Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

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Portland State University Portland State University PDXScholar PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2-20-1973 Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist Marianne Oswald Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the United States History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits you. Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Oswald, Marianne, "Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist" (1973). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 1609. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.1608 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected].

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Portland State University Portland State University

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Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses

2-20-1973

Orestes A Brownson An American Traditionalist Orestes A Brownson An American Traditionalist

Marianne Oswald Portland State University

Follow this and additional works at httpspdxscholarlibrarypdxeduopen_access_etds

Part of the United States History Commons

Let us know how access to this document benefits you

Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Oswald Marianne Orestes A Brownson An American Traditionalist (1973) Dissertations and Theses Paper 1609 httpsdoiorg1015760etd1608

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AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Harianne Oswald or the Master of

Arts in History presented February 20 1973

Title Orestes A Brownson An Alllerican Traditionalist

APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE

Michael Reardon Chairman

-C~h-a-r~l-e-s-L-eGu~ ---------middot----------

Michael Passi

Orestes A Brownson was an American journalist who converted to

Catholicism in 1844 at the age of forty-one He had been writing

editorials and occasionally managing publications since 1828 in

connection with religious activities as minister to various sects

Brownson from the 8308 on read reviewed and kept abreast of

European literature concerned with philosophy social political and

economic theory It was assumed that lIe continued that practice Bfter

his conversion in 1844 and that he vould enlis t the aid of European

Catholic theorists to develop an acceptable Catholic system of thol1ght--

particularly since American Catholic literature in the mid-nineteenth

century was mainly devoid of theoretical works

A brief scanning of Brownsons works written atter 1844 revealed

the names of several French Catholic writers who were part of a group

known as Traditionalists--De Maistre Bonald Lamennais Veuillot Donoso

Cortes Bonnetty and others The problem evolved from this discovery

to determine whether Traditionalists had influenced Brownsons Catholic

theorizing and if so to what extent

The main source of reference for this research problem was the

twenty-volume collection Henry Brownson had compiled of his fathers

Catholic journalistic efforts Henry Brownson also published a three

volume biography of his father and I obtained the first volume Early

Life Other biographies on Brownson have been written by Theodore

Maynard Arthur Schlesinger Jr and Doran Whalen which were useful

for background material A variety of articles have been written about

Brownson but none related him to Traditionalism their usefulness

therefore was limited

I relied on secondary sources for interpretations of the French

Traditionalists Quinlans thesis and Cohens article on Bonald works

from Lively Greffer and Koyre on de Maistre and a variety of French

historical surveys I also consulted materials which would provide

background information on the Enlighterul1ent--a necessity since Traditionalists

and Brownscn cOitinually attacked Enlightenllert ideas

I compared the social political and economic aspects of Brownsons

ideas to those of the Traditionalists The conclusion arrived at was

that Brownson had used Traditionalist theory almost exclusively as a

foundation for his own work Brownson not only displayed ideas similar

to the Traditionalists he featured their exact terminology germ of

perfection theory divine origin of language and generative

principle of constitution 11 He referred to them as the illustrious

Bonald and illustrious de Maistre ll and occasionally stated that he

was sympathetic to Traditionalist ideas Brownsons deviation from

Traditionalist theory was usually a result of translating French ideas

to American society He was careful to make the point that the ideas

he altered remained valid for France and Traditionalists were essentially

correct in their entire assessment of society

ORESTES A BROWNSON AN AMERICAN TRADITIONALIST

by

MARIANNE OSWALD

A thesis submitted in parUal fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS in

HISTORY

Portland State University 1973

TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of

Marianne Oswald presented February 20 1973

Michael Reardon Chairman

Charles LeGuin

Michael Passi

APPROVED

Da~ T Clark Dean of Graduate Studies

February 20 1973

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SOCIAL THEORY

Tr aditi onali st 16

Brownson 26

POLITICAL THEORY

Traditionalis t 41

Brownson 55

ECONOMIC THEORY

Tradi tionali st 78

Brownson 82

CONCLUSION 88

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 2: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Harianne Oswald or the Master of

Arts in History presented February 20 1973

Title Orestes A Brownson An Alllerican Traditionalist

APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE

Michael Reardon Chairman

-C~h-a-r~l-e-s-L-eGu~ ---------middot----------

Michael Passi

Orestes A Brownson was an American journalist who converted to

Catholicism in 1844 at the age of forty-one He had been writing

editorials and occasionally managing publications since 1828 in

connection with religious activities as minister to various sects

Brownson from the 8308 on read reviewed and kept abreast of

European literature concerned with philosophy social political and

economic theory It was assumed that lIe continued that practice Bfter

his conversion in 1844 and that he vould enlis t the aid of European

Catholic theorists to develop an acceptable Catholic system of thol1ght--

particularly since American Catholic literature in the mid-nineteenth

century was mainly devoid of theoretical works

A brief scanning of Brownsons works written atter 1844 revealed

the names of several French Catholic writers who were part of a group

known as Traditionalists--De Maistre Bonald Lamennais Veuillot Donoso

Cortes Bonnetty and others The problem evolved from this discovery

to determine whether Traditionalists had influenced Brownsons Catholic

theorizing and if so to what extent

The main source of reference for this research problem was the

twenty-volume collection Henry Brownson had compiled of his fathers

Catholic journalistic efforts Henry Brownson also published a three

volume biography of his father and I obtained the first volume Early

Life Other biographies on Brownson have been written by Theodore

Maynard Arthur Schlesinger Jr and Doran Whalen which were useful

for background material A variety of articles have been written about

Brownson but none related him to Traditionalism their usefulness

therefore was limited

I relied on secondary sources for interpretations of the French

Traditionalists Quinlans thesis and Cohens article on Bonald works

from Lively Greffer and Koyre on de Maistre and a variety of French

historical surveys I also consulted materials which would provide

background information on the Enlighterul1ent--a necessity since Traditionalists

and Brownscn cOitinually attacked Enlightenllert ideas

I compared the social political and economic aspects of Brownsons

ideas to those of the Traditionalists The conclusion arrived at was

that Brownson had used Traditionalist theory almost exclusively as a

foundation for his own work Brownson not only displayed ideas similar

to the Traditionalists he featured their exact terminology germ of

perfection theory divine origin of language and generative

principle of constitution 11 He referred to them as the illustrious

Bonald and illustrious de Maistre ll and occasionally stated that he

was sympathetic to Traditionalist ideas Brownsons deviation from

Traditionalist theory was usually a result of translating French ideas

to American society He was careful to make the point that the ideas

he altered remained valid for France and Traditionalists were essentially

correct in their entire assessment of society

ORESTES A BROWNSON AN AMERICAN TRADITIONALIST

by

MARIANNE OSWALD

A thesis submitted in parUal fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS in

HISTORY

Portland State University 1973

TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of

Marianne Oswald presented February 20 1973

Michael Reardon Chairman

Charles LeGuin

Michael Passi

APPROVED

Da~ T Clark Dean of Graduate Studies

February 20 1973

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SOCIAL THEORY

Tr aditi onali st 16

Brownson 26

POLITICAL THEORY

Traditionalis t 41

Brownson 55

ECONOMIC THEORY

Tradi tionali st 78

Brownson 82

CONCLUSION 88

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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particularly since American Catholic literature in the mid-nineteenth

century was mainly devoid of theoretical works

A brief scanning of Brownsons works written atter 1844 revealed

the names of several French Catholic writers who were part of a group

known as Traditionalists--De Maistre Bonald Lamennais Veuillot Donoso

Cortes Bonnetty and others The problem evolved from this discovery

to determine whether Traditionalists had influenced Brownsons Catholic

theorizing and if so to what extent

The main source of reference for this research problem was the

twenty-volume collection Henry Brownson had compiled of his fathers

Catholic journalistic efforts Henry Brownson also published a three

volume biography of his father and I obtained the first volume Early

Life Other biographies on Brownson have been written by Theodore

Maynard Arthur Schlesinger Jr and Doran Whalen which were useful

for background material A variety of articles have been written about

Brownson but none related him to Traditionalism their usefulness

therefore was limited

I relied on secondary sources for interpretations of the French

Traditionalists Quinlans thesis and Cohens article on Bonald works

from Lively Greffer and Koyre on de Maistre and a variety of French

historical surveys I also consulted materials which would provide

background information on the Enlighterul1ent--a necessity since Traditionalists

and Brownscn cOitinually attacked Enlightenllert ideas

I compared the social political and economic aspects of Brownsons

ideas to those of the Traditionalists The conclusion arrived at was

that Brownson had used Traditionalist theory almost exclusively as a

foundation for his own work Brownson not only displayed ideas similar

to the Traditionalists he featured their exact terminology germ of

perfection theory divine origin of language and generative

principle of constitution 11 He referred to them as the illustrious

Bonald and illustrious de Maistre ll and occasionally stated that he

was sympathetic to Traditionalist ideas Brownsons deviation from

Traditionalist theory was usually a result of translating French ideas

to American society He was careful to make the point that the ideas

he altered remained valid for France and Traditionalists were essentially

correct in their entire assessment of society

ORESTES A BROWNSON AN AMERICAN TRADITIONALIST

by

MARIANNE OSWALD

A thesis submitted in parUal fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS in

HISTORY

Portland State University 1973

TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of

Marianne Oswald presented February 20 1973

Michael Reardon Chairman

Charles LeGuin

Michael Passi

APPROVED

Da~ T Clark Dean of Graduate Studies

February 20 1973

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SOCIAL THEORY

Tr aditi onali st 16

Brownson 26

POLITICAL THEORY

Traditionalis t 41

Brownson 55

ECONOMIC THEORY

Tradi tionali st 78

Brownson 82

CONCLUSION 88

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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foundation for his own work Brownson not only displayed ideas similar

to the Traditionalists he featured their exact terminology germ of

perfection theory divine origin of language and generative

principle of constitution 11 He referred to them as the illustrious

Bonald and illustrious de Maistre ll and occasionally stated that he

was sympathetic to Traditionalist ideas Brownsons deviation from

Traditionalist theory was usually a result of translating French ideas

to American society He was careful to make the point that the ideas

he altered remained valid for France and Traditionalists were essentially

correct in their entire assessment of society

ORESTES A BROWNSON AN AMERICAN TRADITIONALIST

by

MARIANNE OSWALD

A thesis submitted in parUal fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS in

HISTORY

Portland State University 1973

TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of

Marianne Oswald presented February 20 1973

Michael Reardon Chairman

Charles LeGuin

Michael Passi

APPROVED

Da~ T Clark Dean of Graduate Studies

February 20 1973

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SOCIAL THEORY

Tr aditi onali st 16

Brownson 26

POLITICAL THEORY

Traditionalis t 41

Brownson 55

ECONOMIC THEORY

Tradi tionali st 78

Brownson 82

CONCLUSION 88

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 5: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

ORESTES A BROWNSON AN AMERICAN TRADITIONALIST

by

MARIANNE OSWALD

A thesis submitted in parUal fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS in

HISTORY

Portland State University 1973

TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of

Marianne Oswald presented February 20 1973

Michael Reardon Chairman

Charles LeGuin

Michael Passi

APPROVED

Da~ T Clark Dean of Graduate Studies

February 20 1973

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SOCIAL THEORY

Tr aditi onali st 16

Brownson 26

POLITICAL THEORY

Traditionalis t 41

Brownson 55

ECONOMIC THEORY

Tradi tionali st 78

Brownson 82

CONCLUSION 88

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 6: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH

The members of the Committee approve the thesis of

Marianne Oswald presented February 20 1973

Michael Reardon Chairman

Charles LeGuin

Michael Passi

APPROVED

Da~ T Clark Dean of Graduate Studies

February 20 1973

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SOCIAL THEORY

Tr aditi onali st 16

Brownson 26

POLITICAL THEORY

Traditionalis t 41

Brownson 55

ECONOMIC THEORY

Tradi tionali st 78

Brownson 82

CONCLUSION 88

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 7: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

SOCIAL THEORY

Tr aditi onali st 16

Brownson 26

POLITICAL THEORY

Traditionalis t 41

Brownson 55

ECONOMIC THEORY

Tradi tionali st 78

Brownson 82

CONCLUSION 88

BIBLIOGRAPHY 91

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 8: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

INTRODUCTION

Orestes Augustus Brownson was an American journalist whose career

spanned the years 1828 to 1875 At the age of 25 he submitted his

first articles for publication to a Universalist paper the Gospel

Advocate and within a year was appointed editor The duration of

his first editorship was brief and he became corresponding editor

to the New York Free Enquirer through an association with Fanny Wright

In 1831 he founded his own magazine The Philanthropist which rapidly

failed Brownson then contributed occasional articles to a variety of

Boston publications including George Ripleys Christian Register

Channings The Unitarian The Daily Sentinel and The Christian

Examiner until he became editor of the Boston Reformer in 1836

Brownson was able to establish his own quarterly in 1838 the Boston

Quarterly Review which ran until 1842 and then merged with ~

Democratic Review In 1844 Brownson disassociated himself from The

Democratic Review and resumed his own journal renamed Brownsons

Quarterly Review Brownsons Quarterly Review was published without

interruption until 1864 and reappeared for a short time from 1873 to

1875

The main topic in Brownsons articles was religion He adhered

to a variety of Protestant sects between 1825 and 1844 When he wrote

his first editorials for the Gospel Advocate he was a Universalist

minister and in 1832 he became a Unitarian He even established his

own sect The Church of the Future prior to editorship of the Boston

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 9: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

Reformer Brownson became a Catholic in 1844 and began Brownsons

Quarterly Review as a spokesman for the Catholic laity

Brownsons religion and journalism were closely affiliated

Journalism was the result of his desire to inform the public on his

beliefs He did not limit his scope to theology but wrote articles

which analyzed philosophy science social reform politics and

economics in relation to religion His goal was to discover a

harmonious integration of religion and the sciences which would

illuminate the public on the best means to mans end His object

was always to convey a message he never attempted to write neutral

articles

Brownsons shifts in religious belief were accompanied by

alterations in his social theory The frequency with which he changed

affiliations and intellectual stances in his early years led some

contemporaries to accuse him of being inconsistent and vacillatory

Brownson quoted a critic from the Christian Examiner as writing

When therefore we find that Mr Brownsons mind is in the habit of experiencing such extraordinary revolutions we may perhaps be excused for not paying much attention to his position at any particular time In a land of earthquakes men do not build four-story houses neither do we spend much time in refuting the arguments of a man whom we know to be in the habit of refuting himself about once in every three months l

Brownson did not consider himself radical He had always read and

critically analyzed an abundance of material before converting to a

new sect The various phases of his intellectual changes were usually

published in editorials or reviews and he assumed they were logical

developments which faithful readers would follow

The main sources to which Brownson turned for intellectual

stimulation were in European literature He learned to read French

2

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 10: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

German and Italian and had no difficulty in translating works to

English He often read original versions when English translations

were available because he did not want to rely on interpretations which

might not convey the precise meaning of the author He read and

reviewed articles written by Constant Saint-Simon Fourier Kant

Jouffrey Cousin Leroux Lamennais Maistre Bonald Donoso Cortes

Veuillot among many other eminent European theorists Occasionally

Brownson was the first American journalist to review a European

article Brownsons articles in the Christian Examiner which attracted

the most attention were those on Cousins philosophy and did much to

introduce it in this countryl~

Europeans became aware of Brownson after he began translating

and publishing their works Cousin noted and approved Brownsons

translation of his eclectic philosophy and began corresponding with

him From the time of reviewing the first of the articles above

referred to Cousin began sending his publications to Brownson and

Brownson his to Cousin3 Brownson also corresponded with Newman

and Montalembert Some Americans realized that Brownson was highly

regarded by European intellectuals The President of Louisiana State

College wrote him a letter stating 1 can certainly claim no merit

for having treated with respect and attention a countryman whom the

highest authorities abroad have considered as entitled to our highest

intellectual distinctions 4

A few articles written by Brownson appeared in European

publications but he did not develop a large audience there In

America Brownson was intermittently popular The first paper he

founded The Philanthropist did not fail because of a lack of readers

3

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 11: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

but because of negligent subscriber payments S During the 1830s

Brownson was an associate of such eminent intellectuals as Emerson

Thoreau Ripley Channing and Bancroft He occasionally attended

Transcendentalist meetings and visited Brook Farm Brownson invited

associates to submit articles to the Boston Quarterly Review and was

i d b h bl 6 n turn LnvLte to contrL ute to t eLr pu LcatLons The Boston

Quarterly Review was well received by the American literary public

Henry Brownsons biography of his father contained a letter from a

woman who wrote

One may form some idea of the popularity of your Review by casting an eye on the reading table of our Athenaeum where it is to be seen in a very tattered and dog-eared condition long before the end of the quarter while its sister journals lie around in all their virgin gloss of freshness 7

Brownson had found an audience for his works among authors

social reformers clergy and other intellectuals In the 1840s there

was an abrupt upheaval in his journalistic career When he became a

Catholic in 1844 he denounced affiliation with all non-Catholics and

lost nearly the entire audience he had gathered since 1828

When Brownson came into the Catholic Church he was at the peak of his fame bull bull bull Though he probably did not have as yet over a thousand subscribers for his Review they included most of the best minds in the country He was now able to say For the first time I had the sentiments of the better portion of the community with me Yet it was just then--just when he had recovered a position he had imagined to have been l~st forever-shythat he threw it away again by becoming a Catholic

Prior to his conversion Brownson had published articles in the

Democratic Review which enabled readers to follow his development

toward Catholicism However he made a seemingly inexplicable

methodological change in the Brownson Quarterly Review and became

slanderous toward his non-Catholic audience Brownsons method

4

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 12: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

differed under the influence of his advisor Father Fitzpatrick who

directed him to assume the traditional apologetic method of Catholic

writing After 1844 then Brownson was discouraged from developing

an intellectual mode whereby Protestants might be converted to

Catholicism Brownson later regretted his methodological transition

In 1857 he wrote

But this suppression of my own philosophic theory --a suppression under every point of view commendable and even necessary at the time became the occasion of my being placed in a false position towards my non-Catholic friends Many had read me seen well enough whither I was tending and were not surprised to find me professing myself a Catholic The doctrine I brought out and which they had followed appeared to them as it did to me to authorize me to do so and perhaps not a few of them were making up their minds to follow me but they were thrown all aback the first time they heard me speaking as a Catholic by finding me defending my conversion on grounds of which I had given no public intimation and which seemed to them wholly unconnected with those I had pub1ished 9

Father Hecker one of the few friends of Brownson who had

followed him into the Church also believed he would have convinced

many readers to become Catholic had he not been advised to change

method and style

For This Father Hecker writing after Brownson and Fitzpatrick were both dead roundly blamed Fitzpatrick After quoting a long passage from The Convert the founder of the Paulis ts remarks These extracts reveal plainly how Dr Brownson by shifting his arguments shifted his auditory and lost never to regain the leadership Providence had designed for him I always maintained that Dr Brownson was wrong in thus yielding to the bishops influence and that he should have held on to the course providence had started him in bull bull bull Had he held on to the way inside the church which he had pursued outside the church in finding her he would have carried with him some and might perhaps hal carried with him many non-Catholic minds of a leading c pcter 10

Brownson had not i nded to alienate non-Catholics from reading

his Review His apologetcs were intended to argue non-Catholics into

5

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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Page 13: Orestes A. Brownson: An American Traditionalist

conversion He warned them that Protestantism was heathenism and they

were doomed to hell unless they became Catholics The result was a

mass withdrawal of non-Catholic support from his quarterly The only

notable portion of non-Catholics who retained subscriptions to

Brownsons Review were southerners who agreed with his political views

on states rights prior to the Civil War l1

Brownson managed to develop a relatively strong position for his

Review among Catholic periodicals tholJgh His income from the

publications mong with intermittent public lectures was sufficient

to support the Brownson family although it was never lucrative

When he began Brownsons guarter11 he had only 600 which he considered a good start In 1840 the Boston Quarterly had had less than a thousand in 1850 its successor had reached a circulation of about 1400 Probably Brownsons Quarterly Review never had more than 2000 But it was immensely influential In 1853 so Brownson noted in his personal postscript to the January issue (p 136) the interest in his Review was great enough to bring about an English edition This was almost though not quite the first instance of such a thing happening to an American magazine 12

Although Brownson had changed his technique he retained his

interest in European works and social theory He read and reviewed

articles written and published by eminent European Catholics and

developed his Catholic philosophy social political and economic

theory in reference to their works His main ideas were derived

from a French school of thought Traditionalism Brownson basically

agreed with the Traditionalists who desired the dominance of religion

over all facets of society as a solution to the social turmoil the

French Revolution created in France Brownsons articles continually

asserted the necessity of dominant Catholicism to establish and

maintain harmonious society in America as well as Europe He developed

6

an American Catholic system based on ideas adapted from works of

de Maistre Bonald Lamennais and Montalembert

Brownson had an intense belief in the mission of Catholicism to

rescue American society His articles written between 1844 and 1854

conveyed his dismay that conversions were minute and anti-Catholic

sentiment was increasing He was pessimistic about the future of the

United States

Brownson realized that his apologetic method did not convince

Protestants of the necessity to enter the Catholic Church In 1854

Father Fitzpatrick went to Europe and Brownson was relieved of pre-

publication censorship of his articles Coincident to the departure

of Father Fitzpatrick was Brownsons dismissal of traditional

apologetics and an attempt to regain his non-Catholic audience

That Brownson had set out in 1844 with high hopes of bringing numbers into the Church is certain it is equally certain that he came to give up that hope Then instead of changing his methods he changed his audience and began to say that he regarded his mission that of confirming the faith of Catholics and of quickening their intellectual life In this of course he had remarkable success But he was always troubled in mind that he had failed in his first purpose and now that he was free to work along his own lines he returned to his former hope At last he could use the instrument Fitzpatrick had virtually forbidden him to use 13

Brownsons articles written after 1854 reflect optimism He

believed a new approach to Protestants would win their confidence

and devotion conversions to Catholicism would be facilitated and

American sc~iety would be saved The extent of his optimism is

reflected in a passage he wrote in 1856 It took three hundred years

of persevering labor to convert the German conquerors of Rome but at

length they were converted and the great majority of the Germanic race

are still Catholics A fourth of that time would suffice to convert

7

the American people 1I14

Brownsons ne1 direction after 1854 was to eliminate Protes tant

objection to Catholicism by being conciliatory in all non-dogmatic

areas of his religion

We wish bull bull bull to show our non-Catholic readers that many things peculiarly offensive to them contended for by Catholic theologians are not obligatory on the believer because they are not of faith and taught by the church on her divine and infallible authority and therefore may be received or rejected on their merits freely examined and judged of by human reason 15

He reversed his negative assessments of Protestant intellect

and morals and surmised that Protestants were not stubborn in resisting

authority but were perhaps misinformed

We have acted on the rule that it is rarely that fair-minded and intelligent non-Catholics gravely object to anything really Catholic and that what they object to is almost always something which they take to be Catholic but which is not --something perhaps which has been associated with our religion without being any part of it though Catholics may have sustained or practised it the church has never sanctioned favored or approved it 16

While Brownson became less critical of Protestants he became

more critical of Catholics He was convinced that Catholics were

often justifiably criticized in America He wanted to eradicate

their objectionable qualities and increase their stature

An anti-Catholic organization the Know-Nothings gained strength

in the 1850s primarily from a reaction to immigration Between 1845

and 1860 approximately 1500000 Irish had immigrated to the United

States and settled primarily in the eastern cities By the 1850s

immigrants constituted over half the population of New York City and

the major ethnlc group was Irish An increase in crowding poverty

disease and crime was attributed to these foreigners Since the Irish

were primarily Catholic their religion as well as race became

reprehensible to part of the American populace

Brownson was sympathetic to the Irish dilemma in the cities

but chided their lack of adaptation to the American system The Irish

seemed determined to retain their European identity and contributed

to the American identification of Catholicism as foreign bull and

Americans have felt that to become Catholics they must become Celts

and make common cause with every class of Irish agitators who treat

Catholic America as if it were simply a province of Ireland17

Many Catholic publications sustained prejudice because they were

exclusively oriented to an Irish audience ~ur so-called Catholic

journals are little else than Irish newspapers and appeal rather to

Irish than to Catholic interests and sympathies 18 Brovmsons desire

was to Americanize Catholicism We insist indeed on the duty of all

Catholic citizens whether natural-born or naturalized to be or to

k h 1 h h Am 19 ma e t emse ves t oroug -go~ng er~cans bullbullbull

The Know-Nothings claimed that Catholicism was related to

monarchy and Catholics would not accept the republican form of govern-

ment in the United States The charge that they preferred monarchy

seemed substantiated in 1851 when the Catholic community in America

extolled the conservative triumph of Louis Napoleon in France

Brownson denied that Catholicism was related to any specific

form of govprnment He claimed that all forms of society would benefit

from predominance of the Catholic religion For the benefit of the

Catholic as well as Protestant community he devoted several articles

to the exposition of relations between Church and State The spiritual

realm was proclaimed superior to the temporal but the ideal

9

relationship would entail mutual non-interference Brownson

perceived America as having the only government which absolutely

guaranteed non-interference with the right to establish a church and

practice religion There was no necessity for the Church to negotiate

civil rights with the government

We then may conclude further that our government honestly administered in accordance with its fundamental principles meets the principles the wants and the wishes of the Catholic Church and therefore that we may be loyal American republicans and assert the equality of all religions before the state that profess to be Christian without failing in our true-hearted devotion to that glorious old Catholic Church bull 20

He not only believed Catholics could avidly support the American

constitution he believed the United States would revive the Church

which was beleaguered in Europe and maintain its future strength

Brownsons efforts to Americanize Catholicism led him to demand

a transformation of Catholic education He considered syllogistic

training as necessary but inadequate to the needs of thorough

intellectual growth He desired the development of an intellectual

Catholic elite who could convince Protestants to emulate them

The rigid logical training given in our schools fits us to be acute and subtle disputants but in some measure unfits us unless men of original genius and rare ability to address with effect the non-Catholic public A freer and broader and a less rigid scholastic training would render us more efficient 21

A higher level of education would also create a larger audience

for the Catholic periodicals and strengthen the faith of the entire

country Brownson attempted to impress his readers with the necessity

to support a variety of Catholic publications An increased

distribution of Catholic literature was the crux for conversion of

non-Catholics and invigoration of religion for Catholics

10

The controversy must be carried on through the press by books pamphlets periodicals journals etc and these on the Catholic side must be sustained if sustained at all by the Catholic public Few non-Catholics will at present buy our books for they have something to lose and we much to gain hy the controvecsy The most we can expect of them is that they will read our publications when pluced iu their hands by their Catholic friends and acquaintances We have a small enlightened pure-minded and independent Catholic public who are up to the level of the age master of the controversy in its present form and prepared to do their duty and even more than their duty in sustaining the right sort of publications but these though more numerous than we could reasonably expect all things considered are after all only a small minority of even our educated Catholic population 22

Brownson also appealed to journalists to improve the content of

their publications since they were representative of the Catholic

community He stated the goal his new journalism would pursue and

for which other Catholic journalists should strive in order to make

their popular support necessary bull

bull bull bull we must labor to elevate the character of our journals demand of them a higher and more dignified tone and insist that their conductors devote more time and thoug~t to their preparation take larger and more comprehensive views of men and things exhibit more mental cultivation more liberality of thought and feeling and give some evidence of the ability of Catholics to lead and advance the civilization of the

country 23

Brownsons attempts to regain a non-Catholic audience was not

an entire failure In 1856 The Universalist Quarterly contained the

following passage regarding his stature

Few American readers need to be told who or what is O A Brownson Perhaps no man in this country has by the simple effort of the pen made himself more conspicuous or has more distinctly impressed the peculiarities of his mind Other writers may have a larger number of readers but no one has readers of such various character He has the attention of intelligent men of all sects and parties--men who read him without particular regard to the themes on which he spends his energies or the sectarian or partisan position of which he may avow himself the champion 24

11

Brownson believed his new methodology was at least partially

successful In 1857 he wrote l~e may not have had great success in

making converts for converts are not made by human efforts alone but

there is a respectable number of persons whose lives adorn their

Catholic profession who have assured us that they owe their conversion

under God to our writings and lectures25

The autobiography that Brownson published in 1857 in order to

publicize his development of ideas from Protestantism to Catholicism

The Convert or Leaves from my Experienpound~ was successfully received by

the public It was even translated into German 26 However Brownsons

final assessment of his journalistic success in achieving the goal of

mass non-Catholic conversion was dismally recorded in 1874

The difficulties in the way of neutralizing by Catholic journalism the destructive influence of Protestant journalism are that we lack the Catholic public to sustain Catholic journalism and purely Catholic publications and also to a great extent eminent laymen who are competent to the work that needs to be done and are able and willing to devote themselves to the defence of purely Catholic interests through the press But even supposing these difficulties are successfully overcome a greater and more serious difficulty remains behind The public controlled by Protestant journalism do not and will not as a general thing read Catholic journals or Catholic publications No matter how ably we write in defence of the faith or how thoroughly and even eloquently we refute the sects and secularism what we write will not reach those for whom it is specially designed The Protestant and secular journals knowing that they are in possession of the field refuse all fair and serious argument with us and answer us only with squibs flings and misstatements The leaders of the non-Catholic community knowing that they can only lose by fair and honorable discussion with us study as far as pcssible to ignore us to keep our publications from their people and if compelled to notice us at all to prefer some false charge against us some accusation which has no foundation and which can only serve to keep up the prejudice against us and render us odious to the public We confess therefore that we see little that can be done through the press to neutralize the effects of Protestant journalism except to protect to a certain extent our own Catholic population against those effects 27

12

Brownson was Ilever able to effectively reclaim the position he

held as an opinion leader prior to 1844 His new methodology had only

served to antagonize the Catholic community he had criticized He

acutely realized the impotent effects of his journalism

13

14

1 Orestes A Brownson vlorks compo Henry F Brownson 20 vo1s vol VII (New York A M S prg-Inc 1966) p 204

2 Henry F Brownson Orestes A Brownsons Early Life from 1803 to 1844 (Detroit Michigan H F Brownson Publisher 1898) p 387

3 Ibid p 393

4 Ibid p 235

5 Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Whalen Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries (Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame Press 1936) p 38

6 Henry F Brownson p 214

7 Ibid p 216

8 Theodore Maynard Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic (New York MacMillan Cpy 1943) p 152

9 Works V p 9

10 Maynard p 160

11 Whalen p 69

12 Maynard p 188

13 Ibid p 261-2

14 Works III p 228

15 Works VIII p 21

16 Works XII p 296

17 Works III p 220

18 Ibid p 220

19 Works XII p 584

20 Ibid p 30

21 Works III p 206

22 Works XII p 290

23 Ibid p 153

24 Ibid bullbull p 33

15

25 Ibid p 341

26 Whalen p 76

27 Works XIII p 575

SOCIAL THEORY

Brownson did not appreciably alter his Catholic social political

and economic theory during his methodological change His efforts to

Americanize Catholicism shifted some aspects of his ideas but his

fundamental theories remained intact He basically agreed with the

French Traditionalist version of an optimum society

Traditionalism was an outgrowth of the French Revolution

Traditionalists who were staunch Catholics strenuously objected to

the desecration of the Church which occurred during and after the

French Revolution Catholic land was seized its hold on education was

usurped and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy demanded an oath

which proclaimed clerical homage to the Republic The Church eventually

regained some of its losses but reinstatement involved compromises

and political agreements with the government After the French

Revolution the Catholic Church was dependent on the State De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were opposed to the political alliance of Church

and State They sought an unmitigated restoration of the Church in

French society

Traditionalists asserted the requirement of religious predominance

for harmonious society They upheld the medieval relation of religion

and government and maintained the Revolution was an unnatural separation

of French society from its past They wanted to realign France with its

tradition and were labelled Traditionalists because of their stress on

the necessity of accomplishing the realignment

Brownson was impressed with Traditionalist appeal for the

predominance of religion in all facets of society He was also

convinced of the cohesive force of religion adherence to

religious principles would not only prepare men for salvation it

would bring as much peace on earth as was possible with human

fallibilities

It is evident that Brownson read many articles written by the

original Traditionalists de Maistre Bonald and Lamennais as well

as their successors Veuillot Bonnetty and Cortes In 1846 he

reviewed an article written by de Maistre An Essay on the Generative

Principle of Constitutions

Of the several works of Count de Maistre there is no one which at the present moment could be circulated or read with more advantage amongst us than the one now before us or better fitted to the actual wants of our politicians whether Catholics or Protestants for unhappily a very considerable portion of our Catholic population are as unsound in their politics as their Protestant neighbours Both classes with individual exceptions have borrowed their political notions from the school of Hobbes Locke Jean Jacques Rousseau and Thomas Paine and forget or have a strong tendency to forget that divine Providence has something to do with forming preserving amending or overthrowing the constitutions of states We say nothing new when we say that modern politics are in principle and generally in practice purely atheistic Even large numbers who in religion are sound orthodox believers and would suffer a thousand deaths sooner than knowingly swerve one iota from the faith may be found who do not hesitate to vote God out of the political constitution and to advocate liberty on principles which logically put man in the place of God It is to such as these the little work before us is addressed and they cannot study it without perceiving the capital mistake they have made--not in seeking political freedom but in seeking to base it on atheistic principles l

In 1853 Brownson reasserted his admiration for the Traditionalists

when he wrote an article on Donoso Cortes who had recently died

He (Donoso Cortes) was among the ablest the most learned the most eloquent and unwearied of that noble band of laymen who

17

beginning with De Maistre have from the early years of the present century devoted their talents and learning their genius and their acquirements to the service of religion and done so much to honor to themselves and our age in their eminently successful labors to restore European society shaken by the French Revolution to its ancient Catholic faith and to save it alike from the horrors of anarchy and the nullity of despotism 2

The extent of Traditionalist influence in Brownsons theories

can be recognized by comparing basic ideas in their works

Traditionalists believed the French Revolution had diverted

France from its natural development Temporal goals had suddenly

become more important than spiritual goals in society De Maistre

Bonald and Lamennais were united in their belief that the Reformation

and Enlightenment were responsible for the reversal of goals and the

French Revolution The Reformation had provided a precedent for

questioning Christianity and society and Enlightenment thought revised

scholastic philosophical social political and economic theory

The Reformation and Enlightenment were regarded as having brought

popularization of power individualism and attack on authority3

The writings of Bonald and de Maistre were abundant with denials

of eighteenth century ideals and vituperations against those who

propagated the ideals the philosophes Men such as Locke Condorcet

Rousseau and Voltaire were either disliked or loathed by the

Traditionalists for their contributions toward the progression of

rationalism empiricism secularization and the attacks on religion

There is no mistaking the personal virulence and contempt de Maistre levels against the philosophers bullbullbullbull The catalogue of calumny is endless and can be excused only because it was the concrete expression of a very real feeling that the philosophes were not merely mistaken but were depraved even satanic in their persistent and conscious advocacy of atheism and subversion 4

18

Flint in the Historical Philosophy in France aptly describes the

ultimate goal of the Traditionalists liTo meet conquer and crush

the spirit of the Revolution was the aim which under a sincere

sense of duty they set before them 115

The ability of man to reason correctly was the crux for the

philosophe elevation of human nature After man was conceived of as

being able to use his reason to perceive worldly phenomena he was

bestowed the ability to char~e phenomena in order to reorganize society

and eliminate evil Traditionalists felt that it was presumptous of

men to feel they could change the order of things Man was not able

to obtain complete knowledge through his reason and therefore was

not able to perceive the total design of the Universe which God had

created In fact the less man attempted to utilize his reason the

more solid would be the foundation of society

Mans deficiency in perception of the order of things excluded

for the Traditionalists the possibility of him changing the order

for the better Cause was not necessarily related to effect in nature

and attempts to logically eliminate evil by removing its cause were

not usually successful De Maistre did not totally exclude the

improvement of society Man was merely not able to initiate changes

unassisted

Creation is not manls province Nor does his unassisted power even appear capable of improving on institutions already established If anything is apparent to mall it is the existence of two opposing forces in the universe in continual conflict Nothing good is unsullied or unaltered by evil bullbullbullbull Nothing says he (Origen) can be altered for the better among men WITHOUT GOD All men sense this truth even without consciously realizing it From it derives the innate aversion of all intelligent persons to innovations 6

19

Bonald believed that the attempt of men to alter society was

upsetting to the natural balance of its order However despite

man the balance would return in time to what God had planned

There are laws for the moral or social order as there are laws for

the physical order laws whose full execution the passions of man

may momentarily retard but with which sooner or later the invincible

force of nature will necessarily bring societies back into harmony 7

The philosophes sought to create a new order which would

facilitate good and hinder evil They felt that the Church and State

through institutional resistance to change limited mens freedom of

redesign Also absolute authority of the Church and State appeared

to be the cause of evil in society Harmonious society then

necessitated the mitigation or dissolution of influence of the Church

and State

20

Rousseaus Social Contract was the philosophical foundation for

the new order It established two basic tenets which ideologically

secularized the political and moral realm The Social Contract removed

the source of power of the monarch from the heavens (absolutist

monarchy) to the people (constitutional state) by declaring that society

had been created by men and its leaders were merely representatives

of those men The people who constituted society were justified in

restricting their leaders because they derived power from the people

The Social Contract also established that the ultimate authority of

government the people would not misuse power because they were

naturally moral Prior to the organization of society mans nature

was exclusively good Evil had been introduced with the inequitable

distribution of property power~ However the collective social

body inherited the tendency toward truth and goodness The will of

the people if left unfettered would move society toward the good of

all men

Rousseau established the concept of man existing prior to society

in order to justify an anthropocentric shift of religious social

political and economic theory He denied that the guiding authority

of Church and State was necessary since man was innately good intell-

igent and in fact had created his own society Rousseau denied

value in lessons of history since civilization had been misdirected by

spiritual authority prior to the Enlightenment

Traditionalists reacted strongly against Rousseaus concept of

harmonious society which the philosopbes had adopted as the basis of

their renovative systems Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais insisted

on the necessity of religious and political authority and denied that

the unlimited powers of Church and State were a hindrance to the

progress of society Instead they asserted that the philosophe~ were

a maligning influence because of their attempts to displace the

heritage of tradition and laws with ~ priori systems of morals and

government De Maistre asserted that no system could be developed

which when applied practically would result in a mature organization

liThe idea of any institution full grown at birth is a prime absurdity

and a true logical contradiction liB Bona~d objected further that

questioning the authority of Church and State would result in the dis-

ruption of society

When he examines with his reason what he ought to admit or reject of those general beliefs that serve as a foundation to the

21

universal society of the human race and upon which rest the edifice of general written or traditional legislation he thereby by that very act sets up a state of revolt against society 19

Bonald and de Maistre also criticized the concept in the Social

Contract that man existed prior to the development of society They

maintained that society was integral to human nature For Bonald

primitive and unorganized life ended when Moses received the law of

God on Mt Sinai IO De Maistre denied that any historical evidence

could be found which would support the supposition that men had

existed prior to society He contended that men were born into society

and it was not legitimate to consider the elements of their nature

outside of society He rejected abstract theorizing on this point

man or mankind who was innately good and independent prior to

society never existed as for ~ I have never come across

him anywhere if he exists he is completely unknOvn to me 11

The rejection of mankind as initially independent of society

was the fundamental argument for rejecting the concepts of mans

innate goodness and his willful creation of society Bonald wrote

JlHowever all these errors of the philosophers are after all but

supplementary and secondary They all alike spring from a single

fundamental error a basic one to wit considering man as capable of

existence without society and before the creation of society 112

Men had to be considered within the framework of society their innate

personalities and capabilities were to be found in the history of

ci vilization

According to the Traditionalists Rousseaus most naive belief

was that by nature man was exclusively good All experience had

22

contradicted this concept There is nothing but violence in the world

but we are tainted by modern philosophy which has taught us that all is

~oodn13 His explanation for the presence of evil in the world was

totally unacceptable to the Traditionalists They denied that evil

appeared with the occurrence of institutions Evil was instead seen

as inherent in human nature as well as society The concept of Original

Sin eliminated the possibility of man being morally innocent De

Maistre and Bonald replied (to the philosophes) that on the contrary

man is naturally bad original sin is the ultimate truth and man is

saved by society 14 De Maistre dwelled on the evil in mans nature

23

to counter the total goodness in man which the philosophes had projected

He wrote bullbullbull man in general if reduced to his own resources is

15 too wicked to be free 1I

The evil which was integral to human nature was inscrutable

Attempts of philosophes to define and remove the causes and effects of

evil by logical inquiry were futile they were irrationally distributed

in society Disturbance of the natural order in fact tended to

increase disparity between causes and effects and therefore increased

social problems Traditionalists regarded the French Revolution as a

natural punitive reaction to the culmination of evil in French society

De Maistre saw the victims of the Revolution as sacrificial offerings

who expiated the sins of other members of society16 Creation of the

serious imbalance of nature which caused the Revolution was attributed

especially to the philosophes

bull bull bull they (Traditionalists) believe it to be the inevitable result of a radically erroneous conception of mans relation to God and to his fellow-men which had been growing and spreading into wrong habits of thought and action from the time of the

Renaissance downwards till at length head heart and every member of the body politic were diseased and corrupt 17

The Traditionalists did not limit their rejection of the Social

Coutract to denial of mans innate goodness They also vehemently

rejected the concept that man could create society It has already

been stated that the Traditionalists regarded society as integral to

mans nature but there were further objections to Rousseaus demo-

cratic concept of authority De Maistre contended that the authority

of government could not emanate from the people because they would not

be obliged to adhere to directives of their leader or leaders

Bonald wrote

Thus obedience to a popular assembly is naught but obedience to particular individuals bein~who are our equals and by that fact have no right to our obedience Moreover a power that has a right to obedience is properly speaking a despotic power and to have to obey someone who has no right to such obedience actually means being a slave 18

If the people willingly consented to be governed they could also be

discretionary in efforts to obey the authority which they created

Every act or law would be subject to scrutiny In effect then it

was impossible to create authority on a democratic basis

De Maistre and Bonald elaborated on their repudiation of mans

ability to create society They eventually concluded that man was

incapable of creating in any capacity and thus reasserted his

inability to use reason in changing the order of things

On this point we are often deceiV2d by a sophism so natural that it escapes our notice entirely Because man acts he thinks he acts alone Because he is aware of his freedom he for~ets his dependence He is more reasonable about the physical world for although he can for example plant an acorn water it etc he is convinced that he does not make oaks since he has witnessed them growing and perfecting themselves without the aid of human power Besides he has

24

not made the acorn But in the social order where he is always present and active he comes to believe that he is the sole author of all that is done through his agency In a sense it is as if the trowel thought itself an architect Doubtless man is a free intelligent ang noble creature nevertheless he is an instrument of God 19

The philosophes were found to be in error in every facet of

their thought De Maistre Bonald Lamennais and later Traditionalists

insisted that Rousseau along with his contemporaries attempted to

simplify the complexities of human and social nature far beyond the

point of feasibility and incurred the social devastation of the

French Revolution Their social theory then was basically a

repudiation of Enlightenment concepts

The Traditionalists wrote many polemic tracts in order to

refute ideas of the philosophes but they also set forth their own

formulations of the ideal society The recourse which Traditionalists

advocated is implicit in their name They wanted to reestablish a

society which would function according to sanction of spiritual

authority and tradition They vieved religion as societys necessary

base and authoritative government as the temporal inheritor of Gods

will De Maistre wrote bullbullbull it was through the acceptance of

revelation and submission to punismnent and authority that men could

reach social and political concord20 Bonald stated the need for

guidance from the Church and State as follows tI bull it is necessary

that they (men) should approach each other without destroying each

other bullbullbullbull Hence the necessity of exterior or general saieties of

preservation religious and physical called public religion and

political society 11121 As the following passage indicates Bonald

conceived of the will of God as an active force in society

The will of God is more to Bonald than a mere theological expression it is for him the central fact of all existence Either the world has existed from all time or it was created if it was created so was man and everything must corne from the creator Man has discovered nothing invented nothing everything has been Gods gift every human development Gods will bullbull All power is exterior to society and to man revolt against order and authority is therefore revolt against God bullbullbull 21

Traditionalists agreed that the resurgence of Catholic

predominance in France and the rest of Europe would restore order

in society and that its further decline would precipitate the

total destruction of society

According to John C Murray bullbullbull if Maistre exercised a

widespread influence in France it was probably between the years

1840 and 1880 rather than at any other time22 In 1851 Louis

Napoleon established a dictatorship in France which existed until

his downfall in 1870 during the Franco-prussian War Louis

Napoleon was convinced that the Catholic Church was an integral

segment of French society and removed many strictures placed on it

by post-Revolutionary governments Mid-nineteenth century

Traditionalists attempted to inundate the public with Traditionalist

literature in order to strengthen the demand for independence

of the Catholic Church and reinforce Louis Napoleons belief that

the public was concerned with the fate of the Church These were

the years that Brownson was formulating his Catholic social political

and economic theory He read and agreed with the Traditionalist

literature and believed the Catholic Church in America had comparable

problems to the Church in France The Catholic Church in America was

attempting to increase its strength amidst a variety of obstacles

26

among which were Protestantism anti-Catholicism and religious

indifference Brownson wrote IIBred amongst those who gave all to

human reason and human nature we have wished to bring out and

establish the opposing truth and it is not unlikely that we have on

many occasions apparently expressed an undue sympathy with the

views of the Traditionalists bullbullbull 23 The basis for his undue

sympathy with the Traditionalists was concern that the moral and

social order should be founded on Catholicism All society must

conform to the principles of our holy religion and spring from

Catholicity as its root or sooner or later lapse into barbarism

The living germ in all modern nations the nucleus of all future

living society is in the Catholic portion of the population 24

Brownson shared with de Maistre and Bonald the belief that society

would disintegrate if it was not under the spiritual and temporal

authority of Catholicism No man can attentively study our

political history and analyze with some care our popular institutions

but must perceive and admit that our state contains the seeds of its

own dissolution and seeds which have already begun to germinate25

The seeds of dissolution were derived from the Renaissance Reformation

and Enlightenment all of which contributed to the secularization of

society

The Traditionalist enemies were Brownsons enemies He severely

criticized the Ehilosophes and often made slanderous remarks

regarding their mental capacities and character His main contempt

was reserved for Rousseau Jean Jacques Rousseau was a sophist a

puny sentamentalist and a disgusting sensualist who set forth nothing

27

novel that was not false26 Voltaire Locke Hobbes and others

were also censured

Locke is transparent there is seldom any difficulty in coming at his meaning but he is diffuse verbose tedious and altogether wanting in elegance precision and vigor Hobbes while he is equally as transparent as Locke infinitely s~passes him in strength precision and compactness

Brownson objected to the eighteenth century philosophers because

they attempted to utilize the scientific inductive method to verify

faith and religion They conform to the infidelity and corruptions

of the age instead of resisting them They deceive themselves if

they think they are promoting faith in our holy religion by laboring

to bring its teachings within the scope of human philosophy 1128 He

accused the philosophes as did the Traditionalists of secularizing

philosophical social political and economic theory by attempting to

discover a rational order of phenomena through reason According to

Brownson men could not perceive the totality of the natural order

The inductive method used by modern philosophers for proof of

God among other inquiries was invalid because it relied solely on

human experience and reasoning The philosophes had questioned

matters of faith with empirical foundations and had asserted the

right of individuals to investigate every realm of thought with the

scientific method

The modern philosopher begins by putting Christianity on trial and claims for the human reasor the right to sit in judgment on Revelation bull bull Taking this view we necessarily imply that philosophy is of purely human origin and that the human reason in which it originates is competent to sit in judgment on all questions which do or may come up28

The result of assertions that man could obtain knowledge solely

28

through his power of reasoning led to an individualistic movement which

became quite intense in the United States Brownson believed the most

harmful individualists were the Transcendentalists who held that

religion was natural to man and could be apperceived through intuition

rather than revelation uThe right of all men to unrestricted private

judgment necessarily implies that each and every man is in himself the

exact measure of truth and goodness bull bull bull the very fundamental proshy

position of transcendentalism29 The right of all men to unrestricted

private judgment entailed ability of individuals to recognize the

truth or the ultimate design of things through intuitive inductive

29

or deductive reasoning These were propositions which Brownson rejected

in every act of private judgment the standard or measure was the

individual judging and truth was mlde subjective But for Brownson

truth or knowledge was objective Truth as you well know is

independent of you and me and remains always unaffected by our private

convictions be what they may 30

The individualistic movement in the United States produced an

attack on institutions similar to the Enlightenment onslaught of

Church and State As George M Fredrickson described it

The ideals of the Declaration of Independence combined with the hopes of enthusiastic men of God to foster a bold vision of national perfection Nothing stood in the way many believed but those inherited institutions which seemed devoted to the limitation and control of human aspirations such as governshyments authoritarian religious bodies and what remained of traditional and patriarchal forms of social and economic life 3l

Even limited authority of the government was called into question It

is a sort of maxim with us Americans that no man can be justly held

to obey a law to which he has not assented This taken absolutely

is not admissable32

During the mid-nineteenth century reformers in the United States

were attempting to extend political democracy in order to achieve

equalization of rights and ultimately social harmony Brownson was

very much opposed to this optimistic trend and sought to impress

reformers with the idea that men needed more rather than less guidance

in society Original sin necessitated fallibility and successful

individualism required the perfectability of man

At the bottom of this idea of progress which our modern reformers prate about is the foolish notion that man is born an inchoate an incipient God and that his destiny is to grow into or become the infinite God that he is to grow or develop into the Almighty that to be God is his ultimate destiny and as God is infinite he is to be eternally developing and realizing more and more of God without ever realizing him in his infinity33

Americans felt that reform would inevitably result in the better-

ment of society and it was Brownsons contention along with the

Traditionalists that change did not assure improvement The reformers

eventually attempted to create and implement new systems and in so

doing neglected the tradition of the United States which had emanated

from the Constitution

Brownsons objection to popular theory was that it was not based

on the experience of mankind In accordance with the Traditionalists

he did not approve of the ~ Eiori construction of social systems Men

could not achieve enough knowledge to make judgments regarding positive

or negative aspects of society and there was often no scrutible

connection between cause and effect in social relations He criticized

Descartes for helping to substantiate the belief that man could

independently perceive order in the universe and thereby incriminated

30

31

the scientific revolution in association with his attack on individualism

Here then is Descartes without tradition vlithout experience reduced

as it were to the state of primitive destitution all is before him

nothing is behind him He has no ancestors no recollections bullbullbull All

is to be constructed Jl34 Man was not capable of creating perfect

systems--this was the province of God Brownson echoed de Maistre

when he said Man can be a destroyer he can never be a CREATOR35

Brownson found it necessary to refute the Social Contract in

order to negate popular theory Like the Traditionalists he found

the Social Contract central to the justification of secularization

and individualism and his arguments against it paralleled those of

the Traditionalists Brownson asserted that contrary to Rousseaus

ideas society was natural to man He is born and lives in society

and can be born and live nowhere else It is one of the necessities

of his nature 36 In an essay entitled Oligin and Ground of

Government Brownson rejected the social compact theory because

IIThis state of nature of which Hobbes has so much to say and which

was the phantom that haunted all the philosophers of the last century

is a fiction 1I37 It was not legitimate to attribute pristine

virtues to individuals prior to their socialization it was necessary

to study man in relation to society

Brownson perceived mans value as being a contributor to society

In and of himself man had very little sig-tificance Individuals are

nothing in themselves they are real substantial only in humanity

The race is everything Individuals die the race survives bull bull bull The

race is not for individuals individuals are for the race38 This

was a strong retaliation to individualism Brownson diminished the

aspects of human nature in proportion to the Enlightenment expansion

of them Whereas the philosophes and their successors viewed society

as a hindrance to the individual Brownson saw the individual as only

a minute contributor to society No individual is sufficient for

himself and however free individuals may be if left to act always

as individuals without concert without union association they can

accomplish little for themselves or for the race39

Society was natural to man and a necessary part of his existence

It had accumulated the experiences of generations of men Society

had incorporated knowledge that far surpassed the futile attempts of

which the individual was capable Brownson described society in

terms similar to Bonald--that it was a living organism which was

capable of growing and learning The people taken collectively are

society and society is a living organism not a mere aggregation of

individuals 40

Since Brownson rejected the idea that man had existed prior to

society he agreed with Traditionalists that the causes of social

distress were lnnate and could not be alleviated by altering societys

structure Rather the nature of man and society had to be

investigated and redefined before actual social progress was feasible

Rousseaus account for the abuses of man as being coincident

to society and institutions was reprehensible to Brownson Mans

nature was not devoid of evil Is it I ask not natural for man

to oppress man Is not every man naturally a tyrant Does not every

man naturally seek to gain all he can for himself and thus prove

himself the plague and tormenter of his kind Away then~ with this

32

insane deification of human nature41 The evil in mans nature was

ineradicable Brownson described its inevitability in almost

Manichaean terms of human nature ~n has a double nature is

composed of body and soul and on the one side has a natural

aspiration to God and on the other a natural tendency from God

towards the creature and thence towards night and chaos42

The philosophes idea that the will of the people was synonymous

to truth and goodness was as unacceptable to Brownson as the idea that

individual men were potentially innocent If good and evil were

necessarily integrated in mans nature humanitys will could not be

unsullied The will of God is always just because the divine will

is never separable from the divine reason but the will of the people

may be and often is unjust for it is separable from that reason

the only foundation of justiceA3

Brownson believed that it was irrelevant to consider what

characteristics constituted the will of the people anyway because

a government of human origin would not possess the collective will

He recognized potential despotic power in a populace which believed

it had originally authorized government and had the right to alter

it and agreed with Traditionalists that the idea of men creating

their own government was unacceptable It was a destructive principle

too often cited by Americans as the foundation of their government

For Brownson practical application of the collective agreement

principle was impossible Men would not voluntarily submit unmitigated

power to the leaders of government but would reserve the right to

disobey directives opposed to their individual interests What most

benefits ME is most patriotic and for humanity No government will

33

work well that does not recognize this fact and which is not shaped

to see it and counteract its mischievous tendency44 Laws were

rendered arbitrary by their vacillatory creators

In America Brownson saw the will of the people resulting in

a tyranny of the majority wherein the real power of government

resided in the group of men who could demand the largest following

The variety of groups which rose and fell from power pursued

multiple interests Thus the aims of government and legitimized

behavioral norms for the populace continually fluctuated Brownson

believed that social aims needed to be provided by a power which

would never vacillate in its definition of the best interests of

society

Right is right eternally the same whether all the world agree to own it or to disown it wherefore then make it dependent on the will of majorities bullbullbull The doctrine that the majority have the inherent right to rule not only destroys all solid ground for morality not only destroys all possibility of freedom for minorities bullbullbull It creates a multitude of demagogues professing a world of love for the dear people and lauding popular virtue and popular sovereignty the better to fatten on popular ignorance and credulity bull bull 45

Brownson agreed with the Traditionalists that a monarch who was

restricted only by Gods will was preferable to tyrannical

individualism In making the governments responsible to the

people power was shifted but not rendered responsible for the

power then vested in the people instead of the magistrate but

who was there to call the people to an account should they chance

to abuse their powertl46

Brownson believed that the ultimate power of authority for

society and government should be attributed to God The concept of

right and wrong would be stabilized by an unarbitrary foundation of

religious principle civil obedience would no longer be a subjective

matter and man would be placed in the proper perspective of being

created and not the creator The assertion of government as lying

in the moral order defines civil liberty and reconciles it with

authority Civil liberty is freedom to do whatever one pleases that

authority permits or does not forbid 47 When man ltNas depicted as

being free of Gods will the only power which could legitimate governshy

ment and authority was removed Take away the sUbjection of the

state to God and you take away the reason of the subjection of the

subject to the state 48 Men could not create among themselves

a power of authority Government of the people would be arbitrary

and if it forcefully asserted itself it would be tyrannical There

would be a constant struggle for power between the people and their

leaders II bull we have forgotten that freedom is impossible

without order and order impossible without authority and authority

able to make itself respected and obeyed bullbullbull IA9

Brownson regarded the inviolate authority of God as more

conducive to the freedom of men than was individualism Individualism

was based on a misconception of human nature that men were equal in

ability to function in society Like the Traditionalists he was

appalled at the attempts to free man from institutional oppressors

He maintained that men were not equal in potential capabilities

and institutions especially the Church and State were necessary to

protect weaker men from the stronger The effect of freeing mens

potential would be the destruction of the less equal members of

35

society I~e are far from pretending that all men are born with

equal abilities and that all souls are created with equal

possibilities or that every child comes into the world a genius in

germ 1150 It was because men were unequal that government was

necessary

Brownson believed as did the Traditionalists in the necessity

of Church and State authority as guides for the spiritual and temporal

needs of man The type indeed the reason of this distinction of

two orders in society is in the double nature of man or the fact

that man exists only as soul and body and needs to be cared for in

each 51 The Church was the ultimate authority because it

represented Gods will and established the laws to which society

must adhere But the church holds from God under the supernatural

or revealed law which includes as integral in itself the law of

nature and is therefore the teacher and guardian of the natural

as well as of the revealed law She is under God the supreme judge

of both laws He did not advocate that the Church should

36

administer the laws in civil society and therefore direct the government

He asserted that the Church should monitor the laws and particularly

the governments adherence to them ~e do not advocate--far from it-shy

the notion that the church must administer the civil government what

we advocate is her supremacy as the teacher and guardian of the law of

God--as the Supreme Court 53 The Church would therefore serve

as the barrier to governmental abuse of power which the society

formulated by humans could not provide Brownson stated that he was

in agreement with the medieval notion of government--the real sovereign

on earth was the Church to which the government was subordinate 54

Brownson feared that reform which was aimed at levelling

institutions would be the destruction of American society and agreed

with de Maistre and Bonald that interference with the natural order

would result in catastrophe it is to be feared that if we

do not now take measures to strengthen the barriers against the

popular movement and to secure the Gupremacy of the constitution and

the majesty of the state it will henceforth be forever too late55

It was necessary to reverse the democratic and individualistic

movement

Brownsons social theory did not alter when he sought Protestant

approval of his ideas after 1854 He was thoroughly convinced that

Catholicism was the only means to improve social conditions in

America When the Civil War began then Brownson welcomed it as

an event which would convince Americans that stabilized values and

authori ty of government t1ere necessary During the Civil War

Brownson was zealously patriotic Several times he was invited to

lecture to groups for the purpose of increasing approval of the

war Coincident to the patriotic lectures he usually used the

opportunity to attempt to proselytize his audience He stressed

the point that only the predominant belief in Catholicism would

establish real order in America bullbullbull without the Roman Catholic

religion it is impossible to preserve a d0mocratic government and

secure its free orderly and wholesome action 56

37

1 Works XV p 556

2 Works III p 163

3 Michael Reardon Providence and Tradition in the Writings of De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez (Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965) p 44

4 Jack Lively The Works of Joseph de Maistre (London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965) p 8

5 Robert Flint Historical PhilosophY in France (New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894) p 368

6 Elisha Greifer ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Society (Chicago Henry Regnery Cpy 1959) pp 54-55

7 Mary Hall Quinlan The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald (Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953) p 87

8 Greifer p 34

9 Alexander Koyre Louis de Bonald Journal of the His torx of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

10 Quinlan p 19

11 Lively p 80

12 Koyre pp 65-66

13 Lively p 64

14 Lord Elton The Revolutionary Idea in France (London Edward Arnold and Cpy 1923) p 90

15 Lively p 144

16 Reardon p 70

17 Flint p 368

18 Quinlan p 64

19 Greifer p 14-15

20 Ibid p 15

21 Roger Henry Soltau French Political Thought in the 19th Centurx (New York Russell and Russell 1959) p 25

22 John C Murray liThe Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

38

23 Works I p 306

24 Works XI pp 105-106

25 Works XV p 44l

26 Works X p 276

27 Works I p 4

28 Works XIV p 272

29 Works VI p 127

30 Works V p 242

3l George M Fredrickson Inner Civil War (New York Harper 1965) p 7

32 Works XVI p 20

33 Works IX p 142

34 Works I pp 149-150

35 Works X p 4l

36 Works XVIII p 36

37 Works XV p 31l

38 Works IX pp 50-5l

39 Works XV p 232

40 Works XVIII p 4l

41 Works XV p 390

42 Works IX p 178

43 Works XVI p 66

44 Works XV p 238

45 Ibid pp 340-341

46 Ibid p 320

47 Works XVIII p 17

48 Works X p 129

40

49 Works XVII p 139

50 Works IX p 412

51 Works XIII p 264

52 Works X p 129

53 Ibid p 133

54 Works XV p 348

55 Works XVI p 102

56 Works X p 1

POLITICAL THEORY

Political theory of the Traditionalists was based on the

necessity of government and religion coinciding in the leadership

of society However Bonald de Maistre and Lamennais stressed

different aspects of the relationship between Church and State

Bonald and de Maistre were concerned to establish an optimal political

role for the Church and Lamennais was interested in its spiritual

prowess De Maistre and Bonald were primarily statesmen interested

in religion for social ends Lamennais was a defender of the

Church I Lamennais was an Ultramontanist (an advocate of papal

infallibility) because of his belief in the spiritual superiority of

the Catholic Church and de Maistre was an Ultramontanist aside from

his strong belief in Catholicism because of the temporal veto of

power the Pope would have on the monarchs of Europe De Maistre

talks of Christianity exclusively as a statesman or a publicist would

talk about it not theologically nor spiritually but politically and

socially The question with which he concerns himself is the

utilization of Christianity as a force to shape and organise a system of

civilised societies bullbullbull 2 Lamennais eventually disengaged himself

from the Traditionalist movement and even the Catholic Church when

Pope Gregory XVI rejected his demands of spiritual and temporal

separatism

Even Bonald and de Maistre who were resolute Traditionalists

differed in their stress of the relationship between religion and

government Bonald desired a return to the monarchical system of

government unhindered by constitutional limitations whereas de Haistre

was more interested in asserting papal infallibility De Maistres

admiration for the Church made him the apologist of Papal supremacy

as Bonald was the apologist of monarchical authority 3

The stress of Bonalds and de Maistres political theory may

have varied but their orientation to it was identical religion and

government were necessary companions for the welfare of society Their

writings dealt with many of the same topics and the similarity of

their ideas are more obvious than the dissimilarities

Bonald and de Maistre objected vehemently to the creation of

the Republic in France which occurred as a result of the French

Revolution Their objections had a variety of facets foremost of

which involved the definition of a constitution Bonald and de Maistre

viewed the French Republic as an entirely man-created government Its

constitution was the practical application of Enlightenment principles

with which they disagreed De Maistre reasserted his position that

man was not a creator As he could not create society or governments

he could not create constitutions Every constitution is properly

speaking a creation in the full meaning of the word and all creation

is beyond man I S powers 4

The true constitution of a government would have to be flexible

Iilough to guide all of mens experiences in society This eliminated

~ de Maistre the possibility of a successful constitution being

~eated by men Especially when those men were dismissing the past

in order to design the constitution Mans past or tradition was

42

the culmination of centuries of experience in society and the knowledge

gained from that experience A valid constitution would incorporate

the knowledge gained from mans past

The constitution is the work of circumstances whose number is infinite Roman laws ecclesiastical laws feudal laws Saxon Norman and Danish customs the privileges prejudices and pretensions of every virtue every vice all sorts of knowledge and all errors and passions in sum all these factors acting together and forming by their admixture and independent effects countless millions of combinations have at last produced after several centuries the most complex unity and the most propitious equilibrium of political powers that the world has ever seen S

It was presumptuous of men to dismiss the accumulation of experience

When the past was summarily dismissed by the instigators of

the French Revolution and the ensuing Republic it was necessary to

establish new rules for the operation of society The attempts at

innovation resulted in a plethora of directives De Maistre believed

that the abundance of written rules ras an indication of the

propensity of French society toward destruction writings

are invariably a sign of weakness ignorance or danger and that

the more nearly perfect an institution is the less it writes 6

Written laws were the results rather than the guidelines of

unique problems They misdirected justice when applied to circum-

stances which varied from the causes of their origin Written laws

were obsolete upon their conception De Maistre preferred law to

be based on a foundation which incorporated all of mans experience

and could anticipate nearly all the problems which would occur in

society--tradition If the government would rely on tradition as a

basis for the resolution of societys ills the strength of its

justice would be much firmer than if discretionary man-created

43

directives were applied De Maistre delineated his Principles of

Constitutional Law as follows

1 The fundamental principles of political constitutions exist prior to all written la~

2 Constitutional law is and can only be the development or sanction of a pre-existing and unwritten law

3 What is most essential most inherently constitutional and truly fundamental law is never written and could not be without endangering the State

4 The weakness and fragility of a constitution are actually in direct

7proportion to the number of written constitutional

articles

pre-existing and unwritten law was secured in tradition

Bonald agreed with de Maistre that the creation of a constitution

was unfeasible He believed that man was the instrument of society

rather than society being the instrument of man Human attempts to

create a constitution would be abortive since they would be in

conflict with nature He wrote that the constitution of a society is

II the necessary result of the nature of man and not the fruit

of his genius or of the fortuitousness of events liS

The result of mans deviation from nature would be a

destructive realigning phenomenon revolution The error of those

who would attempt to create a constitution from which nature would

necessarily rebound was the inability of men to acknowledge their

ineptitude in perceiving all the possible problematical situations

in society The Constitution which was to determine guidelines for

the newly created government was not supple enough and could never be

extensive enough to deal with all the difficulties leaders of the

Republic would encounter Laws could not be created until after

problems had arisen and were resolved A government then which was

restricted to functioning according to written law would be acting

outside the law in resolving unique problems It would essentially

be a despotic power acting on its own authority It was ironic to

the Traditionalists that the intended purpose of a constitution

was to limit the power which people had bestowed on their leaders

but it in fact increased those powers through insufficient laws

The written constitution would invite objection to government because

of the weakness inherent in its creation It would promote the lack

of legitimate authority and the government based on a constitution

would not only be susceptible but prone to revolution--the only

necessary catalytic ingredient was a faction who would question the

governments authority

Traditionalists were abhorred by the prospect of governments

based on revolutionary principles They felt that the continunl

overturn of goverr~ents and authority would be the cause of the

corruption and disfolution of society It was an impossibility for

men to conduct a revolution with any projected effects being

realized bull men do not at all guide the Revolution it is the

Revolution that uses menl9 Evolution was the only form of

positive progress for it allowed mans new experiences to slowly

adapt to and integrate with the past no real and great

institution can be based on written law since men themselves

instruments in turn of the established institution do not know

what it is to become and since imperceptible growth is the true

promise of durability in all things lllO

The concept of evolution for the Traditionalists entailed the

gradual addition of mans experiences to the past It was a process of

assimilation which was based on tradition--tradition being the

culmination of mens experience in society and the store of knowledge

men had gained from their experience Evolution then adapted

society to the present but retained knowledge for society which

had been gained in the past

Traditionalists felt the only legitimate basis for social

change was evolution and that tradition should determine governmental

growth Tradition would allow flexibility to justice because it

retained precedent for situational problems in society which had

already been encountered and could gradually absorb and adapt new

problems Justice would be less arbitrary since governmental actions

could be judged according to their contiguity with tradition

Tradition not only embodied societys store of knowledge for

the Traditionalists it also was the heir of revelation Bonald

and Lamennais (in his early writings) put forward boldly the idea

that national traditions embody the primitive revelations of God

While Maistre was never so explicit he was just as sure that widely

held traditional beliefs were in some sense the voice of GodlIll

Bonald formulated his concept of revelation in tradition with the

theory of divine origin of language He maintained that men did

not learn to speak through volition Instead the ability to speak

was learned by imitation Bonald asserted that the first man must

have learned to speak from the ultimate creator God that

since one must learn to speak by imitation the first man must have

learned to speak from God himself and if God were speaking to man

what would he have said to him but the first principles of the moral

46

47

life12 De Maistre agreed with Bonald and wrote llAgain he should

realize that every human tongue is learned and never invented and that

no conceivable hypothesis within the sphere of mortal powers could

explain either the formation or the diversity of languages with the

slightest plausibility 1113 Revelation was handed down through the

generations by word of mouth and it eventually became integrated

with tradition Tradition was not only the store of mans knowledge

in society then it was also the conveyor of Gods word

Tradition as the educator and moral guide of man was the only

legitimate base for the functioning of society The theory of the

divine origin of language bull bull led directly to the result which

the thepcratists (another name for Traditionalists) were above all

anxious to demonstrate--viz that man is dependent for his lntelligence

its operations so far as legitimate and its conclusions religious

moral political and social so far as true on tradition flowing from

1 114 a pr1m1t1ve reve at10n Optimal functioning of society would

occur When men followed the direction established in tradition

~n acts he (Maistre) said not from reason but from emotion

sentiment prejudice and our aim should be to found society on right

prejudices to surround mans cradle with dogmas so that when reason

awakens he can find his opinions all ready made at least on everything

that bears on conduct illS

The task of government would be tc adjudicate according to

tradition It would then be governing in adherence to Providence

and mans practical experience in society rather than the arbitrary

base of a written constitution Government authority would be truly

limited by the precedent of tradition whereas it was increased by

ineffectual laws

The French Revolution was an indication to Traditionalists that

society had strayed from its foundations and defied nature It was

not an entirely deplorable event however since it forewarned of

societys imminent destruction Positive consequences could be

derived from this tragic event if its lesson would be heeded and

society returned to the designs of nature The Revolution itself

was a tool of Providence a chastisement and a destructive event

which cleared the way for the reordering of society16 Bonald

and de Maistre felt that I bull the miseries of the French Revolution

were not entirely devoid of positive value Humanity so easily

seduced by sophistical reasoning needed a lesson a factual lesson

Hence Divine Providence made arrangements to administer it in order

to set mankind on the right road leading back to God17

Bonald was among the nineteenth century theorists who main-

tained that history provided evidence of patterns in society and

revealed the designs of nature He believed the French Revolution

marked the end of an epoch

But today when we have seen the strongest and most enlightened nation of the earth fall in its political constitution from the most concentrated unity of power into the most unbridled and abject demagogy and in its religious constitution from the most perfect theism to the most infamous idolatry today when we have seen this same nation return in its political condition from that astonishing dissipation of power to the most sober and well-regulated use of authority and in its religious state pass from the absence of all cult to respect and soon to the practice of its former reI igion all the accidents of society are known the social tour du monde has been taken we have travelled to the tW-shypoles there remain no more lands to discover and the moment has come to offer to man the map of the moral universe and the theory of societylS

48

Quinlan wrote Bonald sets himself up as the prophet who can explain

the designs of nature and hence he feels that he has a great mission

in the world 19

Bonald depicted the progression of society in a cycle of three

stages The three stages were labeled personal public and popular

and represented the successions of governmental power within one

cycle The stage of personal power consisted of a strong leader who

would bring order out of chaos public power was defined as the phase

where a hereditary monarchy and nobility would develop and popular

power was a democratic phase where power of government passed into the

Third Estate

The three stages of power personal public and popular take into account all the accidental modifications of society they include all the periods of power its birth its life and its death and they explain at one and the same time both the different aspects under which power has been considered and the various reactions which it has aroused 20

For Bonald the deliverance of society from chaos by a strong

individual was inevitable because mans stature was of a hierarchical

nature and the most capable man would emerge to unify government

Eventually he would establish a hereditary succession to his position

and thus ensure continuity for the power and leadership he had assumed

A second estate would develop the nobility in accordance to the

hierarchical nature of man in society and would provide a buffer

between the power of the monarch and the third estate This was

the stage of public power and represented for Bonald the optimal

circumstance of government for society There was a gradation of

power from the citizens to the monarch that was in correspondence to

nature The popular stage of government occurred because of the desire

of persons in the third estate to secure power for themselves Society

could never remain in the popular stage because it was in disagreement

with nature This state (of disorder) is always transient however

prolonged it may happen to be because it is contrary to the nature of

beinga2l The third stage provided for the dissolution of society

because it was bull marked by an unabashed rush for power resolving

itself into a destructive struggle and resulting in the most cruel

tyranny 1122 Bonald saw the French Revolution as the event which

marked the denouement of French society and the summation of the

three stages of society He was not exclusively a cataclysmic theorist

however He foresaw a possible rejuvenation of society and wrote

in 1827 that perhaps Napoleon was the strong leader who was

characteristic in the first stage of power

Bonald believed that evolution or positive progress in society

was possible only as long as development was reconciled to nature

Societys natural development was not a random experience but an

unfolding of Providence

Thus Bonald maintained every constitution by which a society lives has within itself a germ of perfection which will develop proportionately with the society and being both the cause and effect of its progress will conduct it infallibly to the highest point of p~rfection to which the society is capable of attaining 3

The maturity or perfection of society presumably fell within Bonalds

second stage of power public ascendancy since the third stage of

popularization inevitably led to the destruction of society

A practical indicator of the stage which ~ociety had attained

at any given time was literature In the course of time elegance of

expression develops and becomes the mark of an advanced society1I24

50

Bonald considered Bossuet u great historian because he believed

the regime of Louis XIV represented the most advanced state of

French society Trom this point of view then Bossuet is presented

by Bonald as an ideal historian25 Bonald treated the philosophes

more leniently than did de Maistre since they were merely spokesmen

for their stage of society The fortunes of France decline and

Voltaire expresses the degradation hich follows the great age 26

Bonald specified his optimal structure of government to be

in accordance with medieval relationships of Church State and

populace He determined that a monarchy nobility and third

estate whose actions were all modified by the Catholic Church was

the form of society which optimally integrated the characteristics of

nature Monarchy is a system of government conformable with nature

a system that views man as a naturally and hence necessarily social

being while the Republic which regards man as an isolated individual

is government contrary to nature27 Bonald was not sympathetic

with the French Republic but he was also opposed to the English

government along with many other systems According to his view

the English constitution has the fatal weakness that it is not unified

in its power and thus a sort of juxtaposition of opposites becomes

the salient feature of the whole society as He even restrained

complete approval of the Restoration in France His preference was

for a return of the old unmitigated for~ of monarchy which was the

only type of government he acknowledged as legitimate

De Maistre differing from Bonald was not rigid in his

specification of governmental structure He admired the English

51

constitution because it was flexible and had adapted to various phases

of English governmenc throughout history He claimed that the most

viable part of the co tution was unwritten--the use of precedent

The true English COf~ ution is that admirable unique and

infallible public spLit which transcends all praise It guides

everything conserves everything and restores everything What is

written is nothing29 De Maistre felt that there was no one form

of government which was applicable to all nations He believed

that monarchy was a superior form of government especially suited

to France but all forms of government were legitimate once they

were established r~very possible form of government has shown

itself in the world and everyone is legitimate when once it has

been established 30 De Maistres theory entailed a broad

interpretation of legitimate government because he considered every

successful form of government divinely inspired Every particular

form of government is a divine construction3l He stressed the

variety of factors integral to the constitutions of particular

nations The Constitution involves population customs religion

geographical situation political relations wealth good and bad

qualities of a particular nation to find the laws which suit it32

Every particular form of government was constructed through a nations

tradition and Providence

52

De Maistre had a relative stance then regarding the various forms

of legitimate government He was concerned only that the authority for

government would be divinely inspired rather than created by man

Although he may have put all his faith in monarchy Maistre consistently

adhered to a political relativism In 1794 he wrote that the question

of the best form of government is academic each form of government

is the best in certain cases and the worst in others 33 De Maistre

could not refrain however from implicating democracy as one of the

worst forms of government The only successful and therefore

legitimate democracies were not at all democracies in the theoretical

version Democracy could not last a moment if it was not tempered

by aristocracy bullbullbull 34 Actually successful democracies were

hierarchical regimes in which power was attributed to the constituents

but in fact was usurped by elite groups of politicians Misinterpretshy

ation of where the power of government was located resulted in the

inability to effectively check that power Therefore 11 bullbullbull of all

monarchies the hardest most despotic and most untolerable is

King Peop Ie 1135

De Maistre was concerned that religion should be a predominant

force in every society Religion could positively or negatively

appeal to mans spiritual inclinations to suppress his evil attributes

Political government was limited mainly to punitive measures of

subdueing manls evil tendencies l1The value of religion Maistre

maintained lay in the positive and the negative influences it

exercised over the human mind the result of which is that religion

becomes a fundamental source of strength and durability for

institutions36 De Maistre wrote And the duration of empires has

always been proportionate to the degree of influence the religious

element gained in the political constitution37

De Maistre considered the medieval structure of society as an

53

optimal form as did Bonald because religion was a predominant force

in that society There was a viable equilibrium between the Church

and State and both yielded enough force to unify society De Maistre

saw the Pope as representative of the Church in a position of

withstanding the political sovereignty and securing the power of

authority of religion II bull in the Middle Ages Popes were a

check to temporal reign38

De Maistre sought to revitalize the power of religion in

nineteenth century western civilization by securing a strong position

for the papacy It was necessary to reverse the trend of Gallicanism

which weakened religion by localizing it and rejecting Romes

authority He attempted to unify and fortify Catholicity by asserting

a doctrine of papal infallibility official papal directives were

not to be disputed among Catholics De K~istre attempted to validate

the doctrine of papal infallibility by locating its precedence in

tradition He undertook to establish on historical grounds the

validity of the Papacy its infallibility and its absolute

authority 1139 He claimed that the power of the papacy was present

in the beginning of Christianity but it had increased in relation to

the need for strong and unified spiritual leadership The legitimacy

for this expansion of power was established in de Maistres Law of

Development This nature (of an institution) is instilled by God

at the incertion of the institution and reveals itself in the gradual

and imperceptible growth elicited by time and circumstance40 Thus

papal authority grew with time but according to a preconceived

design

54

The main difference between theories of Bonald and de Haistre

was the assertion by Bonald that monarchy was by nature the only

legitimate form of government and it was a necessary companion to

religion for the successful operation of society whereas de Maistre

viewed any successful form of government as divinely inspired

They both stressed the need for the rejuvenation of the Church and

State Bonald and de Maistre both believed that Frances republican

government was illegal and were particularly concerned that it should

regain a legitimate government De Maistre believed that republican

France was not based on the tradition of France and Bonald required

a monarchy anyway According to Shklar To Bonald and Maistre

France seemed to have a divinely ordained mission to lead Europe

and her defections meant the end of civilization and so of religion4l

Bonald wrote RepUblican France will be the end of Monarchical

Europe and Republican Europe will be the end of the world 42

Brownson at one time commented on de Haistre in one of his

editorials

Of de Maistre we have little to say He is neither a father nor a doctor of the church he writes as a statesman and politician not as a theologian and is always more commendable for the rectitude of his heart and for his erudition than for the critical exactness of either his thought or expression bull bull bull but as we should never think of citing the distinguished author as a theological authority there is no necessity of doing it43

He did not use de Maistre as a theological authority but he did

employ de Maistres ideas as a statesman and politician as well as

Bonald

Brownson conceived of religion as a practical as well as

55

spiritual necessity which should coincide with government in the

operation of society Religion served a function in that it was

inspirational I need then religion of some sort as the agent

to induce men to make the sacrifices required in adoption of my

plans for working out the reform of society and securing to man

his earthly felicityA4

The political as well as social doctrine Brownson set forth

was derived from Traditionalist theory Religion was the foundation

for the successful operation of civilization and all other

considerations of politics stemmed from this fact For Brownson

politics was a temporal extension of religion Jlpolitics are

simply a branch of ethics and ethics are nothing but moral

56

theology the application of religious principles and dogmas to practical

life 1145

The task of government was to unify and direct society Its

business is to protect to guide to control and by combining the

many into one body to effect a good which must forever transcend

the reach of mere individual effort46 Brownson agreed with Bonald

and de Maistre that individuals had to be considered within the

framework of society and society constituted a greater more powerful

body than any collection of individuals ~~ Society was greater

because it enveloped the body of knowledge transmitted through

tradition from which government was to rule Tradition also embodied

the works of Providence Brownson stated his version of the Divine

Origin of Language in a proof of God God taught the first man his

own existence and the belief has been perpetuated to us by the un-

broken chain of tradition This of itself sufficiently refutes the

atheist 1147 Although he did not specifically attribute this idea to

Bonald he later stated lAnd hence man cannot reflect or perform

any operation of reasoning without language as has been so aptly

proved by the illustrious de Bonald 48

Brownson imbued tradition with the value which Traditionalists

had bestowed upon it and insisted that government adhere to the dogma

which had been developed with the aid of providence Government was

limited to guiding society and punishing offenders of the laws

Religion was a necessary complement to government because it could

inspire people to defy the evil in their nature and seek spirituality

as well as promise punishment for sins Religion could direct society

by defining the lessons of Providence

Religion also provided a check on the abuse of government

Brownson believed that religion had to be unencumbered by the State

in order to successfully perform its function as censor From Europes

political and religious dilemma he concluded that the Churchs

subjugation to the State would result only in abuse and tyranny by

the government It is therefore absolutely necessary that religion

should be free and independent if the government is intended to be

a free government49

Brownson was convinced of the need for religion as a strong

force in society to the extent that he espoused de Maistres Ultrashy

montane doctrine I~e are ourselves ultra-montane and have not the

least sympathy in the world with what is called Gallicanism though

we have a deep love and veneration for Catholic FranceSO Brownson

57

agreed with de Maistre that the power of Catholicism should not be

diffused through the nationalism of religion The Pope should

unite the Catholic Church and render it a more powerful more

independent organization Ultramontanism would minimize the States

effect on the Church and would enable the Church to direct its

power unhindered Brownson equated the strength of Catholicism

with papal independence since spiritual goals were best attended

apart from political binds Unfortunately some members of the

Church had limited their scope to temporal concerns and had not

supported the Pope who was the representative of spiritual authority

He wrote The subjection of the spiritual order to the temporal was

not only the capital crime but the capital blunder of the old

monarchical regime IIS1

Brownson defended de Maistres theory of the Law of Development

whereby the power of the papacy was shown to be legitimate He

agreed that the full papal powers were inherent in the germ of

perfection ll which was present upon the origin of Christianity

Brownson was besieged by outraged citizens who felt that he

was invoking papal tyranny The Know-Nothings were reinforced in

the belief that Catholics wanted to see the Pope issue directives

to the US government and replace the Constitution There was

very little support for Brownsons ultramontane position among

American catholics He realized and resented the lack of support

It has been customary here to deny in the most positive terms all authority of the pope in temporals ex jure divino and to indulge in no little abuse of the sovereign pontiff hypothetically We have read in Catholic journals and heard from the rostrum and even from the pulpit expressions with regard to buckling on ones knapsack and shouldering ones

58

musket and marching against the pope in case he should do so or so that have made our blood run cold --expressions which we sholld hard2 have ventured on ourselves even when a Protestant j

Most American Catholics did not agree with the doctrine of papal

infallibility and tended to resent Brownsons unrelenting stance

American Catholic publications such as The Metropolitan criticized

him for asserting doctrines which would only embroil the public and

increase popular antipathy toward the Catholic populace 53 They

accused him of using no discretion especially because the doctrine

he projected was not official within the Church

Brownson replied that the doctrine of papal infallibility was

not as ominous as it sounded Only the Popes official directives

as head of the Church were infallible and could not be disputed

among fellow Catholics flIt is only those that come in an official

form that we are obliged to receive as authoritative and therefore

as infallible54 Brownson assured the irate Catholics that his

theory was within the strictures of Catholic dogma He was not

concerned that he might substantiate suspicions of the American

public regarding the loyalty of Catholics in this instance

Neither non-Catholics or Catholics were placated and both

elements continued to regard Brownsons Ultramontane position

suspiciously

Brownson did not express the desire to institute a monarchy

in the United States as Bonald had wanted to in France but he did

defend the monarchical form of government He claimed that monarchy

was a legitimate means of operating society because it had proven

successful historically He displayed then de Maistres relative

59

60

approach to legitimate government He felt that monarchies had a

right to maintain their system and agitators for democracy were not

to be admired for attempting to instigate a superior form of

55 government Brownson claimed that republicanism was not a superior

form of government it was only a new form of institutionalism Any

form of government which was successful was legitimate Moreover the

numerous societies in the world required a diversity of governmental

forms since their traditions varied No form of government could be

transplanted successfully if there was no precedent for that particular

form of rule in the societys tradition bullbullbull no form of government

can bear transplanting and because every independent nation is the

sole judge of what best comports with its own interests and its

judgment is to be respected by the citizens as well as by the governments

of other statesS6

Although Brownson did not advocate the transplantation of

monarchy in the United States he agreed with Traditionalists that

the medieval relationship between Church and State had been optimal

The Church was held in high esteem in that period and its strength

was unfettered Brownson was not in accord with critics of the Middle

Ages who contended that the Church had been corrupt He conceded that

temporal representatives within the Church had occasionally abused

their power However sinful conduct of individuals could not be

attributed to the Church it should instead be attributed to the evil

in mans nature which caused disobedience to the Church liThe glory

of the church is not tarnished by human depravity even though it is

found in persons attached to her external communionS7

Medieval society was representative of the best possible relationshy

ship between Church and State Brmmson was atuned to Bonald s idea

that a monarchy and papacy reigning coincidentally was in conformity

to the nature of society which was hierarchical and unified He wrote

We are not in relation to our own country any the less loyally

republican because we believe the departure from mediaeval Europe

has been a deterioration instead of a progress 1I5B

Apparently Brownson agreed with Bonald that literature reflected

the progress of society He admired Bossuet as did Bonald and de

Maistre because he was a representative of medieval society Brownson

made a complimentary and therefore unique comment on Bossuets

thought IIBossuet very justly concludes from the variations of

Protestantism its objective falsity because the characteristic of

truth is invariability bullbull 59 Brownson also rejected all literature

which was not related to some aspect of religion Since he conceived

of literature as a reflection of the state of society it is not

surprising that he disliked and wished to discourage the preponderance

of temporal concerns in prose and poetry We do not set our faces

against all literature as not a few will allege but against all

profane literature sundered from sacred letters and cultivated

separately for its own sake 60 He considered the revival of

temporal arts during the Renaissance as the initial event which

resulted in modern theory It is easy to understand why the revival

of letters the renaissance as the French call it was influential

in preparing Protestantism It was an effect and a cause of the

revival of the secular order61

61

Brownson was in agreement with the Traditionalists objection

to pure democracy He wrote bull bull for democracy is essentially the

antagonist of every institution62 He denounced the ability of

fallible humans to conduct a successful operation of society through

their own authority when we come to practice this virtue

and intelligence of the people is all humbug 63 Brownson did not

have a high regard for the intelligence of American constituents and

did not wish to bequeath sovereignty and the fate of civilization to

them

The land is full of cowards imbeciles half-way men ell-meaning but timid men conceited men incapable of becoming wise bull bull bull They are always a terrible clog on every great and noble enterprise and in every age and nation they are numerous enough to prevent it from being more than half successful Hence it is that human progress is so slow and terrible evils remain so long unredressed 64

The translation of social theory advocating equality of the masses

into practical politics resulted in demands by the American public

of political equality Brownson objected to political equality in

such areas as womens rights and later the negro vote for a variety

of reasons The foremost reason was that the levelling aspect of

political equality assumed that human nature had retained its

primitive integrity and eliminated the aspect of mans Original

Sin Pure democracy also denied that the nature of mans abilities

was hierarchical The popular assumption regarding pure democracy

was if equal political rights were secured to individuals they would

be free and able to secure the necessities of life Brownson objected

fervently to this concept Mere political equality is by no means

the equivalent of equal rights or legitimate freedom65

62

He believed shrewd politicians knew that political equality was

not advantageous for the populace but they were using it for their

own ambitions If bull they are to turn you off with mere political

equality while they reap all the advantages of the social state

Out upon them They are wolves in sheeps clothing 1I66

Political equality necessitated an educated populace which was

unable to be swayed by irrational appeal of corrupted politicians

The election of Harrison in 1840 proved to Brownson that public opinion

was easily influenced The process of manufacturing public opinion

is very simple and well understood and no sensible man has the

least respect for it67 Brownson believed that the right to vote

was not a valuable privilege since the choice of voters was

manipulated by politicians with the most money or most authority

anyway Hence your negro vote will only go to swell the ever

rising tide of political corruption68 This also held true for the

womens right to vote The voting process merely reasserted the

hierarchy inherent in social nature but it was more corruptible than

monarchy since leaders had virtually no check on their power

Brownson in the early years of his Catholicism found the remedy

for political abuse of the voting privilege in strict constitutionalshy

ism fl bullbullbull till we can confine the government within its

constitutional limits it will in spite of all that can be done

be wielded for the special interest of the class or section that

can command a majority and this will not be the interest of the

laboring classes69 Government could not function successfully

on the idealistic theory of political equality It would result in

63

the rule of the leader or leaders who could manufacture the strongest

appeal to public opinion Brownson considered pure democracy as mob

rule and As mobs are at best despots and as kings are onlz despots

at worst we are not prepared to raise the shout of joy merely

h h d d k 70 because a mob in its wrat as epose a ing bull bull Monarchy was

preferable then to pure democracy The election of 1840 in its

flagrant appeal to public opinion was an indication to Brownson that

unhindered democracy would result in the destruction of American

society A few more such victories won by similar means and it

will be time for even the most sanguine among us to begin to despair

of the republic7l

Brownson believed along with de Maistre that the aristocratic

aspects of applied democracy were the source of its success Our

government owes its success not to the democracy of the country for

that is ruining it but administered at first by men who didnt

have democratic sympathies72 He wished to define the constitution

of the government in America as a republic instead of a democracy

in order to avoid the political implications which the word democracy

entailed Our government is Epound a democracy but a constitutional

republic bull And the bull bull American people committed a serious

mistake in translating republicanism into democracy 74

Orestes Brownson was 57 when the Civil War began and it had a

significant impact on his thought His primary reaction to the

actual struggle between North and South was the abhorrence of

revolution in general He agreed with the Traditionalists that

revolution for the sake of changing the political order was not a

65

legitimate means of improving society but they can never

lawfully overthrow an established government for the sake of adopting

another political form even though fully persuaded of its superiority7S

Brownson bonceived of the progression of society as an I

evolutionary procrss whereby the constitution would alter according

to the assimilation of mankinds new experiences to tradition The

constitution of a given society was attained through the historical

experience of its constituents Evolution allooled modification of

societys constitution but not its rejection bullbull the people may

modify the existing forms of the constitution but only in obedience

to the constitution itself76 The legitimacy of societys

constitution had to be intact at all times Brownson wrote We

must obey the law in correcting the abuses of the law the constitution

in repelling its enemies 77

According to Brownson no government could successfully rule

on the foundation of revolutionary principle which defined liberty

as the right to criticize authority rather than the need to obey it

and ultimately led to anarchy liThe state cannot be constituted on

the revolutionary principle nor recognize the right of the people

to abolish the government for every state must have as its basis

the right of the state to command and the duty of the citizen to

obeyII7S The authority of government was to be continuous and

indisputable Even perceived governmental abuses of the law were to

be tolerated by subjects of the state unless they were denounced by

the Church Hence where there is no infallible authority to decide

the subject must always presume the law to be just and faithfully obey

it unless it manifestly and undeniably ordains what is wrong in

itself and prohibited by the law of God79 The theoretical right

to revolt against a supposed tyrannical government was excluded by

Brownson I S concept of authority The obligation to support the

d h h b l h ibl 80 government an t e rig t to a 0 1S 1t are not compat e

Brownson claimed that a society would be destroyed if the

original constitution which had evolved through history were

displaced by revolution He wrote bull bull if we may credit at all

the lessons of history the change of the original constitution of

a state if fundamental and permanent is always and inevitably

the destruction of the state itself 81 The inclination of Americans

to interuationally institute democracy because it was perceived to

be a superior form of government was disastrous Brownson chastised

American support of the Hungarian revolution and rued the fact that

II bullbullbull sympathy with these banded European conspirators these Jacobins

red-republicans socialists Carbonari Freemasons Illuminati Friends

of Light bullbullbull That is our institutions are founded on the denial of

the lawfulness of all forms of government but the democratic bull bull 82

Brownson attempted to convince his fellow citizens that a crusade to

spread democracy was in error Men bullbullbull cannot admit the right of

rebellion and revolution in the people without destroying the very

foundation of government83 The constitution of a state could not

be altered radically even though it mlght be considered inferior to

other forms of government The legitimate constitution of a state

was the one which was in existence flOur principle is to sustain the

existing constitution of the state whether it conforms to our abstract

66

notions or not because in politics everything is to be taken in the

concrete nothing in the abstract 1184

Prior to the Civil War Brownson claimed abolitionists were

agitating the public conscience in order to manipulate public opinion

67

for their benefit In 1838 he wrote bullbullbull it is not their (abolitionist)

object to discuss it Their object is not to enlighten the community

on the subject but to agitate it 85 He viewed the abolitionists

as an extremely dangerous faction of reformers who were trying to

level society for political equality ~t we object to is the

agitation systematized and carried on through self-constituted and

therefore irresponsible associations These associations are the

grand feature of our times and they are of most dangerous tendency1I86

Brownson felt abolitionists were the potential destructors of

society because they were more concerned with their philanthropy than

with the continuity of institutions He considered philanthropy as

a subjective sentiment based on individual judgement and denied the

validity of philanthropis ts I demands But philanthropy is a

sentiment bullbullbull all sentiments are subjective individual and variable tl87

He was horrified that abolitionists felt justified to create mayhem

and circumvent the law by harboring fugitives and demanding the

complete cessation of slavery there is no prudent man who

can for a single moment doubt that the continuance and even extension

of negro slavery is a less evil than the destruction of the whole legal

order of the countryII88 Beside the revolutionary aspect of the

abolitionist movement Brownson disagreed with the practical

consequences of their call for the abrupt dismissal of slavery

Slavery was an institution which had grown and developed a tradition

and a stable social scheme If the institution was destroyed

68

tradition would be lost and slaves would have no guidelines or protection

in their supposed freedom Brownson felt freedom for slaves would

have to be an evolutionary process The slave is never converted

into a freeman by a stroke of the pen bull The slave must grow

into freedom and be able to maintain his freedom or he is a slave

still whatever he may be called 1189 Abolitionist sentiment was not

conducive then to the needs of the slave They are the worst

enemies of their country and the worst enemies too of the slave

They are a band of mad fanatics and we have no language strong

enought to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings90

Immediately preceeding the outbreak of violence Brownson

became dissettled by the Southerners threat to secede from the Union

Others hardly less mad seek to obviate the difficulty by dissolving

the Union but the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of

American society itself bull 9l Brownsons sympathy with the South

ended abruptly upon its secession from the United States government

This act surpassed the evil which had been perpetrated by the

abolitionists

Prior to the Civil War Brownson was influenced by Southern

arguments primarily presented by Calhoun that the states were

individual entities with separate trarlitio s and unique institutions

These separate societies were not to be forced to assimilate their

institutions to the traditions of the other states liThe real

question bullbullbull whether one state has the right to avow the design of

69

changing the institutions of another state and of adopting a

series of measures directed expressly to that end92 Brownson had

the balance of power of the states in mind when he wrote Peace

among the nations of the earth is to be maintained only by each nations

attending to its own concerns leaving all other nations to regulate

h middotmiddot 1 1 h 9 3 t e1r 1nterna po 1CY 1n t e1r own way Brownson construed the

Constitution of the United States as a protector of the rights of

individual states and claimed the states possessed sovereignty

of power IIA state is to the Union what the tribune was to the

Roman senate94 He was concerned to retain authority of government

primarily in the states by limiting federal authority strictly to

what was explicitly stated in the constitution Prior to the Civil

War he feared the power of federal authority Destroy the states

as sovereignties and make them only provinces of one consolidated

state and centralization swallows up every thing 95

The Civil War transformed Brownson into a federalist He

realized that the logical conclusion of states rights theory was

analogous to the revolutionary aspect of individualism States

rights and state sovereignty allowed criticism of central authority

and rendered the United States merely an amalgamation of individual

entities You have no right to call the seceders or the confederates

rebels or to treat them as rebels or traitors if you concede their

doctrine of state sovereignty96 Brownson began to advocate the

enhancement of federal authority and decrease of state authority

bull bullbull and the Union itself if it has any defect is in the fact that

it leaves the federal power too weak for an effective central po er 97

Brownsons final stance retained the need for state government but with

a diminished aspect in relation to federal authority They are in

each one and the same people and the two governments combined

constitute only one full and complete government II98

Brownson justified his removal of allegiance from state to

federal sovereignty by contending that the separate entity concept

of states was never valid He reoriented de Maistres generative

principle of constitutions to prove that unity of the federation

(rather than the separate states) had preceded the written

constitution Unity had in fact been forged when America was

under the domain of Great Britain bullbullbull the United States preceded

it and must have been anterior to that convention99 Brownson

founded his justification then in tradition but a tradition which

had formerly upheld his state sovereignty theory He had only

shifted emphasis and a statement made in 1847 was still valid in

1863 liThe people of this country have not made and could not make

our political constitution It was imposed by a competent authority

and has grown to be what it is through the providence of God bullbullbull It

was not their foresight wisdom convictions or will that made it

republican 11100

Aside from proving the necessity of centralized authority the

Civil War prompted Brownson to define American tradition as nonshy

revolutionary He maintained that the American Revolution was not a

revolution because tradition which America had inherited from Britain

was not relinquished Brownson maintained that the leaders of the

American revolt were adhering to the laws provided by Great Britain

in justifying their dissatisfaction with its rule

-

70

The simple fact is that the men who resisted what they regarded as the tyranny of Great Britain asserted American independence and made us a nation were not democrats and rarely if ever appealed for their justification to democratic principles They argued their case on the principles of the British constitution and their grievance against the mother country was not that she was monarchical aristocratic or oligarchical but that she by her acts in which she persisted violated their rights as British subjects as set forth in magna charta and the bill of rights IOl

Brownson was anxious to discount the formation of the United States

by revolution because he desired to avoid the possibility of further

strife ensuing the Civil War This necessitated removing

revolutionary principle from the popular theory in America

The Civil War was a disastrous event in America and nearly

destroyed the United States Brownson believed that it was useful

as a lesson though in that it proved individualism and other

outgrowths of modern theory were destructive to society The

Civil War II bullbullbull proved the necessity of conservative principles

and respect for established authority102 Brownson translated

de Maistres belief in the constructive aspect of the French

Revolution when he wrote the War bull bull will be the thunder-storm

that purifies the moral and political atmosphere it will enable

us to see and understand the wrong principles the mischievous

principles we have unconsciously fostered the fatal doctrines we have

adopted the dangerous tendencies to which we have yielded 103

By reading Traditionalist works FroTNnson was informed on the

Catholic prognosis of European events and his editorials contained

abundant references to political developments on the Continent His

comments on the war between France and Germany in 1870 are exemplary

71

of Traditionalist thought

After Francets defeat by Germany Brownson recalled the

Traditionalist warning that society would have to be reconstituted

on the basis of authority and tradition under the leadership of

an independent Church and the State He recognized that neither

France nor Europe had done so In 1871 he wrote France has now

no legal government no political organization and what is the

worst recognizes no power competent to reorganize her society and

reconstitute the state and has recognized none since the

revolution of l789 ltl04 Brownson recognized that religion instead

of regaining its power in European society had steadily diminished

in strength He believed France especially had failed society

because it had not rejuvenated Catholicism I~rance has fallen

because she has been false to her mission as the leader of modern

civilization because she has led it in an anti-Catholic direction

and made it weak and frivolous corrupt and corrupting lIl05

The war of 1870 proved to Brownson that European governments

had not removed their foundations from the revolutionary principle

and were bound to deteriorate revolution was the real

disaster and Paris not Prussia or Germany has subjugated France 106

According to Brownson none of the necessary steps had been taken to

rebuild a solid foundation for European society after the Revolution

of 1789 He heeded de Maistrets warning that the continuance of

government based on modern theory would culminate in the eventual

dissolution of society The various revolutions which followed 1789

convinced Brownson that the progression of European society was being

72

accompanied by a destructive process The governments were

continually moving further from the concept of God as the

creator and foundation of civilization In 1874 he wrote liThe

present anarchical state of Europe is due to the emancipation of the

governments from the law of God bullbullbull 107

73

1 Harold J Laski Authority in the Modern State (Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968) pp 192-193

2 John Viscount Morley Biographical Studies (London MacMillan and Cpy 1923) p 223

3 Reardon p 78

4 Lively p 108

5 Greifer p 5

6 Ibid p 31

7 Ibid p 14

8 Quinlan p 58

9 Lively p 50

10 Greifer p 33

ll Lively p 15

12 Quinlan p 12

13 Greifer pp 65-66

14 Flint p 373

15 Soltau p 18

16 Reardon p 46

17 Koyre p 58

18 Quinlan p 48

19 Ibid p 88

20 Ibid p 36

21 Ibid p 25

22 Ibid p 42

23 Ibid p 52

24 Ibid p 25

25 Ibid p 94

26 Ibid p 30

74

27 Koyre p 65

28 Quinlan p 69

29 Greifer p 11

30 Ibid p 142

31- Ibid p 107

32 Lively p BO

33 Murray p 75

34 Lively p 123

35 Greifer p 24

36 Murray p 76

37 Greifer p 45

38 Lively p 142

39 Reardon p 85

40 Ibid p 86

41 Judith W Shklar After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith (Princeton NJ Princeton U Press 1957) p 183

42 Reardon p 27

43 Works XIV pp 102-103

44 Works V p 66

45 Works X p 33l

46 Works XV p 126

47 Works I p 265

48 Works I p 289

49 Works XVI p 125

50 Works X pp 332-333

5l Works XVI p 126

52 Works XI p 132

1 C ~

76

53 Works XI p 114

54 Works X p 348

55 Works XVI p 201

56 Works XVIII p 97

57 Works Xp 253

58 Works XVI p 259

59 Works VI p 139

60 Works X pp 360-361

61 Works X p 363

62 Works XV p 384

63 Ibid p 261

64 Works XVII p 477

65 Works XV pp 387-388

66 Ibid p 387

67 Works XVIII p 247

68 Works XVII p 551

69 Works X p 206

70 Works XVI p 103

71 Works XVIII p ISO

72 Works XVI p 262

73 Works XVI p 376

74 Works XV p 205

75 Works XVI p 179

76 Works XV p 394

77 Works XVI p 79

78 Ibid p 124

79 Ibid p 23

77

80 Ibid p 12l

8l Works XV p 566

82 Works XVI p 203

83 Works XV p 397

84 Works XVI p 118

85 Works XV p 65

86 Works XVI p 170

87 Works XVII p 538

88 Works XVI p 48

89 Works XV p 70

90 Works XVI p 26

91 Ibid p 49

92 Works XV p 5l

93 Ibid p 76

94 Ibid p 248

95 Ibid p 62

96 Works XVII p 277

97 Ibid p 166

98 Ibid p 492

99 Ibid p 480

100 Works XV p 562

101 Works XVII p 483

102 Ibid p 280

103 Ibid p 139

104 Works XVIII p 484

105 Ibid p 501

106 Ibid p 482

107 Ibid bullbull p 249

ECONOMIC THEORY

Economic ideas of the Traditionalists were a reaction against

the growth of industrialism and liberal laissez-faire theory

The Industrial Revolution had begun in France by 1815 1 However

industrialism had not altered Frances agrarian economy significantly

during the time Bonald and de Maistre were producing their critiques

of society There is no evidence that Bonald had any direct or

sustained experience with the effects of industrialism bullbullbull Moreover

virtually everything he wrote on the subject was published between

1800 and 1817 well before massive industrial change and dislocation

swept over France u2 Bonald perceived the imminence of

industrialism in France though and predicted it would be similar

to the English experience He investigated effects of industrialism

by examining English society and found ominous implications in the

establishment of an industrial society He sought to prevent its

occurrence in France

BOlla1d and de Maistre viewed industrialism as an outgrowth of

eighteenth century ideology Liberal economic theorists proclaimed

the necessity of production without infringing restrictions from

Church or State They assumed that free competition would assure

individuals an equitable chance for economic progress and mobility

between classes Bonald and de Maistre rejected the idea that

free competition would produce fair results They claimed that free

competition would increase disparity between the competent and

incompetent men of society Bonald recognized the practical

manifestations of varied potential in the polarization of wealthy and

poor in England The new production processes encouraged the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few which resulted in the

emergence of a new industrial aristocracy At the same time a

poverty-stricken working class was created concentrated in urban

slums 3

Economic liberals had claimed that free competition would

increase production and therefore the wealth of nations Bonald

argued that the wealth of a nation could not be considered in terms

of its monetary assets He rejected the quantitative assessment of

societys progress Liberal economists had prolifically quoted

figures in order to show the economic progress which occurred with

the development of industrialism Traditionalists preferred to

assess the damage which industrialism was effecting upon social and

political aspects of the state Bonald contended that liberal

economists as well as their contemporary social and political

theorists had attempted to apply scientific principles to determine

the optimal functioning of society rather than heeding the necessity

of directing all human endeavors toward spirituality and the Church

Political economy he argued was merely another symptom of the social sickness arising from commerce and industry It represented the triumph of the small mind for it rested on the view that significant social insights could be obtained through the mechanical compilation of statistical data on prociuction and trade We know exactly bull bull bull how many chickens lay eggs bull bull bull we know less about men and we have completely lost sight of the principles which underlie and maintain societies 4

The richness of tradition and a content constituency constituted

bull

79

a wealthy society for the Traditionalists Manners customs and

laws are the true and even the sole wealth of society that is their

only true means of existence and conservation~ 5 Traditionalists

rejected the bourgeois class which developed as a result of

industrialism Members of the bourgeoisie had accumulated wealth

but they had no established customs to guide their behavior The

power of the bourgeoisie accompanied by its lack of tradition

made the new class a threat to society

The Traditionalists felt that working relationships which

accompanied the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society caused

profound social dislocation Workers who had previously been secure

on their landlords farms had to engage the entire family to work

in factories for as long as 16 hours a day to achieve a barely

subsistence level of wages Bonald attributed labor unrest

unemployment urban slums crime and extreme poverty to industrialism

He frequently compared agrarian to industrial society and found few

positive attributes in the latter form of economy

Agrarian society was based on a cooperative familial effort to

produce enough goods for survival

Production and consumption were both family centered the family labored mainly to meet its needs and for the most part consumed only its own products Work was a cooperative venture not a competitive individual enterprise All separate tasks had an obvious purpose and could be readily seen as part of a whole enterprise The rhythm of labor was natural fixed by the flow of the seasons and the path of the sun not by the artificial beat of factory machines Considerations of the market --national or internatiogal--were peripheral for the economy was the household

Industrial society though was not cooperative but individualistic

80

and based on competition Industrial and commercial society was

characterized by a style of relations patterned on the marketplace

All the social bonds of church family and village were dissolved

and in their place were substituted money relationships which

alienated men from each other7

Traditionalists preferred the ~grarian system of economy They i

felt it could accomodate the stratif~cation of human abilities to a

greater degree than could industrialism Cooperative effort would

provide for the care of all inhabitants of society whereas the

competition inherent to industrialism would ensure destruction of

societys least capable members Bonald claimed that any increased

production which occurred with industrialism was beneficial only to

the already wealthy members of society It was therefore considered

by him as overproduction

He held loosely that manufacture and commerce were beneficial only insofar as they met the immediate needs of agricultural production and he insisted that international commerce was needless and harmful Rural economy was in all respects preferable to the extremes of poverty and luxury associated with a society based on trade and manufacturing All production which tended beyond the standards of rural economy was useless and dangerous 8

Traditionalists maintained that once the physical needs of the

populace were met it was necessary to fulfill their spiritual needs

The Church was the guide to that objective Acquisition of excessive

temporal goods was a hindrance to the accession of spirituality They

emphasized agriculture landed property custom nationalism and

Catholicism as factors in an economic system which were conducive to

the designs of nature and the destiny of man 9

Industrialism was entrenched in American society by the mid-nine-

81

teenth century and Brownson regretted the apparent loss of rural

predominance in the economy He stated in his autobiography that the

practical application of demands in his Essay on the Laboring Classes

published in 1840 would have u bullbullbull broken up the whole modern

commercial system prostrated all the great industries or what I

called the factory system and thrown the mass of the people back on

the land to get their living by agricultural and me~hcnical pursuits fllO

Brownsons autiobiography published in 1857 made explicit that he

viewed agriculture as the preferable economical system for society

I believe firmly even still that the economical system I proposed

if it could be introduced would be favorable to the virtue and

h i f Ill app ness 0 soc1ety

He believed that the agricultural society was conducive to

social order because the entire range of abilities in the populace

was absorbed in the economic system Relationships were generally

fixed and therefore stable labor was of a cooperative nature

Between the master and the slave between the lord and the serf there often grow up pleasant personal relations and attachments there is personal intercourse kindness affability protection on the one side respect and gratitude on the other which partially compensates for the superiority of the one and the inferiority of the other 12

Brownson in agreement with the Traditionalists disliked

industrialism because of its detrimental effects on the social

order Industrialism provoked competition and created animosity

between societys inhabitants Individuals became insular economic

units and the cooperative system characteristic of the agricultural

economy disintegrated

82

bull bull bull the capitalist and the workman belong to different species and have little personal intercourse The agent or man of business pays the workman his wages and there ends the responsibility of the employer The laborer has no further claim on him and he may want and starve or sicken and die it is his oun affair with which the employer has nothing to do Hence the relation between the two cla~~es becomes mercenary hard and a matter of ari thmetic

According to Brownson competition had a demeaning effect

on labor The personal relationships between owner and employer

and the identities of laborers dissipated with industrialism liThe

great feudal lords had souls railroad corporations have none14

He did not believe that the economic system was rendered equitable

when free competition was invoked Rather the ability of many

members of the populace to survive became more remote when laws

were established to create free competition But mens natural

capacities are unequal and these laws which on their face seem per-

fectly fair and equal create monopolies which enrich a few

individuals at the expense of the many illS

Brownson agreed with Bonald that industrialism had fostered

a large disparity between the wealthy and poor

Capital will always command the lions share of the proceeds This is seen in the fact that while they who command capital grow rich the laborer by his simple wages at best only obtains a bare subsistence The whole class of simple laborers are poor and in general unable to procure by their wages more than the bare necessaries of life This is a necessary result of the system The capitalist employs labor that he may grow rich or richer the laborer sells his labor that he may not die of hunger he his wife and little ones and as the urgency of guarding against hunger is always stronger than that of growing rich or richer the capitalist holds the laborer at his mercy and has over him whether called a slave or a freeman the power of life and death 16

83

Brownson claimed that no man could be removed from the circle of

()verty unless he learned to manipulate and exploit the labor of

others ~oor men may indeed become rich but not by the simple wages

of unskilled labor They never do become rich except by availing

themselves in some way of the labor of others 1I17 Industrialism then

promoted usery and egoism

The men who benefitted from industrialism and became wealthy

were viewed as corrupt and presumptuous by Brownson They had

been ruthless in achieving their fortunes but even worse they

lacked tradition in their status

The system elevates the middling class to wealth often men who began life with poverty A poor man or a man of small means in the beginning become rich by trade speculation or the successful exploitation of labor is often a greater calamity to society than a wealthy man reduced to poverty An old established nobility with gentle manners refined tastes chivalrous feelings surrounded by the prestige of rank and endeared by the memory of heroic deeds or lofty civic virtues is endurable nay respectable and not without compensating advantages to society in general for its rank and privileges But the upstart the novus homo with all the vulgar tastes and habits ignorance and coarseness of the class from which he has sprung and nothing of the class into which he fancies he has risen but its wealth is intolerable and widely mischievous 18

Brownson disliked nearly all facets of industrialism He

was inclined to espouse a return to agrarian society as the

Traditionalists had but admitted his desire was unrealistic IIBut

I look upon its introduction as wholly impracticable bullbullbull 19

Brownson contended with industria1isffi by defining and attempting

to dispel its most vitiating aspects He saw materialism as the

primary foundation of industrialism The great danger in our country

is from the predominance of material interests20 The desire for

84

material objects compelled men to compete mercilessly If Competition

results from the inequality of fortune the freedom and the desire to

accumulate 1I2l Brownson believed that political economists not only

advocated the necessity of freedom to accumulate they sanctioned

struggle for possessions

Political economists regard this struggle with favor for it stimulates production and increases the wealth of the nation which would be true enough if consumption did not fully keep pace with production though if true we could hardly see in the increased wealth of the nation a compensation for the private and domestic misery it causes and the untold amount of crime of which it is the chief instigator 22

He sought to diminish the effect of materialism by devalueing

mans possessions

bull bull bull gratify every sense every taste every wish as soon as formed and the poor wrtech will sigh for he knows not what and behold with envy even the ragged beggar feeding on offal No variety no change no art can satisfy him All that nature or art can offer palls upon his senses and his heart --is to him poor mean and despicable There arise in him wants which are too vast for nature which swell out beyond the bounds of the universe and cannot and will not be satisfied with anything less than the infinite and eternal God Never yet did nature suffice for man and it never wiU 23

Brownson reduced wealth and poverty to relative measures

~reover is it certain that poverty in itself considered is

evil or opposed to our destiny Where is the proof Wealth and

poverty are both relative terms bull 124 He linked human content-

ment to spiritual fulfillment rather than temporal possessions

For the same reason it does not necessarily follow that the wealth luxury and other things you propose are necessarily in themselves at all desirable You must go further and before attempting to decide what is good or what is evil tell us WHAT IS THE DESTINY OF MAN for it is only in relation to his destiny that we can pronounce this or that good or evil 25

85

Brownson felt that Catholicism was the means for reducing the

progress of industrialism and dissipating its harmful effects If

men would adhere to the teachings of the Church There would be no

unrelieved poverty no permanent want of the necessaries or even

comforts of life for the Church makes almsgiving a precept and

commands all her children to remember the poor There would remain

no ruinous competition for no one would set a high value upon the

goods of this world Jl26

Brownsons economic theory was correspondent to Traditionalist

ideas even though he was not able to propose the reinstitution

of an agrarian economy He relied solely on moral suasion of the

Church to rescind evils of industrialism while abiding its presence

in American society It is clear that Brownson felt the more power

Catholicism wielded in a given society the more stable and content

that society was ~e regard it (competition) as an unmixed evil

which could and would be avoided if poverty were honored and the

honest and virtuous poor were respected according to their real worth

as they are by the church and were in all old Catholic countries

till the modern democratic spirit invaded them27

86

1 Matthew H Elbow French Corporative Theory 1789-1948 (New York Columbia University Press 1953) p 23

2 D K Cohen The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern History 41 (December 1969) 475-484

3 Ibid pp 476-477

4 Ibid pp 477-478

5 Ibid p 479

6 Ibid p 477

7 Ibid p 480

8 Ibid p 477

9 Elbow p 14-4

10 Works V p 117

11 Ibid p 118

12 Ibid p 116

13 Ibid pp 116-117

14 Works XVIII p 234

15 Ibid p 237

16 Works V p 115

17 Ibid

18 Ibid pp 115-116

19 Ibid p 118

20 Works X p 8

2l Ibid p 55

22 lilorks XVIII pp 235~236

23 Works X p 52

24 Ibid p 431

25 Ibid p 45

26 Ibid p 66

27 Works XVIII p 236

87

CONCLUSION

The social political and economic theories Brownson propagated

after his Catholic conversion were derived from Traditionalist thought

Brownson occasionally referred to the Traditionalists in his essays

indicating that he had read their publications He also stated that

he was sympathetic to Traditionalism The similarity of theories

though is the strongest defense for supposition that Brownson

assimilated Traditionalist ideas in his own system

The high regard Brownson extended to Traditionalists was due

to an agreement with their objective of rejuvenating Catholicism He

believed an increase of support for the Catholic Church would direct

more men to salvation but he also maintained in agreement with the

Traditionalists that it would facilitate order in society

Other systems of Catholic thought ~ich were prevalent in

Europe in the mid-nineteenth century were rejected by Brownson

Gallicanism called for a resurgence of Catholic strength but sought

it in political alliance with the State Brownson believed the

Churchs fate would then be bound to unstable governments Liberal

Catholicism was rejected by him for the same reason--liberal Catholics

wanted to form an alliance between the Church and the democratic

movement which they believed would be the future governmental form of

Europe Brownson preferred the Ultramontane position that the Church

would remain independent of all governmental forms although it would be

responsible for enlisting obedience of societys constituents to the

Church and State The Church was mainly responsible for maintaining

spiritual predominance over temporal objectives if all men would

seek salvation social distress would be alleviated by serious

attempts to adhere to moral teachings of the Church

Brownsons efforts to convince the American public that

Catholicism was necessary for social harmony entailed problems

which were nonexistent for the Traditionalists Whereas the French

had a tradition of Catholicism to restore American society was

mainly devoid of Catholic influence The object of Traditionalists

was to engage in successful polemics against the philosophes in

order to convince the French that Enlightenment ideals were errant

and a return to Catholic-dominated society was necessary Brownson

beside invalidating Enlightenment ideology had to convert to

Catholicism a nation whose primary heritage was Protestant He

therefore sought to impress upon Protestants that their sects

were derived from Catholicism and Protestantism was merely a political

rebellion from authority Protestantism was conceptualized as a

phase of the individualist movement which rendered morals to a

subjective status and condoned the supremacy of temporal goals

Brownson objected to Protestant revision of religion for the same

reason he objected to the social compact conception of government--

it was an attempt of humans to create or reform He attempted to

convince Protestants that their sects werp not valid and they were

in fact either latent Catholics or atheists Protestants had the

choice to admit their atheism or return to the Catholic Church In

this manner he established a quasi-Catholic heritage in America

89

Brownson wrote voluminously in an attempt to establish what he

considered the correct foundation for American society The quantity

of material he produced is indicated by his collection of selected

works written after 1838 which constituted twenty compact volumes

Brownson was the major contributor to the ~n Quarterly Review and

the sole author of Brownsons Quarterly Review

Brownson was unsuccessful in his goal to convert America to

Catholicism despite his lengthy and intellectual labors The goal

he strived for was unrealistic especially since the Catholic base

he depended on was a very small portion of the American populace

and even the Traditionalist~ whose society had a strong tradition of

Catholicism had difficulty obtaining popular support

The influence Brownsons works did procure was confined to his

generation because his ideas were not a part of the intellectual

trend in America He is therefore an obscure figure in the

American past

90

ampIBLIOGRAPHY

Belloc Hilaire 1920

New York The Paulist Press

Bodley John Edward Courtenay The Church in France London Archibald Constable and Company Ltd 1906

Brownson Henry F Oreste A Brownsons Earl Life from 1803 to 1844 Detroit chigan By the Author 1898

Brownson Orestes A Compo Henry F Brownson 20 vols New York A M S Press Inc 1966

Caponigri Aloysius Robert ed Modern Catholic Thinkers New York Harper 1960 1

Cohen D K The Vicomte de Bonalds Critique of Industrialism Journal of Modern Hi torL 41 (December 1969) 475-484

Corrigan Sister M Felici Some Social Principles of Orestes A Brownson Washingto D C Catholic University of America Press 1939

Elbow Matthew H French or orative Theor Columbia UniverSity Press 1953

i

1789-1948 New York

Elton L The Revolutionarx Idea in France London Edward Arnold and Company 1923 ~

Fitzsimmons M A Brown ons Search for the Kingdom of God The Social Thought of an American Radical Review of Politics 16 (January 1954) 22-36

i

Flint Robert Historical Philosophy in France New York Charles Scribners Sons 1894

Fredrickson George M Inner Civil War New York Harper 1965

Gianturco Etio Joseph De Maistre and Giambattista Vico Gettysburg Pennsylvania Times and News Publishing Company 1937

Gilson Etienne and Langan Thomas eds A History of Philosophy New York Random House 1963

Greifer Elisha ed Joseph de Maistre On God and Societx Chicago Henry Regnery Company 1959

Hollis C Carroll Brownson on George Bancroft South Atlantic Quarterlv 49 (January 1950) 42-52

Koyre Alexander Louis de Bonald Journal of the History of Ideas 7 (January 1946) 56-73

LaPati Americo D Orestes A Brownson New York Wayne Publishers Inc 1965

Laski Harold J Authority in the Modern State Hamden Connecticut Archon Books 1968

Lively Jack The Works of Joseph de Maistre London George Allen and Unwin Ltd 1965

Lowith Karl From Hegel to Nietzsche New York Anchor Books 1964

Maynard Theodore Orestes Brownson Yankee Radical Catholic New York MacMillan and Company 1943

McAvoy Thomas J Orestes A Brownson and Archbishop John Hughes in 1860 If Review of Politics 24 (January 1962) 19-47

Mellon Stanley The Political Uses of History Stanford California Stanford University Press 1958

Moon Parker Thomas The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France New York MacMillan Company 1921

Morley John Viscount Biographical Studies London MacMillan Company 1923

Muret Charlotte Touzalin French Royalist Doctrines Since the Revolution New York 1933

Murray John C The Political Thought of Joseph De Maistre Review of Politics 11 (January 1949) 63-86

Nisbet Robert A De Bonald and the Concept of the Social Group Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (June 1944) 315-331

Parry Stanley J The Premises of Brownsons Political Theory Review of Politics 16 (April 1954) 194-221

Pritchard John Paul IIEmerson and His Circle Orestes Brownson in America 1I in Criticism in America University of Oklahoma Press 1956

Quinlan Mary Hall The Historical Thought of the Vicomte de Bonald Washington D C Catholic University of America Press 1953

Reardon Michael Providence and Tradition in the Writings of

92

De Maistre Bonald Ballanche and Buchez Doctoral Dissertation Indiana University 1965

Roemer Lawrence Socialism

Brownson on Democracy and the Trend toward New York Philosophical Library 1953

Rommen Heinrich A The State in Catholic Thoug~ London B Herder Book Company 1945

Schlesinger Arthur M Jr A Pilgrims Progress Orestes A Brownson Boston Little Brown and Company 1939

Shklar Judith W After Utopia The Decline of Political Faith Princeton N J Princeton University Press 1957

Soleta Chester A The Literary Criticism of Orestes A Brownson Review of Politics 16 (July 1954) 334-351

Soltau Roger Henry French Political Thought in the 19th Century New York Russell and Russell 1959

Talman Jacob L Political Messianism New York Praeger 1961

Whalen Doran Granite for Gods House New York Sheed and Ward 1941

Whalen Sister Mary Rose Gertrude Some Aspects of the Influence of Orestes A Brownson on His Contemporaries Notre Dame Indiana Notre Dame press 1936

93

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