ultimately lead to his fall. [4] While there was some unhappiness with James's rule, it came to a head in June 1688, with the birth of a son creating the prospect of a Catholic successor in place of James' Protestant daughter Mary and her Dutch husband William. English politicians invited William and Mary to assume the English throne, although they had no right to offer the Scottish throne. When William landed, James fled to France on 12 December, and in February 1689, the English Parliament declared James had abdicated and offered the English throne to William and Mary. John Graham of Claverhouse, who would be elevated by James VII as Viscount Dundee on 12 November 1689, joined Cameron of Lochiel who had risen in support of James. A government force of about 3,500 led by General Hugh Mackay of Scourie folowed him North. However many of the men initially raised by Lochiel and Dundee deserted. [5] Dundee wrote from Glen Roy requesting reinforcements to John Drummond, Earl of Melfort, then James' Secretary of State in Ireland. However, Just 300 Irish soldiers under Alexander Cannon landed at Duart on 21 July. Patrick Steuart of Ballechin had garrisoned Blair Castle for James. The Marquis of Atholl, despite initial support for the Jacobites, decided to take himself off to Bath "for his health". Dundee determined to prevent Mackay from attacking Blair Castle, so set out with the forces he had. Lochiel and 240 Camerons plus Cannon's 300 Irish joined


Dundee at Blair on 26 July. Further reinforcements, probably including the MacGregors, joined him. Battle of Killiecrankie Blàr Choille Chragaidh Mackay's forces entered the Pass of Killiecrankie on 27 July. Dundee sent 400 men under Sir Alexander McLean to hold up Mackay's advance guard while he placed the remaining 2,400 on the lower slopes of Creag Eallich to the north. Mackay deployed facing uphill only three men deep to maximise his firepower. Dundee waited for sunset and at eight o'clock, ordered an attack. The Highlanders charged, fired at close range, dropped their muskets, and using axes and swords crashed into Mackay's centre. The impetus of the Highland charge broke MacKay's line and the battle was over in less than 30 minutes. A retreat became a rout and over 2,000 were killed. [6] Mackay himself escaped and with about 500 survivors made it back to Stirling. However, nearly a third of the Jacobites had also been killed or wounded. Dundee himself was killed. The Irishman, Alexander Cannon assumed command, but he had no Gaelic nor could he understand the ways of the Highlanders. Lochiel left taking his men with him. [7] Dunkeld Lieutenant Colonel William Cleland's Cameronian regiment, staunch Covenanters, were ordered to hold Dunkeld against Cannon. On 21 August 1689, the Cameronians took up defensive positions in the cathedral and the nearby mansion of the Marquis of Atholl. The Jacobites, outnumbering the Cameronians by more than four to one, stormed into attack. They forced the Cameronians back from all their outlying positions. [8] At 11pm, after 16 hours of fighting, the Highlanders withdrew, leaving 300 dead or dying of their number in the town. The Cameronian Covenanters would claim this as a war-winning victory. Colonel Cleland himself died in the first hour of battle and command had fallen to Captain George Munro of Auchinbowie. Cromdale The following year, 1 May 1690, a Jacobite force of around 800 led by Thomas Buchan was met by a superior Williamite force at Cromdale on the Spey. The Battle was brief and half of the Jacobites were killed or captured, effectively ending the first Jacobite Rising in Scotland. The Events of 1688/91 as edited from Amelia's account 1688. June 10. James Prince of Wales was born. A great joy and satisfaction to King James VII and the Royalist party, and great disappointment to Prince William of Orange and Princess Mary. The Prince of Orange determined to invade England on the invitation of a large protestant party who were alarmed at certain arbitrary measures on the part of the King. In Scotland there was much dread of the contemplated foreign invasion, and the Privy Council in obedience to the King's command, dispatched an army to England early in October. It consisted of two divisions, one of Foot under General Douglas, and the second of Horse under Graham of Claverhouse, as Major-General; the latter


was created Viscount Dundee on November 12. Both divisions joined the English army under the command of Lord Feversham. After some weeks, many oficers and men deserted to the Prince of Orange who had landed in Devonshire in November. King James VII fled from Great Britain and joined his wife and child at the Castle of St Germain, December 28, 1688. 1689 March. A convention of the Estates was held in Edinburgh. The King's friends, finding their efforts in his favour were quite unavailing, decided to repair to Stirling for a separate convention, but this intention was not carried out. Viscount Dundee, having received warning of an attempt to murder him, left the Convention suddenly and left Edinburgh with forty or fifty troopers on March 18, proceeding to his residence, Dudhope, near Dundee. The Edinburgh Convention thereafter declared the throne vacant, and appointed a committee to draw up an Act to settle the crown on William and Mary, which was accordingly carried out in May 1689. General Hugh MacKay, an officer who had served chiefly abroad, was appointed commander of the Revolution army in Scotland, which consisted of the Scottish brigade from Holland, some dragoons from England, and a levy of militia raised by proclamation. 1689. May. Dundee went first to the Gordon country to recruit. For some weeks he continued in the Highlands, sometimes at Inverness, sometimes in Atholl, puzzling and outwitting MacKay who had based his army at Perth. Dundee had in the meanwhile, been strengthening his forces in Atholl and other parts of the Highlands. 1689 July 26. MacKay resolved to march from Perth into Atholl at the head of 4500 men. MacKay encamped opposite Dunkeld and next morning marched onwards through the Pass, at the head of which the Highland army was waiting for him. MacKay was routed by Dundee and his Highlanders in the Battle of Killiecrankie. Dundee himself was killed, the victory therefore led to no permanent success. General MacKay retreated to Stirling, but learning of the death of Dundee he proceeded again to Perth. Cannon, who succeeded to the command of the Highland forces, was ill fitted for the duties which devolved upon him, and notwithstanding some vigorous efforts on his part, the cause of King James became desperate, especially after the defeat of the King at the Battle of the Boyne in Ireland, July 1, 1690. 1691. August. King James allowed his officers and Chiefs of Clans to submit to the Government of William of Orange and make the best terms they could. Clan Gregor The Clan Gregor appear to have joined Dundee early in his campaign and it is therefore possible that they fought at Killiecrankie, but there is no actual proof of this. The account of their joining Dundee occurs in the "Grameid," "an heroic poem descriptive of the campaign of Viscount Dundee in 1689, by James Philip of Almerieclose, 1691. Translation from the Latin verse and notes" by Canon Murdoch of Edinburgh. [9]


"After this, stalwart Glendessary, Cameron, with his company advances over the plain and with applauding shouts he unfurls mid his Clansmen his ruddy banner, with ancestral rite. Him the tribes of Lonach [10] and the widely spread Clan of MacGregor accompanied as their leader. Then followed Macnabs, Cowals and Gibbons." [11] Unfortunately the Latin poem ends abruptly before the Battle of Killiecrankie. Commissions and Warrants March 29th 1689. "To our trusty and well beloved the Laird of McGregor. James R. "Trusty and well beloved we greet you well Wheras the wickedness of our Enemys hes reduced our affairs to the necessitie of requiring the assistance of our good subjects These are to will and require you with all your freinds and followers to be readie upon a call to come to our assistance at such tyme & place as you shall be appoynted And we heirby assure you that what Expenses you may be at, shall stand to our former declarations in favours of the protestant Religion, The Liberty and Property of our subjects, all which we will fully secure to them and that we will reward aboundantly such as serve us faithfully and such as do not this duety as becometh good subjects, we will punish so as shall terrify others in after tymes from the like wicked attempts. "We expect your ready obedience and therefore shall send you our Commissions with power to you to name your other officers. In the mean time for what you shall doe in obedience to thes our royall commands for raising arming and training of Men for serving us and opposing our Enemys with your utmost force, These shall be to you and all others a sufficient warrand And so expecting from your Loyalty and Fidelity all the assistance you can give us, We bid you heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Dublin Castle the Twentyninth day of March One thousand six hundred and eighty nine years, and in the fifth year of our Reign. By his Majesty's Command. MELFORT." [12] "May 17th, 1689. “Commission by James VII of Colonel to the Laird of MacGregor. James R. "James the Seventh by the Grace of God King of Scotland, England, France and Ireland Defender of the Faith, to our trusty and well beloved the Laird of McGregor We reposing especiall trust and confidence in your Loyalty Courage and Conduct doe by these presents Constitute and appoint you to be Colonell of a Regiment of Foot of our ancient kingdom of Scotland Hereby giving you power to name and appoint your Lieut Colonell, Major, Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns in your said Regiment. You are therefore to take the said Regiment as Colonell into your care and charge and duely to exercise as well the officers as the soldiers thereof, and to your utmost endeavours to keep them in good order and discipline and we heirby comand them to be obedient to you as their Colonell and you to obey such orders and directions as you shall from tym to tym receive from us, according to the Rules and Discipline of War and in pursuance of the Trust we have hereby reposed in you. "Given at our Court at Dublin Castle the seventeenth day of May One thousand six hundred and eighty nine years in the fifth year of our Reign. By his Majesty's comand. MELFORT."


Notwithstanding these Commissions it does not seem that Gregor ever took the field. Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss in a petition to the Secret Council Dec.15, 1691 describes him as "The Laird of McGregour, a lawbydeing man, regularly paying maill and duty for Gregoriestoun" and craves the Council to assist in bringing certain defaulters of the ClanGregour to Justice.- Petition in the General Register House, Edinburgh. [13] The Laird of MacGregor thus commissioned by King James was Gregor, the 15th chief who died in 1693 and was succeeded as chief by Archibald, 2nd of Kilmannan. As Sir Humphrey stated there is no evidence that he "took the field". However, Donald glas MacGregor of Glengyle was subsequently titled 'Lieutenant Colonel' so it is likely that Gregor did act on his Commission from James and appointed Donald as commander in the field.. Breach of Peace On June 8th an order was issued by the Council in Edinburgh - . "Duncan Campbell in Dundurne Surety for Gregor McGrigor in Artrostane that he shall carie himself peaceablie & deutifullie to King William & Queen Mary under a penalty of 500 merks Scots, & that he sall appeir before the Council when callit &c. Signed Grigor McGrigor &c. Bond."-Original in General Register House, Edinburgh. And this was followed up by others: - "Keeping of the Peace. - "Gregor McGregor principall & Colin Campbell in Dundurne Cautioner, Penaltie 500 merkes. Bond to the Privy Council in Register House Edinburgh. The Council 11th August 1690 ordered it to be recorded, and the party to be charged as not having renewed his Bail."-Inventory in General Register Ilouse, Edin'. June - "Keeping of the Peace. "Patrik McGregor principall, and Colin Campbell Cautioner. Penaltie 100 lb. Stirling. Do., do. same order by Council at the same date. "August - "Keeping of the Peace. "Bond by Duncan McGregor principall, and Campbell of Clatheck Cautioner, 1000 merkis. Original in Register, and ordered by the Privy Council 11th August 1690 to be recorded."-Inventory in General Register House, Edin'. "August 2nd. - "Order for liberation of Duncan McGregor from Edinburgh tolbooth, he swearing the oath alledgiance and to appear when called under penalty 1000 merks."-Record of Secret Council, Acta. "August 10th. - "Duncan McGregour in Dunnira. John Campbell of Clathek, his Surety-Bond."-Original in Genl Regr Ho. Edinburgh. “1690. January 3rd.- "Act for sequestrating the Rebells Rents-among their names 'Coll Donald M'Gregor •.•••• McGrigor of Braikley."' - Record of Secret Council, Acta. Senior members of Clan Gregor had been 'kept in order' by the state by means of bonds with cautioners for their good behaviour. Gregor McGrigor in Artrostane is probably the 15th chief. Artrostane being Craigrostan on the east bank of Loch


Lomond by Inversnaid, which Kilmannan the 16th chief and successor of Gregor in 1693 passed on to Rob Roy in 1701. As the actions of the MacGregors had come to the notice of the Government, the chief with Duncan Campbell in Dundurne, his surety were summoned under penalty to appear before the Council. Duncan in Dunnira was the leader of the Patrickson MacGregors in Dundurn near Loch Earn This action was followed by the sequestration of Colonel Donald M'Gregor (Glengyle) and McGrigor of Braikly (Loch Awe) Orders by Proprietors In the times of insurrection and Civil War the chief proprietors in different districts had to call out the vassals and men dependent on them, to provide protection for the country and be ready for all emergencies whichever side they eventually took up. The following orders were issued by the Williamite Lord John Murray, eldest son of the 'wavering Jacobite' 1st Marquis of Atholl, and afterwards 1st Duke of Atholl. "1689. June 29. Lord Murray issued the following orders for Glen Almond. [14] 'These are ordering you John Roy in Milne Rodgie to be one of our Captains in Glen Almond and William Roy in Downie his Levetenant for the east end of the Cuntrie. “’And John Roy McGregor in Dalmore to be Captain for ye west end of the Glen.“'and John Dow McGregor Yr your Levetenant. “’You are to convene the cuntrie and make choice of fourtie of the ablest men in the Cuntrie, every captain and his Levetenant is to command 20 for preserving of our cuntrie from Roberie, theift and depredations, and to obey whatever orders ye receive from us. "'Every man to have 48 hours provisions with their arms to be always ready when required by their Captains under the pain of fourtie shillings for ilk time they are absent, and we ordain the officer to go upon the Captain's order to poynd therefore and ordains those that are not listed by the Captains to goe out, that they pay in their proportione of the fourtie eight hours provisions at ye rate of 2 pecks of meal in the week for ye fourtie men.' Lord John Murray, later the 2nd Duke of Atholl, supported King William during the Revolution, taking the oath of loyalty to him in September 1689. His father, the 1st Marquis had supported James, but absented himself rather than take up arms. Many of the Atholl tenants joined Dundee's Jacobites under the command of his father's baillie, Stewart of Ballechin. Lord Murray ordered his tenants out, (as above) and laid siege for William to his family's ancestral home, Blair Castle, which Ballechin had fortified and held for King James. The siege was abruptly ended as Dundee's army approached, days prior to the Battle of Killiecrankie. The tenants in Glen Almond mentioned by Amelia were MacGregors. John Roy was a descendant of Alasdair gald and was proposed (see below) by the Marquis to be chief of Clan Gregor on the death of the 15th chief in 1693, although he refused. Jacobite Bond of Association Bond of Association dated the Castle of Blair 24th August 1689. (This followed the defeat at Dunkeld on 21st August) "'Wee Lord James Murray, Patrick Stewart of Ballechan, Sr John McLean, Sr Donald McDonald, Sr Ewan Cameron, Glengarie, Benbecula, Sr Alexr McLean, Appin, Enneray, Keppoch, Glencoe, Strowan, Calochele, Lt. Coll M'Gregor, Bara, Large,


McNaughton doe hereby bind and oblige ourselves for his Maties Service and our own safeties to meitt all ….. the day of Sep. next and to bring along with us of fencible men, that is to say" the number of men which every subscriber was to bring follows. and Lt Coll McGregorers quota was 100 men. The paper continues, "Bot in case of any of the rebells shall assault or attaque any of the above named persons betwixt the date hereof and the aforesaid day of rendevouze, wee doe all solemnlie promise to assist one another to the utmost of our power, as witness these presents signed by us at the Castle of Blair the 24th day of August 1689 years.' Amongst the signatures is that of "Do; McGregor,~ i.e. Donald glas McGregor in Glengyle. Bond of Association dated Tamentoul 15th Jan. 1690. [15] "Wee under Subscribers In testimonie of our Loyaltie to our Sacred and dread Soveran & for securite of our friends and good neighbours vows and protests befor the Almightie God and on our salvation at the great day, to goe on secreitlye and with all the power & strenth wee have, to strike and bide by one anothe; and when any of us heir underscribers shall be stressed or anywayes molested by anie partie or enime whatsomever, wee shall repair to their aid with all our strenth and pour and that upon the first call without any further moor or delay & that we shall never be byesed or broken of this association without the Consent of his Majesties General, and the major part of ourselves, so helpe us God. Wee have subscribed thir presents the 15th day of January 90 at Tamentoul, [now Tomintoul.] Amongst the names of the subscribers is that of "Johne McGregor.” As Donald of Glengyle’s son and successor was John it is probable that this was the John who signed. Lt Colonel McGregor in the Tolbooth "December 2nd. 1690 -"Warrant for processing Lieut Col M'Gregor. Recommended to their Maj:’ Advocate or his Deputes to raise and follow a process of treasone before the Lords of Justiciary against Leivt Coll McGreigor now prisoner in the tolbooth of Edinburgh for being in rebellion against their Majesties and for depradation, theft and Robbery. Record of Secret Council, Acta. "February 5th. 1691 Anent a Petition given in to the Lords of his Majesties Privy Councell be Donald McGregour Shewing That the Petitioner having been apprehended in January 1690 by the Laird of Killmaronock and brought in to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh quhair he hes continnued Prisoner ever since And nothing being laid to the Petitioners charge except that he was accessory to the taking away the goods of the lands and tennents of Killmaronock And seeing the Laird of Kilmaronock not only does not insist against the petitioner, but, as he understands, is willing the Petitioner be set at liberty upon sufficient cautione And therfore humbly craving your Lordshipps to appoynte the Petitioner to be sett at liberty upon his finding sufficient caution to appear when called And in the mean tyme to keep the peace and not to Joyne with rebells or robbers as the said petition bears The saids Lords of thair Majesties Privy Councell having considered the above petition They give ordour & warrand to the Magistrates of Edinburgh and Keeper of the tolbuith therof to Sett the Petitioner at liberty furth of their tolbuith He first finding sufficient


caution acted in the Books of privie Councell That he and Robert & John McGregouris his sones, & Malcolme McGrigour his brother son saIl live peaceably & with all submission to the present government under their Majesties King William and Queen Mary And that they shall not set consult nor contryve anything in prejudice thereof And shall not intercomune, converse or correspond with any rebell And that they shall not joyne nor associat themselves with any robbers or depredatours, nor doe any thing in prejudice to their Majesties Government or their Loyall subjects And that they shall appear before the Lords of their Majesties Privy Councell when called for under the penalty of ten thousand merks."-Record of Privy Council, Acta “February 13th. - "The Lords of his Majesties Privy Council having heard a petition given in to them by Lieut Col Donald McGrigor, they do hereby grant warrant to the Magistrates of Edinburgh and keeper of their tolbooth to give the petitioner open prison They being always answerable for his safe custody."-Record of Secret Council, Acta. "October 1st 1691 Act of liberation Leivt Col McGreigor takes the oath of allegiance - any little means he had, spent - his wife lately dead, he liberated without payment of house or servants dues." -Record of Secret Council, Acta. An Analysis Lieutenant Colonel Donald glas M'Gregor appears to have died before 1693 and was succeeded in Glengyle by his son John. John was probably the signatory to the bond in Tomintoul, since Donald by then had been imprisoned. The evidence of John's signature may indicate the presence of MacGregors with General Buchan in 1690 prior to the Battle of Cromdale. John's younger brother, Rob Roy, would have been 18 in 1689. He may also have been involved but there is no record of this. The petition of Donald glas in February 1691 includes "That he and Robert & John McGregouris his sones, & Malcolme McGrigour his brother son" On 25 August, a week or so after Dunkeld "about 130 MacGregors led by Donald glas 'and his youngest son who lives under the Earl of Perth' (ie Rob Roy) raided the lands of Cardross and drove off 162 cattle. The raiders claimed this was an act of war not of theft, as they were acting 'for their masters'. The victim, Lord Cardross was a Colonel in King William's army and there were Lowland gentlemen with the raiding MacGregors. [16] Donald glas was captured in a subsequent raid with several others on January 11 1690, by William Cochrane of Kilmoranock and his troop of horse. [17] Branded as a major villain, Donald glas could have expected execution, but the remnants of the Jacobite army under Cannon remained at large. Cannon offered to free the Williamite prisoners which he held in exchange for Donald glas but 'in case the said Mackgrigor suffers, he will cause ten of the chief prisoners in his power to be put ot death'. [18] The Jacobites obviously valued Donald glas. However, according to Stevenson, in an interview with the Lord Advocate, Sir John Dalrymple on 7 February 1690, Donald glas suggested that some of the Clan chiefs might be separated from the Jacobite cause if their grievances due to feudal impositions on them were settled. MacDonald of Glengarry and MacDonald of Keppoch were both mentioned. Nothing may have


come of this, but the restrictions on him appear to have been subsequently lightened. The Earl of Argyll favoured the release of Donald glas, but another Campbell, Lord Aberuchill, objected. Shortly afterwards the MacGregors descended upon Aberuchill's estate near Comrie and, according to Aberuchill, caused losses of over £1400 sterling. Following the raid, Donald glas was threatened with trial for "treason, rebellion, theft, depredation and robbery", but a settlement was made on 9th February 1691 by which the privy council accepted the request of the heritors of Stirlingshire and Dunbartonshire, led by Cochrane of Kilmoranock who had captured Donald at the start of 1690, that Donald glas should be freed on caution of 10,000 merks that he, his eldest son John, youngest son Robert and nephew Malcolm of Marchfield would thenceforth behave peacefully and not associate with robbers or rebels. Shortly afterwards the MacGregors were permitted to re-establish their Highland watch, commanded by John MacGregor in Glengyle and Archibald MacGregor in Kilmannan. Donald glas took the oath of allegiance to William and Mary in October 1691 and was then given indemnity for his role in the Rising. He was informed he was liable for the costs of his imprisonment but this was waived in an "Act of liberation Leiut Col McGreigor takes the oath of allegiance - any little means he had, spent - his wife lately dead, he liberated without payment of house or servants dues." The massacre of the MacIain's of Glencoe in February 1692 shows how ruthless the regime was prepared to be. The MacGregors, like other clans, got the message that submission was necessary. The implementation of the Massacre was the work of Rob Roy's uncle Robert Campbell of Glenlyon while Rob's sister Sarah was married to the son of MacIain of Glencoe. An Act of June 1693 made a general provision for new courts in the Highlands to supress disorder, but in a final clause the penal laws against the MacGregors were revived depriving MacGregors of their name once more. [19] Donald glas was active enough to sign a Bond of Friendship with the Buchanans of Arnprior in May 1693, but appears to have died not long afterwards. His son John appears also to have died by January 1694, leaving a young son Gregor glun dubh. The second son, Duncan, left descendants but as he was not mentioned with the sons of Donald glas in 1691 may have died during the Rising. Gregor MacGregor in Stucnaroy, the 15th chief (mentioned above as having received James' commission as Colonel) also died in 1693. The Marquis of Atholl attempted to promote John Roy, one of his own tenants as the new chief. John Roy was a descendant of Alasdair gald and resident in Glen Almond. However, John Roy had no desire to be chief and persuaded Archibald of Kilmannan, a cousin of Gregor, to become chief instead. Atholl is said to have been incandescent with rage as Kilmannan was a tenant of his great rival, the earl of Montrose. Once he became


chief, Kilmannan purchased the lands of Craigrostan from Colquhoun of Luss and handed over part of them, the farm of Inversnaid, to Rob Roy. NOTES [1] Revolution; the Great Crisis of the British Monarchy 1685–1720 Tim Harris 2005 pp.39-65 [2] Restoration Scotland, 1660–1690: Royalist Politics, Religion and Ideas; Clare Jackson 2003 pp.38-54 [3] Harris, Tim; Taylor, Stephen, eds. (2015). The Final Crisis of the Stuart Monarchy. Boydell & Brewer. p. 122. ISBN 1783270446. [4] Revolution; the Great Crisis of the British Monarchy 1685–1720, Tim Harris 2005 pp.153-178 [5] Macpherson, James (1775). Original Papers: Containing the Secret History of Great Britain (2017 ed.). Hansebooks. pp. 357–358. ISBN 3743435721. [6] Hill, James (1986). Celtic Warfare 1595-1763 (2017 ed.). Dalriada Publishers. p. 73. ISBN 097085255X. [7] Magnusson, Magnus. (2001). Scotland: The Story of a Nation. pp. 518–520. Harper Collins [8] Hopkins. P. (1986). Glencoe and the End of the Highland War [9] Edited from the original manusript with translation, introduction and notes by the Rev. Alexander D. Murdoch, F.S.A. Scot. Printed for the Scottish History Society, 1888. [10] ibid "The Lonach tribe I take to be the Lennox tribe, chiefly the scattered tribe of the McGregors between whom and the Camerons there was great friendship, owing to the kindly attitude of old Alan McConnel at the time of their greatest calamity. Old Alan's son, another Alan, married in 1666 Jean McGregor, sister of the Laird of McGregor." Ibid [11] ibid Quem Lonochaes tribus, lateque effuss Gregori Progenies stipata Ducem, tun deinde secuti Nabide prognati, Cowloque et Gibbone." [12] Commissions of March 29 and May 17 from Transumpts in the Collections of MacGregor of Balhaldies. [13] references from Amelia Vol II chapter 13 [14] From "chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families," compiled by John, Duke of Atholl, K.T., printed for private circulation, 1897 [15] The Acts of Parliament of Scotland printed by command of his Majesty King George the Third, vol. ix., appendix. Quoted in Browne's Highlanders, vol. ii., p.183. [16] Quoted from Stevenson, "The Hunt for Rob Roy", p17 and note: Declaration from Cardross's tenants in P Hopkins, "Glencoe and the end of the Highland War (1986)" p190 [17] "An Account of the proceedings of the Estates in Scotland, 1689-90", SHS 1955, ii, 86-87 [18] "An Account of the proceedings of the Estates in Scotland, 1689-90" SHS 1955, ii, 102-3 [19] Quoted from Stevenson p22, "T Thomson and C Innes "Acts of the Parliament of Scotland (12 vols) 1844-75. v, 44-5; ix, 324-5


Clan Gregor in the 1715 rising Introduction The Earl of Mar raised the standard of "James the 8th and 3rd" on 6 September 1715 at Braemar. In northern Scotland, the Jacobites quickly took Inverness, Gordon Castle, Aberdeen and further south, Dundee. They were unable to capture the garrison at Fort William. Lord Drummond attempted under the cover of night to take Edinburgh Castle, but the Governor successfully defended it. By October Mar's forces, which had grown to nearly 20,000, had taken control of all Scotland above the Firth of Forth, apart from Stirling Castle and Fort William. However, Mar was a politician, not a general. He was indecisive and the capture of Perth as well as the crossing of the Forth and into the North of England by 2,000 men were probably decided by subordinates. Mar's indecisiveness gave the Hanoverian forces under the command of the Duke of Argyll time to increase their strength. Reinforcements were brought over from Ireland to boost Argyll's numbers. On 22 October Mar received his commission from James appointing him commander of the Jacobite army. The Jacobite army now outnumbered Argyll's forces in Scotland by three-to-one and so Mar decided to march on Stirling Castle. On 13 November at Sheriffmuir, a few miles North of Stirling, the two armies joined in battle. The fighting was indecisive but at the end, the Jacobites still on the field outnumbered the remnants of the Government army by a large margin. Argyll retreated to Stirling and it was later reported that he had lost 660 men, three times as many as Mar. However, Mar, instead of continuing his advance on Stirling, ordered a retreat to Perth. On the same day as the Battle of Sherrifmuir, Inverness surrendered to the Hanoverians, and a smaller Jacobite force led by Mackintosh of Borlum was defeated at Preston. During the Rising, Rob Roy and the Clan Gregor were reported to have raided the Lennox; guided the Jacobite army as it marched from Perth towards Stirling; guarded the Fords of Frew against a flanking attack by Government forces; and been a part of the Highland Force which occupied and looted Fife during January 1716. Amelia states in her "History of the Clan Gregor" that Rob Roy had also raised the MacGregors in upland Aberdeenshire, but I can't find the source she used for that. In 1716 Rob Roy moved to Glen Shira for a short time and continued to live under the protection of the 2nd Duke of Argyll, [John Campbell also known as Red John of the Battles, Iain Ruaidh nan Cath]. Argyll tried to negotiate an amnesty and protection for Rob and granted him permission to build a house in the Glen in return for the surrendering up of weapons. [Traditionally the story goes that Argyll only received a large cache of rusty old weapons.] A sporran and dirk handle which belonged to Rob Roy can still be seen at Inveraray Castle. Rob Roy only used this house occasionally for the next three or four years. Rob Roy did not lead the MacGregors who participated in the '15, although his name is most often mentioned. Wodrow letter 3 dated September 27 mentions "Macgregor of Bohaldies", "Gregor Macgregor of Glengyle, alias Ghlun-dhu" and "Rob Roy, the uncle of Glengyle". Bohaldie was 52-year old Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies (near Dunblane) who had been elected 17th chief of the clan in 1704, in order to


share in the Government bounty. Balhaldies was married to a daughter of Cameron of Lochiel. "Ghlun-dhu" was 26-year old Gregor Glun dubh MacGregor of Glengyle (alias James Graham), the nephew of Rob Roy, Wodrow letter 24, referring to the occupation of Fife in January 1716, described him as "Greiger MckGreiger governour in Falkland, whose sub deputy Rob Roy was". At the time of the Rising, Rob Roy was aged 44. In December, a raid on Drymen mentioned in Wodrow 16, stated that "they were commanded by Rob Roy and McGregor of Marchfield". Marchfield was Malcolm MacGregor, father of Griogar Boidheach of Inverarnan and great grandfather of Gregor, the future "cacique of Poyais" and liberator of Venezuela. Inverarnan House, which was originally built around this time is now the popular "Drover's Inn" on the A82. Rob Roy was the only MacGregor specifically excluded from pardon by the Indemnity Act. That Act effectively pardoned anyone not named who had taken part in the Rising. Thus as Glun dubh, Balhaldies and Marchfield were not so named they were forgiven. However, in 1691, following the battle of Killiecrankie [1689], the entire Clan Gregor had been proscribed again, and the outlaw status of the clan would not be finally lifted until 1774. Rob Roy's loyalties were probably split between his heart - his Jacobite leanings - and his head, as the Duke of Argyll had supported him in his conflict with the Duke of Montrose and had sheltered Rob from his enemies before the Rising and would continue to do so afterwards. At the battle of Sheriffmuir it seemed that Rob Roy preferred to be an onlooker, rather than join the line against Argyll's army in the battle itself. However, the oft-repeated claim that he was secretly working for the Government have never been proved. If Rob Roy had been a double-agent perhaps he could have received some benefit from any such treachery - instead he was exempted from the Act of Indemnity and thus subject to a charge of High Treason; subjected to arrest by Atholl while meeting under trust in June 1717; [see details here] and only in 1727 did he finally receive a pardon from General Wade. Reports specific to the Clan Gregor in the '15. If no endnote reference is given, the quotation will have been taken from The History of The Clan Gregor, by Amelia Murray MacGregor Vol II Chapter 20 References below to the extracts concerning Clan Gregor in the Wodrow correspondence will cite the number of the item in the correspondence, but not be specifically endnoted on this page. Raiding in the Lennox At the end of September, 1715, according to the account of the Loch Lomond Expedition the MacGregors raided the Southern end of Loch Lomond, collected all the boats which they could secure and took them to Inversnaid. Rae in his "Rebellion" reported [as quoted in Amelia, ch 20, page 284] “This Clan of the McGregours had about the End of September, broke out in Rebellion under the Command of Gregor Mcgregiour of Glengyle, Nephew to that notorious Robber Rob Roy, and in a considerable Body made an excursion on their


neighbours, especially on Buchannan and the Heads of Monteith, and, coming on them unawares disarmed them. Upon Michaelmas day [29th September] they made themselves Masters of the Boats on the Water of Enrick and Loch Lomond, and about seventy men of them possessed themselves of Inchmurrin, a large Isle in the said Loch whence about midnight they came ashore on the Paroch of Bonhill three miles above Dumbarton but being alarmed by the ringing of bells in several paroches, and the discharge of two great Guns from the Castle of Dumbarton, to warn the country, they made haste to the boats and returned to the Isle where they did considerable Damage. And having taken up all the boats on the Loch and drawn them up on the land at Innersnait, soon after they went in a body, with their fellows to Mar's Camp, but in a few days after, returned to Craigroyston and the adjacent places on the North-East side of LochLomond, where they mustered their forces, on the 10th October." In the Wodrow correspondence, letter 3 and note 2, it was reported on September 27 that "This day the clann Grigor in this bounds marched off. Any of that name, who made any demure of riseing, were threatned with present death if they refused. The laird of Bohaddie, Rob Roy, and Glengyle review them this day at Corerclett. I hear they threaten many of the Duke of Montrose men to joyn them, but none of them as yet have stirred, except some of the McGrigors, who have gone off with the rest of their friends. Macgregor of Bohaldie and Gregor Macgregor of Glengyle, alias Ghlun-dhu, Rob Roy, the uncle of Glengyle, appears in the beginning of the month, in a list of persons to be cited under the new act of Parliament, along with many of the Jacobite leaders." Wodrow 7 reported "On September 30 we find that these people are nestled in the island of Inchmurren, and are reckon’d to be 9 score of men". and in Wodrow 8 it was reported on the same day, "in the morning, of great numbers of men in the town of Dumbarton; but it would seem to prove nought, only some of Rob Roy’s party seeking for armes, and plunder the chief of their game. " The report goes on to mention the Duke of Douglas's men meeting "a brother of Bardowe’s, formerly a lieutenant in a man of war, ... they have carried him to Stirling with them." This Bardowie was either the father-in-law or brother-in-law of Griogar glun dubh, perhaps indicating the pro-Stuart sympathies of that family, although they are not mentioned again and do not appear to have suffered in the aftermath of the Rising. On October 1st, Wodrow 8 has: - "yesterday the Highlanders were in great numbers in Dombritton Muir, [Dunbarton] which proved to be Glengyle, with some say 110, some 180 men, who had taken out of Abberfoyle 19 guns of the Government's only, (but took not the old ones the people had,) and 3 out of Buchanan ; and it seems, advancing towards Dombrittan, the drums beat, bells rang in Bonill, and they retired to Inshmerry isle." [Inchmurrin in Loch Lomond]. Wodrow Note 4 states "the Earl of Kilmarnock the Master of Ross, with several gentlemen and half-pay officers to the number of 50 or 60 horse, going along- with them for their encouragement and convoy. That night, they arriv’d at Drymen, about 18 miles from Glasgow, where they found very bad entertainment; (being a very disafected and malignant place) and being inform’d that 5 or 600 of the M'gregors and their associates were lying within two or three miles of the place, they placed strong guards, and lay upon their arms all night."


"Upon Monday the 3d of October, they march’d to their garrison at Gartartan, the Earl of Kilmarnock with 12 horses accompanying them to the place, and having possess’d themselves of the house, .... This was by far the most dangerous of the three garrisons, as well because of the slenderness of the house itself, as of its vicinity to the M‘gregor’s country; and chiefly because it was the only pass by which the rebels could penetrate into the west and south country, all the other passes and foordable places of the Forth, betwixt this and Stirling, being guarded by order of the Duke of Argyle. ” [Rae’s Hist, of the Rebellion, 4to, p. 226.] "About the 6th of October the Earl of Hay was sent by the Duke of Argyle, his brother to command the loyal posse of that country, at the earnest desire of that people who requested that one of the stock of that family would come to head them. About the same time McDonald Captain of Clanronald with about 700 men came to Strathphillen in Perthshire where Glengarry, who sometime before was reinforced with 300 of the Mcgregours and Glencoe Men together inforc'd with the Rebels formerly with him, join'd him. The Hanoverian interest determined to recover the boats, so as reported in the Loch Lomond Expedition and in Amelia, ii-chap20 quoting from "Rae's Rebellion" "It was resolved by his Majesty's friends in those parts, to retake the Boats from them, if possible, by which they kept the country round in a terrour, not knowing where they might make their Descent In order to which, three long Boats and four Pinnaces were brought from the Men of War then lying in the Firth of Clyde with four Pateraroes, two gunners, and about 100 Seamen, stout and well armed, under the command of Captain Field, Captain Parker, and four Lieutenants, and a large Boat with two screw Guns under the command of Captain Clark, came over from New-Port-Glasgow and rendezvoused with them at the Key of Dumbarton, on the 11th at night; and being joined by three large Boats belonging to that place, next morning about Nine of the Clock they put off from the Key, and being drawn up the River Levin, by Horses, to the Mouth of the Loch, the Pasley Volunteers, in number about 120 Men, commanded by Captain Finlayson, assisted by Captain Scot, a half Pay Officer, who had been posted at Dumharton for some time before, and as many more as the Boats could conveniently stow, went on Board. And at the same time the Dumbarton Men, under the command of David Colquhoun and James Duncanson of Garshaik, Magistrates of that Burgh, with the Men of Easter and Wester Kilpatrick, Rosneith, Rew, and those of Cardross, marched on Foot up the North-West Side of the Loch and after them on Horseback the Honourable Master John Campbell of Mamore, uncle to His Grace the Duke of Argyle, attended by a fine train of the Gentlemen of the Shire, viz Archibald Mcaulay of Ardincaple, Aulay McAulay his eldest son, George Naper of Kilmahew, Walter Graham of Kilmadinny, John Colquhoun of Craigtoun, James Stirling of Law, James Hamilton of Barns, with many others, well mounted and armed." “At Night they arrived at Luss, where they were joined by Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss and James Grant of Pluscarden his Son-in-law, followed by forty or fifty stately fellows in their short hose and Belted Plaids, armed each of them with a well fix'd Gun on his shoulder, a strong handsome target, with a sharp pointed steel of above half an ell in length screwed into the Naval of it, on his left Arm; a sturdy Claymore by his side, and a pistol or two with a Durk and Knife on his Belt. Here the


whole company rested all night, and on the Morrow being Thursday the 13th, they went on in their expedition, and about noon came to Innersnait, the Place of Danger, where the Pasley Men, and those of Dumbarton, and several of the other companies, to the number of 100 men, with the greatest Intrepidity leap'd on shore, got up to the Top of the Mountains, and stood a considerable time beating thier Drums all the while, but no Enemy appearing, they went on in quest of their Boats, which the Rebels had seized, and having casually lighted on some Ropes, Anchors, and Oars hid among the Shrubs; at length they found the Boats drawn up a good way on the Land, which they hurled down to the Loch; Such of them as were not damaged, they carried off with them and such as were they sunk or hewed in pieces, The same night they returned to Luss and thence next day to Dumbarton, from whence they had first set out, bringing along with them the whole Boats they found in their Way, on either side of the Loch, and in the Creeks of the Isles, and moored them under the Canon of the Castle. During this expedition, the Pinnaces discharging their pateraroes, and the Men their small arms, made such a thundering Noise through the multiplied rebounding Echoes of the vast mountains on both sides of the Loch, that the Mcgregiours were cowed and frighted away to the rest of the Rebels, who were encamped at Strathphillen, about 16 miles away from the Head of the Loch, where, being all joined as above, they continued till the 18th of October: about which time they were also joined by Stuart of Appin with 250 men, Sir John McLean with 400, McDougal of Lorn with about 50, and a part of Breadalbine's Men, making up by the modestest computation 2400 Men." The continuation relates to the general history of the campaign, the Rev. narrator of the Loch Lomond pursuit, though faithful in the main facts, probably drew a good deal on his own imagination as to the effect produced on Glengyle’s men by the hideous noises of the "Pateraroes." [ 1 ] Inveraray Pages 288 to 291 in Amelia quote from correspondence in the Edinchip Papers: "1715, October 4th. Letter from the Earl of Mar to Lieutenant General Gordon, who had got charge of the expedition which had for its object to seize Inverary House and Town, and plant a garrison there. The Letter is dated from the Camp at Perth October 4th, 1715. 'Sir, "'I had the favour of yours of the 30th September last night, and am very glad you expect to be joined soon by those who ought to have been with you long ago. "'I have ordered as you desired, Glengyll, Rob Roy, Balhaldies, and the McGriggars with them, to join you, and to follow the orders you give them. "'Your Chief his Highlandmen were last night in Stratharle &c. “'After you have done me the work at Inverary, which upon resistance, I think you had better do by Blocad than Storm, you may proceed Westward conform to former Orders; but by reason of my not marching from hence so soon as I had intended, you would not march so far that way, but that you can join us upon occasion nearer than Monteth, if there should be need for it' &c My service to Glengary and Glenderule, &c.' (Signed) 'Mar.' “Letter from the Earl of Mar Directed to the Laird of Glengyll “Sir


"'I am very well pleased with the account of your securing the Boats on Loch Lomond and the other good services you have done since you was with me; General Gordon, Glengarry and Glenderule are desirous of having you, your uncle the bearer and the men with you with them on the Expedition they are going about, therefore you must lose no time in going to them and follow such orders as you shall receive, since your uncle is the bearer I need say no more.’ (Signed) 'Mar, from the Camp at Perth Oct.14. "October 14th. Mar to the Earl of Breadalbane from the Camp of Perth October 14th. "'I just now hear from Monteith, that the Earls Islay and Bute are certainly in Argyleshire, and that there were two men of war come into Clyde, who were sending their long boats to retake the boats on Lochlomond which Glengyle had seized. I wish with all my heart this could be prevented &c.' "October 14th. 'Honoured Sir, "'When I came to Argour I wrote to Lochyeal to tryst me where to meet him; he desired me to go to Achnacar, and said he would see me there in two days; But he has met with such difficulties in raising his men in Morvan, who are threatened by Argyle's friends, to be used with utmost Rigour if they rise with their Chief; he is so fatigued and angered with them, that he is rather to be pitied than quarrelled for his Longsomeness. He is mightily ashamed for his not being with you before this time. His people in Lochaber are threatened after the same manner who was mightily disheartened by people on purpose sent amongst them. He is to take other measures with them than he did at first with the Morvan men, and is resolved to be with you next week. Since I have here staid so long I incline to come along with Lochyeal. I presume to trouble you to offer my humble service to Glengary and the other Gentlemen with you. I am, to the utmost of my power, Honoured Sir, your most humble and obedient Servant,' (Signed) 'McGregor.' [ 2 ] 'Achnacar October 14th, 1715. The above letter from Glengyle [Glun dubh], quoted in Note 7 of the Wodrow correspondence, is dated October 14 at Achnacary, which seems to indicate that the MacGregors had been assisting Locheil in bringing out his clan. Thus, on the 13th, there was virtually no defence of Inversnaid, and the MacGregors were neither "cowed" nor "frighted away"! "October 22nd. 'At the side of Lochfine October 22, 1715. “Much Honoured "'I was honoured with yours of this date desiring to return an Receipt thereof, and by the Memorandum sent to your Excellency with Mr Duncan Comrie (which by this time is at you) tis evident that the Boat and the Freight seized will fall in the Enemies Hands, if I instantly march the men that are here, since there is no security for a small party to guard the same, the Enemies knowing of your being in this Place neither is there any Possibility to carry what was seized this night to the Camp; Therefore, for the above Reasons, I presume to send this Express to wait your further orders, and if it shall be to march all Night, you shall find that I shall be very ready to obey. "'Pardon my freedom in this, and I allowing to subscribe myself your Excellencys most humble servant. (Signed) 'GREG. MCGREG.’ [ 3 ] Addressed To Lieutenant General Gordon at the Parks of Inverary.


Sir, "'Upon sight hereof, return with your own and Uncle's men to the Camp, and leave Glenco's with himself. I am Sir your humble servant. (Signed) 'ALEX. GORDON.' 'October 22. Ten o clock.' (Addressed) 'To the Laird of Glengyle.' Wodrow letter 15, dated October 23rd has "Clanronnel, Glengary, M‘lean, Apine, Clenmorison, Rob Roy with the Mc Grigors, the people of Glenco, making up to the number as was thought 16 or 1700, came within 2 gun-shots of this place, [Inveraray] Thursday last about 12 of the clock". However, Lord Islay, in command of up to 2000 men, defended the town so the rebels retreated. Sherrifmuir "November 4th. Extract Mar from 'Huntingtour Friday morning November 4th, 1715.' 'To Lieutenant General Gordon at Auchterarder.' "'I wonder what keeps Rob Roy from coming to Perth, as I ordered him. Pray send him there immediately, for I want very much to speak to him; and if there be no alarm from the enemy, I would have you to come to Perth tomorrow morning, that I may concert some things with you as to our March.' Amelia, quoting from Browne's "Highland Clans", reported that the Earl of Seaforth, with the northern Clans, reached Perth early in Nov. [ 4 ] General Gordon by that time had reached Drummond Castle on his return from Inveraray with the Western Clans on the way to Perth. Mar dispatched an Express to him instructing him to join the main Highland army on the March to Dunblane, it having been resolved in a Council of War on the 9th Nov. to leave Perth. Accordingly the Army marched to Auchterarder on the 10th and was joined by General Gordon on the 11th; the Earl of Mar ordered Gordon with 3000 men of the Clans and some horse, on the 12th, to go forward and take possession of Dunblane; whilst the rest of the Army were ordered to parade on the Muir of Tullibardine, and the Earl of Mar went to Drummond Castle to have an interview with the Earl of Breadalbane. Argyle's forces had been almost doubled by reinforcements from Ireland, and he had received intelligence of Mar's advance from his spies, but not being strong enough to hold the Forth, which was now beginning to freeze, he determined to offer battle to the enemy before they could reach the river. His advance guard seized Dunblane; Gordon, on learning this, halted and sent an express to General Hamilton who forwarded it to Mar, and halted near the Roman Camp at Ardoch. On Mar's return, the Jacobites marched to the Bridge of Kinbuck, while Argyle formed his army in battle array on a rising ground above the house of Kippenross. The two armies bivouacked within three miles of each other, only separated by the Sheriffmuir, but Mar was completely ignorant of Argyle's close vicinity, imagining him to be still at Dunblane. On the 13th Nov. 1715, the Battle of Sheriffmuir commenced. The results of the Action were undecisive, the right of Mar's army having defeated Argyle's left, whilst Mar's left was overthrown by Argyle's right. Both sides therefore claimed the victory, but it was followed by the defection of many of the Clans, so the Earl of Mar consequently abandoned his intention of crossing the Forth and retired upon Perth. Browne's "Highlanders" stated "The MacPhersons and MacGregors did not join in the contest at all, but looked on as if unconcerned about the result" [ 5 ] Walter Scott


(not the most reliable of sources) wrote "The fact is only a portion of the Clan, chiefly such as were followers of Rob Roy or of his nephew Glengyle, took up arms on this occasion, and for some reason Rob Roy chose to stand aloof". [ 6 ] The local tradition has it that Rob Roy stationed his small party of MacGregors at Culling, near Cromlix to the west of the battlefield and on the opposite bank of the river Teith. [ 7 ] This would make sense if they had been recalled from their role in guarding the Fords of Frew immediately before the battle. His position raised suspicions among some Jacobite writers that it allowed Rob Roy the choice of joining either side, depending on his view of the outcome of the battle. A more honourable view was that Rob Roy considered that the addition of a small number of MacGregors to the Jacobite line would make no difference to the outcome and that the best use of his force was in guarding the fords in case of a flanking attack, or for a Jacobite retreat. Some Jacobite writers have claimed that the reason of Rob's conduct was a subsidy from the Duke of Argyle, and great colour was lent to this supposition by the conduct of his followers who are said to have plundered the baggage and the Dead on both sides after the battle. It is probable that whether money entered into the question or not, Rob Roy must have been averse to act contrary to the Duke of Argyll's wishes, as after the quarrel with the Duke of Montrose, Rob Roy had been at pains to please Argyll. Many of the Highlanders dispersed to their homes following the battle and there is evidence that Mar tried to bring them back in December. The following letter from Mar quoted in Amelia vol ii page229 was addressed to Duncan MacGregor of Dunan in Rannoch and Gregor MacGregor of Rora in Glenlyon. It is also evidence that MacGregors other than those associated with Glengyle were involved in the Rising. "John Earl of Mar Commander in Chief of his Majesty's Force's in Scotland. "These are ordering you and requiring you forthwith to raise all the fencible men of the name of MacGregor you can with their best arms and accoutrements within the Shyre of Perth whose Masters are not already in the King's service and to march them with all possible speed to joyn his Majesty's Army wherever it shall happen to be for the time. For doing whereof, this shall be to you and all concerned a suffic/ient warrand, Given at the Camp at Perth the 3d of Dec. 1715. (signed) Mar." "To Duncan MacGregor of Dunan & Gregor MacGregor of Rora." Back raiding in the Lennox Wodrow item 16 included a report dated December 8th, that the previous day: "the M‘Grigors cam with a party to Drummen, [Drymen] proclamed the Pretender, tore the exciseman's book, and went away." Item 17 expanded on this report "Rob Roy with 80 came to Drymen, proclaimed the Pretender, rifled the gauger's house. On Thursday he cross’d the Loch, came to the minister of Luss’s house who escaped; they rifled it: they went to Auohengan, where Humphrey Noble of Kyppermynshock lives, took a horse and mare from him, and carried off his half brother and his wife’s brother, at reprysals for the 4 in Dumbarton prison; afterward to the toune of Luss, where they took some linins, arms, &c. They were commanded by Rob Roy and McGregor of Marchfield. "


Wodrow 18, dated December 13th, has "The clan M‘Gregors upon Saturday’s night last came to John M‘Lachlen of Achintroig’s house, brother in law to young Kepedorroch, hes taken him and his two sons with them, and 20 cows and his horses. .... The country does not oppose these banditti, for they are either of their interest, or indifferent generally. " Wodrow 19 has a report dated the same day that "100 mariners came yesterday to Dumbarton, to be joyned by some of the militia, to goe in quest of Rob Roy and his banditti," Wodrow 20, dated December 17th reported that "Rob Roy has dismissed Mr. Lecky and Boyd, whom he took in the parish of Luss: he took the former’s ready penny and watch. He has also return’d 48 of Auchintroig’s sheep, some cows, and 4 horse. It’s said that Rob Roy and his gang are summoned to Perth." Falkland - Fife Note 9 in the Wodrow correspondence inluded a quote from the Glasgow Courant, dated "Edin. Jan. 9" "We are advised that Rob Roy, is come with about 150 of his banditti to Fife, and has taken possession of Faukland." On 17th January 1716, Wodrow 21 reported [wrongly] that "... Rob Roy and his garison at Faulkland was surprised, diverse killed, and himself made prisoner, but this day it's said that he had sent out a party to plunder some gentlemen’s houses; which Sir R. Muntgumerie hearing of sent out a party, killed 4 or 5, and took the rest prisoners". However, in Note 9, Wodrow quoted from a later report in the Glasgow Courant, dated Jan. 24. "Tis said that Rob Roy, with about 150 men, came down to a place called Merkins, [Markinch] where about 39 of the Swiss and country militia were going to take up garrison at Balgownie, and took them prisoners to Balgownie, and that this day Sir Robert Montgomerie of Skelmorlie has ordered 100 men to go and retake them". Wodrow item 22 gave more detail of this encounter on the 18th January, "This garison of Leslie thought to have prevented them, and this morning they early-detached 12 Switzers, 25 Kirkaldie men; and when they cam to Markingh, ther is 150 rebels in the toun, which they knew nothing of till they ar in among them; who presently surounded them, and took them all prisoners, and carried them to Balgonie with them. Severall Kirkaldie men is wounded, on of them is mortaly wounded, and two Switzers dying in ther wounds at Balgonie;" 27. January 1715 - Directed to the Laird of Glengyll Commanding Officer of the Garrison of Falkland. "'John Earl of Mar &c Commander of in Chief of his Majesty's Forces in Scotland These are ordering you and requiring you with the Battalion of the name of MacGregor, to go to the Adjacent Country of Cambus Wallace where you are to put yourselves as you shall find most convenient, for this service and there you are by all possible means to prevent any party of the Enemys carrying off any forage as provisions &c from that Country and the neighbourhood and if necessary you are hereby empowered to call for a reinforcement from the Garrison of Braes, in case you shall not find yourself in a condition to prevent the Enemy's carrying away the forage and Provisions mentioned, you are to drive them off and hring them into the Camp for the use of his Majesty's forces in Scotland. These are ordering you and requiring you upon sight hereof forthwith to call in all the parties you have out as in


Garrisons or elsewhere, or order them immediately to join you on your march and to march with them and the whole garrison under your command to Naughton and in conjunction with that Garrison to march to the water side of Dundee, where boats will be ordered to be in readiness to transport you to Dundee, and there you are to observe and obey such other orders as shall he transmitted to you. This you are to do with all possible care and expedition as you shall answer to his Majesty's at your highest peril. "'Given at the Court of Scoan [Scone, Perth] this 27. January 1715. 16.' (Signed) 'Mar.' Wodrow 23 reported on February 9th, "for about 2 a’cloak in the morning, we hade the good news that Roey [Rob Roy] and all his men were fleed to Dundie [Dundee]. And his fleing was after this maner, about 12 a’cloak at night, he had all his men save a few drawn out befor the palace of Fackland in arms, to com to Leslie for its ruin; and just when he is coming off, ther coms two expreses to him that the king’s armey was aproaching Perth. Upon which he changed his resolution, and presentlie went of for Dundie; as did all the garisons of rebels in Fife, so that I supose in 24 hours ther was not a hiland man left in Fife; and ever sine we have been in peace and quiet, and all the kings garisons in Fife are given up, save Burntisland." ... "Thes in Fackland continued ther about a month, and for ordinar they wer but about 150 at most; in that time they eat and destroyed three thousand sheep, in Fackland and the ajacant parishes next to it." Wodrow 24, dated March 28 reported at length of the Highlander's depredations in Fife during January and early February. Referring to the MacGregors who had levied. "... double cess on all dissaffected persons to them; and after all that, ten firlots of meal on every plough or four oxengoing of land, besides corn and straw and hay to their magazins; and all this payed by a bit of paper, with two lines of a recept under such a man’s hand for so much meal, corn, &c. One of which recepts I saw yesterday, subscrivit by Greiger MckGreiger governour in Falkland, whose sub deputy Rob Roy was; whose men on a Saturdayes night, after they went out of Leslie town, 36 well armed with sword, gun, durk and target, drave 123 sheep from two of my lord’s tenents in our very vew, threatening (because the town of Leslie that night resisted, and dar’d them to their very faces) to return with a better back, and to spoil and burn the whole town." .... "For Rob Roy told George Swan they behov’d to set fire to the countrey, if they were not more loyall and obedient to them. This he said to George when he came in to Falkland, seeking back two good horse they took from him, and that after he had payed his sess; yet this exeem’d him not, and George told me, had it not been Rob Roy that pleaded for him, they had laid him in prison. And yet he heard honest Robine say, that he never desired a more pleasant and satisfying breakfast every morning, than to see a Whigg’a house in flames; and yet George told me he was the fairest and most discreet among them that he saw, and so I leave any unbyassed person to judge of the rest. " The capitulation at Preston occurred the day before Sherriffmuir, and at the same time Inverness was captured by the Government troops. The Chevalier landed at Peterhead on December 22nd attended by the Marquis of Tynemouth, son of the Duke of Berwick, and Lieutenant Allan Cameron, a son of Locheil. He remained several days at Fetteresso, the house of Earl Marischal, and there received on the 27th a body of gentlemen who rode out from Perth, and after kissing the King's hand,


they proclaimed him at the gates of the house. On the 6th January 1716 the Chevalier made his entrance into Dundee. He slept one night at Fingask and then took up his abode at Scone. On Monday 10th January the Chevalier made his public entry into Perth. From Scone several proclamations were issued, and it was intended the Coronation should take place there on the 23rd January but before that date arrived, the Chevalier and his friends had resolved to abandon the contest as hopeless. During January, Rob Roy and his men had been raiding in Fife to obtain supplies for the Jacobite army and there they ambushed, at Markinch, a party of Government troops. Upon 'misinformation' that Highlanders were plundering the place, a party of 12 Swiss mercenaries and 18 of the Kirkcaldy militia were sent out to deal with them. 'Owr men came up and fyred briskly and kild two of the rebels, but when they saw themselves surrounded by 160 armed men they all asked qwarters but two of the Swiss quho were at lenthe desperately wounded and taken and ane of them us since dead'. [ 8 ] Argyll received large reinforcements from abroad, whilst the Jacobite forces and ammunition had diminished; the weather was very severe and the troops in Perth were entirely cut off from coals, as they had been obliged to relinquish all the towns they had secured on the Banks of the Firth of Forth. The Duke of Argyll was advancing on Perth, and after a Council of War held at Scone by the Jacobite leaders it was resolved to march the Highland army northwards and then disband them. The march to Montrose was commenced on Jan. 31, they arrived there on Feb. 3, and to keep up their hope that they were only moving to a stronger position, the troops were ordered to continue on, in the direction of Aberdeen the same night. Meanwhile the Chevalier was induced to leave the country; it was pointed out to him, that his followers might obtain better terms if he went away, and although he was very averse to leaving those who had risked their all in his service, the Prince was prevailed upon to depart on board a small French vessel with a very few followers. Meanwhile the Jacobite army received at Aberdeen a letter from the Chevalier thanking them for their services and explaining that he was forced to give up the attempt at that time. The troops marched on to Badenoch and there quietly dispersed. Thus ended the Rising of 1715. End of the Rising Note 12 of Wodrow included a report from the Glasgow Courant, dated March 23 "Upon Wednesday- night last, seven of the M‘Greigors, under the command of Alester Dou M'Alister, came to the Aber of Kilmaronock, and extracted two shillings sterl. and a peck of meal, of every cottar in that place; and would needs have a bond bearing interest from one Margaret Anderson a widow, who was obliged to compound with them for half a crown.— Wodrow 26, dated April 9, with the Rising over, reported "Last week we had a report of a skirmish betwixt a party of the regular forces and Rob Roy’s men; 8 of the former are said to be killed and as many wounded, and of the latter 14 killed; the forces burnt Rob’s house."


Wodrow 27, dated August 4.— "I hear that some of the Mcgrigors are levying contributions about Montieth. ... A merchant had been at Stirling selling wool, who luckily left his money in Stirling except 10 or 12 shillings for his pocket: he was attacqued in his way by the son of Alester Dou Mcalester and his gang, who took his ready penny, and afterward wrot him a pass." In October 1716, quoted in Note 13 to Wodrow, was a report from the Flying Post, Oct. 18, 1716, the Hanoverian authorities attempted vengeance on the MacGregors. "Some days ago a party was ordered from Perth, another from Stirling, and a third from Glasgow, towards the house and haunts of that notorious robber and rebel Robert Roy Mac Gregor, with a design to have surrounded him and his men; but one of the parties being prevented by the waters being out, from coming up in time enough to the rendezvous, the design miscarried; and tho’ our men came within sight of him, he and his clan escap’d to the mountains. Our men shot at them, but ’tis not certain whether any of the rebels dropp’d. They fir’d again and kill’d one of our grenadiers, so that all our men cou’d do was to burn his house, and what was not worth or capable of being carry’d off." Act of Attainder for High Treason Amelia states, on page 288, Notwithstanding Rob Roy's caution at Sheriffmuir he was included in the Act of Attainder and the house in Breadalbane which was his place of retreat, was burned by General Lord Cadogan who marched through the highlands to disarm the Clans. "But upon going to Inverary with about forty or fifty of his followers, Rob obtained favour by an apparent surrender of their arms to Colonel Patrick Campbell of Finnab who furnished them and their leader with protections under his hand. He established himself again at Craigrostan and resumed his old quarrel with the Duke of Montrose keeping a force of some fifty men in his employ." "List of persons attainted of High Treason by the Parliament of Great Britain for being concerned in the Rebellion 1715. "The Duke of Ormond and Viscount Bolingbroke unless they shall surrender themselves to justice by 10th September 1715." -Parliamentary Record An. I Geo. R. Sess. 2. Parl. 4. "Thomas Forrester Esquire and William Mackintosh commonly called Brigadier Mackintosh having escaped from prison after receiving their indictments." - Parliamentary Record An. I. Geo. R. Sess. 1. Parl. 5. "William Murray Esquire commonly called Marquis of Tullibardine and James Drummond commonly called Lord Drummond." -Parl. Record An. I. Geo. R. Sess. 1. Parl. 5. "An Act declaring the persons following to stand attainted of High Treason from 13th November 1715 unless they surrender themselves to Justice by the last day of June 1716. George Earl Marischal William Earl of Seaforth James Earl of Southesk James Earl of Panmure William Viscount of Kilsyth


James Viscount of Kingston Robert Lord Burleigh Kenneth Lord Duffus James Ogilvie commonly called Lord Ogilvie William Sutherland Laird of Roscommon brother to the Lord Duffus Lieutenant General George Hamilton Major General Thomas Gordon Laird of Auchintool Colonel John Hay son of the Earl of Kinnoul Major William Clephan Sir David Threipland of Fingask Sir Hugh Paterson of Bannockburn Sir Donald Macdonald of Slate Mr John Paterson of Prestonhall Sir John Mackenzie of Coull Mr James Malcolm of Grange Mr John Stuart of Innernytie Mr Alexander Robertson of Strowan Mr John Walkingshaw of Scotstown Mr George Mackenzie of Delvin George Mackenzie of Ballamachie Alexander Mackenzie of Fraserdale Roderick Mackenzie of Fairburn Alexander Mackenzie of Applecross Donald Mackenzie of Kilcowie John Mackenzie of Avach John Sinclair Esquire commonly called Master of Sinclair Alexander Farquharson of Inveray John Campbell of Glendaroul John Cameron younger of Locheil James Stirling of Keir William Graham of Duntroon Robert Campbell alias Macgregour commonly called Rob Roy John Oliphant late Baillie in Dundee Robert Stuart of Appin Hugh Ross Laird of Clova John MacDowall of Lorn John Grant of Glenmoriston John Mackinnon Laird of Mackinnon Roderick Chisholm of Strathglas Alexander MacDonald of Glenco Alexander Mackenzie of Davachmaluack John Mackra of Davachcarty Alexander MacDonald Laird of Glengary Ronald Mackdonald Captain of Clanronnald." [Parliamentary Record, An. 1. George I., Sess. 1. Parl, 5.] Balhaldies Amelia says "Balhaldies, who had been so recently elected by certain of the Clan to be their Chief, does not appear to have taken an active part in the field in this campaign as far as is mentioned in contemporary memoirs and dispatches, although the letter signed MacGregor" in accordance with that election, shows that he was in


some way employed. His devotion to the Jacobite cause was strong and faithful, and he was probably considered as of most use as a private diplomatist and organiser". [ 9 ] According to Wodrow 3, Balhaldies was mentioned along with Glengyle and Rob Roy when they raised the clan for the Lennox raids on September 27th. He was not subsequently mentioned and is not listed among the above names attainted for High Treason. It seems probable that he stayed at home! Amelia, in vol ii, chap 20, page 293 quoted from a little Pamphlet, entitled "Dunblane Traditions," (published in 1835), in which, after stating that Balhaldies as a mere youth had been conspicuous for his gallantry at Killiecrankie, it gave a fanciful but patently untrue account of his bravery in single-handedly fighting off a party of dragoons at Sheriffmuir. After the rising in the interests of James VIII. had miscarried Balhaldies continued to correspond with friends of the Stuart Family, and was greatly trusted by all. He educated his eldest son William for the service of the Royal Exile and sent him over to Paris and Rome in December 1739. James VIII. created Alexander MacGregor of Balhaldies a Baronet of the ancient Kingdom of Scotland on March 1740. He appears to have died before Dec.23, 1743. "1740. March 14th. Patent of a Baronetcy to Alexander Macgregor of Balhaldies. James R "James the Eight. By the Grace of God King of Scotland England France & Ireland Defender of the Faith &c. We Taking into our Royal consideration the constant & unshaken Loyalty of our Trusty & Well-beloved Alexander MacGregor of Balhaldies as well as the eminent services done & performed by him to Us on all occasions from his early youth to an advanced old age, of which we being truly sensible, are resolved to confer on him as a mark of our Special & Royal favour the Title & Precedency hereafter mentioned, which after him will we hope descend to our Trusty & Well-beloved William MacGregor his eldest son of whose Loyalty & attachment to our Royal person and cause We have essential proofs by his signal services & indefatigable endeavours to promote our Interest and Service. Our Will & Pleasure Therefore is That Letters Patent pass under our Great Seal of Our Ancient Kingdom of Scotland, in due and competent form Making & Creating as We hereby Make & Create the said Alexander MacGregor a Knight & Baronet of our Ancient Kingdom of Scotland, To Have & To Hold to him & the lawful heirs male of his own body, with all the privileges, precedencies, & other advantages thereunto appertaining, in as full and ample manner as any other Knight & Baronet of our said ancient Kingdom holds and enjoys the same. And we hereby Dispense with all informalities (if any be) herein contained, and Ordain the said Letters Patent to pass the Great Seal of Our said Ancient Kingdom of Scotland persaltum, without passing any other Register or Seal, & for so doing this shall be a sufficient warrant. Given at Our Court at Rome this 14th day of March 1740, In the 39th year of Our Reign. J. R." [Original in the archives of MacGregor of Balhaldies, copied from the same by Revd. William MacGregor Stirling.] NOTES


[1] History of the Rebellion Raised against His Majesty King George I, by the Revd Mr Peter Rae, 2d Edn. London. 1746. [2] Balhaldies [3] Glengyle [4] Condensed from the Account in Browne’s Highlanders [5] Browne's Highlanders. [6] Sir WaIter Scott - Introduction to "Rob Roy." More authoritative sources than Scott place Rob Roy and his men guarding the ford of the River Allan, as ordered by the Earl of Mar. A considerable distance from the battlefield and certainly not in the middle of the Battle line. [7] John Monteith, Dunblane Traditions, Stirling, Aeneas Mackay 1887, pp 14-17. Quoted by Stuart Reid in "Sheriffmuir 1715" [8] Anon, A collection of Original letters, pp 97-8. Quoted by Stuart Reid in "Sheriffmuir 1715" [9] As far back as 1689, Viscount Dundee, on leaving the "Convention" in Edinburgh, had spent the night of March 19th at Dunblane at the house of Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies, who cheered him with favourable accounts of the loyal disposition of the Clans - as is mentioned in the "Memoirs of Locheil” written by John Drummond (or McGregor) son of the said Alexander.


Rob Roy and the 1719 Rising Many of the prisoners who had been taken at Preston in November 1715 were tried and shot in December, particularly those who had been officers previously in the service of the Government. Lord Charles Murray received a pardon through the interest of his friends. Other noblemen were impeached for high treason in the spring and were thereafter executed, George I. proving most implacable. In 1717 an Act of Pardon was passed, with certain exceptions, for those who had passed beyond the seas and who attempted to return without a licence. "All persons of the name and Clan of MacGregor mentioned in the act of the first parliament of Charles I. were also excepted." [1] The landing of Spanish troops on Sicily in July 1718, led to the formation of the Quadruple Alliance on 2 August 1718, comprising Britain, France, Emperor Charles VI and the Dutch Republic. The war was primarily conducted in Italy, with minor engagements in the Americas and Northern Europe; It was ended by the Treaty of The Hague in 1720. The opportunity of this war revived the dynastic hopes of the Jacobites. The Duke of Ormonde planned a diversionary invasion of Britain. The Chevalier, James Stuart, went to Madrid where he was cordially received and treated as King of Great Britain. During the winter of 1718/19 Lord George Murray, younger brother of the Marquis of Tullibardine, was in Balquhidder attempting to raise support. When Murray departed, he had Rob Roy's pledge of support. While Rob Roy, still an outlaw, may have considered that he had little to lose, most Clan chiefs had recent memories of the debacle of the '15 and proved reluctant to become involved. Even within Clan Gregor, which raised over 200 men in both the '15 and the '45, Rob Roy would take only 40 followers North with him and neither Glengyle nor Balhaldies became involved. On the 10th of March 1719 a fleet, with some 5000 men on board, set sail to make a descent upon Britain and Ireland under command of the Duke of Ormonde, the King of Spain sending declarations that, for many good reasons, he had sent forces into England and Scotland to act as auxiliaries to King James. However, a violent storm dispersed the fleet and disabled many ships off Cape Finisterre, forcing most of them to return to port. Only two Spanish frigates docked at Stornoway on 24th March. On board were the Earls Marischal and Seaforth; the Marquis of Tullibardine; 307 Spanish soldiers, including their officers; and arms for 2000 men. The Earl Marischal insisted that their force was sufficient to land on the mainland and capture Inverness, raising Highlanders on the way. A letter, without address, from the Marquis of Tullibardine, dated on board the frigate "Fidele", at Gairloch, April 6th 1719, stated that they arrived in those parts on the 25th March. [2] [Old Style - The above dates (departure on 10th and arrival on 24th March) are on the Julian calendar. The use of the Gregorian calendar became law in Catholic lands


from 1582, but it was not recognised by Northern Protestant states. It did not come into use in Britain until 1752. Hence as the Julian calendar was 11 days behind the Gregorian, 25th March in Britain was 5th April on the Spanish vessels]. The Fidela was a 30-gun 3-masted ship-rigged vessel with a single gun-deck. Tullibardine named her, but the name of her companion, which was presumably a similar sized frigate, is not known.The two ships, during two weeks at sea, had each carried more than 150 supernumeraries plus cargo. In addition to a crew of 200-300 on each to sail her and man the guns. The conditions on board, especially as they had encountered a severe storm, can only be imagined. On the 23rd April McPhersone of Killyhuntly wrote to the Duke of Atholl the following letter. “…………..For ought I can understand those whom yr Grace writes of are landed at Pollow in Kintail, and most part of these went abroad. Their favourites give out that the number of forces along with them is 5000. I have had ane other account, somewhat more particular, reckoning them 1500, and they expect their whole Fleet's landing in the West of Scotland. All the boats on the water of Ness and Murray Firth are brought to Inverness, in order to hinder their passage, and it is said the town are hovering to brake down ane arch of the Bridge." Captain Campbell of Fonab wrote to the Duke from Edinample a letter undated "I doe not hear that the landing in the north has occasion the least disturbance in the West Highlands; 'tis easie judging yt them landed in the north cannot be numerous by ther not attacking Inverness upon ther first landing. I doe not hear yt 'Rob Roy' who went north some days agoe is returned yit." [3] A full account of the expedition in 1719 in Lord Mar's handwriting, but believed to have been communicated by Lord Tullibardine, was forwarded at the time to Lord Nairne, brother of the Duke of Atholl, and is now preserved at Gask, a contemporary copy of it, is printed in the appendix to the “Jacobite Lairds of Gask." It contains a memorandum of every occurrence and the following abstract is taken from it: - [4] The Marquis of Tullibardine held a commission as Lt. General which occasioned some friction with Lord Marischal. They sailed from Honfleur on the 20th March 1719 and landed in the "Louis" (Lewis), 2nd April. They sailed to the Mainland but could only fetch Gairloch. On the 13th they anchored off Eilean Donan but could not get the arms on shore before the 28th. On May 4th a messenger brought news of the disaster to the fleet and advice from Edinburgh to re-embark their men and get off as quietly as possible. But as the ships had gone, there was no retreating and they had to wait for the arrival of Locheil and Clan Ronald, to whom Campbell of Glenderuell had been sent, and to consult with them what was best to be done for the King's service. The chief stores of ammunition were put into the vaults of Eilean-donan under a small guard. On the 10th of May, three Royal Navy warships arrived. In the evening of the 11th May, under the cover of an intense cannonade, a landing party went ashore. They surrounded the castle on all sides and after scaling the walls, captured the place.


The captured included an Irishman, a Scots rebel, three Spanish officers and and thirty-nine soldiers. The naval force spent the next two days demolishing the castle. It would remain a ruin, until restored to its present condition in the 20th century. Some of the ammunition and supplies which had already been landed in Strath Croe was saved. On the 8th June, the Jacobite army comprised of 200 Spanish troops; 150 of 'Lidcoats' (seemingly 'Lidcoat' was Glengarry); 200 Mackenzies under the Earl of Seaforth but led by Mackenzie of Coul; 150 Camerons led by Lochiel; 150 led by Lord George Murray; 50 Mackinnons; 20 'volunteers'; .and Rob Roy with about 40 MacGregors. [5] Lord Tullibardine marched his army from the Crow to Little Glensheal, to defend it against the Government troops who, under General Wightman, were marching from Inverness. The Government army comprised about 850 foot and 120 dragoons from the Inverness garrison under General Wightman. Along with some regulars and Dutch mercenaries, they included 80 Munros under Culcairn and 56 of Clan Mackay led by an Ensign. The Jacobite army, numbering, as above, around 1000, had advanced about 12 miles from Eilean Donan, as far as the narrows of Glen Shiel where a mountain spur almost blocks the valley. The great natural strength of the Jacobite position had been increased by hasty fortifications. A barricade had been constructed across the road, and along the face of the hill on the north side of the river entrenchments had been thrown up. [6] The engagement began between about five and six o'clock when the left wing of the Government army advanced against Lord George Murray's position on the south side of the river. The position was first shelled by mortars and then attacked by four platoons of Clayton's regiment and Munro's Highlanders. After some initial stubborn resistance, Lord George Murray's men were driven from their position and forced to retreat. Once the Jacobite right wing had been dislodged, Wightman then ordered his own right wing to attack the Jacobite left wing, where the detachment commanded by Lord Seaforth, was strongly positioned behind a group of rocks on the hillside. It was against them that Harrison's and Montagu's regiments were directed. Seaforth had been reinforced by men under Sir John MacKenzie of Coul, but, finding himself hard pressed, Seaforth called for further reinforcements. Rob Roy's MacGregors were sent to his aid, but before they could reach him, Seaforth's men gave way, and Seaforth himself was badly wounded. [7] Tullibardine's clumsy grammar quoted by WK Dickson in the introduction to "The Jacobite Attempt of 1719" has led to the frequent assertion that Rob Roy was injured at Glenshiel. In fact, a more careful reading of the letter by the Marquis of Tullibardine to the Earl of Mar makes it apparent that Seaforth, not Rob Roy, was injured. I have inserted brackets [ ] in the following quotation to make it clearer: - "... My Lord Seaforth sent down for a reinforcement .... Rob Roy with the McGrigors and McKinnin ... seeing them [Seaforth's men] give way, he [Rob Roy] made all the despatch he could to join them. But before he could get up, so as to be fairly in hands with the enemy, his [Lord Seaforth's] people were mostly gone off, and himself


[Seaforth] left wounded in the arm ... Rob Roy's detachment, finding them going off, began to retyre." [8] Having defeated the flanks, Wightman now concentrated his troops, as the mortars battered and pinned the Spaniards in their positions. Wightman's whole force was now directed toward the Jacobite centre. The Spanish regulars initially stood their ground well but as their allies deserted them, they too were forced to retreat up the hill. The remaining clansmen followed. Culcairn's Munro company helped in the defeat of the Jacobites under the Earl Marischall. [9] At 9 o'clock in the evening three hours after the start of the combat, the Spanish surrendered. The remaining native Jacobites fled over the hills, to avoid capture and the risk of execution as traitors. Rob Roy was reported to have fought an important rearguard action to cover the retreat of the Jacobites over the mountain on the North side of Glen Shiel, before descending into and proceeding down Gleann Lichd where, early on the 11th, he blew up the magazine in Strath Croe with the remainder of the stores so that nothing fell into the enemy's hands. Thereafter Rob Roy and his men set off for home, apparently unscathed. Following this defeat, the Rising was abandoned and the Jacobites dispersed. 274 Spanish prisoners were taken by Wightman to Inverness and on the 27th they were marched to Edinburgh. In October the Spanish prisoners were repatriated. [10] Professor Miller's account of this affair is carefully given, and he appends a plan of the Battle of Glenshiel drawn on the spot by Lt John Bastide and published in Miller's book with the permission of the Duke of Marlborough. Mr Miller states that the plot for the expedition in 1719 was communicated to Rob Roy by Lord Tullibardine and Campbell of Glenderuell. He remarks that at this time Ld. Tullibardine engaged his younger brother Lord George Murray in the Jacobite cause, but does not allude to Lord George having been already "out" in the ‘15. Miller remarks that Lord George by his brother's direction met Rob Roy and arranged that he was to bring "as many MacGregors as he could muster" to Kintail. The contemporary document only mentions forty of them as present at Glenshiel, and it is remarkable that no MacGregors are mentioned in a return of "The names and numbers of those who were in the Rebellion and engagement of Glenshiel the 10th of June 1719," sent to Lord Carpenter by "Mr Wightman," July 1719. The only named prisoner taken at Glenshiel apart from the Spaniards had been a Dr. Arnott. In another letter it was regretted that there were "so few prisoners". [11] According to a letter to the Earl of Mar, from the Marquis of Tullibardine giving his account of the battle: on the 8th of May, "Rob Roy's son brought a company of men, who with some volunteers made up nearly 80." This son could have been James Mor, born 1695, or Coll who had been born around 1698, making him 21 in 1719. Rob Roy's other sons would have been too young. Later in the same letter, Tullibardine states that Rob Roy (not his son) had 40 men and the volunteers numbered 20. [12]


In a letter to General Lord Carpenter, the Government commander in Scotland, from Gordon of Glenbucket, dated 29th August 1719, it was mentioned that two Jacobite Gentlemen prisoners had been freed by MacGregor of Downan within six miles of the Government garrison at Ruthven in Badenoch. These two prisoners had seemingly been captured in Knodard [Knoydart?] at the end of July with letters for the rebel leaders, including Seaforth, Tullibardine and a few others who had obviously not, by that time, escaped to the continent. [13] Who was MacGregor of Downan? A letter from the Earl of Mar on 3rd December 1715 had been addressed to Duncan MacGregor of Dunan in Rannoch and Gregor MacGregor of Rora in Glenlyon. -- "... requiring you forthwith to raise all the fencible men of the name of MacGregor you can with their best arms and accoutrements ..." While there is no direct evidence that Duncan MacGregor of Dunan in Rannoch so summoned in December 1715 was the same "MacGregor of Downan" mentioned in August 1719, it would be a fair assumption to conclude he was. So who were these unnamed Jacobite Gentlemen prisoners for whom MacGregor of Downan was prepared to risk an attack on Government troops? There is nothing more recorded, but It is suggestive that they may have been MacGregors. [14] A peace treaty with Spain in 1720 precluded further Jacobite attempts. Their fright did, however, stimulate the Hanoverian regime to take actions intended to impose greater control on suspect Highland clans. Following the 1715 Rising, four purpose built but small barracks had been constructed (at Glenelg, Inversnaid, Kilchuimen and Ruthven). In 1724 General George Wade was sent with a commission to strengthen these and build new barracks, especially those along the Great Glen - at Invergarry (Fort William), Kilchuimen (Fort Augustus) and Inverness (Fort George). Over 240 miles of roads including 30 significant bridges were eventually constructed in order to improve military communications from the Lowlands to these barracks. In a letter dated 15th September 1725, Rob Roy signed a petition, which had possibly been written for him on the instructions of the Duke of Argyll, to General Wade. The petition was accepted and a pardon from King George duly followed. After thirteen long and trying years, Rob Roy was once again a free man. The Black Watch Wade was also responsible for forming the 43rd Regiment of Foot (later renumbered the 42nd). Six companies were recruited in 1725 from “loyalist clans”. Three companies were raised from Clan Campbell and one each from Clans Fraser, Grant and Munro. These were intended to be "employed in disarming the Highlanders, preventing depredations, bringing criminals to justice, and hindering rebels and attainted persons from inhabiting that part of the kingdom." The force was known as Am Freiceadan Dubh, "the dark or black watch”. In 1739 King George II authorised the raising of four additional companies and these all to be formed into a Regiment of the Line of the regular army with the Earl of Crawford as the Colonel. The men were to be “natives of that country and none other to be taken".


In 1743 the new regiment was ordered to march to London for an inspection by the King. However the rumour spread that the Regiment was to be shipped to the unhealthy climate of the West Indies, a rumour which was reinforced when it was discovered that the King was not to inspect them. Many of the men genuinely believed they had been enlisted only for service in Scotland and decided to return home. Leaving London and marching by night over a hundred of them reached Northamptonshire before they were eventually surrounded and brought back to London. They were tried by court martial and three of the leaders, including Farquhar Shaw on the right, were condemned to be shot in the Tower. The remainder were sent to Flanders for service against the French. The Regiment was first in action at the Battle of Fontenoy in 1745. Although this was a British defeat, The Black Watch gained great distinction by its conduct being described by a French officer as "Highland Furies who rushed in on us with more violence than ever did the sea driven by tempest". It must remain a question for speculation whether the 1745 Rebellion could ever have taken place had The Black Watch been left to fulfill its role in policing the Highlands rather than being posted to the Continent. During the '45, the regiment was kept in the South of England, for fear that some of them might join the Jacobites. Indeed, some deserters, including Robin Oig, youngest son of Rob Roy, who had fought at Fontenoy, did join the Jacobites. [15] The Black Watch name still exists as Third Battalion the Royal Regiment of Scotland. NOTES [1] MacGregor, A.M.M. History of the Clan Gregor, vol ii, ch 23, p 321 online here http://glendiscovery.co.uk/amelia-vol2-chap23.html#page321 [2] The original is among the Gask Papers and is printed in the Appendix to "the Jacobite Lairds of Gask,” 1871. [3] Atholl and Tullibardine Chronicles [4] MacGregor, A.M.M. History of the Clan Gregor, vol ii, ch 23, p 323 online here http://glendiscovery.co.uk/amelia-vol2-chap23.html#page323 [5] Dickson, WK, SHS, Edinburgh 1895. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, introduction page l [6] Dickson, WK, SHS, Edinburgh 1895. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, introduction pages li - lii [7] Coull, Sam (2000). Nothing But My Sword: The Life of Field Marshal James Francis Edward Keith. Birlinn. p. 76. ISBN 9781841580241. [8] Dickson, WK, SHS, Edinburgh 1895. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, page 269-273 [9] Simpson, Peter. (1996). The Independent Highland Companies, 1603–1760. p. 155. ISBN 0-85976-432-X. [10] Dickson, WK, SHS, Edinburgh 1895. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, introduction page liv [11] MacGregor, A.M.M. History of the Clan Gregor, vol ii, ch 23, p 324 online here http://glendiscovery.co.uk/amelia-vol2-chap23.html#page324 [12] Dickson, WK, SHS, Edinburgh 1895. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, page 270 [13] Dickson, WK, SHS, Edinburgh 1895. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, page 289 [14] MacGregor, A.M.M. History of the Clan Gregor, vol ii, ch 17, p 229 online here http://glendiscovery.co.uk/amelia-vol2-chap17.html#page229 [15] https://www.theblackwatch.co.uk/history-and-research/black-watch-history/early-years/


Rob Roy - his capture and escape These details concerning Rob Roy's capture and escape have been taken from "The History of the Clan Gregor", vol ii, Chapter 23 Following the failure of the '15 Rising, Rob Roy remained an outlaw and was specifically exempted from the Act of Indemnity. In the spring of 1716, [1] General Cadogan was employed in chasing some hostile bands of the Clans in the remoter parts of the Highlands. Professor Miller relates that Rob Roy at this time led his men from place to place in the north Lowlands and greatly harassed the Whig Lairds of Fife and Stirlingshire. The Hanoverians having captured Finlarig Castle, belonging to the Earl of Breadalbane, garrisoned it, and Rob Roy went to Balquhidder to watch events. It appears that Rob Roy's wife at the time occupied the house of Auchinchallan in Glen Dochart. Hearing that Cadogan had ordered a party to burn the house of Auchinchallan, Rob Roy sent his wife to Glengyle, and posted himself with some followers in ambush near Auchinchallan, whilst he sent Alastair Roy to bring more men from Craigroistan. But in the meantime a party of Swiss mercenaries led by a guide reduced the house to ashes. Although outnumbered, Rob Roy ordered his men to fire on the mercenaries, but then retreated. “Letter from Graham of Killearn to Mungo Graham of Gorthie - "Killern 11 April 1716. Sir-I was enquiring about Rob Roy's story, which is, as it comes from his own freinds, that on Wednesday last he was informed that a partie was to be sent from Finlarig to his house, he sent of ane express immediatelie to his people in Craigiostan to come as quicklie to his assistance as they could and thought fitt to absent himself when the party came because he found he had not force to resist. The party caryed off his whole plenishing and goods, except a few wild beasts that ran away with the fyring and burnt all his houses save one little barn. But Robert was not able to bear all this without attempting some revenge. Therefor with a few of these he could gett readiest, his Craigroistan folks not having tyme to come up, he fyred from some rocks and passes upon the partie and killed two or three, and has wounded ten or twelve, ther's lykwise one of his killed and severall wounded, but all the booty was carryed off. This is the most distinct account of the matter that I have yet gott. Now its certain this partye has not been commanded by P. Robieson, for they returned to Finlarig: if it had been Robison he would have marched to Glenguyle, soe that you see that concert failed, wherfor its most necessar you consider hou to make a new application to the Generall to take a course with these villains whose insolence is not to be born any longer. They have just now stolen a good deall of sheep of the Muir of Blane above Duntreth, and daylie threatens more mischief to all the country." The house of Monacaltuarach, which Rob Roy occupied in Balquhidder, was on the property of the Duke of Atholl and not on that of the Duke of Montrose as Professor Millar apparently supposed. Also the Duke of Atholl was the feudal Lord of Balquhidder, and most of its inhabitants were loyal to him, which makes various


stories of encounters with him in Balquhidder difficult to understand, and rather takes the point out of them. By Lt. Coll. Russell Commanding at Finlarig Castle. [2] “I doe hearby Certifie that John Oge Campbell has bought and payd for all the Cattle which was brought or taken from the House of Rob Roy by the party sent thither from Finlarg Castle, and if any of the said Cattle strayed from the party as they came along which severall of them did, the said John Oge Campbell is intitled to them as his owne proper goods soe may take ym up as such. "Given at Finlarig Castle. this 5th of Aprill 1716. (Signed) Chris. Russell. "I doe likewise oblige myselfe yt the said John Oge Campbell shall not have ye said Cattle taken from him by any who shall pretend a writ by Law, or otherways as mony due to ym by the said Rob Roy any manner of way. Chris. Russell." Outside this original paper is an old doquet as follows "Lyes inclosed - Rob Roy's Discharge to me for my possession of Corriecherich & Innervonchall." In Dr McLeay’s Memoir of Rob Roy, of which a reprint was brought out in 1881, many feats are related, the accuracy of which cannot be traced, such as a conflict between Drummonds and Murrays, at Drummond Castle, which certainly did not take place in Rob Roy's time or in the circumstances narrated. The Memoir also relates in much exaggerated form, the surrender of Rob Roy to John 1st Duke of Atholl from whose custody he skilfully escaped. The History by A. H. Millar, F.S.A. Scot, has reproduced McLeay’s Memoir and adds to the capture of Rob Roy, sundry picturesque details, the source of which is not specified, but both writers have evidently taken as their text the scarce and curious Tract entitled "The Highland Rogue," published in London during the lifetime of Rob Roy himself and mostly favourable to him, it is now considered to have been the work of Defoe. [3] The later author of the “Trials of Rob Roy's three sons”, published in 1818, characterises some of the tales in this tract as "whimsical exaggeration," "if not entire fiction," and it pertains to the literature of romance. From various passages in Mr Millar's Book he appears to have been unaware that the Duke of Atholl, who he supposes to have vacillated, was a consistent "Whig" throughout, and was from youth opposed to the Stuart interests, partly, doubtless, because his wife Lady Katharine Hamilton was a very strong presbyterian. [4] Several of his sons however, as also his brothers, were loyal to the Jacobite cause. A graphic account, taken with embellishments, from "the Highland Rogue " - describes Rob Roy's arrival at Blair Castle where he was taken to the "Library", a room which did not exist at Blair at the time, but that is a matter of trivial detail. It is very doubtful if on this occasion Rob Roy went to Blair Castle, for on the 3rd June the Duke had gone from Dunkeld to Huntingtower where he left the Duchess, his second wife, who therefore could not have been present at the interview. The Duke wrote about the capture of Rob Roy on the following day, June 4th, and the following letters are here given from the Atholl papers by permission of the present Duke Extract of a letter from John 1st Duke of Atholl to Lt.Genl Carpenter. [5] "Logyraite, June 4th, 1717. "Yesterday Robert Campbell, commonly called Rob Roy, surrendered himself to me, who I sent prisoner to this place, where he is keep't in custody. He says he has not


lain three nights together in a house these twelve months. I have wrote to Court that he is now my prisoner." Letter from Lord Justice Clerk to Duke of Atholl. "Edinr'., 5th June 1717. "My Lord - I Cannot express the joye I was in upon Receipt of your Grace's, and hopes it shall be most luckie that this man has fallen in your Grace's hands. I dispatcht your Grace's letters by a flying pacquet within less yn ane hour after they came to my hand, and I'm confident it will be most agreeable news at Court. Yr Grace will escuse me to plead that Rob Roy may be brougbt over hither to the Castle; the prison of Logerait is at too great a distance from the troops, & I have procured a order from Mr Carpenter to the comanding officer at Perth to send a strong detachment to bring him over. The officer is ordered to concert with your Grace the time your Grace shall cause delyver the person of Rob Roy to him. He's to use him civilly, meantime to keep a good guard upon him. I most be allowed to say 'tis fitt Rob Roy be in good keeping for he's in no smale danger if his old friends cane possibly be masters of him, and I'm perswaded they will lay all irons in the fire to Rescue him, yrfore I hope ye will be no difficulty proposed agt his coming hither, & he shall be putt in the Castle which is the best prison the King has Ad: Cockburne." Mr Douglas, the Duke's Edinburgh agent, wrote privately to explain that the Lord Justice Clerk had received certain information of an intention to relieve "Rob Roy" out of the Duke's custody, particularly by some of Argyll's folks and that it was simply for the Duke's good that he had ordered a detachment of troops to conduct the prisoner to Edinburgh and not out of any disrespect or mistrust. Duke of Atholl to General Carpenter. "Huntingtower June 6, 1717. "Sir, As I was coming from Dunkeld to this place, about two hours since, I mette Captain Lloyd with a party, who showed me his orders from you, but had no letter to me, In which orders he is appointed to receive Robert Campbell alias "Roy," who is my prisoner att Logerate. Butt since I have wrote to the Duke of Roxburgh principall Secretary of State, to acquaint his maj: that 'Rob Roy' had surrendered himself to me, and that I expected his maj:’s commands about him, I hope you will excuse my not delivering him untill I have a return with his Maj:’s pleasure about him which I doubt not will be in a few days, since I desired my Lord Justice Clerk to 'send my letter by a flying pacquett to Court. I am &c. Atholl." "The Duke of Roxburgh wrote from London saying that he had that night received his Grace's letter which he had delivered to the King who was 'mighty well pleased with his Grace's care and diligence on this occasion' and that his Majesty commanded him to say that he would have written to his Grace himself to thank him for so good a service if it had not been so late." Duke of Atholl to General Carpenter. - "Huntingtower, June 7th 1717. "Sir,-About an hour after I writ to you yesterday I had the misfortunate accompt that 'Rob Roy' had made his escape from the prison he was in at Logyraite yesterday, betwixt ten and eleven in the forenoon, which was two hours after I met Captain


Loyd with his party, so that they could have been of no use, tho' they had marched on, for no doubt he has had intelligence of their march whenever they came out of Perth, which I understand was about five o clock in the morning, and it was betwixt 12 and one o Clock befor the party reached the boat at Dunkeld where I mett them. I cannot express how vexed I am for this unlucky affaire, but I assure you I shall leave no method untryed that can be done to catch him, & I have already given orders to sixty of my Highlanders to follow him wherever he can be found, and those that command them, have undertaken to me, to bring him in if he keeps to Scotland. I have sent for all the arms I had of my own in my houses to (torn) among my men, but they do not serve them. If you can order Fifty fusils & as maney swords or bagonets for me, I shall oblidge me to restore them on demand. I send you a copy of the orders I left for guarding him at Logyraite, which I did think was sufficient for one that had surrendered, for I think there can hardly be an instance of any that had done so that made his escape immediatly after. I have made the Jailor prisoner, but nothing can retrive this misfortune butt apprehending him, which I am very hopefull may be done, and then I shal acquaint the garrisone of Perth to receive him. "I am &" Atholl" General Carpenter to the Duke, Edenr., June 9th, 1717. "My Lord, I have rec'd yr Grace's of the 7th and am extremely concern'd at the ill fortune of Robroy's escape. Yesterday I Sent an order for Captn Loyd to come hither, that if he has been to blame he may have his just reward. I have look't over the coppy of my order for the party to march from Perth and find it very exact, with a paragraph to lett none know where or on what occasion the Party march't. 't was also sent hence with secrecy and all the dispatch possible. “Ld Justice Clerk writt by the express to yr Grace which indeed I did nott, because I had nott then rec'd yr Grace's letter, which came to my hand after the express was gone. “I shall be mighty glad yr Grace could gett Robroy taken & am &c. "Geo: Carpenter. The story of how Rob Roy contrived to escape from the prison at Logierait may be taken from the following narrative. From the letters, quoted above, Rob's captivity can only have lasted from the 4th, or possibly 3d, to the 6th June. "His Grace left Rob at Logyrait under a strong guard till yt party should be ready to receive him. This space of time Rob had imployed in taking the other dram heartily with wt the Guard & qn all were pretty hearty Rob is delivering a letter for his wife to a servant to whom he most needs deliver some private instructions at the door, for his wife, where he is attended wt on the Guard. When serious in this privat conversatione he is taking some few steps carelessly from the door about the house till he comes closs by his horse which he soon mounted and made off." - Extract from a letter 2d July 1767 from Revd M. Murray of Comrie to Revd. Colin Campbell, Ardchattan, among the Papers of John Gregorson of Ardtornish, part of the said letter having been published by Sir Walter Scott in the Appendix to his Introduction to "Rob Roy," 1829 "Extract of letter from Lord James Murray of Garth to his Father the Duke of Atholl. [6] "London 11th June 1717.


"Mr Murray has likewise told me that 'Rob Roy' has surrendered to yr Grace. I wish it may not be fatal to him for by what I can understand he has little reason to expect any mercy." Letter from the Duke to his Son Lord James. "Dunkeld June 18. 1717. "Dear Son I am so fatigued that I have scarce time to writ to you. I had not heard from you since I wrot an account of 'Rob Roy's' surrender but also I acquainted you with his unlucky escape & that I had taken all means to get him again. I have to that end employed ye person you recommended to me in Glen Tillt and hope his diligence in the affair will give me a handle to do for him, but he is to go about it in ye most private manner & not to be known that he is gone from me, not even to his own family since this stratagem perhaps do better than ye others. …. I’m more and more convinced that if ye troops had not been sent before I had been some time acquainted with itt to have kept ye knowledge of itt from Rob Roy all had done well enough, but ye surprise of itt so soon made him goe off, as I am informed there was intelligence sent him from Perth that morning tho' ye officer did it secretly yet they were all suspecting it even before that march," "On June 19th Mr John Douglas wrote telling the Duke that he had got information that on the 12th two of his Grace's men had sent intelligence to Rob Roy, otherwise Donald Stewart would have seized him the next morning, also that he heard that Rob was lying ill of a rose in his thigh swelled so big that he is unable to walk, but where he was he knew not." "Declaration Rob Roy to all true Lovers of Honour and honesty. "Honour and Conscience urge me to detest the Assassins of our Country, and Countrymen whose unbounded Malice prest me to be the Instrument of matchless villainy by endeavouring to make use of false Evidence against a Person of distinction whose greatest Crime known to me was that he broke the party I was unfortunately of. [7] This worthy proposal was handed to me first by Graham of Killerne from his master the Duke of Montrose with the valuable offer of Life and fortune, which I could not entertain but with the utmost horror. Lord Ormistone who trysted me at the Bridge of Cramond was not less solicitous upon the same subject, which I immediately shifted till once I got Out of his Cluches fearing his Justice would be no Check upon his Tyranny. "To make up the Triumvirate in this bloody conspiracy the Duke of Atholl resolved to outstrip the other two if possible, who after having coyducked me in his conversation, immediately committed me to prison, which was contrary to the Parole of Honour given to me by my Lord Edward in the Duke's name and his own who was privy to all that passed betwixt us. The reason why the promise was broke was because I boldly refused to bear false witness against the Duke of Argyle. It must be owned if just Providence had not helped me to escape the barbarity of these monstrous Purposes my fate had certainly been most deplorable for I would undoubtedly be committed to some stinking dungeon where I must choose either to rott, dye or be damned. But since I cannot purchace the sweet offer of Life and Liberty and Treasure at their high price I advise the Triumvirate to send out one of their own kidney who I'll engage will be a fit tool for any cruel or cowardly enterprise. "To narrate all the particular steps made towards this foul Plott and the persecution I suffered by the Duke of


Montrose's means before and after I submitted to the Government would take up too much time. Were the Duke of Montrose and I to be alone to debate our own private quarrel which in my opinion might be done. I would show to the world how little he would signify to serve either King or Government. "And I hereby solemnly Declare what I have said in this is positive truth and that these were the only persons deterr'd me many times since my first submission to throw myself over again in the King's mercy." "Rob Roy MacGregor. At Balquhidder 25th June 1717." [8] NOTES [1] See Appendix L volume 2 Appendix [2] Edinchip Papers, John Oig must have been John MacGregor or Murray of Glencarnock. [3] See Appendix M. volume 2 Appendix [4] Her life is given in the "Ladies of the Covenant," [5] Atholl and Tullibardine Chronicles. [6] Atholl and Tullibardine Chronicles. [7] Duke of Argyle [8] Copy in Edinchip Papers


The Clan Gregor in the last Jacobite rising of 1745-46

Introduction. This article was originally written in 1996, but as some of Duncan McPharrie's statements have been challenged as unsupported by any other accounts of the '45, I felt it should be revisited. It is indeed true that McPharrie's account is biased in favour of Evan MacGregor alias Murray, as it was written at the request of John Murray in 1788. McPharrie's account is specifically about the exploits of Evan and his older brother, Robert of Glencarnaig in Balquhidder. Other MacGregors active in the Rising, such as Griogar Glundubh of Glengyle, James Mor and others are mentioned only in so far as they touched Evan. There was undoubted antipathy between the Glengyle and Glencarnaig MacGregors which pre-dated the '45. In this paper I have attempted to corroborate McPharrie’s narrative as far as possible, and identified where there is no corroboration – although that does not completely disprove what he wrote. Further information relevant to the experience of MacGregors in general involved in the ’45 has been included. Despite the wealth of historical and romantic literature on the '45 Rising, members of Clan Gregor merit only brief mentions in asides and footnotes. Only one account by a member of the clan exists, that of Duncan McPharrie, the standard bearer to Robert Murray of Glencarnaig. McPharrie's account is entitled "Journal of the Clan of MacGregor and Transactions of the year 1745, from the Braes of Balquhidder, till they returned, by Mr Duncan MacGregor". [1] It appears to have been committed to paper in February 1788, 42 years after the event, at the request of John Murray, who became 20th chief of Clan Gregor in 1787 and first Baronet MacGregor in 1795. [2] 1788 happened to be the year that Charles Stuart died and Henry, his brother, renounced any claim to the throne - thus allowing old Jacobites to reminisce free from the worry of persecution. McPharrie's account was subsequently published in 1899/1901, uncritically, in the two volume "History of The Clan Gregor" by Amelia Murray-MacGregor, a descendant of John Murray. [3] In this paper, all references to McPharrie's account can be found in Note 1 below and are as published in Amelia Vol II, chapter 28. McPharrie's account puports to be the recollection of an old man who participated as standard bearer to Robert Murray or MacGregor of Glencarnaig, but was not himself a principal in the Rising. In 1774 the proscription against the MacGregor name had been finally lifted following a petition to the UK Parliament by Gregor boidheach of Inverarnan. Wealthy John Murray then persuaded 897 MacGregors (and probable MacGregors) to sign a document promoting him as chief, despite the objections of the son of the 19th chief, Alexander Drummond, grandson of Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies elected 17th chief in 1714. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that Major Evan takes "centre stage" in McPharrie's account and this may have "coloured" his evidence somewhat.


"McPharrie's account" may have actually been written by Rev. William MacGregor-Stirling, who was employed as a researcher by John Murray after he had become chief, or, indeed by John Murray himself, in order to assert the leading role of Evan, his father, in the '45. Various, widely quoted "facts" about the exploits of Evan in the '45 owe their origin to McPharrie's acount, including him being promoted to Major and ADC to Prince Charles. A d’Hardivillier lithograph dated to 1832 and the visit of the exiled French king, Charles X, to Dunkeld is entitled 'Mac-Gregor' and signed in a shaky hand, 'Duncan MacGregor'. It has been suggested, although improbably, that this may be Duncan McPharrie of the "account". By then, he would have been aged over 100, and thus celebrated as one of the few remaining survivors of the '45. John MacGregor, a former chair of the Clan Gregor Society, suggested the possibility of Duncan McPharrie still being alive in 1832. His possible baptism was recorded in the Killin OPR on November 24, 1728, the son of Patrick MacGregor and Catherine McColl, which would have made him 16 at the start of the Rising and, therefore, aged103 if he had survived until 1832. A great age, but not impossible and therefore just possibly the subject of the lithograph. Of course, none of this speculation proves his authorship of the 'account' and its credibility. Sheila MacGregor concluded, having examined the evidence, that McPharrie might have been the same Duncan Drummond or MacGregor in Strathyre who had been involved with Rob Roy's sons in the kidnapping in December 1750 of Jean Key as a wife for Robin Oig, for which Robin was hanged in 1754. James Mor excaped from prison into exile in France, where he died, while Duncan was acquitted. His involvement could be the reason for Walter Scott mistakenly claiming that Rob Roy had a son named Duncan. He was probably the same Duncan who was married to Kate, a daughter of Coll and granddaughter of Rob Roy some time after the '45. It is the nature of war, that the winning side writes the history. Many accounts were written during the Rising and shortly afterwards by supporters of the Hanoverian regime. In the light of the vicious reprisals against anyone who had been involved, suspected of being involved, wore tartan clothing, or merely found themselves in the way of regime soldiery as they looted and burned their way through "disaffected areas", it is not surprising that Jacobites were reluctant to put pen to paper in the immediate aftermath. Only as the likelihood of another rising faded and particularly after the death of Charles Stuart in 1788 and the renunciation of any claim to the throne by his brother, Henry Cardinal York, did remaining anti-Jacobite sentiment mutate into romanticism. By then the nervous Hanoverian regime had largely withdrawn its garrison from Scotland. Such Romanticism was fostered by Whig historians right up to modern times in a deliberate policy of marginalising the Jacobite Risings and painting them as the last-gasp of an obsolescent social system in the face of modernisation, enlightenment and improvement. As Murray Pittock puts it in his "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", this romantic marginalisation represented a sustained campaign against an independent Scottish identity which is only now being re-examined. [4]


For the most part, the activities of members of Clan Gregor can be found only as asides in the accounts of others. The apparent enthusiasm of Clan Gregor for the Stuart cause - out in 1689, 1715, 1719 and 1745 - is a paradox. Clan Gregor had enjoyed few benefits from any of the dynasty. James VI, the Great Great Grandfather of Prince Charles, had sought to have the "wicked and unhappie race of Clangregour ... extirpat and ruttit out, and nevir sufferit to have rest or remaning within this cuntrey heirefter". [See here for the full text] One might question whether legislation enacted in 1603 should have any bearing on the opinions and actions of descendants in 1745. However, the proscription of the MacGregors in the legislation of James VI in 1603 and Charles I in 1633, despite being repealed by Charles II in 1660, continued and was reenacted under William & Mary in 1693. It continued in force until finally repealed by an Act of the Westminster Parliament in 1774. In this paper I have pieced together the events in which parts of the Clan Gregor regiment participated. The word regiment, signifies a coherent organisation with an undisputed leader and chain of command. Particularly with respect to the MacGregors, this may be misleading. It is improbable that there were ever more than 300 active combatants, but they were split amongst two or three groups, with four "colonels". None of these groups were ever big enough to form a discrete formation in the three set-piece battles of the '45. It appears that there was jealousy, possible animosity between the factions - especially between Glengyle and Glencarnaig. Some Background Explanations It is important to amplify and explain some points for the benefit of readers who may not know the background of the Jacobite Risings and the nature of Scottish Society in the 18th century. I trust that the more informed reader will excuse me in this. Probably more than half of the Jacobite army were not "Highlanders" as generally understood. Many recruits were drawn from the east and north-east coast. This included Lowland Perthshire, the burghs of Dundee, Arbroath, Montrose, Aberdeen, Banff and Elgin and their hinterlands. Despite being named the "Highland Army" by its leaders and being deliberately dressed in recognizably Highland clothing, Murray Pittock argues that it should be viewed as a conventional 18th century European army in its command structure, regimental organisation, commissary and weaponry. [5] Indeed he goes on to state that the army which the Jacobites put in the field in 1745-46 should be regarded as a Scottish National army, probably raising around one half of the total possible manpower in arms, despite the opposition of notable magnates such as the Duke of Argyll and Earl of Sutherland, and also largely failing to recruit any signicant manpower from the South-West and Borders. Many of the leaders of these men were Episcopalian non-juring landowners, only a very few Catholic, but united in their opposition to the Incorporating Union of 1707. The Episcopalians objected to the Presbyterian Church, which had become dominant in Scotland since the 1689 Revolution and had been specifically favoured in the Union treaty. Thus, instead of considering the Jacobite Risings as having been on behalf of a discredited, absolutist and Catholic Stuart monarchy, they should be thought of as a popular Scottish uprising against the 1707 Union, with a restored Stuart monarchy seen as the key to achieving a better relationship with England.


While some of the leaders could be defined as 'chiefs of clans and families', many were not. South of the Forth, much of the population were Presbyterians, with memories of the 17th century persecutions of the Covenanters under the reign of Charles II and James VII, and thus opposed to a restoration of the Stuart dynasty, despite evidence, even in these areas, of majority anti-Union sentiment. Pittock points out that the song, "Parcel of Rogues" usually attributed to Robert Burns, was in fact in comon use much earlier in the 18th century - "We were bought and sold for English Gold, such a parcel of rogues in a nation". [6] Regarding the genuine Highlanders – on both sides, as militias drawn from Highland clans, especially in Argyll and Sutherland, were active on the Government side - any army based on clansmen campaigning in or near the Highlands would be constrained by the Highland calendar. Just as Montrose discovered one hundred years before, Prince Charles found that the harvest was more important than affairs of state. Despite the beginnings of improved agriculture on a few estates, a subsistence agricultural economy operated over much of the Highlands and in significant areas outwith the Highland zone. There was a surplus of manpower for much of the year, except during late spring planting and the autumn harvest. It was usually mid to late May before the ground was dry and warm enough to plough and sow bere or oats. The harvest had to be gathered in before the autumn gales or there would be famine in the late winter. Thus, after Gladsmuir, the Highlanders disappeared almost as quickly as Johnny Cope’s dragoons. Many returned to the Jacobite army in late October after taking their booty home and bringing in the harvest. Thus it was not for reasons of strategy or statecraft that Prince Charles delayed his invasion of England for six weeks after that first victory. In fact, there were so few troops in England at the end of September that an immediate march by the Highland army on London, before Government regiments could be withdrawn from Flanders, might have caused George II to rapidly decamp back to Hanover, whether or not the army would have been capable of holding London after taking it. In April 1746, It would have been in the minds of the Prince’s advisors that failing to give battle would cause many Highlanders to desert. Also, famine stalked the Highlands that spring, money had run out and there was little food to be had. With respect to the extent of Jacobite support, Pittock points out that post-Culloden, Scotland became an occupied country, a point which is only now being acknowledged by historians. At least 12,000 troops were deployed in late 1746. The military occupation continued, so that by 1749, ten army regiments were still deployed on garrison duty in Scotland. By 1756, the Government hit on the idea that "these turbulent people" were best managed by pressing them into service with the British army and sending them far away. [7] As Pitt would put it when he used Highland regiments in the conquest of Canada, "it would be no great mischief if they fall". Pittock, in his analysis of the structure of the Jacobite army states that individual units tended to be smaller than modern army companies and regiments, and most units were over-officered when compared with today's armies. A 'regiment' might typically be 200-300 strong made up of companies of 30-50 men. [8] Thus Glengyle's regiment reported at times to be up to 300 strong was fairly typical. Returning to a discussion of the Clan Gregor.


I have used the modern usages of “Clan Gregor” for the clan or military formations of the clan and “MacGregor” for the name, except when quoting from contemporary documents where I have tried to preserve the original. Many forms were used, including M’Grigor, Mcgregor, McGrigger, etc. Even well educated people in the 18th century might spell the same word in two or three different ways in the same document. With regard to territorial designations, a placename may be given as Glen Gyle or Glen Carnaig, but the territorial designation of the man as used in this paper is “of Glengyle” or “of Glencarnaig”. It is difficult for a modern reader to understand the importance of these designations. In the 18th century, landed property was the essential sine qua non of a “Gentleman”, and this deserves a few words of amplification. The “Glorious Revolution” of 1689 (1688 in England) led to a new constitution, often described in correspondence as “Our Perfect Constitution of Church and State” in which possession of land was the key to participation in society and government. Only “Gentlemen” could become involved in politics or become military officers. The generally accepted Scottish convention was that “of” indicated possession, although not necessarily absolute ownership of landed property, no matter how much or little, whereas “in” merely indicated a place where a person commonly resided and conveyed no status. Military formations usually took the name of the Colonel commanding, such as, on the Government side, Wolfe’s (8th Regiment of Foot) or Hamilton’s (14th Dragoons). It was common for the Colonel to buy his commission and wealthy commanders often paid for their men’s uniforms out of their own resources, and might modify the regulation pattern to their own tastes. On the Jacobite side, the practice was similar. Many Jacobite officers had served in British, French or Spanish forces and were drawn from the same class of society as their Hanoverian opponents. Thus we read of Ogilvy’s or Perth’s. The ‘Clan Gregor Regiment’ was not named as such, but would be called Glengyle’s or MacGregor’s, referring to the commander. It should be noted, from the little available evidence listed in the appendix, Glengyle’s did not just contain men with the name MacGregor or one of its septs. Government reports indicate that Glengyle's regiment may have numbered up to 300, although as discussed below, the numbers varied and MacGregors could be found in the muster roll of other regiments. Lists of the MacGregors in the Muster Roll and Prisoners of the '45 are in my paper macgregors named in the 45. Most of the men in Glengyle’s and other truly Highland regiments would have been Gaelic speaking, although it is probable that many of the private men who had been involved in the cattle trade would have some understanding of Scots. The officers, it can be assumed would be able to speak Lowland Scots and most of them would have been well-educated to the standards of the time. Pittock points out that there is no evidence of orders being issued in Gaelic, so clearly the officer corps were able to connunicate in English. [9] With regard to Gaelic usage, taking as an example Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle, also known as James Graham, his Gaelic byname, from a birthmark, was glùn dubh or “black knee”. As this byname referred to a person, it is normally given with a capital letter and often run into a single word, thus Glundubh. In the same way, James Drummond, or MacGregor, was Seumas Mòr, or James Mor which in,


modern idiom, would be “Big Jim”. The aspirated form, “James Mhor” is not correct and “James Mohr” is never correct. Confusion concerning Glengyle As an example of contradictions and errors in published records, - concerning Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle - Griogar Glundubh - alias James Graham: Blackwood stated that Glengyle died in a cottage at the hands of redcoats, although in fact he lived until 1777, his son John pre-deceased him in 1774. "Prisoners of the '45" named Glengyle "John" and labelled him "Taken at Dunrobin"; "The Muster Roll of Prince Charles Edward Stuart's Army" (AUP 1984) had "Colonel McGregor-Murray, Gregor John, of Glengyle, Governor of Doune Castle, T. 15.4.46." However, the John MacGregor taken at Dunrobin, was a private man in the official prisoner list of Cromarties' regiment and listed among the captives on the victual list of the 'Hawk' sloop. He was not transferred to the 'Hound' sloop with the other officers. This is quite clear in the logs of the HM Sloops "Hawk" and "Hound" - PRO: FO371/ADM51 Glengyle's son, who was called John, was imprisoned in Edinburgh castle, from early 1745, when he was arrested in lieu of his father before the rising even began, until late 1746. Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle, nicknamed Glundubh, used the alias James Graham - it was the Glencarnaig family which used Murray as an alias. To add to the confusion Glengyle, that is Glundubh, had transferred his estate by legally witnessed feu disposition to his eldest son (the above-mentioned John) on 4th April 1741, to avoid the risk of confiscation in the expected rising; hence the imprisoned John, not his father, was actually "of Glengyle". For the purpose of this paper the older man will be referred to as "Glengyle". Christopher Duffy, in "The '45", pub 2007, stated that John, not his father Gregor, was Governor of Doune Castle. Ronald Black cited Duffy p.210 as a source for this. This is the only source I have seen for John's involvement but it is clearly wrong. Such a catalogue of half-truths and errors is the story of Clan Gregor in the '45. The Clan Gregor before the '45. Scottish Highland clanship was intimately bound up with the possession of territory within a super-family group, with real or imagined common descent of its members. Ideally the feudal lordship of lands in the highlands coincided with a clan structure in which the chief would be in a position to grant territory to his dependents in return for service. The lack of lands to grant often led to the disintegration of the "clan", but might not necessarily totally destroy the authority of the chief. The problem of Clan Gregor, as with some others, stemmed from the loss of ancestral lands to powerful neighbours with more influence at court - the fount of the feudal system. Resistance by military means to such losses would lead to further displeasure from the monarch. The implementation of Royal displeasure was often then delegated to the very people responsible for the losses. Clan Gregor, appeared consistently to be on the wrong side, and unable to benefit on the few occasions when national politics put


them on the right side! - for instance when the Campbells fell from favour with Mary, or when two consecutive Earls of Argyll were executed for treason in 1660 and 1685. As a result most MacGregors lived on lands owned by others, and hence in time of war they tended to follow their various landlords, rather than a MacGregor clan chief. It is also necessary to remember that the very name MacGregor had been proscribed following Glenfruin in 1603 - see my account here. - The original proscription of the name had been unprecedented in Scotland and viciously implemented, especially by the Campbells of Glenorchy. - see the edicts of 1603 and 1633 here. - It had been reimposed in 1693 following the first of the Jacobite Risings when it was simply made illegal for a MacGregor to use his own name in any legal or official transaction. This was not lifted until 1774. The Clan Gregor was specifically excluded from the 1717 Act of Grace and Free Pardon granted to Jacobites after the '15 Rising. Thus most MacGregors are recorded under aliases which can make it difficult to identify them. Many used their landlord's names which led to the strange situation that while Rob Roy used his mother's name, Campbell; his son, James Mor used Drummond (the family name of the Duke of Perth); his nephew Glengyle used Graham (Duke of Montrose); while Glencarnaig and Gregor of Coinneachan used Murray (Duke of Atholl). While many did use the names of their landlords, others took one of many aliases such as Dow (dubh anglicised as Black); Bain (ban anglicised as White); Roy (ruadh anglicised as Roy); or MacAra (which became Macaree or King), and this can make it difficult to detect genuine MacGregors in the records. Also most clansfolk had been dispersed throughout Scotland from their original homelands, eastward from Glen Strae. Principal Clan Gregor Families There were four significant Clan Gregor lineages to be considered here - the families of Glenstrae, Roro, Glengyle and Glencarnaig. Glenstrae The Glenstrae line of the Clan Gregor chiefs descending from Ewin the Tutor had become effectively extinct with its last representative being Archibald Graham of Kilmanan, who had possessed a small estate at Craigrostan on the east bank of Loch Lomond at the end of the 17th century. It seems that he took little interest in the leadership of the clan. By 1706 Kilmanan had endowed Rob Roy with the Craigrostan lands, and moved to Ireland. Neither he nor his sons would take any further part in Clan affairs. Kilmanan died in October 1726. [10] Captain Gregor Murray of Coinneachan listed in the Atholl Brigade in the '45 was of the Glenstrae line, descending from Alasdair Galt. He was born July 3, 1680 and died in 1765. His father, Alexander MacGregor alias Murray , was one of fourteen signatories of Balhaldie's election document of 1714 and stated in that document to be Alexander McGrigor of the family of McGrigor. Alexander died in 1717. Alexander's brother, John McGrigor alias Murray of Mid Fendoch who died in 1731 (GROS 357/10 141 – Fowlis Wester Parish) was also a signatory. Roro represented by Balhaldie (or Bohaldie)


As a result of attempts under Queen Anne and the new regime of George I to ward off the possibility of a rising in favour of the exiled Stuarts, annual pensions (of up to £360 sterling - perhaps equivalent to the annual rental income of many chiefs) were offered to Highland chiefs in return for their assurance that they would not join the feared rebellion. Such payments were available only to those clans with recognized chiefs which Clan Gregor did not have. Rob Roy and thirteen other leading gentlemen elected Alexander MacGregor or Drummond, of Balhaldie of the Roro family as chief. [11] Neither the elder Balhaldie, nor his son William, a trusted agent of the exiled King James, were active military men, but they played a prominent role as Jacobite agents and plotters, frequently travelling around Europe. The younger Balhaldie's code name of "Mr Malloch" crops up frequently and he may have been the Prince's sole companion when he travelled to Dunkirk and the abortive French invasion of 1744. Balhaldie's nephew, John of Balnacuick was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the '45, and commandant at Crieff, for which he suffered transportation in the aftermath. Separately from Balhaldie, the wider Roro kindred had members who were involved in the Rising. They followed the Jacobite William, Duke of Atholl in his Atholl Brigade and were documented in the published "Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families". The officers included Captains Robert MacGregor, alias Murray, of Ardlarich; Lieutenant Malcolm MacGregor of Liaran; Officers Duncan MacGregor of Roro and John of Learagan. All of them from Rannoch and Glen Lyon. Interestingly, while all of these men might be assumed to have called on their sub-tenants and servants to follow them, there are no obvious MacGregors listed among the other ranks of the Atholl Brigade. These men appear to have escaped and avoided any documented retribution. Glengyle - represented by Rob Roy, his sons and Gregor of Glengyle Chief in all but name and styled the "Captain of the clan" in the early years of the eighteenth century was Rob Roy MacGregor, (alias Robert Campbell) of the Glengyle family. He was second son of Donald glas, who had been the colonel of the MacGregor contingent in the army of Graham of Claverhouse which fought at Killiecrankie in 1689. Rob Roy's elder brother had died in 1700, leaving Griogar Glundubh aged ten as senior representative of Glengyle. At that time Rob was becoming prosperous in the cattle trade and added to the estate which he had acquired from Kilmanan. He also had been a principal in the purchase (previously they were tenants at will) of the small estate of Glengyle and the building of Glengyle House for his nephew. Later, he was outlawed at the instance of his neighbour, the Duke of Montrose, one of the most powerful politicians in Scotland at the time, who had no compunction at using his position for his personal advantage. In 1718/19 Montrose used Government money to erect a fort with a military garrison at Inversnaid to hold the lands he had secured. This fort will crop up later in this account. Rob led the clan in the '15, sometimes being described as an interested spectator at Sherrifmuir, although I do not want to enter that debate in this paper. In 1719, Rob was "out" again, with a small MacGregor contingent. He returned with his men almost unscathed following the collapse of the '19 Rising - despite many sources stating he had been severely wounded at Glenshiel. According to Ormonde's account "... Finding himself hard-pressed, Lord Seaforth sent for further support. A reinforcement under Rob Roy went to his aid, but before it reached him the greater part of his men had given way, and he himself had been severely


wounded." [12] Reading the original somewhat ambiguous text, it is apparent that it was Seaforth who had been wounded when his men had given way, but almost every modern account, repeats the misinterpretation that it was Rob Roy who was wounded. [I have personally corrected the Wikipedia article] After the death of Rob Roy, the leadership of the Glengyle family passed to his nephew Griogar Glundubh alias James Graham. [13] Sons of Rob Roy Rob Roy died in 1734, but his sons took an active part in the '45. Seumas Mor, or James Mor is discussed in the next paragraph. Two other sons were also listed as captains in the muster roll - Ranald (1706-1786) and Robin Oig (1717-1754). Ranald farmed and operated the Inn at the Kirkton of Balquhidder; I found it difficult to ascertain whether he followed Glengyle or Glencarnaig as he sometimes occurred in accounts with the Glencarnaig men. Ranald and James Mor were also listed as Captains with the Duke of Perth, as well as in Glengyle's regiment. Robin Oig had enlisted in the Black Watch and fought at Fontenoy. At the start of the Rising, he, along with a number of others, deserted to the Jacobites. Robin Oig was hanged in 1754, not for desertion or rebellion, but for the abduction of the heiress Jean Key. The "Muster roll" also listed Coll and Duncan, sons of Rob Roy as officers. However, Coll had probably died in 1735, shortly after his father, while Duncan is not documented as a son of Rob Roy. As mentioned earlier, a Duncan in Strathyre married Coll's daughter Kate after the rising. This may have led to Sir Walter Scott's confusion and the "Muster Roll" perpetuated Scott's error. Regarding the Black Watch: in 1726 General Wade had authorised six companies to be raised from clans whose leaders he considered to be loyal to the Hanoverian regime. These companies became known as the Black Watch, possibly due to the dark tartan chosen for their uniforms. In 1738 additional companies were added to raise the Watch to a full regiment numbered the 43rd. They were shipped to the continent, despite the promises made when the men were enlisted of home service only. Although the regiment fought with distinction at Fontenoy, the regime was unwilling to allow them to return to Scotland and so they remained in Kent during the '45 both to guard against a possible French invasion but also so that "there would be 800 rebels fewer in Scotland".. The regiment was renumbered the 42nd in 1749. James Mor James Mor, (1695-1754) was depicted by R L Stephenson as the fictional father of "Catriona", and has been used too by Nigel Tranter and other novelists. Murray-Rose claimed he was "Pickle the Spy", a notorious Government agent, although Andrew Lang considered that Pickle was probably Young Glengarry, James Mor has been painted in a bad light by most historians and romantic novelists. He lived at Corriearklet, a close neighbour of Glengyle. "Prince Charles' friends" wrote regarding James Mor, "In the spring of 1745 officials in Edinburgh got definite intelligence from James Roy Macgregor (son of Rob Roy)— an unhappy man, who had consented to act as a spy upon his Jacobite friends, and the facts supplied by him enabled the Government to take prompt measures, for they immediately issued warrants for the arrest of such chiefs as were noted for their Stuart leanings."


According to the Memorials of Murray of Broughton, pages 160-161, he [Murray] had dictated a letter which McG [James Mor] was asked to deliver to Robert Craigie, Lord Advocate and General Sir John Cope in Edinburgh, advising that although some of the Prince's advisors had landed at Arisaig, the Prince himself was still at St. Omer in France. McG was to suggest that parties of soldiers from Fort Augustus and Fort William should be sent to arrest Lochiel and Glengarry. Murray's purpose was to provide opportunities for the Jacobites to capture these parties in the hope of so weakening the garrisons that they could be more easily assaulted. At the same time McG [James Mor] was asked to advise "those who were the most likely to prevail with their friends to be in readiness when an opportunity should offer to join" [the rising]. James Mor has been reported in secondary sources to be present and one of the first to arrive, when the Standard was raised at Glenfinnan on 19th August with a small party of MacGregors.This is not explicit in Murray's Memorials and may be a misreading of the somewhat convoluted text whereby after instructing James Mor, he [Murray] then went to Glenfinnan. On 31st August, James Mor and Glengyle, as is mentioned below captured Inversnaid fort, taking 89 prisoners. A 1753 letter from him is in the Balhaldie papers,and quoted in Amelia, - "To mylord the Marquis of Saint Conte &c, Minister and Secretary of State. [from] "James Drummond or Macgregor, son of Rob Roy MacGregor who distinguished himself in the year 1745. “That on the arrival of the Prince of Wales in Scotland, he made himself master of the Fort of Inversnaite; That he joined the Prince with 200 Macgregors, who in the absence of their Chief had followed him and joined the Reg. of James Duke of Perth, in which the petitioner served in the Rank of Major; That he had a thigh broken at the Battle of Preston; That having caused himself to be conveyed to the Fort of Inversnait he preserved it at his own charges and expenses, in spite of the repeated efforts of the enemy, till the Battle of Culloden, in which he again had the misfortune to be wounded; That all his goods have been plundered, burned or confiscated; That he would not have come to shelter himself in France but on account of what he did when the Prince was in Scotland and because it was absolutely impracticable for him to remain in Scotland, his Enemies being absolutely in quest of his life, as much for services which he had done the Prince, as in consequence of his refusal of a higher rank in their service."He dares to hope that your Highness will be graciously pleased to put him on the List of the Scots who receive a gratuity from the Court, in regard of his services, his losses, and the deplorable situation in which he now finds himself, and he would not cease to offer his prayers for your Highness's health and prosperity." James Mor is listed in "Muster Roll" as a Captain in both Glengyle's and Perth's. However, James Mor claimed in his 1753 letter to have been present as a Major and suffered further injury at the Battle of Culloden. This may be corroborated by Young Balhaldie's memorial given below. James Mor therefore appears to have remained with the Duke of Perth and thus would have been present, as a Major, with Perth's regiment, which stood in the second line at Culloden. Glengyle & Glencarnaig's men


were not at Culloden, as a result of their late recall from Sutherland. In further support of this, Ronald Black quotes a letter from Nicol MacNicol, brother-in-law of James Mor, which was found in Inverness after Culloden by Campbell of Airds, addressed to Major James McGrigor of the Duke of Perth's regiment. [14] Glencarnaig. The Glencarnaig family, ancestors of the present chief, descend from Duncan Ladasach and a lineage occasionally known as "Children of the mist". They used the alias Murray and, earlier in the century had obtained feus of farms in upper Balquhidder from the Marquis of Atholl, to the annoyance of Rob Roy and the Glengyle family. [15] Robert, the eldest brother who was 'of Glencarnaig', was appointed Lieutenant Colonel in the '45 and led his own contingent. Captain Duncan Murray, the second brother, shot in the foot at Gladsmuir and taking no further part thereafter, was the author of the story of Clan Gregor in Douglas's Baronage of Scotland, which according to a 1989 thesis by Dr Martin MacGregor was 'a work of sustained fiction marred only by the occasional intrusion of fact'. Evan, the third brother, was also appointed Captain, but according to McPharrie was soon promoted Major and appointed an ADC to the Prince [one of nine in total, listed under Staff in the "Muster Roll"]. Glencarnaig and Evan surrendered themselves in July 1746, and were imprisoned in Edinburgh until 1749. A Disunited Clan Despite the large number of people bearing the name MacGregor (or an alias) the position of the leadership made it difficult to raise many men. The divisions between the leading families, their dispersion and prior claim of the landlords on whose estates they lived, and the changes in the Highland economy all contributed to the fragmentation of the clan. The Duke of Perth (in the Jacobite peerage), chief of the Drummond family, is said to have had at various times two companies of MacGregors in his regiment, although Blackwood's Magazine claimed six companies. As mentioned above, Ranald and James Mor were listed as Captains in both the Duke of Perth's regiment and Glengyle's. Captain Malcolm of Craigruidhe (Balquhidder) who died at Gladsmuir was also in Perth's. Perth's regiment had four MacGregors listed among 'other ranks' - three named John, one of whom was executed and the other two transported, while Donald McGrigor appeared to have escaped retribution. Malcolm of Cornour is reported to have led MacGregors armed with scythe blades on poles from Perth's regiment in support of the beleaguered Glencarnaig's men. Yet Cornour is listed in "Muster Roll" as a Captain with Glengyle's, and does not appear in Perth's - (Taken but discharged). "Prisoners of the '45" stated that Perth had two MacGregor companies, one commanded by Cornour and the other by James Mor. The "Muster Roll" includes both Glengyle's and Glencarnaig's followers under 'MacGregor's regiment'. Only officers are listed. However, some "other ranks" can be found in "Prisoner's of the '45", and not all were MacGregors or had MacGregor aliases. Nineteen were captured at the skirmish at Ardno on Loch Fyne on 10th November 1745. Of these nine escaped from Dumbarton Castle on 2nd February 1746 - James Cook, Donald Ferguson, John Ferguson, senior and junior, Donald,


John and Malcolm McGregor, Duncan McLachlan and Duncan McNeil. Of the remainder, Ensign Mungo Graham, John Livingston, Grigor McGregor, John McLellan, and Ronald McNicol were freed in August 1747. Peter King died in prison. Patrick McGregor alias Murray was tried and acquitted at Carlisle. Captain Malcolm of Cornour who was listed in "Muster Roll" was captured in July 1746, but eventually released. Peter Murray was transported, John Stewart from Balquhidder, "a common man", was captured in July 1746 and released shortly afterwards. "Prisoner's of the '45" summarises this in a table in volume1, indicating that three of Glengyle's were transported, thirteen released, nine escaped, one died in prison, leaving one 'unknown'. [16] MacGregors also occurred in the "Muster Roll" with other regiments on the Jacobite side. In amongst the many MacKenzies of Cromartie's regiment was a William McGregor of Caithness who was listed as having died after being captured. The John McGregor whom I mentioned above as being captured at Dunrobin and confused in the "Muster Roll" with Glengyle was a private from Caithness in Cromartie's regiment listed among the prisoners taken on a Royal Navy sloop after the defeat at Little Ferry, but not listed in the "Muster Roll" with Cromartie's. Donald MacGregor, the town officer from Coupar-Angus, was listed with 'other ranks' in Ogilvy's regiment. Glengarry's regiment had three MacGregor rankers: - Donald of Dalchuirn, John from Caithness, and Gregor, one of the 'men of Glenmoriston' and a deserter from Loudon's regiment according to "Prisoner's of the '45". Keppoch's regiment listed three 'volunteers', all of whom are said to have later joined Glengyle's, but are not listed under Glengyle's: - Duncan of West Drumlich, John of Monachyl and Patrick of East Drumlich, all Balquhidder. Monaltrie's Deeside regiment is said to have included 24 MacGregors led by Captain McGregor of Inverenzie who was killed along with most of his followers at Culloden. However, Monaltrie's 'other ranks' only include those who were captured at Culloden, with just one MacGregor listed - Ensign Duncan McGregor from Tarland who was transported. The Muster There was a meeting at the Kirkton of Balquhidder on August 30th 1745. According to McPharrie; Glengyle, Glencarnaig, Stewart of Glenbuckie and Buchanan of Arnprior met with the Duke of Perth to arrange a muster on the 8th September. On that day, McPharrie reported, Glencarnaig and his two brothers with eight followers mustered at noon, and at 3pm, Glenbuckie arrived with 40 Stewarts and Ranald with a further 40 MacGregors. This group of a little under 100 marched for Callander. At Kilmahog, Arnprior joined them with just one follower. When they reached Leny House, Glenbuckie accepted Arnprior's hospitality for the night while the MacGregors stayed at Callander. Glenbuckie apparently shot himself during the night and his men took his body home and took no further part in the rising. Near the end of August, Glengyle and James Mor had assaulted and captured Inversnaid fort. They left a garrison of their own there. On the 31st, according to Argyll's lawyer, Glengyle apprehended 40 Scots Fusiliers engaged on building the new road along the west bank of Loch Lomond. James Mor and his brother Ranald joined Glencarnaig at Callander with a further 40 men and 45 prisoners from the Inversnaid garrison.


McPharrie went on to state that Glencarnaig and James Mor marched through Glenartnay to Comrie and on to Crieff. There they met the Duke of Perth and 300 men. Then Ranald joined them - (it is not stated where Ranald went in the meantime or why they separated). As part of Perth's regiment, they joined the main Jacobite force at Glenalmond and spent the night at Dunblane. The Prince, Lochiel and Glencarnaig stayed with Balhaldie at his house in Dunblane. {Presumably Alexander, the elder Balhaldie who by then was in his eighties and died in 1749, as William, "Mr Malloch", probably did not come to Scotland in the '45) Throughout this account, though the brothers Ranald and James Mor are mentioned, Glengyle himself is not - it is possible that he remained at Inversnaid and evidence in the Montrose papers suggest that he had been attempting to raise more recruits. Gregor Murray or MacGregor of Coinneachan in Glen Almond, as a tenant of the Duke of Atholl, was conflicted between the demands of the Hanoverian Duke James and the Jacobite Duke William. According to letters in the "Chronicles of Atholl and Tullibardine, volume 3":, Duke James, ordered him to raise the Glen Almond men on 22nd August , and join General Cope at Dalnacardoch. When Cope refused to provide subsistence pay for him and his men, he returned home with them. On 2nd September Duke William ordered him to raise Glen Almond for the Jacobites with further commands following; on 7th February Duke William ordered him to bring 50 well-armed men to join the Atholl Brigade. As the Jacobite army retreated, Duke James ordered Gregor to be arrested on 23rd February and committed to the prison of Dunkeld. In a letter, Gregor claimed that he had made "only a shew to avoid Devastations and other mischiefs that our country was threatened with" on each occasion he had been forced out, but then took his men home. Gregor was released and retained his tenancy after the Rising. Stirling When the army passed by Stirling castle, McPharrie states that the MacGregors marched under their own colours. At the time Amelia was writing, (1901) she said that these colours were preserved at Edinchip House. McPharrie reported that James Mor Campbell in the castle, recognizing the colours, had fired a cannon specifically at them but without causing any injury. This James Mor Campbell is later mentioned by McPharrie as a leader of the militia which devastated Balquhidder after the rising. That night the army camped at Bannockburn. The Prince spent the night with Sir Hugh Paterson and Glencarnaig's men were on guard duty. Sir Hugh's great-niece was Clementina Walkinshaw. It is possible that she met the Prince for the first time then. Later, she became his mistress in a stormy liaison, until he deserted her in 1760. She was the mother of his daughter Charlotte, later Duchess of Albany. McPharrie claimed that Evan with 40 men, captured 20 guns and 15 broadswords at a house near Falkirk, and then, with some of the MacDonalds found a hundred stand of muskets at Linlithgow which had been provided for the local militia. More were captured at Bo'ness. There is no independent evidence of Evan being responsible for this. Edinburgh


McPharrie states that Glencarnaig and Stewart of Ardsheal joined their forces into a single unit. By the time they camped at the Boroughmuir, outside Edinburgh, he stated that they had 200 MacGregors and 70 Appin Stewarts. The Clan Cameron website suggests this number may be exaggerated and estimated that Ardsheal's total strength was just 200. [17] Indeed if there was such a disparity in numbers the regiment would probably have been called "MacGregor's" not "Ardsheal's'". As other accounts of the entry to Edinburgh and the Battle of Prestonpans refer to Ardsheal's regiment, I suspect that there were fewer MacGregors than Stewarts. The numbers in the "Muster" paragraph, above, total 88, but some may have been lost by desertion. Who captured the Netherbow Port? It was asserted by Amelia that McPharrie claimed that Evan was responsible for the virtually unopposed entry of the Jacobite army into Edinburgh by the Netherbow Port, and this was referenced in Browne's "Highland Clans". Chamber's 19th century "History of the Rising of 1745" probably using McPharrie as a source, stated that the Camerons captured the Netherbow port, and that Captain Evan was first through the gate. However, McPharrie does not actually claim this. His exact words are: - "About one o'clock we got orders to march, being the 17th September, we came in at the Netherbow port, the MacGregors had the route, and Glencarnock, Ardsheal, Captain Evan and Captain William Stewart, they did this and all the Highland army followed; this happened about the dawning of the day, straight to the City Guard, and apprehended the Guard and took all their arms; then we planted a Guard upon the West Port and the Weigh house." To state the "MacGregors had the route" indicates to me that Ardsheal's regiment, which included the MacGregors, may have led the advance to the city, but does not claim that the MacGregors generally or Evan in particular, were the first through the Netherbow port. Lockhart Papers Volume 2 page 488 reads: “His R.H. ordered a detachment of 900 men under cloud of night to storm the town, accordingly, Locheill, Keppoch and Ardsheal with some of the best armed of their severall commands, together with Mr O’Sullivan silently marched up to the city gate at the Netherbow, and about break of day boldly forced their way, there being no resistance made by the small guard at the port, so there was no bloodshed.” So if Ardsheal's were part of the leading group, the MacGregors would have been with them. This is not inconsistent with claims that Locheil himself was the first through. "The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745, p. 86, by John Home, Esq. (London: 1802.) states "The coach brought them back to Edinburgh, set them down in the High-Street, and then drove towards the Canongate. When the Nether Bow port was opened to let out the coach, 800 Highlanders, led by Cameron of Locheil, rushed in and took possession of the city" Does this statement of Home's mean that Lochiel himself was first through the gate or that some of the men he led were first through?


Alexander Stewart, provost of Edinburgh, was tried in 1747 for dereliction of duty, in allowing the rebels to take Edinburgh. Among the witnesses, Alexander Corsar, one of the soldiers of the city-guard of Edinburgh, appears to be the best evidence for Lochiel being first through the gate. He stated that Lochiel gripped his arm. Although this does not precisely state that Lochiel was first through the gate. There is no mention in the trial evidence of Evan. Full text is in the notes. [18] On balance, it appears that the claim that Evan was first through the Netherbow Port does not stand up to scrutiny. McPharrie goes on to state that Captain Evan discovered 700 stand of arms, intended for the defence of the town. (Out of a total 1000 stand of muskets intended for the disbanded Edinburgh militia reported in other sources to have been found by the Jacobites). There is no independent corroboration that it was Evan who discovered the weapons, but McPharrie stated that, as a result Evan, was promoted and made an ADC to the Prince. Evan is listed with the Staff in "The Muster Roll" as a Major and ADC with eight other officers. (The supporting reference in the "Muster Roll" is to 'British Museum, Additional Papers', but this source cannot be identified, and possibly has been taken from McPharrie) [19] However his actual documented promotion to Major was dated 29th October, not the 18th or 22nd September after the battle. In his account of Gladsmuir, Evan was twice referred to as Captain, despite McPharrie implying that Evan had been promoted by the Prince beforehand. Gladsmuir At Prestonpans, (known as Gladsmuir by the Jacobites) most of the clan, - including Ranald with Glencarnaig's followers - appeared to have been with the Stewarts of Appin commanded by Ardsheal. While McPharrie claims 200, the number may have been less. A further 40, with Malcolm of Cornour and James Mor were with Perth's regiment to their right in the line. McPharrie states "The MacDonalds got the right hand, the Duke of Perth got next, the MacGregors next, the Stewarts next, the Camerons next," According to J M Hill, the first line of the Jacobite army comprised Clan Donald regiments on the right, Perth's regiment, the Appin Stewarts and Camerons on the left. The MacGregors may have been placed on the right of Ardsheal's next to Perth's and his MacGregors. [20] A report by Andrew Lumisden in Origins of the '45, [See Note 27] stated - "The left wing at Preston Pans commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, and two companies of MacGregors. The second line commanded by Lord Nairne, consisted of Athole-men, Robertsons of Strouan, Maclauchlans and the Duke of Perth's men.". This account by an eye-witness of the battle, related that during the army's deployment around the morass, a considerable interval had developed in the Centre which the second line was ordered to fill -This would place Cornour's men in Perth's own regiment nearer to the MacGregors in the front line. During the battle the MacGregors and Stewarts in Ardsheal's formation engaged Lascelles' 47th regiment. The Perth regiment which was now alongside in the front line, did not attack, allowing some of Cope's men around the flank of Ardsheal's. Cornour and his men, stated McPharrie, who were mainly armed with scythe blades on poles, left the rest of Perth's regiment and went to the assistance of their kinsmen


in the action. James Mor also called for assistance from a MacDonald formation to the right of Perth's. Thus McPharrie has not been contradicted by other accounts. Following the short battle, James Mor had suffered a broken leg, Malcolm of Craigruidhe in Balquhidder was severely injured (and died later), Robert of Glencarnaig's brother Duncan had been shot in the foot, and twenty one others had been injured in the action. McPharrie stated that the Clan Gregor were specially honoured by the Prince for their part in the brief battle, which Lumisden reported lasted only seven or eight minutes. Amelia writes "in the narrative by Duncan McPharrie it has been related that he brilliantly distinguished himself at the Battle of Preston Pans, after which Prince Charles made him his Aide-de-camp and he became Major in the Corps." In fact, McPharrie does not state this. The only actual references by McPharrie to Evan's involvement at Gladsmuir were firstly firing an eight foot long gun the previous night, killing one of Cope's men at a distance, and secondly distributing bottles of rum the night before, with the remnants being given to Ardsheal's men. McPharrie's account should not be traduced for Amelia's hyperbole in the 1890s! [21] McPharrie stated "The Prince came and took Glencarnock in his arms, and Captain Evan, and told them to gather the whole Clan MacGregor upon the middle of the Field of Battle. There was a table covered and the MacGregors guarding him at dinner, every man got a glass of wine and a little bread. Your Father and Uncle sat down with him, the rest of the Chieftains took it amiss that the MacGregors got this honour, but it was dear bought by the mishap that had occurred " Did this indicate special treatment for a few MacGregors? I don't believe so. The victorious Jacobites were able to loot Cope's baggage train, so food and, no doubt, alcohol would be available. Dawn on 17th September would be about 5.45 and the battle lasted only a few minutes. The Prince remained on the field until after mid-day, depending on which report is believed, before retiring to Pinkie House where he spent the night. As the Jacobite strength was only around 2400 men, it would be quite reasonable to assume that HRH would have time to visit and congratulate each of his commanders and their regiments during the hours between the dawn battle and leaving the field in the mid to late afternoon. As the MacGregors appear to have suffered more casualties than most, perhaps they deserved a little more honour - McPharrie said they had suffered twenty three injured, and that was out of fifty Jacobites in total reported to have been injured. The Lockhart papers, page 493 has. "In the afternoon having taken a short repast of Cope’s provisions on the field, His R.H. marched back to Musleburgh at night, leaving the Laird of McLaughlen and some other gentlemen to take care of the wounded prisoners and the baggage and to get the dead buried. He himself lay at Pinky all night." None of the other accounts mention special treatment for the MacGregors, but I suspect that HRH's repast in the field would have included many of his officers, including the MacGregors. In the way of Highland armies there was a severe diminution in the Jacobite ranks after Gladsmuir, as booty was taken home, and considerable effort was put into recovering the lost men and raising additional forces before the march into England about six weeks later.


Establishing the command, or not. McPharrie then stated that Glengyle joined them in Edinburgh with additional followers. Before the Jacobite army advanced into England, Glengyle and Glencarnaig had a meeting to decide the overall command and disposition of posts in an united regiment. It was stated that Glencarnaig had 13 more men than Glengyle, but Glencarnaig conceded the titular Colonelcy to Glengyle, with himself as Lieutenant-Colonel. At this meeting it was also agreed that Evan should be Major, and the other officers divided equally. Thus, Evan's promotion, dated 29th October, which was some six weeks after the entry to Edinburgh and Prestonpans could have been simply a clerical delay, but it seems more likely that Evan's promotion was not connected with those events and not an honour from Prince Charles. As mentioned above, McPharrie is the sole source for Evan's promotion. This brief account appears to indicate a real struggle for supremacy between Glengyle and Glencarnaig - or does it? McPharrie is the only evidence for such a conflict and may actually be more relevant to events in 1787 instead of 1745.. England Glencarnaig and his men went with the army into England, leaving Edinburgh on 31st October. McPharrie dispensed with this in just two sentences. "Glencarnock and Major Evan MacGregor went with the army to England in the beginning of November, straight to Kelso and by Jedburgh and straight to Carlisle. This fortress yielded at the very first, I shall drop the English road for I have forgot their names, only we went to Derby and returned, but we killed about 120 dragoons and Light Horse". There appeared to be no specific reference to Glencarnaig's men during the march to Derby and the return. However, other accounts did mention that the MacGregors participated in the skirmish at Clifton. Glengyles activity - recruiting - Ardno. Murray of Broughton reported (Memorials, page 230) "Mcgregor of Glengyle was appointed governor of Down Castle, being judged the fittest man in the Country to keep that garrison [i.e.: Stirling Castle] in awe and to prevent their making excursions into the Country to disturb the famillies of such who were in arms, and to be sure it was impossible for any to have made a better Choise." Murray of Broughton went on to remark, in a note "Glengyle, now the oldest branch of the familly Mcgriger, in person a tall hansome man and more of the mein of the antient heroes than our modern gentlemen, possest of a Singular deal of humanity and good nature, honest and disinterrested to a Proverb, extreamly modest, brave and intrepide, and born one of the best Partizans in Europe, in that the whole people of that Country declared that never did people live under so milde a Government as Glengyles, not a man having so much as lost a Chicken whille he continued there." Glengyle had a garrison of 60 of his own men and a further 70 under Ludovic Cameron under his command. His remit was to watch the garrison at Stirling and to raise additional men. There is no actual account of Glengyle's activities from October 18 to January 16, but it is possible to put together a scenario from various sources. On the 15th October Murray of Broughton signed Glengyle's commission as Colonel and Governor of Doune, Cardross and Balinton. There is a letter from Lord Strathallan dated the 16th warning of Government spies masquerading in Highland dress and wearing white cockades. On the 18th he received a letter from Henry Kerr


at Alloa advising him to place guards over the fords over the forth and to keep watch on the activities at Stirling Castle. [22] Raising and Losing recruits There are documents in the Graham papers at the Scottish Record Office which attested to Glengyle's activities in raising recruits from MacGregors living on the Graham estates in Buchanan parish on the east bank of Loch Lomond. These documents comprise sworn statements taken after the rising from various tenants of the Montrose estate who were suspected of involvement. The Duke of Montrose attempted to claim compensation from the Government for loss of rental income from his tenants who had been subject to comprehensive reprisals by the Hanoverian army. Clearly these people would stress their unwillingness to serve, the coercion used against them and their eagerness to desert at the first opportunity. However, it does seem that Glengyle, like many of the Jacobite leaders, had considerable difficulties in raising men and in keeping them. [23] On 31st August Glengyle had led a party in boats across Loch Lomond and surprised parties of Scots Fusiliers who were working on the military road. Forty were taken back as prisoners to the Inversnaid fort and then to Doune. On the 28th September, Glengyle with an unstated, but considerable force of MacGregors accompanied Lord Elcho and Mr James Hay to Glasgow to levy a public contribution of money and clothing on the town. Campbell of Mamore claimed Glengyle was 'menacing Glasgow with part of his clan in the town and suburbs'. On 16th October, according to a report by Campbell of Mamore, Glengyle 'was a madman with 50 men plundering the country and raising contributions for six weeks past in and about Dumbartonshire'. On November 4th, Glengyle led a force estimated at 121 into the "Cantyres" - the Cowal peninsula in Argyll. He had planned to reach Castle Lachlan where he had hoped to bring out Campbell of Auchinbreck for the Jacobites and raise recruits among the men of Cowal. Instead, - as Ronald Black, in "The Campbells of the Ark" related from an account written by Donald Campbell of Airds - having been frustrated in his plans, Glengyle's men were attacked while returning at Ardno on Loch Fyne opposite Dunderave, on 10th November by General John Campbell of Mamore with two of Loudoun's companies and Ardkinglas's company of the Argyll militia. After an initial exchange of fire, Glengyle's men took to the hills. One of the militia was killed and two wounded. Eighteen of Glengyle's men were captured, and it was later reported that Glengyle had buried two and carried off seven wounded. Following this debacle, some of his men, according to their own accounts in the Montrose papers, deserted. The captives were imprisoned at Dumbarton, from where nine escaped on 2nd February 1746. Shortly after his defeat at Ardno, Glengyle tried to encourage Barisdale who had 700 men in upper Glen Orchy to divert in order to attack Inveraray, as there were few militia present to defend the town. [24] There is a story given on page 493, which may or may not be true, in a note to page 376 of Amelia Vol II, concerning "Thomas Cadell, pistol-maker of Doune who suggested to Glengyle that he should quarter his men on those householders of Doune who had no affection for the Stuart cause. Glengyle thanked him cordially and


thereafter sent one of his junior officers with a small party to quarter themselves in Master Cadell's household. When Cadell returned to remonstrate with him, Glengyle reminded him of his advice and added that he was willing to try how his own friends might like the experiment before he should extend it to others." The note continues - "Glengyle was subject to a variety of spirits, but during the time he commanded in Mentieth he conducted himself with such propriety that his name has been always minded with respect by the gentlemen of that district, although of different political principles." It seems that Doune was not ideally suited to be a prison, as a number of prisoners succeeded in escaping from it. On the 31st January, seven prisoners made their escape from Doune Castle. Among them was the Rev John Witherspoon, who, thirty years later, would be a signatory of the American Declaration of Independence. [25] Inversnaid destroyed At some time between joining the army before the battle of Falkirk and the retreat into the Highlands Glengyle destroyed the little fort of Inversnaid. James Mor, recuperating from the injuries sustained at Gladsmuir had remained there as commander. Perhaps it had been more comfortable than his farm at Corriearklet 3 miles away. On January 9th John Murray at Bannockburn, sent instructions to Glengyle at Doune to send "what troops you can spare from your garrison as the enemy had sent a considerable body of troops aboard the sloops now seen in the river, to seize the cannon at Alloa" - "You are likewise desired to take care of apprehending deserters who may pass the fords". Falkirk. On their return from England in January 1746, McPharrie stated that he was sent from Kilsyth to Balquhidder and returned with Glencarnaig's wife and 17 recruits. Glengyle and Glencarnaig joined forces again at Cambusbarron near Stirling on January 16th. Glengyle had increased his force by recruitment. McPharrie says - "Glengile and Mac Kinnon joined our Corps that night and we made a grand appearance". McPharrie stated that they were stationed on the extreme right of the first line of the army with the Clan Donald regiments.- He wrote : "With pipers playing and colours flying the MacGregors moved, on the advance Guard, but the Light Horse was before us, the MacDonalds next. We marched on till we came to the Water of Lairburn, there we spied at the west end of Falkirk, the English troops advancing up the hill, we crossed the water and up the hill, and we got orders to have the right hand of the Prince's army and the MacDorialds upon the left. When we came to the top of the hill, we halted, Munro's dragoons were upon the King's left opposite to the MacGregors, we advanced from both sides, the King's army fired first, we fired next, and we brought down 135 with the first fire we gave them, then gave a loud huzza and put them to flight. 500 of the Glasgow Militia were hacked down. " Most accounts including John Home's, placed the four Clan Donald regiments in their traditional place on the right of the Jacobite line without mentioning the MacGregors at all. However, McPharrie clearly stated that they had faced the dragoons on the left of the Hanoverian front line. The dragoons were put to flight by


volleys of musket fire, and in their flight did considerable damage to the regular infantry battalions behind them and the 500-strong Glasgow militia, whom they rode through. McPharrie asserted that they participated with the MacDonalds in the pursuit of the broken militia on the right and did not lose a single man. McPharrie's statement does not agree with accounts, including Hawley's report to Cumberland, which has the Mackinnon and MacGregor forces as part of the 900 strong Cameron regiment on the left of the Jacobite line. The left suffered losses due to the three overlapping Hanoverian regiments - Ligonier's, Price's and Barrel's - which did not break when the Royals did and fired on the flank of the advancing Jacobites in their pursuit of the centre. The two accounts are quite clearly contradictory. Was it possible for companies of MacGregors to be positioned on the right with Clan Donald but also on the left with the Camerons? McPharrie claimed the MacGregors were stationed with the Clan Donald regiments, while if other accounts are to be believed, at least Glengyle had arrived on the battlefield with Ludovic Cameron and they had formed part of the 450 reinforcements received by Lochiel and were therefore positioned on the left. It would be difficult to accept this, if McPharrie was the only source. John Home reported that the Atholl brigade which was in the second line of the Jacobite army "marched up to the first line and joined the MacDonalds of Keppoch", [26] if so perhaps some of the MacGregors with the Atholl brigade may have joined the MacDonalds in the heat of battle? However, as has been discussed. James Mor had remained with Perth’s regiment and as Perth’s were on the left of the Jacobite line, this might account for Hawley’s report. [In the extract below from Young Balhaldie's memorial, he claimed that Glengyle and Glencarnaig were with Keppoch, while James Mor's men were with Perth's regiment. In Young Balhaldie's memorial to Counsel in 1799, published in Amelia, volume II, chapter 32, another account of the disposition of the MacGregors in the '45 is made: "William did not come over to Scotland in 1745 to put himself at the head of his Clan which led uninformed people to consider Glengylle as chief, but the Memorialist cannot find that his competitors ancestor was ever regarded as such. In the absence of their Chief the MacGregors ranged themselves under different heads The principal part rose with Glengylle, Glencarnoch levied the next body and James MacGregor Rob Roy's son raised a third. Glengylle marched into Argyllshire to facilitate the junction of MacLauchlan and his Clan but when GlenGylle joined the army he bore the title of Colonel, Glencarnoch that of Lieutenant Colonel and James Roy MacGregor that of Major: and none of them had written commissions so far as the Memorialist can learn. They did not even fight as a separate body, Glencarnoch fell in with the Keppoch's Regiment of MacDonalds and James MacGregor who went by the name of Drummond fell in with the Duke of Perth's Regiment as did Glengylle with Keppoch's, after he joined according to a sketch or lye draft which is given in the Scots Magazine of the order of Battle both of Falkirk and Culloden; There is no


mention of the MacGregors as a separate body and although it is said in the Magazine that one body of the MacGregors with Glencarnoch and the rest of the MacGregors with the Duke of Perth's men under James Drummond were in the left wing of the Highland Army at the Battle of Preston it may still be doubted if a scheme of the Battle had been given, whether we should have seen the MacGregors drawn up as a separate body of men." A quick reading of the above might suggest that Glengyle and Glencarnaig's men were at Culloden, although they were not. However, here and in the 1753 letter from Dunkirk it is more explicit that James Mor was ranked as Major in Perth's and was therefore present at Culloden. It may be further evidence of the presence of the MacGregors (at least Glengyle's and Glencarnaig's) with Keppoch's regiment at Falkirk. Andrew Lumisden's eyewitness report of Falkirk concurs with McPharrie and Young Balhaldie. [27] - "The right wing, commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of the Macgregors, Macdonalds of Keppoch, Clanronald, Glengary and Glenco, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons. The left commanded by Lord John Drummond, consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, Macphersons of Cluny, Frazers of Lovat and Macleods of Raza and Bernera.". The account continues, - concerning the right (easternmost) wing of the Jacobite army "The dragoons .... advanced on a full trot, in order to break us; but the Macgregors and the Macdonalds, keeping their fire till they were within pistol shot, received them so briskly, that they were immediately broken, and thrown into the utmost confusion. McPharrie goes on to state "Colonel MacGregor and Colonel MacDonald and MacKinnon were invited next day to breakfast and thanked for their behaviour". Most commentators agree that Falkirk was a chaotic battle in dreadful weather and the commanders on either side had little idea of what was actually happening to their troops. Retreat to Inverness Following the battle the fruitless siege of Stirling Castle lasted for 15 days, although McPharrie states that they were not involved. When Cumberland's army approached, the Jacobites retreated by Doune and Dunblane. McPharrie goes on to mention that he and Ranald were sent to Balquhidder to round up some of their men who had returned home with booty after Falkirk. Thereafter they proceeded by Killin along the North of Loch Tay to Taymouth and joined the rest of the army at Coshieville, West of Aberfeldy. Then North by Tummel bridge, Dalnacardoch and Garvamore to Inverness. Lord Loudoun who had held the town with part of his regiment and various Highland militia companies immediately retreated to Ross. McPharrie wrote "We halted at Inverness till the Prince came round the Seashore, by Montrose, Inverurie &c. Against that day eight days they arrived with a very good army. Most other accounts, stated that the Prince was with the force which travelled the same route as McPharrie and the Clan Gregor, by Dalnacardoch and Garvamore. The contemporary Scots Magazine for 1746, on page 89, reported on the rebels "...there were 800 of them seen at Ruthven, with the Pretender's son, when they blew up the Barracks and then proceeded to Inverness". It does appear


that the Jacobite army was quite widely dispersed during the retreat to Inverness. McPharrie can only tell us that the MacGregors probably did not accompany the Prince and his staff. Indeed, further evidence for Prince Charles travelling by the Highland route rather than the coast was Lord Loudoun's attempt to capture him when he spent the night at Moy Hall on February 16th, but Lady Macintosh's blacksmith and four men succeeded in panicking Loudouns' Highland companies totalling 1400 men, into a headlong rout back to Inverness. [The Laird of MacLeod's piper Donald Ban MacCrimmon is said to have had a premonition of his own death and had composed a piobaireachd Cha till Mac Cruimein - "MacCrimmon Will Never Return". He was the only man to die in the "Rout of Moy".] Between February 17th and mid April, contingents of the Jacobite army ranged all round the Highlands, from Atholl to Sutherland and from Inverurie to Fort William. Fort Augustus, at Kilcumein, was taken and destroyed. Fort William, formerly Inverlochy laid under siege. Duke William of Atholl fruitlessly besieged his own castle of Blair while preventing Hanoverian troops penetrating the Pass of Killiecrankie. Throughout this period the Jacobite commanders argued strategy amongst themselves, while the army foraged desperately for food. February to April 1746 The MacGregors were detailed along with Barisdale under the command of Lord Cromartie to pursue Lord Loudoun's forces. On March 20th, with the Duke of Perth in command, they crossed the Dornoch Firth under cover of sea mist, using boats gathered from the Moray coast, despite the Royal Navy sloops assiduously patrolling the coast, while Loudoun's militia held the passes between Ross and Sutherland. McPharrie claimed that Major Evan took the lead in the capture of Dornoch and one of Loudoun's companies. Although the Laird of Macintosh was captured, the real prizes - Lord Loudoun, Duncan Forbes, the Earl of Sutherland and the Lairds of Macleod and MacDonald all escaped. This is true, but there is no supporting evidence that Evan took the lead here - maybe he did, probably not. McPharrie stated that their men captured four small provision ships at Little Ferry, on the Fleet south of Golspie, and subsequently lived aboard - he mentions that the Colonel (Glencarnaig) was on one and Major Evan on the other. Other reports mention only two small ships, which had been prevented by adverse winds from leaving their anchorage, laden with provisions for Loudon's Highland companies. The Earl of Perth withdrew, leaving around one thousand in Sutherland, including the MacGregors, Cromartie's, Mackinnon's and Barisdale's regiments. During a three week long occupation they attempted to raise the "publick money" and provisions. A fruitless attempt was made to recover the supplies and money aboard Le Prince Charles which had been forced aground at Tongue by the frigate Sheerness and captured by Lord Reay's militia. Fear of the Earl of Sutherland, meant few recruits and little money or food were gathered. For my paper on the Jacobite Rising in Sutherland - March 20th to April 14 1746 see clan gregor in sutherland.


The Earl of Sutherland's militia had not been defeated and on the 15th April, after the recall of the Jacobite northern force, the Sutherland militia attacked Cromartie's regiment between Dunrobin and Little Ferry, killing or capturing most of them. By that time, Barisdale's and MacGregor's were already on their way to Dornoch. They reached Kessock on the afternoon of the 16th by which time Culloden had already been fought and lost. Lord Elcho states (page 422) "the Macgregors 300 and Barasdales 400, only came to the Ferry opposite to Inverness two hours after the Battle ..... Lord Cromartys regiment 300 men were attackt'd on the 15 at Golspie in Sutherlandshire by the Earl of Sutherland's men, a great many of them were kill'd and the rest taken prisoner". At no time after Falkirk does McPharrie mention Glengyle, however, the Scots Magazine for April 1746, page 190, stated that among the rebel commanders in Sutherland under Lord Cromartie, and not captured, were Glengyle, Glencarnaig and Barisdale. [28] Culloden McPharrie did not mention any MacGregors present at Culloden. It is known that there were an estimated 24 MacGregors from Deeside, led by Inverey, with Francis Farquharson of Monaltrie, of whom only six returned to their homes. As mentioned above, Major James Mor, with his company of MacGregors were also at Culloden, in the second line with Perth's regiment. The Return to Balquhidder McPharrie stated that they marched along the North side of the Ness, shadowed by dragoons on the South side. That night they were at Lovat's Dounie Castle and the next night at Lochgarry's house, where they parted from Barisdale and Dr Cameron. The next morning they met up with the Duke of Perth at Ruthven in Badenoch who instructed them to disperse. [James Mor would probably have rejoined his brothers at Ruthven] They marched on to Rannoch, "with colours flying", said McPharrie, through Glenlyon and past the Campbell militia in Finlarig castle. They may have been the last Jacobite formation in arms. Finally they reached Balquhidder and dispersed. A sentence in the "Scots Magazine" for April 1746, page 194, has "On the 23rd April, Glengyle with about 120 men well armed, in their retreat from Sutherland, were seen near Finlarig, at the West end of Loch Tay, on their way home to Balquhidder". Also in the Scots Magazine, for June 1746, page 288, "About the end of May, Glengyle, with a party of MacGregors were in the hill between Crief and Dunkeld; and 'tis said, attempted to levy the publick money. But they were obliged to make off upon Brig. Mordaunt's detaching 300 men from Perth in quest of them. On the 7th June, a body of 700 men entered Balquhidder and proceeded to the braes of Monteith. But not finding Glengyle and his party, they burnt his house, and all the houses in Craigroystan possessed by the Macgregors, and carried the cattle to Crief." The Aftermath.


Ronald Black in "Campbells of the Ark, vol ii, page 271" quoted Campbell of Stronslaney, - who reported that on 21 May rebels were hiding in the hills around Balquhidder. He named the leaders as Glengyle; Glencarnaig; Evan his brother; Rob Roy's three sons - Ronald. James and Robert; Glenbuckie's sons - John and David Stewart; Donald MacLaren and others. Over the course of the summer, the people of Balquhidder were surrounded, tracked down and starved out. [29] The Duke of Montrose complained in June that regular troops were burning destroying and plundering his innocent tenants along with the guilty along the east bank of Loch Lomond towards Aberfoyle, driving all of their livestock away to the markets at Crieff. Indeed the evidence in the Graham papers exists because the Duke of Montrose demanded compensation for the destruction meted out upon his tenants. An account of the property destroyed and a list of the MacGregors on the Montrose estate in Buchanan Parish are in my paper - macgregors named in the 45. Glengyle House was burned on June 7th and Glencarnaig's house was also burned. Glengyle, Glencarnaig and Balhaldie were all excepted from the Act of Indemnity. (This was a blanket "pardon" to everyone concerned except those specifically mentioned in the Act.) Robert of Glencarnaig and Evan went to Inveraray in July to surrender themselves. Campbell of Mamore treated them humanely and they were permitted to give their parole and reside in Inveraray. [30] Throughout the Highlands and beyond, whereever there was a suspicion of support for the Jacobites, retribution by the Hanoverian regime was brutal and indiscriminate. Prominent Scots such as Duncan Forbes of Culloden and the Duke of Argyll, among others, who had been strongly against the Rising, were appalled by the behaviour of Cumberland and his army, but largely failed to speak out against it. See here for my extract from the account in James Browne's Highland Clans, volume III,. Robert of Glencarnaig was finally released from prison in Edinburgh Castle in October 1749, with his estate bankrupted, he died in 1758. Glengyle appears neither to have been captured nor surrendered. By 1756, he and John, his son, had been able to rebuild their house which still stands at the head of Loch Katrine. Glengyle's piper was transported. James Mor escaped from Edinburgh castle after his trial for complicity in Robin Oig's abduction of Jean Key. He escaped to France and died in poverty at Dunkirk in 1754. None of Glengyle's sons appear to have been involved. John had been imprisoned beforehand as previously mentioned, although Black quoted reports stating that John. not Gregor had been Governor of Doune. I suspect that is incorrect as John had been made legal owner of the Glengyle in 1741 and the estate was not forfeited as a result of the Rising. Robert the second son, who farmed at Stronachlachar on Loch Katrine, claimed in the Montrose papers to have been "in no ways involved". Glengyle's younger sons, James and Donald, both of whom were seamen, are not mentioned at all. Conclusion. So can McPharrie's evidence be relied on? I believe that McPharrie's account of the MacGregor role in the Rising was broadly accurate except that he made claims about Evan in particular for which support is unobtainable and might not be true. The "eyewitness" report by Lumisden, in "Origins of the '45" has been most valuable in confirming McPharrie's account of the position of the Clan Gregor at Gladsmuir and


Falkirk. Other than that, McPharrie used ambiguous language which has been misinterpreted by many, including Amelia regarding her ancestor in "The History of Clan Gregor", particularly in respect of the first man through the Netherbow Port, the uncovering of caches of militia weapons, and the promotion of Evan to Major and ADC. It is uncertain whether or not Evan did become an ADC to the Prince as this is only recorded in secondary sources which may have relied on McPharrie. It is likely that McPharrie's 1788 account, in exaggerating Evan's role, may have been intended to convince many MacGregors of the suitability of Evan's son John to be chief of Clan Gregor. Retribution and Wider Consequences Following the defeat of the Rising, Parliament in westminster enacted legislation aimed at removing the threat of further Jacobite insurrections, by striking at the clan system and in particular the power of the Chiefs. See my page on the Abolition of the Heritable Jurisdictions and the Dress Act. NOTES [1] McPharrie's account is in Amelia Vol II p365 to p375 - here and the full texts follows below:- "The Duke of Perth, Glencarnock, Glengyle, Glenbuckie and Arnprior, [Francis Buchanan afterwards attainted and executed 11th Oct. 1746.] had a meeting in the Kirkton of Balquhidder upon the 30th August, and the resolution of this Council of War was to raise their men with all expedition against that day eight days and join in one column at the foresaid place, and to march in a body to Callander. "According to promise Glencarnock, Duncan and Evan, his two oldest brothers and eight of our good men came to the place appointed at 2 o’clock. Glencarnock raised the MacGregor Standard, and none of the rest of the gentlemen appeared yet, about 3 o'clock came Steuart of Glenbuckie and forty men, and as Arnprior was before them, MacGregor of Glencarnock and Steuart of Glenbuckie and Ronald MacGregor from Kirktown with forty men marched straight for Callander so that they would get Arnprior to join them at Callander. Arnprior met us at Kilmahog, no more with him but a single man. He invited Glencarnock and Glenbuckie up to Leny House that night; Glencarnock said that he and his men would be together at Callander, Glenbuckie went with him (Arnprior) to Leny that night, and shot himself before the morning. This made a confusion amongst us, such a thing happening so early. The Stewarts got him coffined, set off with him on their shoulders and got him tombed that night, and they never joined us more. "James Mor MacGregor, as Captain, joined Glencarnock at Callander with forty men from Glengyle, and forty five Soldiers that Glengyle apprehended at the roads on Loch Lomond side, and he took the garrison of Inversnaid and demolished it. Glencarnock and James Mor marched up the hill above Callander by Glenartna and by Comrie and by Crieff. The Duke of Perth joined us there with three hundred more; then Ronald joined the Duke. Then we marched on to Glen Almond where we met the Prince, the MacDonalds and Camerons &c. There we were benighted and encamped that night at Dunblane. The Prince, Lochiel and Glencarnock took their quarters with MacGregor of Balhaldie there; the next morning we marched straight to Doun: the Bridge of Stirling was cut, then we rushed to Thornhill and the Ford of Frew. Our enemies created a scheme to sow many thousands of Crowtoes in the Ford in thoughts to stop us from going through. But all in vain. We came, that night to Seaton of Touch. He left the house personally: he ordered his lady to invite Glencarnock and Lochiel to her house that night and she gave the Camerons and MacGregors three great oxen and so many hundreds of oat loaves, pots and cauldrons to boil our beef in, and we were greatly envied by the rest of the Clans. When Glencarnock and Lochiel were at breakfast in the morning, they heard shooting on the brow of the hill, Lochiel said to Glen 'What shooting can be in the hill?' Glencarnock answered 'I shall tell you that the Camerons are shooting sheep on the hill.' 'God forbid' said Lochiel 'it is the MacGregors.' Says Glen 'I shall lay forfeit one hundred guineas that it is not the MacGregors.' With this the two left breakfast, and drew their pistols and vowed if they were


Camerons that Lochiel would shoot them and if MacGregors that Glen would shoot them; and by great fortune, passing the head of the avenue, there was a Cameron with a sheep upon his back; Lochiel fired at the fellow, and shot him thro' the shoulder, there he fell, the two went on a good way further but they got not a MacGregor yet. "Then we marched by the back of Stirling by Cambusbaron, James Mor Campbell was at Stirling Castle and knew the MacGregor colours and made them fire their canons at us, and he never tried one shot at any other but ours; the villain lost his shot in vain. [No clue as to his identity, but he is also mentioned later in this chapter in regard to the burning of Glencarnaig's farm. (Or how Duncan McPharrie knew who was firing the cannon from the battlements of the Castle!] Straight to Bannockburn we went, and were informed that two regiments of the Black Horse were there, viz. Gardiner's, if I remember, and Hawke's, and they fled for Falkirk; we took that night's rest at Bannockburn. Sir Hugh Paterson invited the Prince and his nobles to his house yt night, and ordered the Glencarnock men to guard him. That was the first night of the MacGregors upon Guard. We found out that Gardiner and his Horse were flying before us, and we pursued as fast as we could, thro' Falkirk and a little east from that. Captain Evan MacGregor was informed by a butcher of the name of MacGregor that there was a store of arms in the House of Callendar; the Captain drew out forty men and goes in search of arms, and he got twenty guns and fifteen swords and all very good, and thought ourselves very happie. Off we go thro' Linlithgow, the MacDonalds received information that there was a store of arms there, that were gathered two days before, for a militia; one hundred stand both guns and swords; we got information that a great store of powder and ball was at Borrowstoneness, waiting the enemy; we took as much as we could make use of; and we came to Winchburgh that night and formed a camp there and believed that we would fight tomorrow, the citizens and City Guard got to arms and were rendezvousing, thinking to make collops of the Highland army. We came that night to the brow of Borroughmuir south from Edinburgh; Glencarnock and Ardsheal, them two, joined the MacGregors and Stewarts of Appin in one camp under the MacGregor colours. The MacGregors were increasing, we had two hundred, and Stewart of Ardsheal had only seventy good men. About one o'clock we got orders to march, being the 17th September, we came in at the Netherbow port, the MacGregors had the route, and Glencarnock, Ardsheal, Captain Evan and Captain William Stewart, they did this and all the Highland army followed; this happened about the dawning of the day, straight to the City Guard, and apprehended the Guard and took all their arms; then we planted a Guard upon the West Port and the Weigh house. Captain Evan MacGregor was not two hours in town, when he got private information of a great store of no less than seven hundred stand of arms which the Highland army rejoiced at. That night Captain Evan was promoted and made Aide-de-camp by the Prince's desire. This commission was not agreeable to the Clan MacGregor because by this promotion he was as often from us as we had him. The next morning came sore word that Colonel Gardiner, Hawke's Dragoons, Loudon and John Cope had joined ten miles east from Edinburgh, and were advancing like heroes. The Prince and his Clans got to the Field and left Edinburgh, the King's army camped on a flat near the sea below Gardiner's house, when our army appeared upon the head of the hill; they played with field pieces on us but none were hurt or wounded; we took a long gun of eight feet in length from the house of Callendar, she was so heavy that no man could carry her above a mile at once. Captain Evan came to me, got the long gun, and we got Gregor MacGregor and we goes down as far as we could. The Captain fired the first shot, I fired the second, and Gregor fired the third; so we killed one man and broke another man’s arm; the English removed. The Prince thought much of this, that we got the first blood of them. The night came on and we lay bewest Seaton town. The Prince, Perth, Glencarnock Ardsheal lay at the foot of a beanstack, Your Father and I slept none at all; but going the rounds about the middle of the night, we sent Donald Dow, Glen's servant for thirty bottles of rum, Donald and the bottles came


and Your Father and I gave and ordered three Goes Down to every man, and gave our leavings to Ardsheal's men. At break of day, we got to arms, without pipe or drum, as privately as we could, some jumped the ditch below and some waded it and we were set in battle order, three men deep. The MacDonalds got the right hand, the Duke of Perth got next, the MacGregors next, the Stewarts next, the Camerons next, we marched on in this form upon our trot all the way. The enemy observed us, and began to play upon us with their cannons, nothing stopped us, till we came within forty or fifty yards to them; then we fired and gave a loud huzza, we left our guns, drew our swords and targe like lions, yet we were obliged to draw our pistols and break the first rank; then they broke and we hashed them and slaughtered at them like fury. I must turn and inform you of our righthand neighbours Perth's men, when they came within one hundred yards to the Enemy they stood like as many oxes, but forty MacGregors viz Captain Malcolm MacGregor and all the MacGregors that he commanded, left Perth and joined Glencarnock in the very heat of the battle. The whole Regiment stood stock still, till one Major Steuart called out "We are affronted, go and we shall secure Cope's bagage, so they secured the bagage; you will observe that the MacGregors were greatly hurt by this stoppage for we had to fight for Perth's Regiment till James Mor MacGregor gave a great call to the MacDonalds to close in to the left, so they observed and closed up the slap that was betwixt Perth's men and the MacGregors. So Captain Duncan MacGregor was wounded through the thigh, Captain James Mor MacGregor was wounded thro' the thigh, Captain Malcolm MacGregor got his two legs broken, twenty one private men were wounded and one shot dead upon the spot. We pursued the retreating army a mile and a halt, killed and wounded the foot and took a few prisoners but none escaped," referring probably to the prisoners, "there was a good many horse killed, the rest fled. The Prince came and took Glencarnock in his arms, and Captain Evan, and told them to gather the whole Clan MacGregor upon the middle of the Field of Battle. There was a table covered and the MacGregors guarding him at dinner, every man got a glass of wine and a little bread. Your Father and Uncle sat down with him, the rest of the Chieftains took it amiss that the MacGregors got this honour, but it was dear bought by the mishap that had occurred. If the MacDonalds had kept their distance, every soul of us would have been killed on the spot …. Glencarnock, your Father and a few of the men went and carried your uncle, Captain Duncan up to Tranent. I and the rest of the men, interred the man that was killed, and carried in carts the wounded. We stayed that night at Tranent, early the next morning we prepared for Edinburgh. We got a litter for Captain Duncan, and your Father and Uncle kept close by him and I waited upon the men, and went to Edinburgh. We lay at Edinburgh six weeks. Glengile and sixty men had been placed upon Castle of Doune as Commander in Chief in Scotland, being an old man. Ludovich Cameron was also left, he had seventy men yet under the command of Glen. Glengile went to Edinburgh, got your Father and half a dozen more that is too tedious to mention, with the hurry that they were in, going to meet Cope, and Glengile did not get all his men gathered. We gathered in David Murray in Cougate." "The officers were not named till that day, and Glenguile in my presence offered to Glencarnock Lieutenant Colonel and his brother Evan to be Major, the rest of the officers to be divided equally; when I left them, they were talking of casting lots, whether it happened or not I cannot say. I know Glencarnock was a very sensible man and did not choose to rise Glengile's corruption as be was sometimes stark mad. I observed that Glencarnock yielded his point to Glenguile for fear of the consequence. Glencarnock had thirteen men more than Glenguile, the Colours belonged to Glencarnock, so he had a better title one way, and all ways, yet be did not choose to rise a dispute with a mad man, and a good man when himself. Glenguill goes to Doun. "Glencarnock and Major Evan MacGregor went with the army to England in the beginning of November, straight to Kelso and by Jedburgh and straight to Carlisle. This fortress yielded at the very first, I shall drop the English road for I have forgot their names, only we went to Derby and returned, but we killed about 120 dragoons and Light Horse.


We came to Dumfries, Sir William Gregorson came and took the Colonel and Major to his house and was very kind for that night. We marched to Glasgow, and from thence to Kilsyth; I was sent by the Colonel to Inverlochlarig to his lady and I received 500 guineas and I raised 57 men and I met with the Colonel at Cambusbaron south from Stirling, Glengile and Mac Kinnon joined our Corps that night and we made a grand appearance. We got orders to march next evening to Falkirk, that General Hawley was approaching with his troops. With pipers playing and colours flying the MacGregors moved, on the advance Guard, but the Light Horse was before us, the MacDonalds next. We marched on till we came to the Water of Lairburn, there we spied at the west end of Falkirk, the English troops advancing up the hill, we crossed the water and up the hill, and we got orders to have the right hand of the Prince's army and the MacDorialds upon the left. When we came to the top of the hill, we halted, Munro's dragoons were upon the King's left opposite to the MacGregors, we advanced from both sides, the King's army fired first, we fired next, and we brought down 135 with the first fire we gave them, then gave a loud huzza and put them to flight. 500 of the Glasgow Militia were hacked down. The MacGregors and the MacDonalds pursued with all their might, and we did not lose a single man. What saved us, was the Dragoons came upon us over the head of a hill and we were low, and they fired over our heads, we were sure to level our guns better at them. We were benighted and we pursued them to Falkirk. They left their Cannons and Tents, and Camp Kettles boiling. The next day we pursued them with a picquet and found both men and horse dead of their wounds. Colonel MacGregor and Colonel MacDonald and MacKinnon were invited next day to breakfast and thanked for their behaviour. We returned the following Monday to Stirling and began against the Castle. The MacGregors, and MacDonalds, Camerons, Frasers &c were not troubled with that seige, it was continued 15 days, when accounts were received of the approach of Cumberland with a great army, 6000 Hessians 17 Regiments of Foot and Three of Horse. Then we marched for the North by the ford of Frew, by Doun, and Dunblane. I was sent from Doun to Balquhidder. The Colonel and Major and the rest of our officers went off with the Prince. Ronald MacGregor and I went off to rise a few men that went off with the plunder and trash that they gathered at Falkirk and we went off by Glenbeich, Ardonach, by Taymouth and joined the Regiment at Cosheville, we marched on by Dalnacardoch and Garavamore and straight to Inverness. Lord Loudoun was there and 1600 men: He had boats in readiness as we appeared upon the head of the hill above Inverness, he and all his men were ferried to the other side. We halted at Inverness till the Prince came round the Seashore, by Montrose, Inverurie &c. Against that day eight days they arrived with a very good army. The Prince and Colonel Sullivan voted to send the MacGregors with Coll: Ban Barrisdale his Regiment and the Earl of Cromartie his Regiment, in pursuit of Lord Loudoun which was a task as Lord Loudoun had taken all the boats within ten miles of him. We had to gather boats, twenty miles down the Sea Side but got them at last. Then were ferried and we pursued Lord Loudoun, we came to the next ferry, Major Evan MacGregor got private information that there was a company of Lord Loudon's men under Major MacKenzie at a village called Dornoch; the Major made the Regiment halt, and he picked 100 good men, and marched before us to that village, and by the time the Regiment came up to that place, Major MacGregor had Major MacKenzie prisoner and 70 men. We had the Major and his men to be sent to Inverness and a strong party with them. We advanced on till we came to another ferry it happened to be in that Bay there were four small ships going with provisions to supply the Forts, one with clothes, arms and ammunition, another with beef, pork, &c, and the other two with coals. The wind was against them and they could not move to the eastward; we began to fire on them with our small arms and we cut a good deal of their cords and as they forsaw that they could not make it better, and hoisted a white flag and ordered their small boats to carry us into the ship. There was 100 men ordered, 25 upon each ship. The Colonel got on board the ship that the clothes and arms was on, the Major on the ship that had the beef and pork, we continued there one month. The MacDonalds and MacKenzies were on the other side of the Bay. Then we removed, we got notice that the Earl of Sutherland's factor had a thousand men of Militia raised. Lady Munro of Foulis


petitioned the Prince if he would be so kind as to order the MacGregors to guard the Castle of Foulis and her lands, as she knew the MacDonalds and MacKenzies would plunder and pillage her house and lands: these two parties was at enemity with the Munros for some time before. So her petition was granted and we were ordered to guard the Castle of Foulis. Our Colonels were so very discreet that they ordered but one company to quarter day about, and although we were there, they (the two other Clans) made several attempts but all in vain. We continued there 15 days, then marched towards Sutherland and we were informed that the Sutherland factor was increasing strongly; we were willing to meet him. There came an express to the MacGregors and MacDonalds to burn the factor's house and barn and put them to ashes; we were not pleased with this work we would fight rather than burn his house, his Lady and children were in the fever at the time. We were ordered to carry out all the plenishing and furniture and set them in the close, the beds and bedclothes in the middle of the plenishing, we moved the Lady and children and laid them in their beds and kept a guard that nothing should be stolen or carried away. Then we came to the barn, there was in it 200 bolls of bear, we carried every grain out of the barn before we put it aflame. This factor lay on the hill, himself and his men looking on all the time. Then we marched on till we came within ten miles of Johnnie Groat still in pursuit of Lord Loudoun. He went to Lord Rae's Country. Then came an express to turn back to Inverness to meet Cumberland, we turned, the MacDonalds got the route, we crossed the first ferry safe, and we came and passed the next ferry safe, the Earl of Cromartie went to pay his respects to Lady Sutherland at the Castle of Dunrobin, there he was made prisoner. His men marched on to the ferry where one half of them were boated, there was a Kirk hard by the ferry full of Sutherland Militia, they poured out on Cromartie's men, and killed, drowned or wounded between 3 and 400 of them, so see what comes of cruel wretches, they but a sill (i.e. seol) tribe of men given to thieving and robbing. Our men were billetted in threes and fours among the tenants and never touched; we were rather watching the country than hunting any person or persons; as the Cromartie men were so hashed and slashed at this ferry they never joined us more. The MacDonalds still had the route and we came that night to Dornoch, where your Father had apprehend Loudoun's men. The next day we got the melancholy news that the Battle of Culluden was fought and that we lost. We came that night to the ferry and with difficulty we could make Inverness, but were informed that all was wrong before us. Cumberland knew that we were in the North and sent four Regiments of Horse up the water of Ness to attack us. They marched up the water side on the South side and we marched up the North side and they durst not venture the fords, and we did not venture for fear the Horse should attack us in the water tho' we would fain have at them. We and they marched seven complete miles opposite to one another and they returned. We came that night to the Castle of Dunie, Lovat's apartment; next night to Cullichie Lochgarry's house. There we parted with our good friends the MacDonalds and the fine fellow Dr Cameron. The next morning met the Duke of Perth at Ruven of Badenoch, He and our Colonel parted there with tears. We marched to Garviemor and straight to Rannoch, still with flying colours thro' Glenlyon Into Breadalbane and took refreshment at Killin. The Argyle Militia was in the Castle of Finlarig and they durst not move more than pussies. We came straight to the Kirk of Balquhidder. Then every man to his own house and did not know well where it was. [Alluding to the condition in which the country was in consequence of the reprisals by Government troops.] It is needless to enlarge further upon this subject, there is no more but James Mor Campbell's [Apparently the same man that fired on the MacGregors from Stirling] intrigues about the burning of Glencarnock's Estate, his deceitful letters and his cruelty afterwards." This account is signed by Duncan McGregor, and dated Cuill 12" Febr. 1788, nearly forty-three years after the campaign. [2] see the genealogy of the Murray MacGregors of Glencarnaig here [3] Online version of History of the Clan Gregor, by Amelia Murray MacGregor, originally published 1898 (Vol I) and 1901 (Vol II) [4] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 16-23: [5] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 93-94: referring to the surviving order books of Ogilvie's and Ardheal's regiments


[6] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 143-144: On 10th October 1745, in alluding to the grossest corruptions used to secure Union, the Stuart Prince endorsed the view that a 'parcel of rogues' 'bought and sold for English gold' destroyed their country for the sake of personal advancement. [7] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. page 131: Quoting from the Albermarle Papers [8] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 79-80: [9] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. page 94: [10] see the genealogy of Kilmanan, descendant of Ewin the Tutor here and the genealogy of Gregor Murray of Coinneachan, descendant of Alasdair Galt here [11] see the genealogy of MacGregor Drummonds of Balhaldie here Lord Elcho's "Short Account of the Affairs of Scotland in the Years 1744, 1745 and 1746" [Printed from the original manuscript in 1907] begins "In the year 1743 there were two gentlemen at Paris whose names were Lord Semple and Mr Macgregor, alias Drummond of Bakaldie. They were known to be ministers of the Chevalier de St Georges ... Mr Macgregor made frequent journeys to England, Scotland and to Rome." In a note regarding Balhaldie, Elcho says "William Macgregor or Drummond of Bohaldie or Balhaldies, son of Sir Alexander Macgregor of Bohaldie, a jacobite baronet, his mother being a daughter of Sir Ewan Cameron of Lochiel; b.1698; fought at Sheriffmuir in 1715; escaped to France; married a daughter of Oliphant of Gask; first appears as agent to James in 1740. Murray of Broughton, clearly not a friend of Mr Malloch, wrote of him thus: 'the descendant of a cobbler, himself a broken butter and cheese merchant, a stickt doctor, a Jack of all trades, a bankrupt indebted to all the world, the awkwardest Porter-like fellow alive, allways in a passion, a mere bully, the most forbidding air imaginable, and a master of as much bad French as to procure himself a woman and a dinner' [M.M 350]. According to Murray, Elcho described Bohaldie as a 'low lifed fellow devoid of truth'. [ibid, 51] Throughout his career he was the object of mistrust. Murray accuses him of plundering the baggage at Sheriffmuir. In September 1744 Earl Marischal writing to James says 'Can you desire that either the Duke of Perth or I undertake ever anything on the word of Lord Sempill or Bohaldie?' [Stuart Papers; B.H. ii 476] In Feb. 1743 Lord John Drummond writing to Edgar, says 'Most of the King's friends I meet within Scotland speak against him (Bohaldie) and desired most positively that I should inform the King from them that Bohaldy had always been in low life, he trayed several different trades without success and obliged to flay the country in danger of being taken up for a Fifty Pound note, he had now for a recourse taken the management of the King's affairs' [Ibid 446]. In March 1745 Charles was writing to his father, 'I take the liberty to advise you that there is no believing anything they [Sempill and Bohaldie] say'. On the other hand James considered him 'an honest and sensible man,' and trusted him throughout the protracted negotiations with the French court. Readers of Stephenson will recall it was Bohaldie who received Catriona in Paris. A proper assessment of Balhaldie in the light of these criticism has to be made with consideration to the social consciousness of the exiled Jacobite nobility, and deprived of their landed incomes, the desperation of most of them for financial support which James found impossible to supply. [12] The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, ed by WK Dickson, SHS 1895, Introduction li and Page 272 [13] see the genealogy of Glengyle MacGregors here This letter in the Balhaldie papers was from Griogar Glundubh of Glengyle to James Mor in Dunkirk, dated 20. May 1754. It showed that Glengyle, at least continued to regard Balhaldie as the chief of


Clan Gregor. "Dr Cussine,- I received yours from London the 24. March, ... I remember that John Murray the Secretary and O'Sullivan spoke to me and desired I would take upon me the title of Chief you may remember that in presence of these two gentlemen and the Duke of Perth, I solemnly declared Bohaldies was unanimously allowed to be Chief by the voice of the whole Clan, and for my part I only desired no more than my birthright and dew. You may tell Sullivan had the Prince carried along with him Balhaldies to Scotland probably he would see him at the head of a more numerous Clan than any appeared at that time, and I hope if ever an opportunity offers That our Clan will behave neighbourlike if not exceed severals who, as I understand, have met with more favourable returns for their service. Make offer of my best compliments to Balhaldies and let him know from me that I expect he entertains more favourable sentiments than that I would deviate from that to which I ought to adhere. I refer to what Ronald has wrote you and I am Dr Cussine. "Your affectionate Cuss and Servant. "Jas; Grahame of Glengyle." [14] Royal Archives, Windsor Castle (RA), Cumberland Papers (CP), Main/15/296 - Referenced by Black, in Campbells of the Ark, Vol 1, p254, [15] The following is from notes by General Stewart of Garth, concerning Iain oag beg: I shall speak something of Glencarnaig Breas of Balquhidder since I mentioned it so often - It was purchased by the Earl of Murray's Grandfather at a judicial sale from the Court of Session sixty years ago for the sum of £3450. It consists of the following Farms - Inverchearnaig where there is a Mill & Inverlochlarigbeg in one farm in the hands of Messrs Stewart of Auchnahaurd & Duard Glenfinglas rent £360 now in the hands of Mr McDonald of Craigsuidh Breas of Balquhidder - Inverlochlarigmore & Drumlich Tuarach Inisheart & Drumlichdesarach rent £550 and if times were good it would be worth double – the whole is in lease to Messrs Dond & John McDonald - there was in this place once twenty six Tenants it is one of the finest grazing farms in the Highlands of Perthshire. The whole of the Braes of Balquhidder was burned & spoiled the year after forty five no man can describe the cruelty of the savage soldiers - the first of the family of Iain Oag Beg who got a feu of Inverchearnaig & Inverlochlarigbeg from the Marquis of Athol. Iain oag Beg was son to John Macgregor Forrester of Coircheich or Mamlord Breas of Glenlochay called Sliochd Dhonaich Bhreich - Grigar Aullin & Donald Ladasach - but I have no time to tell particulars of them at presant altho I know as much of them as any man in life. Iain Oag Beg made a runaway marriage with a Daughter o Coirchaorach she was called Mairi nighean Eoain by her he had three sons 1st Robert Macgregor of Inverchearnaig a Decent gentleman married first a Daughter of Campbell of Ruoro Glenlyon by whom he had a son & Daughter. The son died in the West Indies and the Daughter married a son of Graham of Bogtown port parish and by a fortunate accident she was mother to the present General Graham of Bogton the richest and the worst of that family or ever was of them. 2 Ewan mac Iain Oaig Sir John Macgregors father made a runaway marriage with a Daughter of the family of MacDonald isle of Sky he was a Drover and made her believe he was proprietor of Balquhidder and a very well built house she saw when coming home she thought to be her own - But all that awaited her was a miserable cottage in the braes of Balquhidder and a Farm of one fourth of a Plough sometime thereafter they went to Inverchagerney in Strathfillan where they had a like possession of one fourth of a plough. Inverchagerney in Strathfillan Once belonging to Campbell of Lochdochard now to MacNab of Macnab from that place to Crianlarach Ewan Murray went to keep the Change house in Lochdochard estate where he resided for a long time from thence to the Inn at Lochearnhead where they lost all their property by fire from Lochearnhead to Down & Sir James Cohan of Luss procured him an Ensigncy in the Scotch Hollanders Sir James was reckoned a protector of the MacGregors at that time then the Grants & MacGregors were thought Brothers by this marriage with Mary MacDonald Ewan had four sons 1 Sir John Murray MacGregor of Lendrick 2 Colonel Peter who died coming home from India who made more money than all the rest 3d Alexander who was a Colonel also 4d Robert who was said to be a Major Iain Oag beg had another son who was a Writer in Edinburgh had one son who died in the east India and a daughter married to Donach Maol Chronains son a Clerk Commercial Bank Edinr. This estate of Inverchearnaig they had not altogether only Inverchearnaig Inverlochlarigbeg & Drumlick Tuarach Inverlochlarigmore belonged to one MhacDhuail Cheir and Drumlichbeg to a gentleman of the name of Mclaren It is said that Sir John paid for Lendrick when he came from India £13000 he got the estate of Gartnafuaran from. For 15 or 2000 £ and ? Dummadich for a mere triffle of £9000 from the family of Perth and £500 for Old Tacks £9000 to Mr Murdoch of Gartnacabber for two farms near Lendrick £2600 for the farm of Kirkton of the estate of Annat near Down Lodge a real


Bargain £6000 for Gart near Callander bought from Perth family some farms at Ruskie in Monteith south from Callander never a MacGregor had Charters upon so much land before. The estate of Lendrick once belonged to the worthy family of Haldane they got it in time of King David or James the first by a Daughter of Sir John Monteith of Ruskie who married a son of Haldane of Gleneaguis another a Son of Napier of Marchiston near Edinburgh and the estate of Ruskie was divided between them farm about the estate of Naipier was sold long ago in lots to different purchasers and Haldanes share was sold to Sir John which amounts to about £2200 a year with parks & every other thing his estate in Balquhidder is about £1200 a year but it is one third too dear and not very regularly paid all his estates may be about £3500 pounds per annum his Motto is Rioghail mo dhream Ardchoil but he needs not brag much of Ardchoil and if I live to see you I will tell you of Donach Ladasachd & Peter Glas his brother in Auchrioch Strathfillans they were the most iniquitous characters the earth ever produced striving who would be the most wicked. Iain Oag Beg Sir Johns grandfather came to take possession of the Breas of Balquhidder and Rob Roy Macgregor employed four of the MacGregors some of his own low gang to assassinate him but he being a cautious man and possessed of more country eloquence diverted them from their wicked attempt till they came to Rob Roys house at Waster Inverlochlarig where they intended to recomitt the same deed but were prevented by Rob Roy himself who wished not for any strangers to intrude upon his own tribe Sliochd Dhuil Cheir the Glengyle MacGregors there was an attack made upon him again at the farm of Inverchearnaig of which he wished to take possession by a tribe of MacIntyres who had been there time unknown - notwithstanding Sir John was the most useful to his own clan that ever was called MacGregor and since his advancement in the world he did more for his own clan than all the Stewarts put together for the most of them is rather ashamed to do a good turn to one another since the revolution of the years 15 and 45 when it became real fashionable by all ranks to run down the name of Stewart which must be a real Slur upon a civilised nation Upon cool recollection some of the Stewarts themselves to their great shame were as guilty as others But this was not the case with the MacGregors for they would stand each other at the risk of their Lives & Fortunes. [16] Prisoners of the '45. Edited from the State Papers, Seton & Arnot, Vols I, II, III Edinburgh, SHS, 1929 Tables of the Prisoners from Glengyles' regiment on Vol I, p 82-83 and summary on p155 [17] Clan Cameron's estimated Muster roll of Jacobite Army at Prestonpans, Falkirk and Culloden How many MacGregors were at Prestonpans and Falkirk?: APPIN Stewarts 200 men commanded by Charles Stewart of Ardsheal - including MacGregors commanded by Glencairnaig - McPharrie says 200 and this was repeated in Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire, but probably greatly exagerated - assume 40 for the sake of picking a number DUKE OF PERTH'S 200 men commanded by James Drummond, Duke of Perth (including about 40 MacGregors under James Mór MacGregor (Drummond), And at Falkirk?: The STEWARTS OF APPIN now are estimated at 300 - any MacGregors? The Cameron's were estimated to have had 900, but according to Hawley's report, the MacGregors and MacKinnons were attached to Lochiel's regiment, so must have been included in the 900. McPharrie states that "we got orders to have the right hand of the Prince's army and the MacDonalds upon the left". However, Clan Donald prized its traditional position on the right of the first line of battle (and at Culloden, it is said they did not charge since they had been placed on the left of the line by Lord George Murray) [18] This is from the trial transcript of Alexander Stewart, provost of Edinburgh, for dereliction of duty, in allowing the rebels to take Edinburgh (Trial date 1747). The witnesses James Tait, James Gillespie and Alexander Corsar were the keepers/guards of the Netherbow Port of the city of Edinburgh. The evidence given reads: “XLVIII. James Tait, goldsmith in Edinburgh, despones, That in September 1745, both before and at the time the rebels entered the city of Edinburgh, the depondent was keeper, and had the keys of the Netherbow-port; but the night before the rebels entered, that is, the Monday night, the deponent was obliged to go to bed at eleven o’clock, having been kept out of bed the two preceding nights with the volunteers; and that Monday’s night he committed the charge of the port to his servant James Gillespie, whereby it happened that the deponent was-a-bed on the Tuesday’s morning when the rebels entered the port; and knew nothing of them till he was raised out of bed, and saw them in the town. That the deponent received no orders, either on the Monday night, or any preceding night, about the manner of keeping the port; it being the ordinary custom, to open the port as people called


either going out or coming in; but upon the Monday’s night, the deponent left at the port six of the town-guard soldiers, beside his above servant James Gillespie. XLIX. James Gillespie, servant to James Tait, the preceding witness, depones, That, in September 1745, when the rebels entered the city of Edinburgh, the deponent was servant to the preceding witness Mr Tait, and keeper of the port under him. That, upon Monday’s night, the 16th of September, Mr Tait left the charge of the port to the deponent, and gave him orders, whatever chairs or coaches were entering the town, or going out, to open the port, and let them pass. That the deponent attended the port that night, together with six centries of the town-guard soldiers; and betwixt four and five in the morning, a coach came down the street, in order to go out of the port; and the Deponent, agreeable to his orders opened the port, and let it pass; and after the coach was past, the deponent shut one of the leaves of the port; but as he was shutting the other, the Highlanders rushed in upon him, and beat him back, and then possessed themselves of the port, and entered the town. Despones, That, nobody offered to stop the coach from going out: that he knows not whether any of the centries spoke with the coachman; but he observed him to stop a little talking with one of the waiters at the port of his acquaintance. And depones, That, he did not say to any other orders but the general order above-mentioned; nor did any of the soldiers stop him from letting out the coach. And depones, That the deponent had no particular orders from the panel, or any of the magistrate or council concerning the port. L. Alexander Corsar, one of the soldiers of the city-guard of Edinburgh, despones That, upon the night of Monday the 16th of September 1745, he was upon guard as one of the soldiers of the city-guard; and at four o’clock on Tuesday’s morning, was ordered, with five or seven more of his brother-soldiers, by the serjeant of the guard, to go to the Netherbow to guard it, and to relieve the like number of soldiers that were there before; and the serjeant of the guard ordered the deponent not to permit any person whatever to go out or come in the port. And the deponent accordingly marched, and relieved the guard at the port: and in about half an hour thereafter, the deponent, observing a coach coming down the street, sent two men to meet, and stop it at Fountain-well; but as the coachman would be forward, the deponent went up and stopped it himself. That the coachman said, He behoved to get out of the port; but the deponent said, He should not get out, unless he had an order from Provost Stewart. The coachman said, he had no order from provost Stewart; but that provost Coutts had ordered him to be let out. The deponent answered, provost Coutts had now no more power to give such an order, than any other private gentleman; and he should not get out, without provost Stewart’s orders. Upon which the under-keeper of the port, who was James Gillespie, the preceding witness, came up, and said, That, he had an order to let out the coach; but did not say from whom he had it. Upon which the deponent answered, O, Sir it is very well if you have an order to let it out; you have the keys of the port, you must answer for it, and I have nothing to say. And being further interrogate, depones, That the under-keeper had no discourse with either the coachman or the postillion, before he told the deponent that he had an order to let out the coach. Despones, That, then the port was opened, and the coach drove out, and was not past the deponent two yards, when the highlanders rushed in, and Locheil gripped the deponent by the arm. The account of Duncan Cameron, a Jacobite (The Lyon in Mourning on page 209-210). It reads: “Meantime eight or nine hundred Highlanders under the command of Keppoch, young Lochiel, and O’Sullivan, marched in between the Long Dykes without a hush of noise, under the favour of a dark night, and lurked at the head of the Canongate about the Nether Bow Port till they should find a favourable opportunity for their design, which soon happened. The hackney coach that brought back the second deputation, entered at the West Port, and after setting down the deputies at their proper place upon the street, drove down the street towards the Canongate, and when the Nether Bow Port was made open to let out the coach, the lurking Highlanders rushed in (it being then peep of day) and made themselves masters of the city without any opposition, or the smallest noise.”. The account of John Home , the government side. On page 69: “The coach brought them back to Edinburgh, set them down in the High Street, and then drove towards the Canongate. When the Nether bow port was opened to let out the coach, 800 Highlanders, led by Cameron of Locheil, rushed in, and took possession of the city.” Murray of Broughton’s account, who was Prince Charles secretary (The Mr M in this document is James Mor McGregor son of Rob Roy) reads:


“With this view he ordered Locheil to putt his people under arms to be ready to march upon a minutes warning, and ordered MrM. to be their guide, as he was well acquainted with all the avenues to the place, giving strickt orders to behave with all moderation to the Inhabitants, and that the solders should not be allowed to taste spirits, and to pay for w’ever they got, promising them two shillings each so soon as thev rendered themselves Masters of the place. The detachment had immediately orders to march, and was commanded by Lochiel and Col. O'Sulivan taking the road by Merkistown and Hopes Park, where they passed without being observed by the garrison in the Castle, tho so near as to hear them distinctly call their rounds, and arrived at the Nether bow Port without meeting any body on their way, and found the wall of the Town which flanks the Pleasants and St. Marys wind mounted with cannon, but no person appeared. Locheil ordered one of his people in a great coat and hunting cape to go and demand entrance att the gate, while he was ready to have followed him in case he had obtained admittance. but the fellow being refused access, and it now being clear daylight, Mr M. proposed to retire to a place call’d St Leonards hills, and after securing themselves from the cannon of the Castle, to waite for orders from the Chevalier where to attack the town, that tho they had it then in their power to force their entry by any of the houses in St Marys wind which makes part of the Town wall, yett their orders of moderation were so severe that they could not take it upon them to demolish any of the houses without liberty given. This retreat being thus agreed to Mr M. went to the rear of the detachment to make them march and guide them to the place proposed, but before he had time to get so far, the Coach which had returned with the deputies came down the High Street and oblidged the Guard to open the Port, upon which Locheil took the advantage and rushed in, the guard immediately dispersing. Thus, did the Chevalier render himself master of the Capital without sheding a drop of Blood, notwithstanding all the mighty preparations and associations entered into for its defence.” [19] Amelia chap29 page 377-378 Commission from Prince Charles to Evan MacGregor, Younger Brother of Glencarnock, 1745 "Charles Prince of Wales &c, Regent of Scotland, England, France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging To Evan McGregor Brother to Robert McGregor of Glencarnok, Greeting. We Reposing special Trust and (two lines missing from the Document, they must have carried out the same form as the preceding) as such, from the date hereof, You are therefore carefully and Dilligently to Discharge the duty and trust of Major, aforesaid …. by doing and performing everything, which belongs thereto, And We hereby require all and every the Officers and Soldiers of Our forces, to observe, and obey you as a Major … and yourself to observe and follow all such Orders, Directions and Commands, as you shall from time to time receive from us, Our Commander-in-chief for the time being or any other your Superior Officer According to the Rules and Discipline of War. In pursuance of the trust hereby reposed in you Given at our Palace of Holyroodhouse the 29th day of October 1745. C. P.R. [20] J M Hill in "Celtic Warfare 1595-1763" has the Clan Donald in their traditional place on the right of the first line, next Perth's then the Ardsheal's Stewarts with the Camerons on the left. As the Jacobites charged, he says, a gap opened between Ardsheal's and Perth's. Some of Perth's men failed to move, so McPharrie's account of those MacGregors who formed part of Perth's regiment moving in support of their kinsmen with Ardsheal's seems to be correct. [21] McPharrie's account is in Amelia Vol II p394 to p395 - here Evan, fourth son of John Oig of Glencarnaig, was born in 1710, "he was of a very active and martial spirit" and was a brave and distinguished officer. He married early in life Janet MacDonald youngest daughter of John Macdonald, son of Sir James Macdonald of Slate by his second wife, Evan's marriage must have taken place in 1739, the marriage contract framed several years after is dated 1744. When the Standard of James VIII. was raised in Scotland and Evan's eldest brother Robert MacGregor of Glencarnaig took the Field in command of a Regiment of MacGregors, Evan was attached to it as Captain, and in the narrative by Duncan McPharrie it has been related that he brilliantly distinguished himself at the Battle of Preston Pans, after which Prince Charles made him his Aide-de-camp and he became Major in the Corps. When the campaign was over he had to wander among the hills with his brother Glencarnoch for some months, at which time both brothers destroyed almost all their papers from motives of precaution, [22] The next five: Commission and letters relating to Glengyle, are copies in a MS. formerly in the possession of Colonel Hugh MacGregor some¬time in the 91st Regt. Commission to Glengyle from Prince Charles. Charles P.R.


“Charles Prince of Wales and Regent of Scotland, England, France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging, to our Trusty and well beloved Gregor MacGregor Esq. We reposing especial trust and Confidence in your Loyalty, Ability, Courage and good Conduct do hereby constitute and appoint you to be Colonel and Commandant of the Fortress of Down, Cardross, and Balinton, and to take your Rank as Colonel in the Army from the date hereof, you are carefully & diligently to discharge the duty and trust hereby committed to your care and to perform everything which belongs thereto in as full and ample a manner as any Commandant of any Fort or Castle in Scotland is vested with, and you are to follow such orders, directions and Commands as you shall from time to time receive from us, our Commander in Chief or any of our Generals, or any such Orders as you shall receive from our Secretary's Office. "Given at our Palace of Holyrood House the 15th day of October 1745 "By his Highnesses Command Jo Murray." Letter from Viscount of Strathallan addressed to the "laird of GlenGyll." "Perth, Oct.13, 1745.-Sir,-I received your letter of this date and am glad His Royal Highness has made choice of you for the Government of Down. It will be abundantly necessary to have a constant eye on Stirling Castle that no parties or strollers come abroad unobserved, and to be upon your guard against people dis¬guised in the Highland dress and white Cockades, if you hear of any such having past you by stolen marches, it will be proper to send immediately intelligence. I have nothing further to recommend, but that you would endeavour to reinforce your Garrison as much as possible, as you Command a post of great con¬sequence, our close Correspondence will be absolutely necessary. and I am Sir &c "Strathallan." Letter from Colonel Henry Kerr to the same. "Alloaye, 26 Oct. 1745. Sir,- His Royal Highness sent me here to secure the pass for his Grace the Duke of Atholl and his convoy and if his Grace should he obliged to pass this way its desired that in case you cannot get boats sufficient to transport them, that you will cause build a Bridge to facilitate their passage and it is apprehended the Men-of-War and armed boats in the Firth will endeavour to interrupt the passage here, It is not to he doubted but that there will be an attempt from Stirling Castle to cover their designs, for which you will use your best endeavour to keep them in, by drawing some of your troops that way in order to make a diversion. If anything happens here, you shall be acquainted with it and its hoped that you will ommunicate anything worth notice to Sir &c Hn Kerr." Order by His Grace the Duke of Perth Lient. General of the Forces of His Royal Highness Charles Prince of Wales. "These are desiring you to send thirty men and an officer three or four miles south of the ford of Frews as an escort to Allen Cameron who goes with dispatches of importance for His Royal Highness. "Given at Drummond the 30th Dec 1745 years. Do it immediately upon your arrival at Down." Letter from Secretary Murray to Colonel McGregor of Glengyle or Commander of Down. "Bannockburn, Jan. 9, 1746.-Sir,-In consequence of certain intelligence His Royal Highness has received, that the enemy have sent a considerable body of troops aboard ships now seen in the river to seize the cannon at Alloa, orders are sent to Dunblane to send a large detachment to reinforce the troops there and it is likewise thought necessary that you send what troops you can spare from your garrison you are likewise desired to take care to apprehend any deserters that may pass. If your people make haste they may be all at Alloa before the tide I am &c Jo. Murray [23] Tenants of Buchanan parish in the 45 According to Montrose's factor, most of the MacGregors in Buchanan parish (East bank of Loch Lomond) were either not involved or, having been forced by Glengyle, deserted at the first opportunity [24] From Black, "Campbells of the Ark", Vol I, pp 156-158 and 604-606. References : - NLS MS 16607 f,95r -"menacing Glasgow. Argyll Papers bundle 654 and NLS MSS 16605 f 80r and 16607, f 95. for "plundering Dumbartonshire". NLS MS 16605, f173v for Battle at Ardno. and more detail in an original letter in the papers of Alasdair Campbell of Airds, Inverawe Barns.


NLS: MS 16607, f.241f and MS 16605, f.175r. "Barisdale advised to attack Inveraray," NAS GD 14/63 - "Few militia to defend Inveraray" [25] From Black, "Campbells of the Ark", Vol II, p505. Reference Home, "History of the Rebellion" pp 187-192; Scott, Fasti, Vol 4, pp 75-76 [26] History of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745, John Home, page 126 [27] "A short account of the battles of Preston, Falkirk and Culloden by a gentleman who was in these actions" [Andrew Lumisden, Private Secretary to Prince Charles]. published in Origins of the '45, by Blaikie, p 409 Stuart Papers at Windsor, published by A & H Tayler on page 226 and 227 refers to Andrew Lumisden as follows: "... when Prince Charles and his court came to Holyrood and John Murray of Broughton, the secretary found the need for professional assistance, young Lumisden was recommended ... he was employed throughout the campaign in 'keeping the books', and after Culloden, Cluny MacPherson was specially desired by a message from the Prince 'We have sent an exprefs to Lord Cromarty, Glengyle, & Barifdale, to join us by Bewly. For God's sake make haste to join us ; & bring with you all the people can possibly be got togither. Take care in particular of Lumisden and Sheridan, as they carry with them the Sinews of War' ... he eventually got safely to Rouen. He is the last but one named in the list of exceptions to the Act of Indemnity. After 1764 he took over from James Edgar as Secretary to Prince Charles." According to the DNB, on 15 February 1773, Lumisden was given permission to return to Scotland, and five years later a free pardon was granted him. He continued for a period to make Paris his base. In 1783 Lumisden was in Edinburgh and was a joint founder of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He died in Edinburgh on 25 December 1801.[Lee, Sidney, ed. (1893). "Lumisden, Andrew". Dictionary of National Biography. 34. London: Smith, Elder & Co.] [28] For events in Sutherland in early 1746 see here [29] Royal Archives, Windsor Castle (RA), Cumberland Papers (CP), Main/15/174 - Referenced by Black, Campbells of the Ark, Vol 2, p271, [30] NLS, MS 3736, f 1041r, (Mamore no 536), Also in Amelia Vol 2, p.388


The Clan Gregor in Sutherland - March 20th to April 14 1746

The campaign in Sutherland, in the weeks before the battle of Culloden is an aspect of the later part of the ‘45 rising which is often overlooked. However, the Clan Gregor regiment took part in this and their late recall to Inverness meant that the regiment did not return in time to take part in the final battle. It may be idle to speculate, but if they had returned in time some of our members, myself included might not be here today. We should remember that in addition to Glengyle’s Clan Gregor regiment members of our clan served in a number of regiments who were present at Culloden. In particular there were 24 MacGregors who followed MacGregor of Inverenzie and formed part of Farquharson of Monaltrie’s Deeside regiment. Only six of them returned to their homes. Many Highland chiefs did not bring their people out for the Jacobites. In some cases this was due more to prudence than any real disagreement with the Jacobites. Highland Society was built on ancient traditions going back to the Picto-Scottish Monarchy with the rightful King at its head. The loyalty to the true King, no matter what he or his ancestors had done was the prime motivation. How else can one explain the loyalty of the Clan Gregor who were ‘out’ in every rising despite the awful record of the Stewart Kings to the Clan during the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. Whereas the Lowlanders might be motivated by religion or commerce, Highland Society in its final years still clung to the old ways. However, not all of the Chiefs were so motivated. In particular the Duke of Argyll, was firmly for the Government and, while keeping his own person well clear of any trouble, raised large militia forces for the Hanoverians. In the North, William Gordon, Earl of Sutherland was similarly firmly on the Government side. As such, Sutherland was a significant problem for the Jacobite army when it reached Inverness in late February. As the principal landowner in Sutherland, the Earl was able to deliver the whole county for the Hanoverian government. He had five militia companies raised and in arms during the rising, as well as a further two companies by Lord Reay, chief of the Clan Mackay. Lord Reay was heavily indebted to the Earl and had little option in the matter. Though there is mention of Jacobite sympathy both in the Reay country and in Sutherland proper, the Earl was able to keep it under his firm control, as he had during earlier risings. Similarly pro-Jacobite sympathies in Caithness and Orkney were muted, for fear of the Earl. Duncan Forbes of Culloden, Lord President of the Court of Session, and Lord Loudoun had succeeded in raising twenty two pro-Government militia companies, including the seven mentioned above. One of the Earl’s and one of Lord Reay’s companies were at Prestonpans but, distrusted by Sir John Cope, they were left to guard the baggage. Following Cope’s defeat, the victorious Jacobites asked them to swear an oath not to bear arms against the Prince and then allowed them to go home on parole, leaving their weapons behind. The Earl quickly had them back in arms again for the Government, despite their oath. The Grant and Ross companies surrendered Inverness Castle and themselves after a token siege on February 21st. The Macintosh and Seaforth MacKenzie companies were captured at Dornoch, with virtually no bloodshed on March 20th. Most of them were paroled and allowed to go home, while some joined the Jacobite force. Lords Loudoun and Forbes, with MacDonald of Sleat and MacLeod of Dunvegan fled to Skye. Lord Reay’s men also


returned home, where they were to be fortuitously on hand when the Sloop “Le Prince Charles”, with treasure and supplies for the Jacobites, was driven ashore at Tongue by a Royal Navy Frigate on March 24th. The Earl of Sutherland fled by boat and, narrowly escaping capture, he was picked up by a patrolling Royal Navy sloop and taken to Aberdeen. Left behind in East Sutherland were his militia companies, commanded by Hugh Gordon of Carroll and John Clunes of Neilston. It is the nature of armies to commit offences which in more peaceful times cannot be condoned, however the Jacobite leadership were acutely aware of the widespread opposition to them and were determined not to exacerbate matters by uncontrolled looting and violence. Despite inter-clan enmity and feuds, it is surprising how little looting there was. There are documented instances of severe discipline by the Jacobite leadership against those of their men caught looting. Conversely, Cumberland actively encouraged pillage and destruction on a huge scale, which sickened many of the Highland chiefs, including the Earl of Sutherland, who had sided with the Government. Indeed Cumberland and his senior staff were not above looting on their own account as witnessed by the shiploads of furniture and valuables sent off to London from Aberdeen and Inverness, including property from the Lord President Duncan Forbes’ own house at Culloden, the most active supporter of the Government in the North. The Jacobites believed that they had a right to levy the Cess, that is the local taxation, as well as to encourage recruits where-ever they could be found. When their money supply ran out they gave receipts for food which they levied, payable in the event of their success. Merchants and farmers were given protection and safe-conduct against the seizure of their goods and persons, in return for fairly assessed contributions. Times were undoubtedly hard, with conditions of near-famine in early 1746. As an example, Munro of Foulis was an officer with Cumberland, yet from Duncan MacPharrie’s account “Lady Munro of Foulis petitioned the Prince, if he would be so kind as to order the MacGregors to guard the Castle of Foulis and her lands, as she knew the MacDonalds and MacKenzies would plunder and pillage her house and lands; these two parties were at enmity with the Munros. Her petition was granted and we were ordered to guard the Castle of Foulis.” Several recent newspaper articles suggested that Coll Ban MacDonald of Barrisdale represented the Jacobite Force in Sutherland, and repeats the old story of the prowess of Ensign John Mackay of Mudale. In fact Barrisdale only commanded a small part of the Jacobite force, probably around a hundred. Of the approximately one thousand left in Sutherland between March 20th and April 14th, half comprised the MacKenzie regiment of Lord Cromartie, who was in overall command. There were some two hundred MacGregors under Glengyle and Glencarnock, and a company of Mackinnons, as well as the MacDonalds of Glengarry and Barrisdale. In an article in the present Sutherland newspaper, the “Northern Times”, the writer made a considerable issue of the looting and burning of houses belonging to gentlemen in Sutherland. Lord Cromartie had entered into negotiations with the Sutherland militia leadership, whereby they would be allowed to return to their homes, without hindrance, on condition that they surrendered their weapons and the local Cess money which they were holding. This they agreed to do but prevaricated and delayed. Gordon of Carrol escaped by boat and joined the Earl in Aberdeen. Captain Clunes was warned that he was in breach of the agreement which he and


Carroll had made and threatened with the consequences. Only then were their houses burned. Bishop Forbes, in “The Lyon in Mourning” reports that this was the only punitive burning carried out by the Jacobite army and that it was the decision of Lord Cromartie and not of the Prince. There is an eye-witness account of the burnings by Duncan Macpharrie, who was a member of the Clan Gregor regiment in Sutherland. “There came an express (an urgent message) to the MacGregors and MacDonalds to burn the factor’s house and barn and put them to ashes; we were not pleased with this work, we would (rather) fight than burn his house; his lady and children were in the fever at the time. We were ordered to carry out all the plenishing and furniture and set them in the close, the beds and bedclothes in the middle of the plenishing, we moved the Lady and children and laid them in their beds and kept a guard that nothing should be stolen or carried away. Then we came to the barn, there was in it 200 bolls of bear (barley), we carried every grain out of the barn before we put it aflame.” Even the Earl’s Castle of Dunrobin escaped relatively lightly. The Earl complained subsequently that his horses and weapons had been taken and that leather from his coaches and chairs had been cut to make targes. Some of his silver was taken by Barrisdale and his charter chest was looted, though most of the charters were subsequently recovered. However, the Castle and most of its plenishings escaped destruction despite the Earl’s position as leader of the Government sentiment in the North of Scotland. Shortly before the battle of Culloden, the Jacobite forces in Sutherland were commanded to return to Inverness. All but Cromartie’s men left on the 14th of April. The next day, the Earl of Cromartie and his officers were entertained in the Castle by Lady Sutherland as their 500 strong regiment marched to Little Ferry, about three miles South of Golspie. Ensign John MacKay of Mudale with 14 men was able to enter the Castle and arrest the Earl and his officers while companies of Sutherland militia led by Captains MacAllister and Gray attacked the MacKenzies in the flank as they marched over the links by Culmaily. Around two hundred men were captured and the remainder either killed or drowned in Loch Fleet, very few escaped. For the MacKenzie prisoners, other than the officers, there was no question of parole or honourable treatment, they were crowded into the “Hound”, a Royal Navy Sloop of about 200 tons and transported to Inverness and then on to London. About 50 of them died of maltreatment and gaol fever and 154 survivors were eventually transported as indentured servants to the colonies. There were two men named William MacGregor among the prisoners taken to Inverness on the “Hound”. Only one of them, a man aged 22 from Caithness, is mentioned in the “Muster Roll of Prince Charles Edward Stewart’s Army” and is shown as having died, perhaps the other escaped. Lord Cromartie was later sentenced, in the House of Lords, to be hung, drawn and quartered along with the other three captured Jacobites Lords, the Earl of Kilmarnock, Arthur Elphinstone, Lord Balmerino and Simon Fraser, Lord Lovat. The Earl of Cromartie was reprieved at the last moment following a plea by his wife to the Prince of Wales, a rare example of clemency by the ruling family. Lord MacLeod, the Earl of Cromartie’s son, who was allowed to go into exile, rose to become a Marshall of Sweden and redeemed his father’s estate in 1788. His descendant, Ann Hay MacKenzie married the third Duke of Sutherland and had the Cromartie titles restored by Queen Victoria.


The Earl of Sutherland made a substantial claim on the government after the rising for the costs he had incurred, the lost rentals and the damage done to his own house and that of his two factors. In the nature of “insurance” claims it undoubtedly grew “arms and legs”. In any event the government did not re-imburse him. By comparison, the Duke of Montrose, another pro-government Lord, who spent the rising safely in London, also made a claim on the Government for the damage to his Buchanan estate, by Loch Lomond, where many MacGregors lived. Hundreds of houses and farms were indiscriminately burned and their livestock driven off by Brigadier Mordaunt during the summer of 1746, although only a very few had been actually involved in any way with the rising. Needless to say his claims also fell on deaf ears in London. When the above account was published in the Northern Times, it stimulated some correspondence, broadly condemning the Clan Gregor activities in Sutherland in 1746. This additional text was written in response. In his recent response, your correspondent asserted without any justification that I believe that “the Stuarts could do no wrong.” Does that imply that he, in turn, believes that the Hanoverian regime could do no wrong? My passion is for the people of the Highlands, not the last fling of a failed dynasty. After the ‘45 there was wanton and deliberate destruction of what remained of one of the oldest surviving cultures of Europe, which despite assault by Viking, Norman and English, not to mention the anglicised Lowland Scot, had survived up to the middle of the eighteenth century. James VIII and III was the legitimate King of Scots, whatever the English might decide, by right of descent, and in spite his many and manifest shortcomings. It is the measure the Loyalty of the Highland Chiefs to the representative of their ancient line of Kings that so many “came out” with their people for the rightful line in place of an usurping dynasty. Clan Gregor in particular had suffered grievously under successive Stewart Kings, and yet they fought for them in every rising, 1645, 1689, 1715, 1719 as well as 1745. George, Elector of Hanover, was in fact 52nd (or thereabouts) in line of succession to Queen Anne in 1714. More practical leaders, such as the Earls of Argyll and Sutherland, (as well as the sons and grandsons of the Jacobite chiefs) had a clearer view to their own self-interest, as their own redundant clansman were to discover in the century after the ‘45. Nor do I believe that the later history of the Highlands would have turned out much differently had the Stuarts won back their throne in 1745. More personally, I number among my ancestors men who served in the Gordon of Carroll’s militia company as well as Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle, Colonel of the Clan Gregor regiment. Your correspondent also implied that I wrote in defence of Coll Ban MacDonell of Barrisdale, and made an issue of my mis-spelling of the name, (MacDonalds (sic) of Glengarry and Barrisdale) although the form of the name which I used is found in a number of contemporary accounts, and your correspondent used it himself in his original article of 26 April!. Barrisdale was a thief, cattle reiver, brigand and worse, he was a traitor to the cause he supposedly espoused. Like his cousin Alasdair MacDonell, Young Glengarry, who Andrew Lang asserted was Pickle the Spy. In my previous letter I made a number of points: The Jacobite leadership had a policy of paying for supplies when possible and giving promissory notes when it was not. They distinguished between Public Money, or Cess Tax which they claimed to


have a right to collect and Private property. The utmost leniency was given to captives who gave their parole and punitive burning and wanton looting was strongly discouraged. I need not spend any time proving these policies to be the direct opposite of those practised by Cumberland. In a civil war orders are not always carried out according to the policies of the commanders and when money ran out and the blockade bit hard in March and April of 1746 unjustifiable acts were committed. I referred to five Sutherland and two MacKay militia companies among a total of twenty two pro-Government companies in the North. Your correspondent makes a number of assertions about this force which need to be answered and, as my original summary was open to criticism, I have analysed this issue in more detail. In the strictest sense your correspondent is correct to distinguish between Loudon’s regiment and the Independent companies and militias. However, the truth is by no means so clear. A number of Independent companies or Watches (Am Freiceadan Dubh or Black Watch) raised in the Highlands since 1725 had been formed in 1743 into a Line Regiment, the 43rd,, (renumbered the 42nd.in 1749). In 1745 it was commanded by Lord John Murray. It was the intention of the Government to raise a second Highland regiment in the spring of 1745 under the command of Lord Loudon. This regiment, like the first, was to comprise 12 clan companies of 112 officers and men provided by “loyal” chiefs. On the 8th of June, 1745, he had assembled 750 officers and men at Inverness, (and 500 at Perth). Yet in August 1745, Sir John Cope found that there were only four understrength companies at Inverness. These included one company under Sutherland of Forse and another under Alexander Mackay, son of Lord Reay. Together with a fifth from Murray’s regiment they could only muster 185 men in total when they were captured with Cope’s baggage at Prestonpans. According to General Stewart of Garth, all the officers and men of Loudon’s companies at Prestonpans surrendered, and a considerable number of the officers and men joined the rebels, whereas none of Murray’s regiment did so. Murray’s men did not give their parole to obtain release, whereas Loudon’s men did. Stewart goes on to give as a reason for this, that the men of Loudon’s “had entered into what they supposed only a kind of local and temporary service, on conditions of engagement which they considered as far less binding than those of a permanent regiment.” Many of these men, (apart from those that joined the Jacobites!) despite being released on their parole not to fight against the Jacobites again, were later included among Loudon’s command in the North. (It is stated that one of the reasons for the easy defeat of Loudon’s men at Dornoch was the anxiety of those who had given their parole of honour earlier to escape rather than risk being captured a second time.) When Lord Loudon returned to Inverness on October 11th, his so-called “Highland Regiment”, comprising all the troops between Fort William and Inverness numbered just 150 men. Duncan Forbes of Culloden, the Lord President, was given blank commissions to raise as many new Independent companies as he could. By February 1746, there were 18 companies in Inverness, under Loudon’s command and paid by him, including 2 Sutherland and 2 Reay companies. I originally assumed that these embodied the remaining men from Loudon’s regiment, but it seems that this was not so. On March 10th, at Dornoch, having lost several companies in the retreat from Inverness, Lord President Duncan Forbes listed 7 very weak companies of Lord Loudon’s regiment with just 212 fit men and 46 NCOs, (among these,


Captain Archibald MacNab had just 4 men and NCOs, John Sutherland of Forse had 36 and 6 NCOs, Lord Reay’s son had 31 and 7 NCOs); 13 Independent companies had 1050 fit men and 113 NCOs. These 13 included 2 Sutherland and 2 MacKay companies with 338 effective men in total. The Earl of Sutherland also raised a further 4 companies of “militia” at his own expense, and commanded by Captains Gordon of Carroll, MacAlister, Clunes, and Grey which served from 14th February to 1st July 1746. A fifth Sutherland militia company served from 19th April to 1st July for guarding the hill passes against fugitive rebels. In Alasdair MacLean’s article on the Independent Companies he solves the problem of definition by referring to detached companies of regular regiments, formal Independent companies and irregular militia all as Independent companies since their function and personnel were interchangeable. In their roles of preventing Jacobite sympathisers from joining the rising and in policing territory they had some success. As an organised regiment in support of the Government army they were a complete failure. Within six months of the rising all of these companies were disbanded and drafts from them were used to re-create Loudon’s regiment at Inverness. Only from the start of 1747 when it was brought up to full strength and sent to Flanders can it be properly regarded as a regular infantry regiment in the British Army. It was disbanded in 1748. Jacobite forces are notoriously difficult to enumerate. Paradoxically the most successful could be said to be those who escaped without their names being recorded! Only the names of a handful of officers of the Clan Gregor regiment, out of 300 is known. Clan Gregor had an Elective Chieftainship and almost all of the Clan lived on lands not belonging to their leaders, MacGregors chose to follow Glengyle and Glencarnaig, usually against the wishes of their Landlords. The number in a formation could fluctuate considerably. In the eyes of regular army officers, desertion is a heinous and capital crime, but a Highlander might return home with battlefield booty or to take in his harvest, or to find food. He would return to his regiment, with more or less encouragement from his Chief, at a later date. Though there is some evidence of compulsion by a Chief on his men to follow him, a further quotation from Stewart of Garth regarding the Laird of Grant, is relevant. “Eleven hundred men of his Clan pressed forward to offer their services, on condition that their Chief would lead them, to support, what they styled, the cause of their ancient Kings. Afterwards when it was found necessary to pay a compliment to the Royal General, (i.e Cumberland) all the Chief’s influence could only procure ninety five followers to attend him.” By contrast, the Earl of Sutherland had his ministers conduct a census of 2337 fencible men on his estates in order to raise his companies, and even Your correspondent states definitively that none of the men were willing volunteers. The Jacobite force which crossed the Dornoch Firth on March 20th numbered between 1500 and 1800 under the Duke of Perth and O’Sullivan. Shortly after this Clanranald, Lochgarry and Ardsheal returned to Inverness with their regiments. It is variously estimated that these numbered around 700. This left between 800 and 1100 made up of Cromartie’s, Barrisdale’s, MacKinnon’s and MacGregor’s. As 800 is obviously too low, let us use the figure of 1000 which is mentioned in several sources, including the Scots Magazine which took it from the estimates of Government spies in Sutherland. There are references to Cromartie’s numbering 500 men in the Scots Magazine which is where I took my earlier figure from, but other accounts give him less. However , John Home states in his “History of the Rebellion of 1745”, that “Lord


Cromartie, with about 700 men was in Sutherland , as was also MacKinnon, Glengyle and Barrisdale, with their men”. (John Home took part in the Rising as a Volunteer on the Government side, He was captured at Falkirk and briefly imprisoned at Doune Castle when commanded by Glengyle). This 700 seems too low for the entire force and too high for Cromartie’s alone. There were 172 prisoners from Cromartie’s in the victual list of the sloops “Hawk” and “Hound” which carried them to Inverness. Depending on whose account of the battle of Little Ferry which you believe, there were 50 killed and about 40 escaped. However, according to the Scots Magazine, the Monros in Ross claimed to have killed at least 50 of these escapees, so the true number must have been higher. Also accounts of Lord MacLeod (Cromartie’s son) claimed that he led 300 of his father’s regiment (leaving at least some men with his father) into Caithness where he was joined by the MacKenzies of Balloan and Dundonald. Lord Elcho states that Cromartie had 300 men at Little Ferry. Assuming that the 500 in the Scots Magazine and repeated by Sir Walter Scott is an exaggeration, and that there had been some desertion, let us say that Cromartie’s numbered 350 rather than 500. Your correspondent stated that the MacGregors only had a detachment in Sutherland. I would be most grateful to him if he could provide proof for this statement. I have a copy the “Muster Roll of Prince Charles Edward Stuart’s Army”. In many ways this is an excellent book, but it is sadly deficient with regard to the Clan Gregor and I have submitted a number of corrections and additions to the Secretary of the 1745 Association. It lists only the officers, and has a number of factual errors regarding them. Even the prisoners taken at Ardno on Loch Fyne, when the Argyll militia repulsed Glengyle on 15 November 1745 which are listed in “Prisoners of the ‘45” are not included. John Home states that the MacGregors numbered 255 when they joined the army in September, and this did not include the 40 serving with the Duke of Perth, or those with the Atholl regiment and Keppoch’s. Lord Elcho gives the number in Sutherland at 300. The Scots Magazine gives the Clan Gregor 300 in its estimate of Jacobite strength. Clan Gregor had two leaders, Colonel Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle (definitely not, as in the “Muster Roll”, Gregor John MacGregor-Murray of Glengyle, T 15.4.46 - The John MacGregor taken at Little Ferry was a private man in Cromartie’s, and Glengyle used the alias James Graham) and Lt-Colonel Robert MacGregor-Murray of Glencarnaig. For much of the rising, they operated separately. Glencarnaig went into England with about 200 men, Glengyle remained in Scotland as governor of Doune Castle. At Falkirk, Glencarnaig’s were with Keppoch’s while Glengyle’s men were with Lochiel’s regiment. I have found no evidence to suggest that the two parts of Clan Gregor were not operating together in Sutherland. MacPharie makes it clear that Glencarnaig was in Sutherland and every other account I have read puts the whole regiment under Glengyle. The largest body of MacGregors at Culloden were the 24 under Inverenzie in Monaltrie’s Deeside regiment and an indeterminate number in the Atholl Brigade and Keppoch’s. These never formed part of the Clan Gregor regiment. James Mor MacGregor’s assertion that he was “At Culloden with six companies” is misleading. James Mor was an officer in Perth’s regiment and did not join his cousin Glengyle’s MacGregor regiment. Unlike James Mor, many of MacGregors who began the rising with the Duke of Perth later joined Glengyle. At the end of April Glengyle was reported with 120 men at Finlarig by Loch Tay. Glencarnaig had at least as many with him, Duncan MacPharie claimed that


Glencarnaig had more men than Glengyle. The lowest number this produces for Clan Gregor is 240, and probably as high as Lord Elcho’s figure of 300. With regard to MacKinnon’s regiment, John dubh MacKinnon brought 120 men to Edinburgh after Prestonpans. The Loudon papers list 78 men, which is reproduced in the “Muster Roll”. Their strength in Sutherland was probably higher than the total named. To avoid argument let us assume a round 100. That makes 750 out of 1000, leaving 250 for Barrisdale, compared with the 200 men he had at Falkirk, though it is higher than my previous estimate. Barrisdale commanded the 2nd battalion of Glengarry’s regiment, rather than one of his own, which is why I referred in my previous letter to the “MacDonalds of Glengarry and Barrisdale” to which Your correspondent objected. Elcho gives Barrisdale 400 in Sutherland, which I believe is too high, but as Elcho does not here mention MacKinnon, the 400 may include his 100. The Muster Roll lists 40 officers and 327 men of the Glengarry Regiment (Lochgarry’s and Barrisdale’s battalions), most of whom surrendered in May on promises of clemency (despite which many of them were transported). Lochgarry is said to have had 300 at Culloden. It was Lochgarry, not Barrisdale who led the regiment in the crossing of the Dornoch Firth on March 20th. W Drummond Norie states that Lochgarry had 530 men in Sutherland and when he returned to Inverness he took 250 men with him and left Barrisdale with 280. Barrisdale, after all was only third in command of Glengarry’s, after James MacDonell, third son of Old Glengarry and Colonel from January 1746, and Lt Colonel Donald MacDonell of Lochgarry (Formerly a Lieutenant in Loudon’s regiment). Your correspondent claims that Barrisdale effectively commanded in Sutherland. I have found no evidence of this and indeed Cromartie, an Earl and full Colonel in the Jacobite army would not have countenanced this, no matter what one’s view of his abilities as a commander. Glengyle was also a full Colonel and outranked Barrisdale. Of course, I know that Lord MacLeod took most of Cromartie’s to Caithness, but that of itself did not put Barrisdale in command. The Earl of Sutherland left a very detailed account of his expenses in the ‘45 which is now in the National Library in Edinburgh. It gives the expense of the militia and other military operations at £9602 sterling. His personal losses, of effects and furnishings at Dunrobin are not included. Ignoring the shillings and pence, the losses caused by the rebels in Golspie, Loth, Creich, Rogart, Clyne and Lairg are given as £4615. Of this, £999 is for Gordon of Carrol’s house and £800 for Clunes of Neilston’s. Major Mackay in Reachar suffered losses of £100, which included 6 horses, 30 sheep and 3 goats altogether worth £40 as well as food and plenishing. All three of these men were in command of military units hostile to the Jacobites, hardly innocent victims. There is no mention in the Earl’s papers of any other houses being burnt, which corroborates the statement by Bishop Forbes in “Lyon in Mourning”. Aside from these the parishes claimed the following: Dornoch, £1141; Golspie, £538; Loth, £53; Creich, £228; Rogart, £255; Clyne, £266; and Lairg, £149. Some of the losses in Dornoch were caused by Malcolm Ross, younger of Pitcalnie, an officer who had deserted from Loudon and is not numbered among either Barrisdale’s or Cromartie’s men in the “Muster Roll”, nor is he in “Prisoners of the ‘45”. If Pitcalnie did burn fifteen houses near Dornoch, which assertion I have no reason to doubt, they must have been turf cot-houses, which a man and his neighbours could easily rebuild in a day, rather than the substantial stone-houses of tacksmen. Quite clearly if one is poor, living on the edge of subsistence, to have someone burn your house and take


your meal-chest and only cow is a major disaster. I am quite sure the many thousands of families who had their cot-houses similarly destroyed and their milch-cows driven off, and perhaps their women raped too by Regular soldiers in the months after Culloden would have felt just the same. Your correspondent appeals to our emotions by quoting examples of looting from the Ospisdale papers. I would never attempt to deny that these happened, despite what your correspondent suggests. But just examine the above valuations which are the best that the Ministers of the parishes could come up with, when the Earl of Sutherland was desperate to emphasise just how much he had done and suffered for the Government. Rather than comment further on this, let me mention the cost of the devastation by the Hanoverians on the small estate of Robert MacGregor-Murray of Glencarnaig in the latter part of 1746. Glencarnaig was the tacksman of 17 merklands on the Duke of Atholl’s estate in Balquhidder. Not only was his own house and furnishing destroyed, and his livestock driven off, but every building on his estate was systematically looted and destroyed and the standing crops burned. Glencarnaig’s own losses due to the ‘45, in his bankruptcy proceedings, were estimated at £5060 sterling and his 40 tenants, between them lost £1500 worth of cattle, crops and plenishing. I make this point, not to say that “my loss is more than your loss”, but to put into context the value of cropland, houses and livestock. The Ministers of six large parishes in Sutherland could only account for losses amounting to £4615, 40% of which relates to two houses. A single detachment of Regular soldiers were able to do £6560 to just one small estate with 40 tenants. Just imagine what damage the Jacobites could have done in Sutherland had they really tried!. I have tried to be as honest and accurate as I can in this, and I can only apologise for errors of interpretation and presentation. I am sure that Your correspondent as a professional historian, is very well aware of the contradictory and partial nature of the evidence. Therefore any analysis is bound to be selective and open to dispute. However, I do not choose to resort to emotive and derogatory remarks about someone who may choose to interpret the evidence differently. Looting and violence are inevitable in a civil war. Highland agriculture was always marginal and easily tipped over into famine, indeed there was famine again in 1751. Jacobite policy, irrespective of the practise of individual commanders, was firmly against indiscriminate looting and destruction. Lack of money, supplies and an increasingly desperate position, especially after the loss of the French gold in the “Hazard” at Tongue, was bound to cause suffering. That is a long way from the deliberate policy of looting, killing and destruction visited on “The disaffected”, guilty and innocent alike, by a well-supplied and supposedly disciplined army after Culloden.

Peter Lawrie

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