N° 19 INFORMATION BULLETIN (2010)

πB - 1/2010 � www.solidnet.org

“The international capitalist crisis,

the workers’ and peoples’ struggle,

the alternatives and the role

of the communist and working class

movement”

Welcome address

In this issue contributions by 5 Communist Party of Australia13 Communist Party of Bangladesh17 Workers’ Party of Belgium22 Communist Party of Brazil30 Brazilian Communist Party 33 Communist Party of Britain37 Communist Party of Canada41 Communist Party of China46 AKEL, Cyprus51 Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia54 Communist Party in Denmark59 Communist Party of Denmark62 Communist Party of Finland66 German Communist Party 69 Communist Party of Greece77 Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party80 Communist Party of India86 Communist Party of India [Marxist]89 Communist Party of Ireland95 Communist Party of Israel100 Party of the Italian Communists103 Workers’ Party of Korea107 Lebanese Communist Party112 Communist Party of Luxembourg115 Communist Party of Nepal

(United Marxist Leninist)118 New Communist Party of Netherlands122 Communist Party of Norway125 Communist Party of Pakistan128 Portuguese Communist Party 132 Communist Party of Russian Federation135 South African Communist Party139 Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain 142 Communist Party of Sweden148 Communist Party of Turkey152 Communist Party of USA156 Communist Party of Vietnam

Documents 159 Delhi Declaration162 Press release

Solidarity statements163 On Commemorating 25th Anniversary

of Bhopal Gas Tragedy 165 On The Cyprus Problem

166 Parties that participated

167 Redlinks

��

�

�

��

20-22 NOVEMBER 2009, NEW DELHI, INDIAhttp://11imcwp.in/

■ Many thanks to Workers’ Party of Ireland

for providing the English edition.


3

DEAR COMRADES, It gives me immense

pleasure to extend warm greetings and hearty

welcome on behalf of the leadership of the

Communist Party of India and Communist Par-

ty of India (Marxist) as well as over two million

members of the two Indian Communist parties

and millions of their supporters to all of you,

the representatives of the Communist and

Workers Parties from the five continents of the

world who are delegates to this eleventh Con-

ference.

The Conference assumes special signifi-

cance as it is being held for the first time in Asia

and that too in the historic National Capital of

India, Delhi. The venue of this Conference, is

one of the ancient cities of India, and has a long

and rich history going back nearly three thou-

sand years. In the medieval period, Delhi off

and on remained the capital of the ruling dy-

nasties: from Anangpal and Chauhans to the

Mughals, the last Indian dynasty. Seven cities

of Delhi are famous in Medieval Indian history.

Various dynasties kept on changing the site of

the capital in Delhi, each Delhi bearing a differ-

ent name, from Indraprastha of the Mahab-

harata epic to the Shajahanabad of the Mughal

period. No other city in India has so many

archeological monuments as Delhi has.

As Delhi has remained the seat of power

for centuries, it had always been the centre of

our political activities. It was here that the peo-

ple rose in revolt against the British colonizers

in 1857, which Karl Marx himself has termed

as the First war of Independence. During our

freedom struggle Delhi played a significant

role and continues to be hub of our political ac-

tivities.

LIKE BILLIONS OF WORKING PEOPLEthe world over suffering from the miseries

heaped on by the capitalist system, the Indian

people too will be watching the deliberations

of this august gathering of the Communist and

Workers parties that share a common ideolo-

gy, the ideology of socialism, of Marxism-

�

BY PALLAB SENGUPTA, CP OF INDIA

Welcome address

4

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of India

Leninism. Indian people very well realize and

appreciate the persistent endeavor, the relent-

less struggles which they pursue through im-

mense sacrifices and lead militant mass strug-

gles to end the rule of exploitation and to es-

tablish a just economic and social order. It was

in India that the people elected the Commu-

nists to power through the ballot box as long

back as 1957, exercising the adult franchise.

Still, in three of the Indian states, Communists

have been elected to rule. In one of them they

have been continuously elected for the past

three decades.

THIS IMPORTANT EVENT is taking place

against the background of a volatile interna-

tional situation where people at large are the

victims of imperialist aggression, occupation,

subjugation as well as a crisis-ridden capitalist

economy which is jeopardising the life of com-

mon people the world over. We are meeting

at a time when world is under the grip of an

unprecedented economic crisis, an inevitable

outcome of the policies imposed on countries

under the garb of imperialist globalization.

Capitalism breeds crisis and the current global

recession is a systemic crisis of capitalism

demonstrating its historic limits. It is acute and

all encompassing as the policies imposed in

the name of economic neo-liberalism are basi-

cally the most naked and barbarous expres-

sion of capitalist exploitation. It has demon-

strated the sharpening of the main contradic-

tion of capitalism between the social nature of

production and individual capitalist appropri-

ation. Now hundreds of thousands of factories

are closed. Agrarian and rural economies are

under distress. About half a million Indian

farmers have been forced to commit suicide

since the bourgeois dispensation in our coun-

try swallowed the bait of economic neo-liber-

alism.

Millions of the people have been thrown

out of job. Unemployment is growing to un-

precedented levels. Inequalities are increasing

across the world - the rich are getting richer

and the poor, poorer. One sixth of the world’s

population is suffering from hunger pangs. The

democratic rights of the people are under se-

vere attack.

Despite the propaganda barrage of the

bourgeoisie that there is no alternative to eco-

nomic neo-liberalism and imperialist globaliza-

tion, people do realize that everything is not

lost. Today, the most powerful people’s move-

ment in the world is the one aimed against the

capitalist system and for a better world, a

world of social and economic justice and so-

cialism. More and more people and forces are

coming together to fight the capitalist on-

slaught. New ways and means are being de-

vised to intensify the struggle for change, for a

better world order. “There is an alternative to

capitalism” is the battle cry the world over.

OUR GATHERING, the gathering of the par-

ties committed to Socialism provides a ray of

hope. People will definitely watch the outcome

of this conference with interest and hopes for

more intensified struggle by the Communist

and Workers parties. The present situation de-

mands the best co-ordination and unity in ac-

tions of the communist and workers parties of

the world. The joint initiative of hosting this

conference by our two communist parties sig-

nifies the urge of our toiling masses for much

more cohesion, more fraternal closeness, for

the intensified struggle for a Change.

Once again I extend fraternal greetings and

heartiest welcome to all.

5

�


CommunistParty of

AustraliaBOB BRITON

The Political Resolution adopted at our Par-

ty’s recent Congress concludes that the cri-

sis afflicting capitalism is multi-facetted.

“The people of the world are not just

facing global financial and economic crises

and the resultant social consequences, but

a food crisis threatening the lives and health

of hundreds of millions of people, an envi-

ronmental crisis threatening the future of

life on our planet and the possibility of new

wars (including nuclear) and fascism.”

This is a sobering assessment. We be-

lieve that our conclusions are no exaggera-

tion because capitalism and imperialism ul-

timately have no solutions to the various

crises this system have generated.

Throughout its turbulent history, capitalism

has resorted to violence and oppression to

restore profitability to the capitalist ruling

class. The current global situation presents

another of these impasses for imperialism

and its responses over the past decades

display a growing desperation to secure its

own future.

At the same time, all over the world

people are resisting the impacts of neo-lib-

eralism. Capitalism itself is being ques-

tioned. People have struggled for change

and voted for it in unprecedented numbers.

In our country of Australia in 2007, people

resoundingly defeated the openly neo-lib-

eral government of Prime Minister John

Howard and voted for the social democrat

Labor Party led by Kevin Rudd. The trade

unions were key to this victory through

their leadership of what was called the

“Your Rights at Work” campaign. In the US

we have witnessed the historic election of a

black man to the office of President. In both

cases, a change from the neo-liberal past

was promised. Prime Minister Rudd has

been quick to demonstrate through his ac-

tions that the neo-liberal agenda has not

been rejected or fundamentally revised. It

6

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Australia

is also apparent that little has changed as far

as the global military and economic ambi-

tions of US imperialism are concerned.

People have been encouraged by the

thorough-going change being consolidated

in Latin America. Progressive governments

in the region are having success after suc-

cess in rebuilding their countries after

decades of neo-liberal economic and social

devastation. Challenges remain, but

progress has been impressive. Movements

have been brought together and a powerful

alternative to neo-liberalism has been

forged. Gains in the battle of ideas, the ide-

ological struggle against capitalism, have

also been impressive. The achievements of

the socialist countries continue to inspire.

Communists are unifiers. We must learn

from these experiences and, where we

have lagged behind, resume our role of

bringing together the many anti-capitalist

struggles, pointing out the real enemy of

humanity and leading the way to the social-

ist alternative.

THE GLOBAL ECONOMIC CRISIS FROM ANAUSTRALIAN PERSPECTIVE. Supporters of

capitalism are striving to portray the current

economic crisis as the result of a series of

blunders within the financial system and ex-

cessive greed on the part of some individu-

als. They say it occurred due to a simple

lapse in judgement on the part of govern-

ments. Stability in future can be assured by

restoring some of the regulation over the fi-

nancial sector that had been abandoned

during the era of neo-liberalism. They insist

on calling it the Global Financial Crisis – GFC

for short. Some of these apologists go as far

as to say that the era of unquestioned and

unrestrained market forces is at an end or, at

least, should be brought to an end. Aus-

tralia’s Prime Minister Rudd is typical of this

type of reaction. He has said that the prac-

tices that led to the crisis have brought us to

the edge of an abyss. “Capitalism must be

saved from itself,” he said.

A Rudd’s statements could lead one to

believe that the parliamentary Labor Party is

keen to bring about the sort of progressive

reforms many people expect from a social

democrat government. This is not correct.

The complete dismantling of public enter-

prise and the complete privatisation of pub-

lic services remain the ultimate objectives

of this government and others like it across

the globe. A debate is being encouraged to

generate support for a voucher system for

schools. Public schools have been starved

of funds and growing numbers of parents

have responded by removing their children

from local public schools and placing them

in private schools that charge high fees and

receive substantial funding from federal and

state governments. Parents do not this out

of choice but out of fear that their children

will be disadvantaged in an increasingly

competitive job market or when seeking to

enter higher education.

A voucher system would involve grant-

ing parents an amount of money to spend at

the school of their choosing. Any difference

between the value of the voucher and the

fees charged by the school would be met by

the parents. A number of variants have

been proposed but this is the essence of the

scheme. The Rudd government is imposing

tests for measuring outcomes in reading,

7


writing and other abilities across all schools.

It has just launched a website that has en-

abled the compiling of lists of the achieve-

ment of every school in the country against

their narrow benchmarks. Pressure will

grow for parents to desert “failing” schools

in poorer areas and pay more to attend a

private one. Public education will wither

and die if these plans are not defeated.

There are similar ideas being advanced

for health care. Australia has an internation-

ally acclaimed universally accessible public

health insurance system – Medicare. The ris-

ing cost of hospital care – due chiefly to price

gouging monopolies and overpaid private

specialists – was used as a pretext for the

previous government to introduce a rebate

to people taking out private health insur-

ance. Fear, the tool of choice of neo-liberals

everywhere, was heightened by the threat

to reduce the rebate for people over the age

of 30 not taking out one of the prohibitively

expensive policies by a certain date.

The current government is taking the

next step. If their plans come to fruition,

Australians will be given an amount (a

“voucher”) to spend to get health cover

from a private health insurer. The number of

procedures considered “basic” would be

reduced. Those wanting cover for a wider

range of benefits would have to pay extra.

At the same time, the federal government is

threatening to take over control of hospitals

from the states. There will be nowhere to

hide from this next wave of privatisation.

The Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, which

subsidises the cost to patients of a range of

more commonly needed medicines, is also

under a cloud.

During the decades of neo-liberalism in

Australia, the wages share of national pro-

duction has fallen to record lows. The share

going to profits is at a record high. Unless

they are defeated, the global economic cri-

sis will be used by employers to prevent an

improvement in the position of workers.

The government will use it to defend cuts in

social spending. The massive amounts of

public money used to prop up the financial

system and stimulate the corporate sector

will be taken from public services. The Aus-

tralian government used a corporations first

approach intervention in the economic cri-

sis, not a people first one.

Trade unions will have to fight to restore

pay and conditions sacrificed during the

worst of the downturn, when inventories

were full and order books were empty. This

will be difficult. The repressive anti-union

legislation passed by former ultra-conser-

vative Howard Government largely remains

intact but under a new name. It is true there

is now more scope for collective rather than

individual labour contracts but the essence

of the so-called WorkChoices is still in

place. There is still a secret police force – the

Australian Building and Construction Com-

mission – monitoring building sites, target-

ing trade unionists as they go about their

work of organising properly paid, safe jobs.

An Adelaide building working is currently

facing a charge of refusing to attend an in-

terrogation session about a workplace safe-

ty meeting. A conviction would mean six

months in prison for this worker. Workers

have suffered huge losses in the value of

their individual compulsory superannuation

(retirement savings) through exposure to

8


the share market and other financial deal-

ings and the international property market.

The federal government’s response to

the latest economic crisis followed the pat-

tern established world-wide. Banks and

other financial institutions were given gov-

ernment guarantees. Short term programs

involving public and private infrastructure

were set in motion. Citizens were given

cash payments and encouraged to spend

them in order to stimulate the economy.

State governments responded by cut-

ting their budgets, increasing charges and

fast-tracking the sell-off of public assets.

Wages fell in many instances or were

frozen. Many workers had their working

hours reduced and jobs were lost, particu-

larly in manufacturing. Officially, unem-

ployment has risen to 5.8 per cent (al-

though the actual figure is much higher).

This figure has been kept relatively low by

underemployment and casualisation of the

labour force. Some trade unions negotiated

shorter hours and wage reductions for

workers and in other cases employers have

imposed them as a means of reducing

sackings.

Most commentators agree that the net

effect so far of the stimulus package was to

shore up economic activity. The conserva-

tive opposition says less should have been

spent and that stimulus spending should

now stop. It is clear that the government

will not be able to go further and further in-

to debt without consequence. Interest rates

are on the rise again. Most observers also

acknowledge that the greatest advantage

currently enjoyed by the Australian econo-

my, the one that has shielded it from far

worse consequences is the strong demand

for resources from developing countries,

China in particular.

HOLDING FAST TO FAILED STRATEGIES. In

fact, Australia’s foreign policy is now

grounded in a bizarre contradiction. Now

that our manufacturing base is shrinking

and agricultural exports decline in relative

importance, the survival of our economy is

reliant on continued demand from socialist

China. At the same time, through the en-

during US alliance, the Australian govern-

ment is locked into the global strategy of

the US which includes the encircling of Chi-

na and the undermining of the rising eco-

nomic power. Australia is taking a more

prominent role in imposing free trade

agreements and in other ways interfering in

the affairs of the island nations of the Pacif-

ic. These measures are designed to secure

advantages for Australian and US transna-

tional corporations and prevent the growth

of relations between these countries and

China.

Australia has supported US actions in

Iraq and Afghanistan. The government

plans to massively increase its spending by

$300 billion over the next ten years – $104

billion in the next four years – on so-called

defence spending. At present it stands at

less than $30 billion per year. Orders are in

for submarines, warships, Aegis missiles,

Joint Strike Fighters – weapons with capa-

bilities far beyond any need to defend our

country. They are being bought at great cost

in services foregone by the community to

assist the US confront a new reality – a mul-

ti-polar world with groupings like the

9


Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, BRIC

(the growing economic ties between Brazil,

Russia, India and China) and ALBA, for ex-

ample, choosing to move forward without

the involvement or dominance of US impe-

rialism.

The US is unable to prevent the spread

of this movement for independence from

US imperialism despite its most strenuous

efforts but it remains an enormously power-

ful military force. The instability cause by

frustrated ambitions, declining prestige and

enormous firepower (including a nuclear ar-

senal) is clear and frightening.

ENVIRONMENTAL DEAD END. The Aus-

tralian people are very concerned about the

quickening pace of climate change. We are

very vulnerable given the precarious nature

of water resources in the southern part of

our country and the fact that over 80 per

cent of our people live in relatively low lying

coastal areas susceptible to rises in sea lev-

els. One of our major food-bowls – the Mur-

ray Darling river system and its irrigated

farmlands – is under threat from low rainfall,

overuse of water resources, diminshing

flows and increased salinity.

The Rudd Government signed the pro-

tocol but the role of the government since

has been driven by the desire to protect

powerful economic interests. It has worked

with the US and Japan to replace the Kyoto

Protocol with a political agreement and has

failed to commit to serious reductions in

carbon emissions.

Australia’s Parliament is set to vote on

an Emissions Trading Scheme shortly so

that its representatives can take it to Copen-

hagen in December and claim our country

to be a responsible global citizen. However,

the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme

proposed pays for the worst polluters (like

the mostly corporate-owned coal-fired

electricity generators) to continue their cur-

rent practices. Negotiations with the con-

servative forces in Federal Parliament, will

most likely lead to a further weakening of

the national response. Huge amounts of

public money are being spent on research

into “clean coal” even though most experts

are pessimistic about its chances of success.

Australians are concerned about the

long term dangers and costs of nuclear

power. They do not want a nuclear power

industry and are not convinced that it pro-

vides part of the solution to the challenge of

global warming. They favour increased use

of renewable energy sources such as solar

and wind power but at present there is

pressure being built up in the media to con-

sider nuclear power. The government has

lifted restrictions on the number of uranium

mines and a rapid expansion of mining –

mostly on the traditional lands of the Abo-

riginal people – has begun.

Off the northwest coast of Western Aus-

tralia there has been a boom in oil and gas

exploitation which has now shown itself to

be a threat to the marine environment and

the livelihoods of fishermen in the region.

The leak from the West Atlas rig has only just

been capped. It had been spewing out the

equivalent of at least 400 barrels of crude oil

every day since early August. The Australian

government has done its best to minimise

concern so that exploration and production

will continue at the same frantic pace.

10


DEVELOPING THE POLITICAL ALTERNATIVE.The government is determined to pursue

neo-liberal policies and is resisting demands

from the people for responsible, sustainable

alternatives that preserve peace, provide

jobs and a liveable environment. The CPA

foresees real change will come with the ad-

vent of a government of a new type made

up of an alliance of left and progressive

forces including the CPA. The Party is seek-

ing to lead the forces for change inside and,

most crucially, outside the parliament. Nec-

essary anti-monopoly policies include:

Nationalisation of key industries priva-

tised during recent decades – electricity,

the national airline, telecommunications

and so on

The establishment of a publicly owned

people’s bank and the creation of a national

superannuation (retirement) fund. Funds in-

vested should be used to advance socially

needed projects

An end to the massive state subsidies to

wealthy private schools and private health

insurance companies. Investment in public

services

An independent foreign policy

Increased spending on public housing

and public transport

An immediate cut of 10 percent in mili-

tary spending

Tough limits on carbon emissions and

much increased spending on alternative,

renewable energy sources

The restoration of democratic rights in-

cluding trade union rights removed in re-

cent times and real progress towards land

rights for our Aboriginal and Torres Strait Is-

lander peoples

Many of these demands are already

popular but, it must be pointed out, expec-

tation of their achievement is low. The Aus-

tralian working class has been subjected to

decades of an ideological onslaught that at-

tacks collectivism, promotes hedonistic

self-interest and instils fear of others. Left

forces are now small and disunited. The left

forces within the Australian Labor Party are

weak. Under the present two party system,

the conservative Coalition is the only likely

alternative to take over government at

present. The Greens have been enjoying

growing support but increasingly are view-

ing themselves as a third parliamentary

force with no need to form alliances with

other left or progressive forces. They do

work with other organisations at the grass

roots on community and environmental is-

sues and have given support to the trade

union movement.

The trade union movement has been

beaten down ideologically following a de-

cline in the influence of our Party in trade

union affairs and has had its ability to resist

employer pressures curtailed by successive

layers of restrictive legislation. Racism to-

wards our Aboriginal people and to

refugees has been fanned. The elected na-

tional Aboriginal representative body was

abolished. The government has intervened

to limit critical voices in academia and on

the national broadcaster. This is our current

challenging reality.

For all that, hope for change among

workers and other exploited people per-

sists. And in case it should ever be mo-

bilised by more intolerable conditions and

an effective leadership, the ruling class is

11


ready. Even before the events of September

11, 2001 in the US, the Australian govern-

ment was restricting the rights of people us-

ing pretexts such as security at the Sydney

Olympic Games in 2000. The military was

empowered to intervene in civilian matters

and authorised to shoot to kill.

In the wake of 9/11, the pace of this sort

of change quickened. Our internal security

organisation ASIO was transformed into a

fully fledged secret police force with the

power to detain people not even suspected

of being involved in a terrorist act without

charge and potentially for long periods.

They can be interviewed without access to a

lawyer of their choosing. Membership lists,

diaries, mobile phones and other material

can be demanded with non-compliance

punishable by up to five years in prison.

ASIO can legally hack into computers and

tap phones. All this was justified by the “war

on terror” and outrages like the September

11 and the Bali bombing of October 2002,

which claimed 88 Australian lives.

Criminality in motorcycle gangs is a new

pretext for a further erosion of people’s civ-

il rights. Organisations and not the specific

criminal activity are targeted by these new

laws being imposed by state after state

throughout Australia. Members of named

gangs are prevented from associating with

one another or face lengthy jail terms. The

potential for future abuse of this type of leg-

islation is plain and adds to an already for-

midable assault on long-held democratic

rights of our people.

THE ROLE OF COMMUNISTS and the work-

ers’ movement in Australia I have men-

tioned previously the effects of the

decades-long ideological struggle on atti-

tudes in the labour movement. Some of

this arisen from direct financial measures

imposed by the government. Workers’

compulsory retirement savings are invest-

ed in shares. Australia now has the highest

rate of share ownership in the world and

workers now must worry about the state of

the share market. This strengthens the in-

fluence of the employers’ thinking in the

mind of the worker. Workers, particularly

young workers, are less interested in join-

ing unions or working class parties in order

to protect their interests. This is the practi-

cal side of the ideological challenge facing

our Party and it is on these sorts of ques-

tions that we can inject a working class per-

spective.

I expect many participants will have

similar accounts of conditions in their re-

spective countries. I look forward to hear-

ing of Parties’ experience and achieve-

ments in resisting the forces oppressing

the people of our countries. I must be frank

and explain that, while our Party is the ob-

ject of increased public attention since the

onset of the economic crisis and has en-

joyed a modest increase in our member-

ship, we are still a small Party. We have

some influence in a narrow range of trade

unions and in the peace movement. This in-

fluence is growing but remains small. We

have a weekly newspaper which is respect-

ed and has a large number of online readers

but its circulation in hard copy is still far too

small. Our presence in local government is

minimal and we have no parliamentary

representatives.

12


Our most pressing task is to restore our

Party to its former influence but in the

course of doing that we must refine our abil-

ity to work with others, to unite around the

many issues confronting workers and other

exploited people in the community. Our

most valuable contribution at this stage will

be to bring our ideological perspective to

these struggles – a perspective flowing

from our analysis and activity. Our recent

11th Party Congress stressed the need for

greater professionalism in the campaigning

we undertake and redouble our efforts in

the area of political education.

13

�


Communist Party of

BangladeshMANZURUL AHSAN KHAN

COMRADE PRESIDENT, Members of the

Presidium, Leaders of the Communist and

Workers Parties.I bring warm revolutionary

greetings from the Communist Party of

Bangladesh to all who have gathered here,

representing the most powerful move-

ment, fighting along with other progressive

forces, for the emancipation of mankind, for

a free society of free men and women.

This traditional international meeting of

Communists, against the backdrop of the

dissolution of the Socialist Soviet Union and

the setbacks in Eastern Europe, when the

idea of ‘end of history’ was floated, has

been able to unite communists around the

world to evaluate the changing situation,

reinvigorate their movement, unite and

continue their fight for peace, freedom,

progress and socialism.

While attending this 11th International

Meeting we are witnessing the most severe

and deepest crisis of Capitalism in the Unit-

ed States, and meltdown of a global scale.

Plunder and war, militarization, the arms

trade (overt and covert), gambling, the

machination of the multinationals, specula-

tions in the currency markets, and over-

whelming chaos is turning the world into a

huge casino. The fundamental contradiction

of capitalism is blowing up with catastrophic

impact. It is capitalism that will cause the

end of civilization unless it is overthrown.

The capitalist system will not change auto-

matically. It has to be overthrown by con-

scious struggle of the working class, toiling

people, and the broad masses, led by the

communists, left and progressive forces

People in the USA and other countries

want change, real change. Capitalism is re-

sponding to the crisis by mobilising public

resources to bail out and strengthen private

corporate power. Losses are being so-

cialised while privatization of profit contin-

ues. Unemployment, hunger, disease,

14

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Bangladesh

homelessness and insecurity of people con-

tinue to increase.

Imperialism not only exploits people in

their own country, but continues to plunder

developing countries, including their natural

resources. And to achieve this imperialism is

trying to impose its economic, political and

military hegemony in different parts of the

world. Pressure, intrigue, assassination,

blockade, military intervention, occupation

or genocide, nothing seems to be unethical

for US imperialism and its allies.

Bangladesh achieved its independence

in 1971 after an armed liberation struggle.

Just before our victory the US 7th fleet, armed

with nuclear weapons, was rushed to the Bay

of Bengal to crush our movement but failed.

Ever since our independence US imperi-

alism has done everything from food-diplo-

macy leading to famine, conspiracy, assassi-

nation and support for unconstitutional, au-

tocratic and military governments. The so-

called open market economy, privatization

and structural reform dictated by the World

Bank and IMF gang has resulted in de-indus-

trialisation, huge unemployment, pauperiza-

tion, hunger and poverty. Imperialism did

not hesitate to support communal and reli-

gious fundamentalist forces including Jamate

Islami, and many of its outfits operating in

the open or underground, extreme right

wing elements and autocratic forces to bring

about the fall of governments and install

governments of their choice who could fully

serve US interest.

It was the machination of the US and its

allies which brought an army-backed care-

taker Government to power in Bangladesh

on 11 January 2007, who ruled the country

for two years instead of three months in ut-

ter violation of the constitution. The failure

of the bourgeoisies parties to ensure mini-

mum good governance to ensure the stabil-

ity of the capitalist system, compelled their

masters to promote a policy of de-politici-

sation and to look for a third alternative

from amongst the so-called civil-society

and the civil and military bureaucrats

trained in the West and with work experi-

ence in Breton-Woods institutions. Howev-

er the project failed due to the struggle of

the workers, peasants, students, democrat-

ic and left progressive forces. Elections to

the Parliament were held in December

2008.

The newly elected Government has to

face the challenges caused by economic

melt-down. Basic shifts are required in the

policies dictated by the World Bank and the

West which has led to unbridled price hikes,

closure of factories, unemployment, hunger,

poverty and lack of the basic amenities of life

The religious fundamentalists and terror-

ist killers, defeated forces of the liberation

war of 1971, extreme right wing elements,

and the war criminals are now trying desper-

ately to create chaos and anarchy in the

country and opening the path for foreign in-

tervention.

Historically, the war criminals of 1971 are

the natural allies of the most notorious war

criminal of the present day world - the US

Government. The USA is putting all kinds of

pressure on Bangladesh so that the US and

its allies, and the MNCs, can plunder our oil

and gas in the land and the sea, our coal

mines, ports and other resources. The geo-

political situation of Bangladesh, bordering

China, Myanmar, Nepal and India, particular-

ly its sensitive north-eastern zone, and the

15


Bay of Bengal has made it the focal point of

US strategy in the region.

Imperialism is also provoking tension

and clashes between countries in the re-

gion. We express deep concern at the news

of military mobilization between the bor-

ders of Bangladesh, Myanmar, India, China,

Nepal and Pakistan. The US Navy has re-

cently stepped up its military manoeuvres

in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean.

The US is doing everything to contain Chi-

na. Bangladesh has already been entangled

with the USA and almost a dozen secret

treaties were signed between the two

countries which greatly undermines the

sovereignty and interest of Bangladesh. The

US is putting pressure on Bangladesh to

sign agreements like TIFA, HANA etc.

which will jeopardize our independence.

Our party firmly believes that countries of

this region must not fall into the trap of im-

perialists. We must resolve our disputes in a

peaceful manner. We should unite and

build up all-round cooperation for develop-

ment, share our common rivers, combine

our efforts to make a comprehensive plan

for the development of our water basins,

and ensure mutual trust and cooperation.

We should unite to resist attempts to im-

pose US hegemony in the region.

The Communist Party of Bangladesh is

fighting in the forefront against the imperial-

ist conspiracy in the region and its effort to

plunder our natural resources.

Today, nuclear arms pose a grave danger

to human existence. The number of nuclear

and other weapons of mass destruction con-

tinues to grow. Militarisation is leading to

war and conflict. The security of states and

people is being threatened. As a result we

can see the emergence of police states or

hard states. Fundamental human and demo-

cratic rights and freedoms are being curtailed

and a senseless and endless situation of con-

frontation and war is being precipitated.

We have to mobilize broad forces of

peace to step up the global struggle for com-

plete disarmament, particularly nuclear dis-

armament, and continue to fight against war

and occupation.

Mankind faces grave dangers of environ-

mental degradation and climate change. The

very existence of human beings and all life

forms is being threatened. Capitalism’s un-

bridled lust for profit, its culture of con-

sumerism, senseless extravagance and

wastefulness etc. are responsible for this sit-

uation. Bangladesh is one of the most vul-

nerable countries to climate change. We are

approaching ecological catastrophe in

Bangladesh and elsewhere.

We must drastically reduce carbon emis-

sion. We must switch over to renewable en-

ergy, eco-friendly development. No energy

war but an energy revolution.

It is high time to stop destruction in the

name of development. The bourgeoisie will

never place people before profit. It is not be-

cause they are good or bad. It is because of

the social and economic category they rep-

resent, the narrow interest they uphold.

Communist Parties should be in the van-

guard of the struggle against environmental

degradation and climate change. More than

a century back Marx said: “man lives on na-

ture… Man is part of nature”. Engels warned

against winning victories over nature and its

degradation. He wrote: “Let us not however

flatter ourselves over much on account of

victories over nature. For each such victory it

16

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Bangladesh

(nature) takes revenge.” Nothing could be

more important than to save life, nature and

the earth, our common habitat.

Nothing should stop the working class

and toiling people from fighting imperialist

and capitalist exploitation. New stratum and

social forces are coming forward in the strug-

gle for emancipation. Global mass move-

ments are developing on various issues af-

fecting wide sections of peoples’ struggle

against imperialist hegemony and aggres-

sion. Huge mass movements against Capi-

talist exploitation, discrimination, inequality,

the gap between poor and rich, the struggle

against war, for peace, freedom, democracy,

fundamental human rights and people’s

wellbeing, and the struggle against environ-

mental degradation and climate change are

converging in great waves of popular move-

ments which ultimately challenge the very

foundations of capitalism.

Communist and progressive forces have

achieved victories in different parts of the

world. Anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, left

and popular governments are coming to

power in Latin America and other places. A

fierce struggle is going on. There are no

straight roads to socialism. Varied social

forces and unique elements are coming to

the fore with ideas which may not always

conform to some of the prevailing thoughts

amongst us. Many such ideas are amended

through practice. Communist Parties are

armed with the theories of Marxism-Lenin-

ism and Proletarian Internationalism, a the-

ory which has stood the test of time. Com-

munists are not dogmatists. While adhering

to its ideology, communists should act pos-

itively to unite all left progressive and pop-

ular democratic forces for a common cause

for social and economic justice, equality

and the wellbeing of humanity.

Communists all over the world have to

forge effective unity and act globally while al-

so fighting together at the regional and na-

tional level.

Thank you, and thanks to the CPI and

CPIM and other parties who have organized

and hosted this great event.

17

�


Workers’ Party of Belgium

BAUDOUIN DECKERS

THE ECONOMIC CRISIS is getting deeper.

When the financial crisis broke out at the

end of 2008 it brought about a world-wide

crisis of the economy. This was inevitable.

Indeed, the financial crisis is rooted in a

structural crisis of over-production which

has been worsening in successive waves

since the first years of the seventies. As

Marxists, we know that it is tightly linked

to the production mode of the capitalist

system.

Such a thesis has been developed time

and again, at the International Communist

Seminar of May 2009 among other plat-

forms, as is attested by the Declaration

which was endorsed there.

Since then, a number of banks and com-

panies have been registering gains again.

The slightest signs of recovery are bringing

about convulsive movements of euphoria

on the stock exchange. Various organisa-

tions within the capitalist world are issuing

rather optimistic health reports: the disease

seems to be as good as warded off. Judging

from what they say, the world will not be

confronted with a repeat of the years ’29

and ’30 of the past century.

Can it be surmised that capitalism is in a

position to really surmount its crises? The

capitalist States have used their entire fi-

nancial arsenal of weapons in order to avoid

a long-lasting depression.

The relief provided by states to the ma-

jor capitalists has reached unheard of limits.

At world level, they have spent more than

US $2,000 billion in order to rescue banks

from bankruptcy. In Belgium alone, $20 bil-

lion was spent. States have provided guar-

antees in order to restore confidence, both

between banks and at investors’ level.

They have intervened massively in order

to buy back obligations and toxic credits.

These enormous efforts (which will have

to be paid for by the population…) have

18

πB - 1/2010 � workers’ party of Belgium

given a certain result, temporarily, contrary

to what happened after ’29. We are coming

out of a period of recession and re-entering

one of slow growth, though at a much low-

er level than a year ago.

A sharp rise in unemployment will nev-

ertheless remain the outstanding feature of

the coming months and years.

There is an excess of capacity and the

period of restructuring, liquidation of capi-

tal and rationalization is only starting. No in-

vestments are being made for the time be-

ing, except for take-overs and restructur-

ing. The slight recovery is mostly due to the

reconstitution of stocks. In Belgium, the

Bureau du Plan foresees an increase of

175,000 in unemployment between 2008

and 2011. This is equivalent to over

200,000 if the growth of the active popula-

tion is to be taken into account. In the US,

the unemployment rate has overshot the

10% mark for the first time since 1983. As a

result of the sharp increase in unemploy-

ment, pressure on salaries will be main-

tained (which in turn reinforces the weaken-

ing of purchasing power).

Recovery will remain weak, very hesi-

tant and unstable

As a result of job losses, income de-

creases, and scarcity of loans, consumption

has dropped and savings are on the in-

crease.

The financial risks (banks) are far from

being eliminated, the possibility of new

crashes cannot be excluded. Suffice it to re-

fer to the bankruptcy of the DSB Nether-

lands bank and to that of the American CIT,

which rates fourth in importance in the his-

tory of the US.

A large amount of toxic products are

still present in the financial markets. More-

over, the economic crisis is now taking its

toll on banks as well, since the latter have

more and more to deal with debtor compa-

nies in default. This situation encourages

the central banks to pursue their low inter-

est-rate policies. Massive intervention by

the central banks amounts to massive mint-

ing which, in turn, could result in a very sig-

nificant inflation rate.

States have run into debt more than

ever before in order to save the banks and

the big companies. The budgetary deficits

are exceeding all norms.

The dismantlement of services and pub-

lic enterprises is speeding up, once again

the health care and education budgets are

affected. Plans for savings (cutbacks) or an

increase in various taxes are going to bur-

den the household income even further.

In order to re-establish their benefits

and counter the danger of inflation, the cap-

italists have resorted to perceptible cuts in

salaries and an increase in productivity. In

the US, the wage cost per unit produced has

gone down by 3.4% in the third quarter of

2009.

All this is not going to make it easy to

get out of the crisis.

A RELAPSE CAN CERTAINLY NOT BE EX-CLUDED. Consumption in the US is not

pulling the world economy anymore, and

there is no one to replace it for the time be-

ing. The Chinese economy still shows the

highest growth rate (between 7% and 8%).

However, it cannot replace American con-

sumption as the driving power of the world

19


economy. The Chinese GDP is only one-fifth

of the American GDP. Furthermore, con-

sumption in China reaches only 35% of the

GDP, while in the US, it reaches 70%.

We may say, by way of conclusion, that

both the plans to boost the economy and

the use of economic stimulation have got us

out of the predicament, but it should be

stated that all these measures are very tem-

porary.

The financial and economic crisis gives

an impetus to a new world order

After their victory over revolution in

1989, the great imperialist powers believed

they could ensure global control by mili-

tarist policies. In fact, their attacks on Yu-

goslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere

have deepened the gap between them and

the rest of the world. The financial crises in

Asia in 1997, Latin America in 1998 and

globally in 2008-2009 increasingly discred-

it the free market system itself. The antiso-

cial measures dictated by the IMF or the WB

further discredit the free market system. For

it is precisely that system which is pushing

much of the world’s economies to the brink.

Meanwhile, Asia and Latin America,

countries with socialist regimes like China

or Cuba, nationalist-progressive regimes

like Venezuela, Bolivia, Brazil and others, or

emerging powers like India have managed

to break the yoke of total dependence and

underdevelopment in which imperialism

had locked them up for over a century.

China and Cuba and other emerging

countries have become powerful levers of a

new world order. There is indeed a long

way still to go. But nobody can doubt the in-

evitable decline of imperialism.

Already the dollar is being widely ques-

tioned as an international currency.

Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel laureate and

renowned professor of economics spoke re-

cently of “a worldwide battle over ideas

over what kind of economic system is likely

to deliver the greatest benefit to the most

people. Nowhere is that battle raging more

hotly than in the Third World, among the

80% of the world’s population that lives in

Asia, Latin America and Africa. In much of

the world the battle between capitalism and

socialism still rages. They are increasingly

convinced that any economic ideals Ameri-

ca may espouse are ideals to run from rather

than embrace.” [1]

GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CRISIS. Capital-

ism is not only discredited because of the

economic disasters into which it plunges the

world, but also by its complete failure to re-

spond to that other major crisis: the one that

threatens life itself on our planet.

The “United Nations Environment Pro-

gram (UNEP) has recently submitted to the

G20 a document entitled “Global Green

New Deal”. The first sentence of that docu-

ment says exactly what it is: “In response to

the financial and economic crisis, UNEP has

called for a ‘Global Green New Deal’ for re-

viving the global economy… while simulta-

neously accelerating the fight against cli-

mate change”. Environmental technolo-

gies, according to this report, must primari-

ly serve to revive the global economy, the

market economy. There are certainly im-

[1] Vanity Fair, Joseph E. Stiglitz, July 2009

20

πB - 1/2010 � workers’ party of Belgium

mense opportunities for capital seeking in-

vestment and this will contribute to some

economic recovery. Since however the eco-

nomic criterion is dominant, it automatical-

ly limits the scope for saving our planet. It

was this unlimited pursuit of profit which

led both to the financial and economic crisis

and to the disastrous situation of our envi-

ronment. It is not private capital seeking

ever greater profits which will be able to re-

solve the immense environmental crisis in

which our planet is plunging.

History has shown that capitalism can

only overcome its crises by, each time, de-

stroying immense productive forces. “Dur-

ing the depression of the 1930s it was not

the ‘New Deal’ that saved capitalism from

languishing but the Second World War. We

are facing a period of sharpened contradic-

tions, with capital becoming more aggres-

sive. This risks leading to new armed con-

flicts.”[2]

OUR TASKS AS COMMUNIST PARTIES.Everywhere workers are active and protest-

ing. Some worry that class struggle is lag-

ging behind in face of the scale of capitalist

crises. We must remember that it was not in

1929 that the most important struggles of

the working class took place, but some

years later. It is only when workers feel the

full weight imposed on them by govern-

ments and employers that they react. In ad-

dition, we must not underestimate the void

left by the counter-revolution. In 1930,

workers saw that socialism in the USSR was

the alternative. Today, workers are increas-

ingly losing confidence in capitalism, but

they do not see what to oppose to it.

The European Left Party persist in de-

fending a left reformist position, an updat-

ed version of social democracy. Obtaining

partial improvements within the current

system is already sufficiently ambitious.

We will never collaborate with these at-

tempts to bind workers to capitalism and

imperialism.

It’s up to us to help both blue-collar and

white collar workers, as well as the unem-

ployed, students and self-employed to real-

ize that this is not our crisis, but that of cap-

ital. That the fundamental problem is the

private ownership of the major means of

production, combined with the continuous

search for higher profits by the few holders

of big capital. Only a truly socialist econo-

my, planned by the workers’ state can en-

sure that production is determined by the

needs of the masses and not by profits for a

minority.

This understanding does not pass so

easily today in our imperialist countries. It is

no good whining about this, for we know

the reasons: the overthrow of socialism in

the USSR and the increasing stranglehold of

a few large monopolies in the media. We

must start with reality and discover the

ways in which workers can now move in an

anti-capitalist direction.

We have decided to walk on two legs.

On the one hand, we want to get rid of

rigidity and dogmatism in our mass work:

we must start from what people understand

today: correct demands for which they are

[2] Declaration on the Economic Crisis, 18th

International Communist Seminar, Brussels, 15-

17 May 2009

21


prepared to act - whatever the level - and

support and help develop the struggles

they undertake. For example, we are cur-

rently engaged in a major campaign for a

tax on millionaires, a tax that would hit the

72,000 Euro-millionnaire families in Bel-

gium. Compared to the population, it is the

largest number in the European Union. Tax-

ing the very rich is a claim that has already

met with some support in various trade

union circles.... But bourgeois political cir-

cles claim it is absurd and “unrealistic”....

We are also advocating a reduction of VAT

on energy, from 21% - the current rate – to

6%. We have already collected over

200,000 signatures and we will continue

this campaign as long as the measure has

not been applied. I could give you a much

longer list of demands or actions that we

undertake and which are at a level people

can engage with.

The danger of turning to the right of

course exists. ... This would be a real risk, if

we did not also walk on the other foot: the

strengthening of Marxist-Leninist educa-

tion in our party, through party schools and

our theoretical journal and through open

conferences.

We must strengthen the revolutionary

communist movement. This requires deep-

ening our understanding and our Marxist

critique of capitalism, in struggle with re-

formist and social-democratic ideas. This

requires that we strengthen our coopera-

tion at this level. We also share more expe-

riences in organizing the masses, and or-

ganization of our own Communist parties,

as well as our experience in tactics. All our

work must be based on scientific socialism.

But it is clear that the specific response to

typical problems of our time will not be

found as such in these messages. It can

arise only from the scientific assessments

we make of our experiences.

22

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Brazil

CommunistParty of Brazil JOSE REINALDO CARVALHO

THE DELEGATION of the Communist Party of

Brazil greets the host Parties – the Commu-

nist Party of India (Marxist) and the Commu-

nist Party of India and thank them for the

magnificent conditions created for the or-

ganization of the meeting. We also greet all

the fraternal delegations who are attending

this meeting and express our conviction that

this 11th International Meeting of Commu-

nist and Workers’ Parties will be successful.

1- Nowadays the world is living through

the worsening of class and national contra-

dictions. The historical limits of capitalism

are made evident and the abyss that sepa-

rates capitalism and imperialism from the

aspirations of humanity is clearer now. The

interests of the workers and those of the

monopoly bourgeoisie, of the peoples and

those of imperialism are irreconcilable,

making the struggle for a new international

order and a new economic and social sys-

tem – socialism - indispensable and urgent.

The capitalist system and the neo-liberal

model which has existed over the last

decades have reached an insurmountable

stalemate, making a mockery of their advo-

cates and followers.

2- The outbreak of the economic and fi-

nancial crisis of capitalism confirmed the ar-

gument of the communists who had always

pointed out the fragility of the underpin-

nings of the cycle of capitalist expansion,

and the vanity of the illusions created and

spread by the opportunists about the abili-

ty of the capitalist system to regenerate it-

self and usher in a new era of progress.

3- The current crisis, the most serious

since the Great Depression of 1929, has a

systemic and structural nature, manifests it-

self in the financial and productive spheres,

and is driven by determinations associated

23


with the very nature of capitalism. The opin-

ion that this is a fleeting crisis, caused by in-

cidental or unexpected factors, poor financial

management, or the lack of regulatory

mechanisms is false.

4- Workers’ rights and the national inter-

ests of the peoples and nations that strug-

gle for their independence and develop-

ment have been hit hard. The so-called

counter-cyclical policies further squander

public finances, and are intended to save

the system from bankruptcy. The current

crisis is intertwined with the erosion of the

United States economy and the deteriora-

tion of the dollar as the international mone-

tary standard. It is also intertwined with the

food, energy, and environmental crises. It

reflects not only the demise of neo-liberal-

ism and the failure of governmental policies

by governments at the service of the big

monopoly groups and the financial capital,

but is the absolute manifestation of the fail-

ure of capitalism, the most crystal-clear ev-

idence of its contradictions.

5- The world became more dangerous,

unsafe and unstable. The militarization of the

planet developed, with the multiplication of

military bases, the expansion of NATO to the

East, with the reassertion of a new strategic

concept that consists in institutionalizing the

presence of this aggressive pact in conflicts

outside the original area of influence, and

with the creation of the 4th Fleet, which was

clearly intended as a form of intimidation

against the progressive and revolutionary

governments of Latin America and the

Caribbean. The 4th Fleet was also intended

to ensure control over the region’s natural

resources; it is directly related to the strate-

gic objectives of the United States of perpet-

uating the primacy of its interests and im-

posing its hegemony.

6- The international situation is strongly

marked by the implementation of the re-

structuring plan for the Greater Middle East,

through which the United States, under the

pretext of democratizing the region, intends

to shape docile and submissive regimes to

facilitate the accomplishment of its strategic

objectives of dominating this important re-

gion, rich in energy resources. A fully-

fledged offensive, it extends over Northern

Africa and Central Asia, where Pakistan ap-

pears as an important source of conflicts and

a vulnerable area for North-American inter-

vention. Much more serious was the criminal

Israeli aggression against the Palestinian

people living in the Gaza Strip, an aggression

better described as genocide and a heinous

crime against humanity, which was con-

demned by the peoples of the world, demo-

cratic nations, and the UN itself.

Despite the conciliatory words of the

United States President Barak Obama, the

Middle East is still a tense and explosive sit-

uation, and no sign has been given that an-

other policy will be applied in the region.

Strictly, nothing has changed in Israel’s in-

tent to shape docile and submissive

regimes, under the pretext of democratizing

the region, in order to facilitate the accom-

plishment of its domination-driven strategic

objectives. The Israeli Zionist State, espe-

cially after the constitution of yet another

rightwing government, increases its arro-

24


gance, intransigency and aggressiveness. It

no longer disguises its expansionist purpose

and the objective of transforming Israel into

an ethnic, religious and Integralist (ethnical-

ly exclusive) state, which entails banning the

Palestinian people from their own land. Is-

rael denies, in principle, recognition of the

free, sovereign and independent Palestinian

State, with its capital in Jerusalem and its

own army. It behaves intransigently with re-

gard to the repatriation of refugees, on

which there is a United Nations resolution.

Israel systematically disrespects and vio-

lates international law and UN resolutions

concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict, such as

Resolution 242, which mandates a full Israeli

retreat from all the Arab territories occupied

in 1967. Israel’s aggressiveness targets oth-

er Arab countries as well. In 2006, its air

force systematically bombed Lebanon, in

another war in which Israel committed

genocide. A most delicate problem in the

Middle East crisis is the ongoing occupation

of the Syrian Golan Heights territories.

7- Ever more evident are the signs of the

gradual and progressive decline of United

States imperialism, The United States has lost

relative weight with regard to its share of the

world’s GDP, though still ranking first as the

world’s richest country. US hegemony is also

challenged by the deterioration of the role of

the US dollar, the reduction of the United

States’ relative position in international trade,

its dependence on foreign capital, and by the

country no longer being a net exporter of

capital. These facts were highlighted at our

Party’s 11th Congress. Also indicative of this

decline are the political and military defeats

suffered by the United States in the wars in

Iraq and Afghanistan and of its ally, Israel, in

Lebanon and in Palestine; the political and

diplomatic defeat in relation to Iran, the De-

mocratic People’s Republic of Korea, and Syr-

ia; and the colossal loss of influence in a re-

gion that was once considered its backyard:

Latin America. This decline, with its counter-

part in China’s vertiginous rise, is part of a set

of far-reaching, broad, and deep geopolitical,

and international relations changes, which

ushers in a new period of uncertainties, tran-

sitions, and conflicts. The immediate post-Se-

cond World War institutional framework,

which also corresponded to the Cold War pe-

riod, does not suit the contemporary world.

The decline of the North-American super-

power, the emergence of new forces whose

weight has to be reckoned with in the inter-

national arena, inter-imperialist contradic-

tions, all give rise to a new and complex pic-

ture and mark the appearance of new tasks for

the progressive and revolutionary forces, the

workers and the peoples, whose struggle can

benefit from the development of such eco-

nomic and geopolitical contradictions.

8- On the whole, by means of various

and complementary mechanisms, the con-

tinental integration advances, whose

strategic driver is the shaping of a South-

and Latin-American pole of sovereign

countries with shared national projects. The

Brazilian people take great interest in the

furtherance of this process, for a united and

integrated Latin America allows Brazil and

its neighbors, jointly, to position them-

selves to face the contradictions stemming

from a world in transition.

25


9- There are many factors acting counter

to the exercise of world domination by the

United States: the emergence of China,

Russia, Brazil, and India; the appearance of

non-aligned, and even opposing, regional

blocs with regard to the positions of the

United States; and inter-imperialist contra-

dictions within the European Union, name-

ly Germany and France. A new framework is

being shaped, the fruit of social and geopo-

litical contradictions. The situation as it is

unfolding, whose most dynamic features

are the class and anti-imperialist struggles

waged by the workers, the peoples, and the

nations that are fighting for their sovereign-

ty and independence, brings about changes

toward multi-polarity. The present situation

is promoting the rise of new countries to the

condition of economic powers, which can

claim autonomy from the US and are willing

to fight for a new international order. Such

objective development further incite inter-

imperialist disputes and rivalries. That does

not mean, however, that a democratic

transformation of international relations is

under way. The brutal force of the United

States is still hegemonic, and there are no

signs that the superpower is willing to cede

power either to the peoples and nations

that are fighting for sovereignty and social

progress or to competing powers. It is an il-

lusion to assume that the world is sponta-

neously transiting between uni-polar pow-

er and multi-polarity, and that simply be-

cause a presidential team has changed, it

will shift from a bellicose, militarist, securi-

ty-driven, and unilateral policy to a demo-

cratic and multilateral policy based on co-

operation and peace.

Imperialism’s concrete initiatives have

moved in another direction, despite the

change in rhetoric and tactics. The scenario

that is evolving is one of great conflicts for

the re-division of areas of influence and pow-

er across the world. Just as Lenin said, in pol-

itics imperialism tends toward reaction and

war. Imperialism has no inclination for Peace.

The communists fight for a profound over-

hauling of the correlation of forces, not by

mere arrangements in the balance of power

between the world powers. The world of

democracy and peace, of international law,

and of cooperation between nations will on-

ly be possible if the social correlation of

forces is also altered in each country and re-

gion. Changes in the factors of cooperation

and rivalry between the imperialist powers

will have regressive effects should we fail to

stop the process of liquidation of the work-

ers’ accomplishments, of threats to national

sovereignty, of the ideological offensive

against the progressive, democratic, and so-

cialist values, of the conservative, anti-revo-

lutionary, and anti-communist drift, and of

setbacks to the achievements of civilization.

10- Upon the election of Barack Obama

to the presidency, the United States an-

nounced the deployment of a new tactic in

its international relations. The complexity of

the contradictions and the potential for the

outbreak of economic and social, class and

national, political and diplomatic, and even

military conflicts signal imperialism’s nar-

row margin for manoeuvre for an effective

change of policy. The sector of the North-

American establishment that was victorious

with the election of the new president has

26


announced the so-called “soft and smart”

foreign policy, the proposed combination

of the political and diplomatic components

with the military component, supposedly

with a priority for the two first components.

This is a new formula for the full exercise of

North-American dominance of the world,

taking account of its allies, its incapacity to

deal with several conflicts simultaneously

and the necessity to, through some institu-

tional framework, reorder the system, al-

ways under its own leadership. In its

essence, imperialism maintains its policy,

despite making certain alteration, changing

its rhetoric, making symbolic gestures that

are amplified by political publicity, and

adopting a different tactic with regard to

the dialogue with the United States’ allies

and the agreement of positions relative to

the most divisive issues of the international

agenda.

As for Latin America, the new president

of the United States made some gestures of

this kind in relation to the main leaders of the

new progressive governments, an effort to

ease the relationship with Venezuela and,

without touching the essence of the block-

ade against Cuba, lifted the prohibition of

visits and remittances of U.S. dollars by

Cubans and Cuban relatives residing in the

United States. As for the war against Iraq, it

ratified the long-term pullout plan as drafted

by the previous administration. It announced

that it would keep as main tasks of the pres-

ent administration the “war on terror”,

whose main arena is moving to Afghanistan

and Pakistan, according to the new presi-

dent. New resources are being invested in

the war of occupation of Afghanistan and

more troops will be deployed in that Central-

Asian country. The head of the White House

has also announced an increased military

budget and stated that he will not relinquish

the United States supremacy in this regard.

In yet another faltering gesture, he an-

nounced he was revoking the plan to set up

an antimissile shield in the Czech Republic

and in Poland, while proclaiming that the

United States is still committed to a defense

system with anti-ballistic missiles. There

should be no illusions about announcements

and gestures pointing to the regeneration of

the United States imperialism’s aggressive

nature or the relinquishment of its objectives

of world domination. What must be under-

stood is that the anti-imperialist struggle will

take place under new political conditions.

11- The world is going through a signif-

icant transition, a restart, a retaking of the

democratic, progressive, popular, national

and class struggles in every latitude, under

many different forms and distinct levels of

amplitude and radicalization, during

which new actors, and new revolutionary

and leftist forces are appearing that grow in

interaction and alliance with the communist

parties, which are also starting to engage in

a fertile ground for their development,

growth, consolidation, and credibility be-

fore the masses.

12- The working classes, the popular

masses, and the trade union movement are

occupying the center stage of the class strug-

gle. Such struggle is interwoven with the

youth revolts, anti-racist rebellions, and for

the rights of immigrants in the developed

27


capitalist countries. The working class, its

representatives, and organizations do not

satisfy themselves with watching these

events with indifference. They react with

more or less vigor in the different countries in

defense of their interests. Generally under

the leadership of the leftist trade unions and

parties, millions of workers are engaged in

strikes, street demonstrations, and factory

sit-ins, during which they demand and fight

for justice, for the burden of the crisis to be

placed on the shoulders of the rich who, after

all, are responsible for it, and for working

families to be spared from new and greater

hardship. Signs of escalation of social strug-

gles are visible on every continent.

13- The development of the heroic Iraqi,

Afghan, Lebanese, and Palestinian resist-

ance movements, which, albeit not having

attained the liberation of their countries yet,

and in the case of Palestine, the creation of

a free and independent national State, do

not allow their aggressors to reach their

colonialist objectives either. In this sense,

these are victorious peoples because resist-

ing is a victory in itself. This is also a period

in which sovereign and independent na-

tional States put up a tenacious opposition

against attempts to isolate, destabilize, and

strike them.

14- The struggle for peace appears as one

of the most important anti-imperialist com-

bat fronts. A struggle that acquired gigantic

proportions at the time of the U.S. aggres-

sion against Iraq and that, albeit at a different

level, has been constant and diversified,

against nuclear weapons, against military

bases, against wars of occupation, against

the militarization of the European Union,

against NATO and its new strategic concept

and in solidarity with the liberating struggles

of all peoples. All of which are reflected by

the growth and strengthening of the World

Peace Council.

15- The Communist Party of Brazil posi-

tively values the evolution of the political

scene in Latin America and the Caribbean in

the last decade, characterized by the rise of a,

generally speaking, democratic and progres-

sive tendency and, at the same time, by a

sharp decline in neoliberalism’s influence

and meddling by the United States imperial-

ism – despite the permanence of the enor-

mous economic and huge ideological influ-

ence of the United States on the region. The

new ongoing reality has transformed Latin

America into a space of resistance and the

search for alternatives, and is favorable to the

revolutionary forces and to advanced ideas.

The new Latin-American setting is objective-

ly anti-imperialist, for it creates obstacles to

imperialist domination in the region. The

democratic breakthroughs in Latin America,

the development of cooperation and in-soli-

darity integration require a political solution

for the Colombian conflict, a fair and demo-

cratic peace, fighting against the local gov-

ernments and the militarist policies of United

States imperialism. Moreover, they call for a

quick solution to the situation in Haiti, a

country martyred by fratricidal conflicts, cru-

el dictatorships and the imperialist meddling

of the United States and France. It is neces-

sary to create the conditions, in the context

of international cooperation and national

28


sovereignty, to reorganize the State with its

specific attributions, including public safety,

and to render dispensable as soon as possi-

ble the presence of UN troops under Brazilian

command in that country.

16- In a more recent period, after leaving

behind two reactionary and conservative cy-

cles – that of the military dictatorships and of

neo-liberalism – Latin America emerges to

an unprecedented and singular progressive

cycle, one of an anti-imperialist leaning gov-

ernments ruled by forces that led independ-

ence processes in most Caribbean countries

and the heroic and revolutionary socialist Cu-

ba. These governments, with different paces

and emphases, seek to scrap anti-popular

and neo-liberal policies and promote

changes intended to accomplish national de-

velopment projects, in which, in the most

advanced cases, revolutionary purposes are

set with proclaimed socialist objectives.

17- Reality today comprises, as it objec-

tively could not be different, a diversity of

rhythms, emphases, and approaches. After

all, these are countries with distinct social

and economic formations; the forces at the

head of each government have different ori-

gins, principles, and strategic goals; and

their rise to the national governments results

from distinct levels of accumulation of forces

by the grassroots sectors. Yet, on the whole,

the current trend that is developing in Latin

America and the Caribbean is driven by a

common general rationale, one that points

to more sovereignty for nations, the search

for deepening democracy and mechanisms

for the participation of the people, for more

rights for the working masses and the ma-

jorities of the people, and an emphasis on

continental integration.

18- To the revolutionary forces the vig-

orous experience of Venezuela’s Bolivarian

Revolution, - of a democratic, popular, and

anti-imperialist character, that this year,

2009, completes its first decade, - is partic-

ularly important. Supported by the masses,

guarantors of its continuity in more than a

dozen consultations and plebiscites, pro-

claiming socialist objectives of traversing

to what it calls “21st century socialism”,

the government of President Hugo Ch_vez

has, in its first decade, carried out a sweep-

ing program of social transformations,

which has brought about an important de-

cline of poverty, plus gaining broad popu-

lar participation. Moreover, it promotes

changes in the structure of the State and

adopts an advanced National Constitution.

We also observe with interest the initia-

tives of the Venezuelan foreign policy, such

as the ALBA (Bolivarian Alternative for the

Americas).

19- Arising from this there is a strong and

powerful reaction from the conservative

forces, one of multiple dimensions, with dif-

ferent signals of a counter-offensive by the

right that manifests itself in the emergence of

secessionist movements and threats in coun-

tries like Bolivia; in failed coups, as occurred

with Ch_vez in 2002; in utillizing Colombia

as a pawn in aggressions as the one perpe-

trated against Ecuadorian territory in 2008;

or still in the re-creation of the United States

4th Naval Fleet. In 2009, the rightwing

29


counter-offensive has escalated with the

coup d’état in Honduras, overthrowing a

president legitimately elected, who was tak-

ing resolute steps to implement political,

economic and social changes and to join the

in-solidarity integration as a member of

ALBA. Also in 2009, US imperialism’s mili-

tary presence surged in South America,

through the signing of the military agree-

ment between the United States and Colom-

bia, which includes the installation of seven

military bases. Thus, despite the important

advances made in Latin America over the

last decade, the progressive forces should be

under no illusions. The conservative forces,

in alliance with imperialism, are still very

strong in Latin America. Similarly, it is point-

less to underestimate the present moment

lived by Latin America, nor overestimate

one’s own forces and underestimate the

power of reaction of imperialism and the en-

dogenous right.

20- The important political transforma-

tions that have characterized the interna-

tional situation lately indicate that impor-

tant breakthroughs are in progress in the

correlation of forces across the world, which

improve fighting conditions and intensify

the revolutionary accumulation of forces.

The anti-imperialist struggle appears as the

mark and the spirit of the time, as the great

question capable of winning hearts and

minds, unleashing the people’s creative

and revolutionary energies. The struggle for

socialism, positioned in the present condi-

tions, taking into consideration the lessons

learned from the previous historical period,

is once again the order of the day, not as a

vague ideal, not as intention manifested

through pamphlet rhetoric, but as a con-

crete issue requiring a concrete solution.

The repositioning of the struggle for social-

ism shows that imperialism’s offensive is

not the only driver of the international situ-

ation. New revolutionary forces awaken,

new transformative potentialities are mani-

fested, new roads are opened up. The roads

to socialism will be neither easy nor

straight. In this struggle, the forces of the

revolution and socialism are confronted in

each battle, at every moment, by a colossal

system of domination that will not relin-

quish its position easily. The workers and

the people, in order to attain a new political,

economic, and social system – socialism –

to enjoy rights, sovereignty, security, and

peace, shall have to carry out the political

class struggle, in which the patriotic anti-

imperialist struggle, the democratic strug-

gle, and the action of national States gov-

erned by revolutionary and progressive

forces gain prominence. This struggle will

demand clarity of objectives, no illusions

about the enemy, and tactical-strategic dis-

cernment.

21- In this context, the communist and

workers’ parties may and should play a de-

tached political and ideological role. Nowa-

days, it is necessary more than before to

strength the unity of action and work to-

gether with other anti-capitalist and anti-

imperialist forces. More than ever our Party

really appreciates the international meet-

ings of the communist and workers’ parties

as an important political benchmark at in-

ternational level.

30

�

πB - 1/2010 � Brazilian communist party

Brazilian Communist

PartyIVAN PINHEIRO

“DEAR COMRADES: We would like to

salute all the revolutionaries of the whole

world. We’d like especially to greet our

comrades of the PCI and the PCI (Marxist),

who have shown us that, in spite of political

differences, it is necessary to build unity of

action.

One of the main manifestations of the

historical limits of capitalism is the current

world economic crisis, which has deeply

and didactically revealed all the structural

problems of this system, a system based on

the exploitation of human beings by other

human beings: its contradictions, debilities,

its capacity to destroy material and social

wealth and its class character. While the

capitalist governments invest trillions of

dollars to save bankers and speculators,

workers pay the bill for this crisis by suffer-

ing through unemployment, through the

removal of social rights, and living under

deepening conditions of poverty.

Although they’ve been wounded by the

crisis, the imperialist countries are conduct-

ing a major offensive to try to recover the

profit rates and to combat the rise of popu-

lar mobilization that has been taken place

all over the world. They promote wars

against the peoples, as they’re doing in Iraq

and Afghanistan; they provide weapons to

Israel to threaten the population of that re-

gion and expel the Palestinian people from

their lands. In Latin America, they develop

a policy of isolation and sabotage against

the progressive governments of the region,

as they reactivate the IV Fleet and transform

Colombia into a large US military base. This

whole strategy has the goal of threatening

Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Cuba and

even countries whose governments are un-

willing to promote deeply social changes,

such as Brazil, to ensure their control over

the extraordinary wealth of the continent,

which includes the “Pre-Salt” oil reserves,

31


the Amazon, the vast biodiversity of the re-

gion and the Guarani Aquifer, in the south.

The crisis demonstrates the necessity for

populations to oppose the capitalist bar-

barism and to find alternatives in order to

build a new human sociability. All over the

world, especially in Latin America, people

resist and try to build alternative projects

based on popular mobilization. Cuba’s

heroic struggle is the example to be fol-

lowed, an example that will be remem-

bered as a historic milestone of a people’s

resistance against imperialism.

In this scenario, Brazil has been playing

a decisive role in the continental balance of

power, but clearly within the capitalist or-

der and not to promote changes towards

socialism. With the aim of becoming a ma-

jor world capitalist power, the present gov-

ernment, in some episodes, has adopted

positions that may be contrary to some in-

terests of U.S. imperialism. However, these

“progressive” positions have the goal of

creating a third pole of Latin American inte-

gration, aligned with the interests of the

capitalist system. In other words, neither

FTAA, nor ALBA, but the leadership of a so-

cial-liberal block aligned with the Southern

Cone countries, driven by forces that also

behave as a “responsible left”, which is reli-

able in the eyes of imperialism and of the lo-

cal elites, what contributes to deepening

the isolation of those countries that have

chosen the path of popular mobilization

and confrontation.

The institutional support to some Latin

American leftist governments has fed into

the expansion of Brazilian capitalism, which

expands around the continent, where com-

panies from Brazil behave like any other

multinational enterprises. As the main ob-

jective is to include Brazil in the world as a

capitalist power, Lula’s government does

not hesitate to adopt imperialistic actions,

as when Brazil commands the occupation of

Haiti to support a right-wing coup d’etat;

when the Brazilian Government diplomati-

cally retaliates against Ecuador to defend

the construction of a Brazilian company; or

when the Brazilian Army promotes military

exercises on the border with Paraguay – us-

ing real fire – to defend the Brazilian soy-

bean farmers settled in Paraguay who are

opposing the Paraguayan peasant move-

ment; and when the Brazilian government

insists in keeping the conditions of the

Itaipu Treaty which are unfair to Paraguay.

Brazilian capitalism is part of the global

accumulation process and integrates the

world’s imperialist system, The Brazilian

ruling classes are inextricably linked to in-

ternational capital. The Brazilian bour-

geoisie doesn’t dispute its hegemony with

any pre-capitalist sector. It is the other way

around: it primarily disputes spaces within

the imperialist capital order, though it re-

mains subject to it, especially to avoid the

possibility of a revolutionary process, in

which the proletariat might emerge as a

protagonist.

The present development status of pro-

ductive forces is enough to solve the needs

of the whole world’s population, but it’s in

full contradiction with the form of bourgeois

social relations which privately accumulate

the socially produced wealth. Capitalism is

definitely antagonistic to human life. So, it’s

time to create the conditions to overcome

32

πB - 1/2010 � Brazilian communist party

this system in order to promote the socialist

revolution.

Latin America will keep on being an im-

portant centre of struggle against capital, as

important social change processes are artic-

ulated around ALBA, in clear opposition to

imperialist factions which dispute hegemo-

ny over the markets and the natural re-

sources of the region, and that includes

many sectors of the Brazilian bourgeoisie.

Communists of the whole world must

work together to denounce and defeat the

paramilitary and terrorist State of Colombia.

This is part of our struggle to strengthen

support to Socialist Cuba and to deepen the

processes of social change that are taking

place in Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia and

possibly in Paraguay and other countries.

We must keep on denouncing the coup

d’Etat in Honduras, and keep on fighting for

Democracy and social change; We must

fight for peace and Democracy throughout

Latin America and we must denounce the

creation of the seven U.S. military bases in

Colombia; We must offer total solidarity to

the Colombian Communist Party and op-

pose the criminalization of the Revolution-

ary Armed Forces of Colombia, as well as

support its right to be recognized as a polit-

ical organization. Every people have the

right to choose the necessary form of fight-

ing against oppression.

Finally, we would like to propose that

this Meeting takes some steps towards the

strengthening of the ties between our par-

ties, and towards increasing both the num-

ber and the quality of our joint actions: The

first one is a common public letter, signed

by all of us, to the Colombian Government,

demanding the recognition of the FARC as a

political organization; We also propose the

organization of regional Meetings of the

Communist and Workers’ Parties in all con-

tinents.

Long live the Communist and Workers’

Parties

Long live the Proletarian International-

ism!

Thank you”

33

�


Communist Party of Britain

ROBERT GRIFFITHS

THE MONOPOLY CAPITALISTS, their politi-

cians and their intellectuals want the public

to regard this crisis as entirely a financial

one, flowing from the ‘credit crunch’: all the

fault of reckless mortgage companies and

banks; of low-paid workers who borrowed

beyond their means; and of greedy bankers

who should not have lent them the money

in the first place.

What a convenient picture this paints on

behalf of the capitalist system as a whole!

The truth, of course, is that this is a systemic

crisis, a crisis intrinsic to the system of cap-

italism itself, what Marx characterised as a

periodic crisis of overproduction.

At the same time, I think we should also

note a significant feature of the current cri-

sis, namely the role of what Marx in Volume

Three of Capital defined as ‘fictitious capi-

tal’. By this he usually meant, according to

a narrow definition, interest-bearing finan-

cial paper, in particular government bonds

comprising the National Debt. But he also

employed a broader definition which em-

braced bills of exchange, commodity con-

tracts and all kinds of stocks and shares.

When traded on the financial markets,

these instruments increase their money-

value way beyond the reproduction and ex-

pansion of capital in the production of real

commodities for real consumption.

They are still capital in the sense that

they derive from real capital once invested

in the production or circulation process.

Like other forms of capital, their money-

value also represents a future entitlement -

when cashed in - to the product of labour.

But, Marx pointed out, this capital has

become ‘fictitious’: it has been used up in its

original form and now survives only nomi-

nally, on paper; its value has since been de-

termined more or less independently of the

reproduction of capital in the production

process; it now bears no relation to the

34

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Britain

money-value of the original capital invested

in the government or enterprise.

Marx called the process of forming ficti-

tious capital ‘capitalisation’, although it

does not correspond completely to the

bourgeois category which can reflect the

expansion of real capital as well as fictitious

capital. For that reason, some Marxists pre-

fer the term ‘financialisation’.

According to the Bank for International

Settlements, by June 2007, on the eve of

the financial crisis, the nominal future val-

ue of all the financial instruments, physical

assets, credit risks and betting slips (on fu-

ture economic factors and indicators) be-

ing traded in world markets as financial de-

rivatives - the main vehicle for fictitious

capital - had reached $516 trillion. Share

and bond market capitalisation totalled

$111 trillion. The combined and largely

fictitious value of $627 trillion was 13

times greater than the world’s GDP of $48

trillion in 2006.

While world GDP grew annually from

2.7 per cent in 1995 and by up to 3.9 per

cent in 2006, the notional amount of value

in the derivatives market ballooned by 24

per cent a year, and in the equity and bond

markets by 11 per cent and 9 per cent a year

respectively.

Originating in the reproduction and

then over-production of real capital, these

fictitious capital values could never be re-

alised upon maturity in the future. Sooner or

later, realism would break out as nervous-

ness and then panic stepped in. But in the

meantime, this fictitious value enabled a

massive extension of corporate, personal

and government debt, which in turn further

intensified and prolonged the boom in most

leading capitalist economies.

Financialisation thereby ensured that

when the crash came it would be severe.

And by placing the banks, mortgage com-

panies and the money and financial markets

in mortal danger, it compelled govern-

ments and central banks to bail them out on

an unprecedented scale, at the expense of

support for productive industry, at the ex-

pense of public services, and to the cost of

future generations forced to pay off addi-

tional public debt.

Although the financial crisis broke out

shortly before the generalised economic re-

cession began, it was a signal rather than

the cause. There is a dialectical relationship

between the two. The over-production of

capital provides the basis for transforming a

portion of real capital into fictitious capital.

Fictitious capital values accelerate demand

through credit and thus steepen the de-

scent into recession, which the financial cri-

sis then prolongs through mass redundan-

cies in the financial sector and a credit strike

by the banks and money markets.

But the surest sign of an impending

cyclical crisis of over-production had al-

ready shown itself two years before the col-

lapse of US and then other banks and finan-

cial institutions in summer 2007. From

May 2005, year-on-year crude steel pro-

duction had begun to drop significantly in

the European Union and the USA, although

it temporarily recovered in the latter the

following year. Here is conclusive evidence

that a cyclical crisis of over-production was

on the way before the ‘credit crunch’ oc-

curred.

35


Incidentally, Marx did not mince his

words when referring to the agents of

‘capitalisation’ or financialisation. He

called them ‘gamblers’, ‘swindlers’ and

‘bandits’. They perform no socially useful

function except to vindicate the demand

of socialists and Communists that the

whole financial sector be taken into demo-

cratic public ownership, under new man-

agement, pursuing very different policies

and objectives.

This demand represents a qualitative

advance from tighter national and interna-

tional regulation or measures such as a

Tobin tax on cross-border financial transac-

tions. Democratic public ownership repre-

sents part of the transition to what we Com-

munists used to call an advanced anti-mo-

nopoly democracy - the stage which sets

the scene for the decisive, revolutionary

struggle for state power.

Yet even if measures to regulate or na-

tionalise the financial sector could be

achieved under capitalism, periodic crises

of overproduction would still exist for as

long as capitalism exists.

Britain’s Prime Minister Brown once

claimed that he had abolished the cycle of

‘boom and bust’ in the British economy. An

ancient English king, Canute, once claimed

that he could sit on the sea shore - on his

throne - and stop the waves from coming

in. He got his feet wet.

In Britain the government, the Treasury

and the Bank of England have so far allocat-

ed í1.35 trillion ($2.25 trillion) in public

funds and guarantees to rescue the banks,

financial institutions and money markets.

That’s equivalent to Britain’s entire annual

GDP, twice the annual total of public expen-

diture, ten times the National Health Ser-

vice budget and 15 times government

spending on education.

Less than í20 billion has been allocated

to support manufacturing and other pro-

ductive industry in Britain. That imbalance

in government support reflects the peculi-

arities, priorities and contradictions of Bri-

tish monopoly capital.

Now the British ruling class has

launched a fierce offensive against the jobs,

wages, pensions, social benefits, public

services and trade union rights of the work-

ing class and peoples of Britain.

Whichever government is elected next

May, this offensive will intensify. Cuts in

public spending will be deeper and quicker

under a Tory government, whereas a

Labour government might be more

amenable to pressure – especially in rela-

tion to employment and trade union rights

– from the trade unions.

The Communist Party is seeking to alert

the labour movement and the people gen-

erally to the nature and scale of this offen-

sive, especially through our work in the

unions and through the Morning Star daily

newspaper (which now enjoys substantial

support from leading sections of the trade

union movement).

We are calling for the formation of cam-

paigning alliances of left, trade union and

local community organisations to defend

public services.

As an alternative to the offensive’s poli-

cies, we propose a Left-Wing Programme

of immediate social, economic, environ-

mental and foreign policy demands to

36

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Britain

counteract cut-backs, privatisations, mili-

tarism and environmental degradation.

Many of these demands are reflected in

the People’s Charter, an initiative proposed

by our party in July 2008 and adopted – af-

ter a struggle - by the Trades Union

Congress last September. A People’s Char-

ter convention this Saturday in London will

launch the campaign for a million signatures

across Britain. Our Charter for Women,

which promotes the interests of women in

work, in society and in the labour move-

ment, is now supported by more than 13

national trade unions.

We are seeking united and popular

fronts of struggle on all the main problems

facing the working class and peoples of Bri-

tain, including against racism and the rise of

the fascist right.

A new publishing house, Manifesto

Press, has produced three new books to

carry forward the battle of ideas on the left

and in the trade union, peace and solidarity

movements.

But what we believe is now required on

the global level is closer, organised co-op-

eration and co-ordination between the

Communist and Workers Parties. The remit

of the Working Group could be extended to

promote links between leading comrades

in different parties in each major field of po-

litical and trade union work. An internation-

al programme for Marxist-Leninist educa-

tion could be established through the inter-

net. And the extended work of the Working

Group needs to be facilitated by a perma-

nent office, with one or two full-time staff

supplied by parties which have the neces-

sary resources.

Our Communist and working class inter-

nationalism is one of our greatest potential

strengths. As the monopoly capitalists and

their state representatives meet, plan and

take initiatives at the global level through a

host of different institutions, we Commu-

nists have a responsibility to do likewise in

the interests of workers and their families,

humanity and our planet.

37

�


CommunistParty of

Canada HARJIT DAUDHARIA

DEAR HOSTING PARTIES AND FRATERNALDELEGATES, DEAR COMRADES, First of all,

we would like to thank our hosts – the Com-

munist Party of India (Marxist) and the

Communist Party of India – for all of their ef-

forts in convening this Meeting, and for

their generous hospitality. The leader of our

party, cde. Miguel Figueroa, was unable to

attend due to visa problems and has asked

me to convey his warmest greetings to all.

* * *

DEAR COMRADES, the theme for this 11th

Meeting of Communist & Workers’ Parties

– the global capitalist crisis and the role of

the Communist and working class move-

ments – is most timely. The maturing of the

basic contradiction of capitalism is render-

ing the system ever more volatile and de-

structive, with dire and sometimes unpre-

dictable consequences. In the hope of re-

versing the falling rate of profit, ruling cir-

cles are stepping up a vicious offensive

against our class in order to ‘save’ capital-

ism while transferring the cost of the cur-

rent crisis onto the backs of working peo-

ple. At the same time however, the deep-

ening crisis is having a radicalizing effect on

sections of the working class whose eco-

nomic and social conditions are sharply de-

teriorating and are increasingly driven to

fight back. These are dynamic times in-

deed, full of dangers and challenges and al-

so with the potential of resurgent socialism.

The main task of Communists today is to

help foster class unity and struggle in the

face of this deepening crisis. Our orienta-

tion should focus on mobilizing and win-

ning today’s immediate (largely defensive)

struggles, but always with the perspective

of building conditions for our class to

mount a counter-offensive against the po-

litical and ideological edifice of capitalist re-

lations, of winning state power and build-

38

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Canada

ing socialism. The main thrust of this per-

spective is contained in the Draft Delhi Dec-

laration prepared by the Working Group for

this meeting, and it has our wholehearted

endorsement.

The global crisis is still in its early stages,

but certain general features can now be

identified, and conclusions drawn:

� everywhere the crisis is attended by

growing impoverishment of workers

and the masses of the people, job losses

and rising unemployment, economic in-

security and the degradation of public

services and social conditions;

� the corporate/government drive to im-

pose the costs of the crisis on the backs

of working people is accompanied by an

intense ideological offensive directed at

the working class to split its ranks, and

to scapegoat the unemployed, new im-

migrants, racialized communities, and

women workers. A crucial part of this

ideological campaign is the resurgence

of virulent anti-communism;

� one aim of this ideological offensive

aims to mislead working people with

rosy and sometimes falsified reports

that economic recovery is now under-

way, even though this is contradicted

by the facts. Bourgeois apologists try to

justify such wishful and dishonest claims

on the grounds that ‘good economic

news’ helps to stimulate consumer and

investor confidence. But it also serves a

more sinister purpose – to delude work-

ing people into believing that the worst

is over, and that they simply need to

wait and ride out the storm, rather than

to organize and fight for their class inter-

ests;

� the crisis is aggravating contradictions

among the leading imperialist states

and blocs, as each scrambles to defend

its own financial interests at the expense

of foreign competitors. Notwithstand-

ing the rhetorical defence of ‘free trade’

and ‘open markets’ at G-20, World Bank

and other summits, the evidence un-

mistakably points to increasing eco-

nomic nationalism and retrenchment. In

time, this will lead to rising inter-impe-

rialist tensions and rivalries – the histor-

ical precursor to imperialist aggression

and war;

� the current crisis has more fully exposed

the relative decline of U.S. economic

might compared to other competing

centres. This decline applies not only in

relation to Japan and the EU, but also

and even more significantly with re-

spect to the PRC (China) and to a lesser

extent, India and Brazil; and

� the labour and people’s fightback has

been slow to develop and remains un-

even and sporadic, even though impor-

tant advances have been made in a

number of countries. This is due to a

number of factors: the impact of fear and

insecurity among broad sections of the

working class, weakening – if only tem-

porarily – their capacity to unite and

fight; the imposition of state measures

to restrict, and sometimes directly re-

press, organized dissent, and the be-

trayal of social democracy; and the fail-

ure of the trade union leadership to initi-

ate – and in some cases, to actively ob-

39


struct – the development of a united

and coordinated fightback movement.

Clearly, the current recession/depres-

sion will be deep and protracted, with

ruinous effects on the living standards

and social conditions of working peo-

ple.

DEAR COMRADES, The global economic

crisis has impacted heavily on Canada and

its people. While the financial sector es-

caped relatively unscathed – none of the

Canadian banks collapsed during the melt-

down – most other parts of domestic econ-

omy, especially the manufacturing and re-

source sectors, both of which are heavily

dependent on exports to the U.S. market,

have been severely crippled. Unemploy-

ment continues to increase, and is expected

to officially surpass 10% by the end of this

year, although in real terms, it is already

much higher than that. Construction, retail

trade, tourism and the public sector are also

in decline.

The right-wing Conservatives under

Stephen Harper have stubbornly resisted

implementing any significant measures to

protect workers’ jobs, living standards and

the public services upon which the people

depend. Their last budget prioritized bail-

outs for the banks and other lenders, and

tax hand-outs to business. Over the past

three years, the Harper Conservatives have

repeatedly ignored laws, court rulings, Par-

liamentary resolutions, and public opinion

to impose their reactionary agenda. The

government has extended Canada’s role in

the dirty imperialist occupation of

Afghanistan, encouraged the corporate as-

sault on workers’ pensions and collective

agreements, and refused to sign the historic

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of

Indigenous Peoples. Harper and his gov-

ernment deny any responsibility to tackle

the global crisis posed by climate change. In

short, at a crucial time of economic crisis

and environmental degradation, Canada is

governed by one of the most extreme neo-

conservative parties in the capitalist world.

And yet despite their right-wing, anti-

people policies, the Tories remain in power

and are even positioned to gain a majority

in the general election expected next year,

in large measure because the bourgeois

‘opposition’ parties, including the main so-

cial-democratic party, the NDP, have failed

to bring forward any substantial alternative

policies to those of the Conservatives.

Generally speaking, the fightback by the

labour movement and its allies has been

slow to develop. There are many reasons for

this, including the intensity, speed and esca-

lation of the assault. But it is also a result of

the lingering effect of the Cold War attack on

the left and the socialist states, which ush-

ered in the dominance of right-wing social

democracy as the main ideology of the trade

union leadership. This has definitely ham-

pered attempts by organized workers to de-

velop extra-parliamentary political struggles

to resist plant closures and economic attacks.

Notwithstanding these weaknesses howev-

er, Canadian workers have repeatedly shown

their capacity to struggle in the face of the

capitalist crisis and its consequences.

The problem of leadership – or lack

thereof – in the fightback against the corpo-

rate attack is not primarily organizational,

40

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Canada

but rather ideological in character. It is ab-

solutely essential therefore to build the left

& militant forces within the trade unions.

This is the main challenge confronting our

Party as we prepare for our upcoming 36th

Convention next February.

DEAR COMRADES, Finally, a few words

about our own movement internationally.

Over the past decade, these international

meetings have grown both in terms of par-

ticipating parties and with respect to our ca-

pacity to initiate and strengthen coordina-

tion and joint action. At the same time, we

must note a growing differentiation among

the parties on certain fundamental ques-

tions. While respecting the right of each

member party to articulate its political

analysis and line of march, and while work-

ing to foster unity-in-action despite a diver-

sity of views, we reiterate our conviction

that the essence and strength of our Com-

munist movement derives from its fidelity

to Marxism-Leninism, both in theory and

practice, including our collective responsi-

bility to respond to, and struggle against, all

manifestations of opportunism, revisionism

and reformism within our ranks.

These are the shared challenges which

the Communists throughout the world face

in today’s turbulent and dangerous world.

And the degree to which we confront these

challenges in a principled, militant and unit-

ed way will be decisive in building the peo-

ple’s counter-offensive, in defeating capi-

talism, and in building socialism for the ben-

efit of our class, the oppressed and exploit-

ed and for all humanity.

Thank you.

41

�


Communist Party of China

AI PING

MR. CHAIRMAN, FELLOW DELEGATES: It’s

an honor for me and my colleges to be del-

egated by the International Department of

the Central Committee of the Communist

Party of China to attend this gathering of the

International Meeting of Communist and

Workers’ Parties.

First of all, allow me to convey to you

the warm greetings and best wishes of our

minister Wang Jiarui and his deputies in the

department. This IMCWP is an important

platform for communist parties across the

world to share information, exchange ideas

and hold discussion on certain issues. So

far, 10 conferences have been held suc-

cessfully and today, we are gathered here

in New Delhi to witness the opening of the

eleventh IMCWP conference.

Secondly, I would like to take this op-

portunity to brief you on new develop-

ments in China and the recent endeavors of

the CPC. The financial crisis, originating in

the United States last year, has seriously af-

fected the economy and the livelihood of

countries in the world. Due to the serious

impact of the crisis, 2009 has been the most

difficult year for China’s economic develop-

ment since the beginning of this century. In

order to deal with this crisis and maintain

steady and rapid economic growth, the

CPC and the Chinese government judi-

ciously adjusted the macroeconomic poli-

cies by adopting a proactive fiscal policy

and a moderately relaxed monetary policy,

and formulated a package plan to expand

domestic—demand and promote growth.

A two-year investment plan, amounting in

total to four trillion Yuan, is being imple-

mented involving greatly increased gov-

ernment spending to boost domestic de-

mand and improve people’s livelihood.

Structural tax relief policies were put in

place, bringing about several interest rate

cuts to allow liquidity in the banking system

42

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of China

and to stabilize external demand. A wide-

ranging industrial restructuring and rejuve-

nation program was initiated to encourage

innovation and enhance energy conserva-

tion, emission reduction and environment

protection. Great efforts have been made to

expand the domestic market, especially the

rural market, stabilize agricultural develop-

ment and increase farmers’ income. Effec-

tive measures have been taken to reform

the social security system to ensure access

to basic medical service, free compulsory

education, as well as affordable housing for

urban and rural residents so that they can be

free of worries.

Now, these measures have taken initial

effects and have produced some positive

signs. From January to September 2009, our

GDP grew by 7.7%, volume of retail sales in-

creased by 15.1%, state revenue grew by

5.3% while the consumer price-index

dropped by 1.1%. This data shows that our

domestic consumption is robust, demand

for investment is increasing steadily, the so-

ciety on the whole is stable, and the overall

economic situation is about to turn for the

better. These countermeasures China has

taken against the crisis have not only

worked positively on China’s economy, but

will also serve as a boon to the economy of

the region and that of the world at large.

This year marks the 60th anniversary of

the founding of new Xhina. In the past sixty

years, the Communist Party of China, and

the Chinese people under its leadership,

have achieved glorious accomplishments

that have attracted world attention: China’s

economic and overall strength have been

greatly enhanced and China has become

the third largest economy in the world with

a trade volume ranking also third in the

world. The standard of living in China has

been markedly improved with per capita

GDP increased from $35 in 1949 to $3,266

in 2008 and life expectancy extended from

35 to 73 years. The moral and ethical stan-

dard of Chinese society has been uplifted. A

socialist legal system with Chinese charac-

teristics has taken shape; constant effort has

been made to promote the rule of law and

to improve the overall cultural integrity of

our people. The relationship between China

and the world has undergone historic

changes, whereby the world is paying more

and more attention to China. The fate of

China and the fate of the world are ever

more closely linked together.

Experience in the last sixty years shows

that throughout the primary stage of social-

ism, we must always take economic devel-

opment as the central task, take reform and

opening up as the driving force to promote

all round economic, political, cultural and

social development and cultivate a sense of

conservation among the general public. We

must push forward economic and political

reform and reform in other areas to moti-

vate the entire population for greater en-

thusiasm, initiative and creativity so as to

realize social equity and justice and fill the

country with vitality. We must carry forward

socialist democracy, improve the socialist

legal system, stick to the rule of law and

guarantee the lasting stability of the coun-

try. We must enhance and improve party

building, carry out in-depth anti-corruption

campaigns, and bond the party and the

people closer together.

43


Some parties, due to a lack of knowl-

edge about the national conditions of Chi-

na, think that China has given up Marxism

and has deviated from the socialist path,

and some even call China’s system “author-

itarian capitalism”. But these accusations

are not true. As you all know, China is a

large oriental country with a relatively back-

ward economy and culture. China is, and

will be for a long time to come remain, at

the primary stage of socialism. There are no

references in the classics on how to carry

forward Marxism and develop socialism

with our special national conditions. The

CPC has always upheld Marxism as our fun-

damental guiding ideology, insisted in

adapting the basic tenets of Marxism to Chi-

nese conditions and the features of the

times and tried to explore a new road for

building socialism. CPC leaders of succes-

sive generations have pooled the wisdom

of the whole party, drawn upon the experi-

ences and lessons of other countries and es-

tablished a system of theories of socialism

with Chinese characteristics. In the way of

exploration, the CPC as the ruling party

must learn from all the excellent achieve-

ments of human civilization including

means and management systems which

can reflect the laws governing modern so-

cial production such as the capitalist market

economic system. However, this doesn’t

mean that we are pursuing capitalism, let

alone changing into it. On the contrary, our

purpose is to improve, consolidate and de-

velop socialism. I am convinced that the un-

remitting exploration of the Chinese com-

munists, their success in building a stronger

China can not only help enrich and develop

Marxism, but also encourage and inspire

communists across the world to stick to so-

cialism. This, I believe, will be a great con-

tribution to international socialist move-

ment.

Last September, the Fourth Plenary Ses-

sion of the 17th CPC Central Committee was

held, where the “Decision of the Central

Committee of the Communist Party of China

on Strengthening and Improving the Party

Building” was adopted and concrete meas-

ures were planned out for party building en-

deavors in the new period. The main ideas

of this document are as follow:

THE IMPORTANCE OF PARTY BUILDINGUNDER THE NEW SITUATION Having been

at the helm of government for 60 years, the

Communist Party of China has proven to be

the key to every success made in the coun-

try, and its leading position must be upheld

unswervingly. In a world that is undergoing

great development, great transformation

and adjustment, China is now faced with a

series of new circumstances and new prob-

lems. The CPC shoulders huge, complex

and heavy tasks in pressing ahead with re-

form and openness, and a socialist modern-

ization drive. Therefore, it is imperative for

the party to be vigilant to the challenges ly-

ing ahead, by courageously blazing new

trails and making relentless efforts in self-

improvement.

BASIC LESSONS FOR PARTY BUILDINGIdeological and theoretical building must

be prioritised to enable the entire member-

ship to have a better command of the

essence of Marxism. Party building endeav-

44

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of China

ors must be integrated with the ultimate

mission of the party so as to guarantee its

core leadership in socialist development.

We must focus our effort on strengthening

the Party’s governance capability and main-

taining its vanguard nature so that the CPC

is always at the forefront of the times. We

must always bear in mind that the CPC is

meant to serve the public interest, and is

mandated to exercise state power for the

people, and it must maintain close ties with

the populace. What’s more, the party must

embrace new ideas and new practices in or-

der to enhance dynamism.

Last but not least, the party must exer-

cise self-discipline, be strict with its mem-

bers and improve management of party af-

fairs.

FUTURE TASKS OF PARTY BUILDING INTHE NEW PERIOD The CPC will build itself

into a learning-oriented Marxist party and

raise its ideological and political conscious-

ness. We must improve democratic central-

ism and expand intra-party democracy. We

must also deepen reform of the personnel

system and build a contingent of high-cal-

iber cadres who are more competent in

promoting scientific development and so-

cial harmony. What’s more, doubled efforts

must be made to reinforce primary party or-

ganizations to consolidate the organiza-

tional foundation of the party. Meanwhile,

it’s also imperative for the party to carry for-

ward its good style of work and maintain

close ties with the people. We must accel-

erate the building of corruption punishment

and prevention systems, and intensify the

fight against corruption. Thirdly, I’d like to

share with you some of my personal views

inspired by the theme of this meeting. At

present, the global financial crisis has not

bottomed out yet and there are still many

potential risks in the world economy. Many

politicians and scholars have done exten-

sive studies on the crisis and provided

many valuable views. Here are my own per-

ceptions of the cause behind this crisis and

its impact on global capitalism.

Many people put the blame of this glob-

al financial and economic crisis, triggered

by the sub-prime mortgage crisis in the

U.S., on “the rampant speculation in the fi-

nancial market”, “vicious competition” or

“excessive lending” and are expecting to

tide over the crisis and achieve recovery by

“regulating” capitalism. In my opinion, this

crisis is no different from other ones in his-

tory which were caused by the inherent

contradictions of capitalism. Such crises can

not be eradicated and will recur periodical-

ly as long as the private ownership of capi-

talism and the inherent contradiction re-

main unchanged. That is why we have wit-

nessed the repeated cycle of crisis-relief-

crisis in the development of capitalism. The

temporary prosperity at certain times is in

fact the presage of another crisis. This on-

going crisis is but another testimony - Carl

Marx is right in his judgment of the capital-

ist economic cycle and that the capitalist

mode of production is doomed to failure.

But can we rush to the conclusion that

capitalism will die in this crisis? My answer

is “no”. What we can say is that this crisis

will accelerate the transition of capitalism to

socialism. This is because since the mid-

20th century, with new scientific and tech-

45


nological revolution and the self-adjust-

ment of capitalism, coupled with economic

boom followed by capital expansion, the

capitalist world has experienced a relative-

ly stable and prosperous period. In the past

360 years after the English Bourgeois Revo-

lution, the capitalist world has accumulated

much experience in handling their crises. At

present, there is still room for growth in

capitalist productivity and the self-adjust-

ment capacity of the capitalist mode of pro-

duction has not been exhausted. The inher-

ent contradiction of capitalism is represent-

ed in complex forms of motion which can

be radical at one time and mild at another.

As a result, it will take a long time for so-

cialism to replace capitalism. This was also

embedded in Marxist thought: “no social

order ever disappears before all the produc-

tive forces, for which there is room in it,

have been developed; and new higher rela-

tions of production never appear before the

material conditions of their existence have

matured in the womb of the old society”. A

correct understanding of and response to

the development of capitalism can help us

obtain a scientific view of the reality and

adopt correct policies. I think that given the

current balance of power, capitalism will re-

main more powerful than socialism for a

certain period to come and that socialist

countries should deal with capitalist coun-

tries through both struggle and cooperation

to sharpen our horns and broaden our room

for survival.

Finally, I wish this conference complete

success.

Thank you!

46

�

πB - 1/2010 � AKEL, Cyprus

AKEL, Cyprus

GEORGE LOUKAIDES

ON BEHALF of the Central Committee of

AKEL, I would like to convey our warmest

greetings to all the Parties participating in the

11th International Meeting of Communist and

Workers’ Parties. Allow me to particularly

thank the Communist Party of India and Com-

munist Party of India – Marxist, for hosting

this meeting in such excellent conditions.

The continuous dialogue and exchange

of views and experiences between the

Communist and left parties are of crucial

importance, since through this process we

can elaborate positions and coordinate ac-

tivities and struggles.

DURING THE LAST TWO YEARS humanity

is witnessing a global economic crisis that

constitutes the clearest indication of the

failure of the capitalist system and the neo-

liberal policies that have been implement-

ed during the last three decades on a glob-

al level.

From the beginning apologists of capi-

talism and neo-liberalism, rushed to claim

that the economic crisis was the result of

the personal responsibility and behaviour

of leading officials of the large financial in-

stitutions. Of course, this argument has

nothing to do with reality.

The causes of the crisis have to do with

the very nature of the capitalist system it-

self. This is a result of the inherent unjust

and inhuman nature of this system where

working people labour but only a few reap

the benefits and accumulate wealth and

profit. As Marx analyzed, the basic contra-

diction of capitalism is the social character

of the production versus the individualiza-

tion of the results of production by the oli-

garchy.

Although the working class is not in any

way responsible for this crisis, they are now

the ones that are called upon by the ruling

classes to pay the price.

47


In addition to the millions of workers

who are the first victims of this crisis and are

losing their jobs, there are millions of oth-

ers, above all from the countries of the

South, who are at the same time losing the

fragile resources to sustain their families.

The ILO estimates that more than 30 million

people lost their jobs in 2008 and this figure

will increase to more than 50 million in

2009. The FAO estimates that the number

of people threatened by famine rose from

850 million in 2007 to 960 million in 2008,

and that the figure could reach a billion in

2009!

All this is taking place even though

everyone acknowledges that humanity has

sufficient productive capacity to meet peo-

ple’s needs, and even though it is increas-

ingly clear that specific scientific and tech-

nological advances are not utilized, since

they do not serve to the criteria of prof-

itability demanded by capital, which con-

trols the process.

The current situation though, is not a

new phenomenon but reflects the worsen-

ing of an unequal and unfair world based on

the capitalist system; a world where in-

equalities are reproduced and also reflected

in the development rates of the regions all

over the world. In this world, the so-called

advanced economies (31 states in total) un-

til today hold 56.4% of the World Gross

Product, whilst the emerging / developing

economies (141 states in total) hold the rest

- 43.6%. The wealth of the 15 richest men of

the world is higher than the GDP of an entire

continent, Africa. According to the UN, half

the population of the planet is threatened

by hunger. In the richest countries, 100 mil-

lion people are living below the poverty

line.

The neo-liberal model implemented

over the last few decades throughout the

world, has intensified the contradictions of

capitalism. In particular, in the European

Union the conservative forces, with the so-

cial democrats largely in full cooperation,

imposed neo-liberalism as the dominant

philosophy of the EU.

Thus, the lawlessness and anarchy of the

market, the restriction of the control and

regulative role of the state and the destruc-

tion of the welfare state were imposed.

Unfortunately, it is obvious that these

forces are not willing, even today, to

change course and policy. They still insist

on dead-end policies. What else but dead-

end policies do the policies of flexicurity,

privatisation and liberalisation, the exten-

sion of active employment represent? They

are attempting to put the burden of the eco-

nomic crisis on the backs of the peoples of

Europe. The approval in a second referen-

dum of the Lisbon Treaty by the Irish people

constitutes another step in this direction.

The Lisbon treaty institutionalizes the neo-

liberal model, pre-emptive wars outside EU

and the complete dependence of EU on

NATO.

On the political level, the so-called New

World Order continues to flagrantly violate

the Constitutional Charter of the United Na-

tions and impinge International Law. It con-

tinues to strive to sideline the UN and mere-

ly use it in order to serve the selfish interests

of the imperialist forces of the planet and

multinational companies. The law of the

powerful is being imposed by all means in

48


the name, allegedly, of “exporting democ-

racy”. NATO is seeking to intervene in every

corner of the world, violating International

Law, through operations that are termed as

“humanitarian interventions” in the name of

combating terrorism. The attack of the USA

and NATO against Afghanistan, Iraq, the

Balkans, prove that world peace and securi-

ty remain mere flamboyant declarations. In

its attempt to project some kind of legal ap-

pearance, NATO is seeking to utilise the

creation of programmes with glowing

names, such as the “Partnership for Peace”.

Of course, despite the inconsistency be-

tween words and deeds, the forces of con-

servatism and imperialism appear to remain

very consistent on another issue: in their an-

ti-communism propaganda. An intense in-

comprehensible attempt to equate com-

munism and Nazism is underway, as if the

irrefutable historical facts and political crite-

ria do not nullify the philosophy, spirit and

arguments of this effort.

SINCE I COME FROM A COUNTRY that has

also been a victim of the imperialist con-

spiracies throughout its history, allow me at

this point to refer briefly to the Cyprus Prob-

lem and the recent developments concern-

ing efforts for its solution.

This year, 35 years have elapsed since

Cyprus and its people became divided as a

result of the Turkish invasion and occupa-

tion. In the past 19 months since his elec-

tion, the current President of the Republic of

Cyprus, comrade Dimitris Christofias is

making an enormous effort for the reunifica-

tion of our country and people through a

just solution that will be based on the Unit-

ed Nations Resolution, and that will be to

the benefit of the Cypriot people as a whole,

Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.

The direct talks between the leaders of

the two communities began in September

2008. The two leaders agreed, before the

commencement of the negotiations, that

they are aiming at a bi-zonal, bi-communal

federal solution, with political equality as

set out by the relevant UN Resolutions. It

was clarified that a reunified Cyprus will

have a single sovereignty, a single interna-

tional personality and a single citizenship.

The first phase of the negotiations was

concluded in June. The leaders of the two

communities discussed the chapters re-

garding governance, the property issue,

participation in the European Union, econo-

my, the territorial issue and security and

guarantees. In this first phase, quite a num-

ber of convergences, but also many diver-

gences were recorded in the positions the

two communities. Since September 2009,

the two leaders have begun the second

phase of the negotiations.

On the chapters regarding the territorial

issue and the settlers, the positions tabled

by the two sides did not reach any conver-

gences, as the Turkish Cypriot side remains

intransigent, refusing to accept the basic

principles of International law. Regarding

the chapter on Governance, after the recent

meetings between the two leaders an

agreement has been achieved on several is-

sues and that allow as to be cautiously opti-

mistic for the possibility of reaching an

agreement.

Concerning the property issue a step

forward was recorded, since the right to

49


property of Greek Cypriots was recog-

nized by the Turkish Cypriot side. Howev-

er, there are huge differences still because

the Turkish side insists that the current

users, instead of the lawful owners,

should have the right to choose what will

happen with the properties. Regretfully,

disagreements have also been arisen on

the issue of participation in the European

Union. The Turkish Cypriot side is raising

the issue of permanent derogations from

the acquis communautaire in relation to

the right of settlement, property and relat-

ed issues. They even raised the proposal

of replacing Protocol 10, and are calling

for a new Protocol, which according to

their proposal, should be tabled for ratifi-

cation in the Parliaments all member

countries, establishing the solution as pri-

mary law. The Greek Cypriots cannot ac-

cept any of these demands. During the

discussion on the security and guarantees

chapter, the leadership of the Turkish

Cypriot community insisted on the preser-

vation of the Turkish guarantees of 1960

and also on the right of unilateral inter-

vention as its basic position. The President

of the Republic underlined that such a po-

sition will never be accepted. As AKEL,

we agree with this position.

While the 2nd phase of the negotiations

is underway, it is our conviction that long-

standing problems can only be solved when

principles are respected. This is a fact that,

unfortunately, the Turkish side appears to

ignore. Despite all these developments, our

commitment is to increase our efforts, in or-

der to achieve a solution based on the prin-

ciples agreed.

THE WORLD ECONOMIC CRISIS has re-con-

firmed that the future of humanity cannot be

capitalism, but socialism. The future of hu-

manity cannot be a system that has as its

primary goal the continuous concentration

of wealth and the maximization of profit to

the detriment of social needs.

As AKEL, we believe that the Commu-

nist forces, together with progressive, anti-

imperialistic and anti-capitalistic forces

around the world, must take more decisive

steps to open up the socialist alternative

path to our societies and the world. We

need to convince people not just that capi-

talism is driving humanity into barbarism

but also that socialism is the only possible

alternative. In order to do so, we have to re-

inforce our contacts with the working class

and all the strata of the society that we are

addressing. We have to convince them that

our struggles are also their own struggles.

We have to be out with them on the streets,

in the factories, the trade unions, at the

work place and anywhere else where we

have to wage social or political struggles.

We have to dialectically connect our strug-

gle for socialism with our struggles to elab-

orate and project short-term solutions on

major social issues such as unemployment,

homelessness, the increase in the retire-

ment rate, reduction of salaries and wages

and the restriction of workers rights. We

have to reinforce our struggles for saving

the planet from environmental destruction.

Marx and Engels, once again, are proven to

be absolute correct when they wrote that

capitalists are destroying the two basic re-

sources of their wealth, humanity and na-

ture. We have to unite our forces in the

50


struggle against the unjust, aggressive, im-

perialist wars and strengthen our solidarity

activities with all peoples and movements

struggling for national independence,

peace, freedom and social justice.

UNFORTUNATELY, we have to acknowl-

edge that the impact by the dissolution of

the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, still

affect Communist and progressive forces in

a negative way. Nevertheless, the Commu-

nist movement has already stood on its feet

and is gradually becoming stronger. The

developments in Latin America and the an-

ti-imperialistic radicalization of many coun-

tries in this continent is one of the examples

showing the possibilities we, as a Commu-

nist and left movement, have.

Though it is obvious that our road still

remains a difficult one, full of obstacles,

however this remains the only road that can

provide a positive perspective to the work-

ing class and humanity as a whole: the per-

spective of the emancipation of humanity;

the perspective of socialism.

Thank you.

51

�


FIRST, LET ME TO COMMUNICATE to you

greetings from the United Left group from

the European Parliament. We are not too

strong in this period – just 35 from total of

736. Many thanks to both Communist Par-

ties of India for the organisation of this

meeting.

Let me to commemorate the late Czech

conservative government. It was over-

thrown during the Czech presidency of the

European Union and we, the Czech com-

munists, contributed to it.

After these remarks, let me concentrate

on the matter for discussion. Recent devel-

opment of the world economy is influenced

by a steep growth of divergence between

the income of 90% of the population and

the big proprietors and top managers,

which year by year actually gets smaller. In

the ‘70s, typical ratio of income between

management and workers was twenty to

one. In the ‘70s values traded in different

stock exchange schemes were not more

than two to three times the value of out-

standing real values available.

Since then we have seen not only the

total destruction of “Real socialism“ in

Europe, but also a left wing revolutions in

Latin America and a rapid growth of sev-

eral big Asian economies. A huge wave of

liberalism in the ‘90s led to the devasta-

tion of the European social model, togeth-

er with the destruction of the welfare state

in Central and East European states. A

huge experiment involving the total pri-

vatisation of industry, along with the de-

struction of the agricultural and food sec-

tor in these countries, was accompanied

by two other major features. The first one

was the rapid growth of management to

workers income inequality. From an in-

come ratio of 1:20 at the beginning of the

twenty first century the ratio soon

changed to 1:100 or worse.

CommunistParty of

Bohemia and Moravia

JAROMIR KOHLICEK

52

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Bohemia and Moravia

THE AMOUNT OF VALUES traded in the

market nominally grew in the USA to ap-

proximately more then ten times higher

value then real estate and ware available. In

Western Europe the difference was also

very steep: approximately one to six. The

periodic capitalist crises in the last twenty

years were solved by huge amounts of

money, especially in the form of low price

loans, being pumped into the economy of

the most developed states. This situation

deepened the critical problems in the

world economy and demonstrated that the

liberal approach can no longer solve these

increasing problems. The rapid rise in un-

employment, and the rapid decrease in in-

ternational trade highlights a major eco-

nomic crisis, which the capitalist system

cannot solve.

It is time to say clearly that the only way

to stabilize the situation is through a social-

ist prospective, looking at the needs of so-

ciety. Up to now majority of anti-crisis

measures have consisted in national gov-

ernments giving huge amount of money to

a nearly bankrupted financial sector and

some selected measures supporting, in the

majority of cases, the car industry. Some

countries, for instance Hungary, Lithuania

and Iceland were approaching bankruptcy.

Nearly all European Union countries will be

unable to fulfill the economic criteria of fi-

nancial stability this year. Many of the gov-

ernments are still unable to understand that

a low tax regime in not the solution. This ap-

proach merely allows the high-income sec-

tor of the population to further increase

their income / profits while the benefit for

the state economy is negligible.

TO THE CONTRARY, if a government raises

the income of the low poorer sector of the

population, then the economy starts to

grow. Multi-millionaires, who, due to the

anti-crisis measures of the government

gains an extra million dollars, won’t con-

sume more. On the other side the growth of

the minimum salary by even a few dollars

per week will immediately cause a growth

in consumption and hence lead to growth in

the economy. Top income groups have to

make a much bigger contribution to the na-

tional budgets than low-income people. If

the governments in the majority of states

are unable to accept this fact, it is time to

change them. The solution is an economy

oriented to the social sector, supporting the

education system, development, and pro-

moting science and research. But this re-

quires states to concentrate their efforts on

peace and disarmament instead of star

wars, wars against terrorism and rogue

states.

Let us just look at the most vulnerable

states. They are producing mostly tertiary

sector “products“ while the primary and

secondary sectors have been strangled.

Conclusion: The time for change has

come. Let us act together. Only the Left

Wing movement can rescue the world. So-

cialism now has a major opportunity. What,

therefore, are the measures we propose to

undertake in the present situation?

� Closer cooperation of all left wing par-

ties

� No flat tax - a progressive taxation sys-

tem

� No limits for social and health security

53


� Introduction hot capital tax – so called

Tobin tax and elimination of tax para-

dises

� An agreement on general disarmament

and peaceful settlement of the world

problems instead of the so-called world

war against terrorism. No foreign mili-

tary bases.

� Reinforcing regional political and eco-

nomic cooperation

� Let us promote fair international eco-

nomic cooperation instead of the World

Bank and World Trade Organisation

which promote neo-liberal economic

policies

� Let us strongly oppose anti-commu-

nism, for example by presenting our so-

phisticated and clear proposals to par-

liamentary bodies at all levels

� Last but not least – let us reinforce the

cooperation with youth, women, and

trade union organisations

54

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party in Denmark

CommunistParty in

Denmark BETTY FRYDENSBJERG CARLSSON

Last year in Brazil we discussed the current

situation of international capitalism. At that

time the financial crisis had just started, and

we were analyzing what would happen lat-

er. This year we know better what capital-

ism, and almost all the governments world-

wide, have done and are doing to survive

and overcome this very severe crisis in the

capitalist system.

THE SIGNS OF THE CRISIS are the ones we

would expect: a large growth in unemploy-

ment, severe cutbacks in total production

measured by gross national production

(GNP), and the closure of many companies.

The real reason for the economic crisis is, as

usual, the ever existing antagonistic contra-

diction between the capitalists chasing the

maximum profits and the relative decline of

the purchasing power of the workers and

the majority of the population. Therefore

the growth of production in the first years of

this century has been replaced by a situa-

tion where the market for the goods pro-

duced declines, and the products cannot be

sold. This cyclical crisis is, as Marx demon-

strated many years ago, a situation that

emerges regularly for the capitalist system.

But the current crisis is not just another

- of many - economic crises. There are

some very important new characteristics in

this crisis.

The first very important characteristic is

that the crisis is truly global. Only a very

few countries in the world have avoided

the crisis.

Another important characteristic is that

large capital, in order to try to maintain its

profits, has transferred millions and millions

of dollars from the productive sphere to

pure speculation in diverse financial pack-

ages. The money spent on speculation ex-

ceeds by many multiples the money spent

in real production. In the long run it is, of

55


course, not possible for a country to build a

sustainable economy on speculation.

What makes this even more serious is

how the state and the working class – (for

the working class neither willingly nor

knowingly) - have been caught up in finan-

cial speculation. In our country it is rather

new that, for instance, the money people

are saving through their jobs for their pen-

sions has been invested in stocks and spec-

ulation. And not many people knew that

the money we pay to the state in income tax

was also invested on the stock market.

THE NORDIC MODEL OF CAPITALISM was,

until the middle of the ‘90s, based on col-

lective benefits paid through taxes. Work-

ers in the public sector also saved money

through their wages which ensured a better

pension than many private sector workers,

and this money was placed – as also was in-

come tax - in public companies where the

public was in the control, or in bonds.

In thiscrises municipalities as well as the

state and pension companies have lost a lot

of money in the financial meltdown.

Through this the people have lost money.

What has been the political reaction of

the rulers to the economic crisis? The reac-

tion has been more or less the same in most

countries: Very big financial subsidies to the

banks, to other financial institutions, and to

the capitalist companies. And everywhere

these subsidies are paid mainly by the tax

payers, by the workers and by vulnerable

groups such as the elderly, families with

children, the youth, people in hospitals,

etc., who have suffered a severe reduction

in public service.

In Denmark the main reaction from our

bourgeois government and our Social De-

mocrats has been two so-called ‘bank-

packages’ that transferred thousands of mil-

lions to the banking sector, gave direct and

indirect subsidies to companies, and gave

tax reductions to the richer section of the

population. On the other side the govern-

ment has severely cut back the state’s fi-

nances, and has dictated that the munici-

palities, who are responsible for most of the

public service, should cut back their servic-

es, etc. On one hand the result has been

that civil servants, teachers, etc employed

in the social sector and in the health sector

have been fired. And on the other hand the

result has been a deterioration of the public

service. The budgets for next year have just

been decided in the municipalities, and the

state budget is about to be decided in the

parliament. We have had big demonstra-

tions in many towns against cutbacks in

schools, in childcare and care for the elder-

ly. A specific area of struggle and discussion

in Denmark is our healthcare, our public

hospitals. In Denmark hospitals have al-

ways been public. Private hospitals are a

new thing for us. They exist now, and peo-

ple are allowed to demand treatment in a

private hospital, if they have to wait more

than one month for treatment in a public

hospital. The tax payers are paying for the

excessive prices there, and this money is

taken away from the public hospitals. In a

time of crises, people protest, but on the

other hand, everybody wants to be cured as

fast as possible. For us communists this is an

important ideological struggle between

public and collective rights for all and liber-

56


alist individualism. We say: Pay for your in-

dividual rights. The collective rights in our

country were not handed to the working

class as a gift, we have fought for them

through generations.

IN OUR CONGRESS in May this year the

party drew up a programme to make cap-

italism pay for the crisis instead of the

working class.

In our analysis we point out that the cri-

sis is a crisis for the capitalist system as

such, and that the economic crisis goes

hand in hand with an energy crisis, a food

crisis and an environmental crisis, and at the

same time the imperialist foreign policy, in-

cluding the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, is

hidden by the crisis.

We therefore concluded that since the

capitalist crisis is man-made and should be

solved by the working people, the only

durable solution is to abolish capitalism as a

system and replace it with socialism.

But until we achieve this goal we put

forward a series of important demands, of

which I shall just mention a few:

� The banking sector should be nation-

alised.

� In order to relieve unemployment much

more investment should take place in

public services including renovation of

railways, schools, hospitals, non-profit

dwellings.

� To relieve the situation for those direct-

ly affected by the crisis, including the

unemployed, we demand - amongst

other important steps - that taxes on

food and medicine should be lifted, that

the unemployment benefit should be

raised, that the prices for water, gas,

heating and electricity should be frozen.

These kind of actions cannot solve the

crisis but can make living easier for the

working class and ordinary people.

We have discussed these matters with

our comrades in the trade unions, and they

have now started a campaign, signing a

mass petition demanding 25% more in un-

employment support. Many trade unions,

even national unions lead by the social de-

mocrats, are supporting this petition, and

are demanding it from the government. Our

argument is, of cause, that when so many

are losing their jobs, they are losing at least

50% of their income. Subsequently they can

buy less, which means more problems for

the companies selling their goods, which

creates more unemployment and so on.

A PROBLEM FOR OUR STRUGGLE is the

propaganda propagated through the me-

dia. First of all they all stubbornly call the cri-

sis “the financial crisis”. And second, all me-

dia, including the television, daily reports

from the so called stock-market about sev-

eral indexes which people don’t under-

stand at all. Now they are declaring that the

crisis is about to be reversed, because this

and that index has gone up some points.

But they never connect it with the increase

in unemployment and the increase in the

number of people who cannot pay for their

houses or apartments because of unem-

ployment. And that is where we see the

economic crisis, the crisis of the capitalist

system. The crisis which will continue to re-

57


cur, and capitalism will not be able to main-

tain its speculation and massive maximum

profit, because people are poor and unem-

ployed.

The last aspect to which we would like

to draw your attention is the measures our

government has taken in the present situa-

tion. We are not only thinking of the so

called anti-terrorist legislation, but new

laws. As you all probably know, Denmark is

hosting the international Climate summit

(COP15) in December. At the moment our

parliament is about to pass a special law. It

is not yet fully finalised because of many

public protests, and also objections from le-

gal experts. But you can be sure it will be

passed.

The law will mean that the police can ar-

rest people for prevention purposes, if they

suspect people of planning to take part in a

demonstration where there might be vio-

lence. It also says that if you have a sit-down

demonstration, you are obstructing the

work of the police, and will be immediately

arrested, and be subject to a statutory sum-

mary sentence without being brought be-

fore a court. The police and the government

have already publicly practised this new

strategy in order to see how it will work.

Iraqi refugees who were denied asylum had

asked for protection in a church in the mid-

dle of a working class area in Copenhagen

against the authorities who wanted to send

them back to Iraq. These people had lived in

Denmark for many years, isolated in terrible

camps. The solidarity was enormous. In the

middle of the night the police came, went

into the church and took away the sleeping

men in front of their mothers, wives and

children. Immediately a lot of people gath-

ered outside the church and through a sit-

down demonstration tried to stop the po-

lice taking the men away. The police brutal-

ly baton-charged the demonstrators. It was

all filmed, and it became a very big event in

the press – and still is. Most of the men are

now back in Iraq, many of them have been

arrested, and many of them haven’t been

heard from since. It was and is a big scandal,

but nothing happened to the minister or to

the police. And now the new law will make

it legal. The Danish people had collected a

lot of money to support the families who are

still in Denmark, but now the court has con-

fiscated all that money. The government is

playing hardball, and it feels like a police

state.

NEVERTHELESS we are sure that there will

be many big demonstrations in connection

with the summit in Copenhagen, and a lot

of NGO activities. Surely the biggest event

is a large demonstration organized by the

Danish-Cuban Friendship Association, our

communist parties, trade unions, solidarity

movements and other progressives. On

the 17th of December 2009, at the end of

the summit, we have organized a large

public solidarity meeting with all the presi-

dents from the 9 ALBA countries in Latin

America. As far as we know at present,

most of them will be there. There is room

for 5.000 people in the hall, and we are

selling tickets. But they are already very

much in demand, so if any of you will be in

Copenhagen during the summit and wish

to attend the meeting, please tell us, and

we shall book tickets for you.

58


So, comrades, we are struggling in Den-

mark as are all of you. The capitalist system

is a dying system, but its death takes time,

and they will not give up voluntarily. That is

why they create this special legislation and

make such a big event out of the 20th an-

niversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall,

among other things.

We are all struggling in our countries

and regions, but the struggle against capi-

talism and for socialism is an international

struggle where international meetings, as

the present one, can play an enormous role

in inspiring us all and in the coordination of

national activities.

59

�


CommunistParty of

DenmarkHENRIK STAMER HEDIN

Why talk about the economic crises of cap-

italism? Everybody knows that capitalism is

haunted by crises. So why talk about it?

We were told that economic crises,

cyclical crises were a thing of the past – that

in these modern days of regulated capital-

ism these things were just not tolerated

anymore. We were told this when I was

young; we were told this again a couple of

years ago; it was wrong.

SO LET’S TALK ABOUT THE CRISIS. Con-

trary to what is often said it did not come as

a surprise. Rather, it was expected and pre-

dicted by many. The only thing surprising

was that it took so long coming – or rather:

that it proved possible to postpone it for

such a long time.

It started no less than twenty years, as a

matter of fact. The current doomsday crisis

began in 1987 with the heaviest slump that

the New York Stock Exchange had ever ex-

perienced in a single day – 1929 included.

And a genuine crisis did follow: by the win-

ter of ’89-’90 production had begun shrink-

ing in the leading capitalist industrial coun-

tries, and unemployment was on the rise.

But at that very moment – paradoxically

and ironically, one might say – occurred the

liquidation of socialism in Europe. East

European economies were laid open to

western capitalist initiative – and the lack of

it – and it proved possible to “rub off” the

crisis on Eastern Europe. This was most ob-

vious in Germany, where industrial enter-

prises in the East were shut down massive-

ly in order for their western counterparts to

survive, but the same thing happened in

the other formerly socialist countries, and it

was these countries, not capitalist Western

Europe, that got to feel the destructive ef-

fects of the crisis with production slumps of

30-50 percent – the sad story which we

know only too well.

60

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Denmark

Two years earlier it was the fall of capi-

talism that was on the horizon; now the for-

mer doomsday prophets were cheering the

fall of socialism. The only one of the big cap-

italist countries to experience fully the crisis

was Japan, having nowhere to pass on the

crisis. And the Japanese economy still has

not recovered.

Further crises ensued throughout the

‘90s and the beginning of the new millenni-

um, but each time imperialism was able to

“rub off” the crisis on some peripheral

growth area – now the Southeast Asian

“Small Tigers”, now Latin America. Produc-

tion was boosted by wars, and a general

consumer optimism was boosted by blatant

propaganda claiming a “historic” boom

every time the market revived a little.

Thus it has been going on for twenty

years. Now there are no peripheral regions

left on which to rub off the crisis: Eastern

Europe has been smashed to pieces; Latin

America has turned its back on the very

neo-liberalism that made possible the rub-

bing off; South East Asia is itself hit by the

crisis. Now the US, Europe, and Japan are

feeling the full brunt of the crisis at the same

time. For these last two years it has been ob-

vious for all to see how false the picture of

blooming capitalism was.

It began with a payment crisis in US

housing; the “subprime crisis” it was la-

beled. It spread to the banking sector and

was relabeled “financial crisis” and “credit

crisis”. Stock rates nosedived, capital was

annihilated, and those surviving fled from

the financial exchange markets to specula-

tive investment in raw materials, oil and

foodstuffs; food prices soared, and the label

was changed to “food crisis”. Later, though,

prices slumped again, and this year major

parts of the world, Europe in particular, has

experienced genuine deflation. Price

slumps were followed by slumps in produc-

tion and employment, in income and wel-

fare, and it has become clear that this is not

some “special” crisis, but a classical and

general crisis: A capitalist surplus produc-

tion crisis.

As such, the current crisis is among the

worst in history, comparable to the Great

Depression of the ‘30s. Some prominent

economists even point out that certain sta-

tistical indicators of the current crisis are

worse than the corresponding data for the

first two years of the Depression.

These economists accordingly warn

against believing that it will all be over next

year, even though figures for production

and employment this summer seem to

promise so, and even though stocks have

been rising since March. Against the opti-

mists’ expectation of a “V-development”,

i.e. a fast recovery following the slump,

they suggest a “U-scenario” of more de-

layed recovery, a “W-scenario”, in which

temporary recovery is followed by a new

slump before the crisis is finally done with,

or even an “L-scenario” or “Japanese dis-

ease”, thus labeled because of the pro-

longed crisis in Japan of which I have al-

ready spoken.

If this summer’s fragile signs of im-

provement are really promising a recovery,

it can at any rate be predicted with a fair de-

gree of certainty that the entire cycle is go-

ing to repeat itself before long. For these

last six months’ pronounced stock rate ris-

61


es, coinciding with a rise in bond rates caus-

ing the interest rate to go down, show that

there is still lots of surplus capital, or ficti-

tious capital, around seeking in speculation

the profits that it is not able to find in mate-

rial production, and thus that the necessary

reorganization of the economic circuit of

capitalism has not yet been brought to its

conclusion.

To put it another way: The recovery has

come too fast and depends entirely on gov-

ernment intervention aimed precisely at

saving the very same surplus capital which

caused the crisis. The expectation that the

recovery will not last is therefore wide-

spread among economists.

In Denmark the crisis has led to bank

crashes, mass sackings, and elimination of

jobs in industry, and recently it has been an-

nounced that the country’s last great ship-

yard is to be closed down in the space of

three years. Official, heavily embellished

unemployment numbers have exceeded a

hundred thousand. In a population of just

five million, mass unemployment is back af-

ter just a short break.

THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARK, at

its National Committee plenary of February

this year, reacted by issuing an appeal “To

the progressive forces in Denmark”. The cri-

sis calls for activity and alternatives. In this

document we call on the other workers’

parties, the trade unions, and other popular

forces to join in a “common effort” for “new

initiatives capable of adding dynamism and

renewed life to the task of developing dem-

ocratic and socialist alternatives to the

bankrupt capitalist structures”. Our aim and

endeavour is to set up a joint committee lat-

er this winter with the purpose of conven-

ing some time next year an open confer-

ence on the crisis of capitalism and the so-

cialist alternative. It is our hope that in this

way we can succeed in getting together a

new, broad force critical of capitalism and

capitalist solutions, thus creating a new

consensus of the Left and a new agenda of

Danish politics.

62

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Finland

CommunistParty of Finland

JUHA-PEKKA VÄISÄNEN

AS COMMUNISTS we are internationalist

by nature. We have gathered here in New

Delhi, India because of our ideology. Com-

munism is not a frozen concept preserved

in the history books. We are here to make

an up-to-date analysis of the state of our

struggle, strength of our solidarity, and set

out new collective tasks.

Socialism is not a tool used by the anti-

quarians. This 11th International Meeting of

Communist and Workers’ parties can be a

lively example of the active use of the polit-

ical tool we have for our common ideology.

Let us use it for strengthening our together-

ness and finding more friends than ene-

mies.

On behalf of the Communist Party of

Finland, I want to salute the organizers,

both the Communist Parties of India and the

participating parties from all over the

world. I am sure that we can express our

strength on those issues that will bring us

ever closer on ideological questions and

providing concrete actions for a better

world.

We all know that every one of us faces a

multitude of daily socio-economical and

political problems in our countries. It is no

news to say that once again we suffer from

worldwide global economic crisis.

In Sao Paolo last year we said that the

crisis is probably the gravest crisis since the

Great Depression started by the 1929

crash. We declared that socialism is the al-

ternative and the victories of the left forces

in Latin America inspire us. In Minsk, Be-

larus we said that the ideas of October 1917

are more relevant than ever before. In Lis-

bon we concentrated on the strategy of im-

perialism and the energy issue.

The word “We” is so much more than

the solitary “I” word. We communists ex-

pressed a few months ago our solidarity

with Palestine and Syria at the Syria / Israel

63


border and demanded a free Golan Heights.

The extraordinary meeting held in beautiful

Syria underlined the right of the Palestinian

people to their independence, freedom and

peace. Solidarity both in words and con-

crete actions is essential and important.

FINLAND IS KNOWN for thousands of lakes,

sauna and high technology innovations.

Our political map today is drawn by young

conservative urban professionals and

“green” businessmen based on an idea that

“Everything is for sale”. You may call it ultra-

liberal or neo-liberal but in the end it is a

concrete example of repulsive capitalism.

Right-wing Finnish politicians have tried

to create new faces to show how surprised

they are by the actual global crisis. Capital-

ists say that the crisis came like the “first

snow”. We Nordic, Finnish communists are

not surprised at all that the cold capitalist

system has not been able to take care of the

basic needs of people like the right to work,

health care, home, environment and peace-

ful living. We communist are not surprised

at all that the rich have become even richer

and the poor have become even poorer.

We, the representatives of the working

class and oppressed, should pay more at-

tention in our speeches on how to direct our

ideological, theoretical brainstorming into a

clear understandable message that brings

concrete actions around the words of our

ideology. We may not have the advertising

companies to help us do the talks, cam-

paigns and calculate public opinion. But we

always have the theory of Marx and Lenin

and the working man_s dream. It is no use

being surprised. It is no use to stay passive

and let egoists takes the stage. Perhaps the-

ory without action works in academic sem-

inars held at universities. The current situa-

tion urges us to find action, to find the way

out of the capitalist crisis. We cannot make

the big mistake and leave the practical part

of political struggle, the action for the big

stakes, to the capitalists and the new racist

nationalist parties. They will certainly run

campaigns like the Lisbon Treaty of the

European Union to privatise and to mili-

tarise whole continents. Capitalists use their

neo-liberal power to create new positions

like presidents and foreign ministers as has

been shown in the EU recently.

New radical ways of protest against cap-

italism’s politics of privatization have burst

out of peoples’ creative initiatives. The al-

ternative has its origins in people’s own ini-

tiatives. We communists must function as a

power-house of political know-how and

develop communal and social strategies to-

gether with a large number of different left

and progressive forces, trade-unionists and

action groups.

Who would have imagined that thou-

sands of Finnish nurses would quit their jobs

during a strike to make the demand for bet-

ter wages more effective? Who would have

expected that famous artists would sing

atand meetings fighting against closing

down paper mills? It wasn’t only because of

the communists that some changes for bet-

ter happened and it wasn’t only the radical

activists one could name. It was the collec-

tive power of the people that was shown. It

was the unity of the people that made the

difference. Mass movements are our politi-

cal tools. Our only way out of crises, the

64

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Finland

economical, ecological and political crises

is to organize and join mass movements,

class based trade-unions, non-governmen-

tal organizations and diverse groups that

have influence in the civic society. Our way

out is collaboration and solidarity. Even lit-

tle success can lift up the resistance and po-

litical consciousness. “First we were only

three activists and soon there were thou-

sands protesting on the streets”.

Marxist education of new cardres is es-

sential. At the same time when the party

collaborates with actions groups, it must

have a clear vision of how to educate new

young and older party members to a Marx-

ist analysis. We like to talk a lot about our

scientific approach to ideology. For exam-

ple, I do not have a scientific education. I

have a higher academic degree but it does

not directly mean that without special train-

ing I could not start produce scientific Marx-

ist analysis. Therefore it is important to un-

derstand different needs of Marxist educa-

tion in the party work. A nurse does not

have to feel underestimated in the party be-

cause her analysis and Marxist theory is not

a scientific one. I dare to think that we even

more need the working man’s vision and

participation in bringing new perspectives

in our political analysis. We need a large va-

riety of perspectives and a bright intellectu-

al collective mechanism to produce that po-

litical vision into a national and global plan

of action.

In Finland we have created new Marxist

study groups that combine actual and local

political questions and people have shown

growing interest in studies. The Communist

Party of Finland has just published a book

with a title The Actual Crisis and Marx. Even

if we struggle with very tiny budgets every

time a new Marxist book comes out it gath-

ers the new and old activist to debate about

the actual political questions like Climate

Change and wars, European extreme right

and nature crisis, Poverty and Pandemics’,

Marx and working class today are just some

topics from our new book.

Currently in Finland we are fighting con-

cretely against the right wing government’s

labour politicies which demand workers to

lower their wages in the name of competi-

tiveness and productivity. Private and

state-owned companies have vastly in-

creased their profits. During the last decade

(1999-2008) Finnish companies made

some €325 billion in profits which is almost

the same as what was spent on the national

state budget during the same years. During

the period we are observing companies

have paid profits more that €128 billion. It

is essential to understand that it is neo liber-

al policies that have increased the compa-

nies profits and competitiveness has not

had any positive influence on employment.

PUBLIC OPINION IN FINLAND is against

NATO membership. The political elite and

right wing forces are campaigning for a fu-

ture NATO membership of Finland. Few of

them say it with open and direct words but

concrete actions and steps to prepare join-

ing the Nato have been taken over the

years. Finnish troops take part the NATO-

led operation in the Afghanistan war. Just a

few weeks ago the government decided to

buy a new US-Norwegian air defense sys-

tem that is in use in NATO countries. The to-

65


tal price for the system, which includes a

new radar system, will exceed over €520

million. This purchase is the biggest for the

Finnish Defense Forces since the Air Force

acquired US-built F-18 Hornet jet fighters.

Finland has also agreed to give NATO all

radar information from its territory.

There is a new type of campaign against

NATO. Actions groups use Facebook and

other social media in this campaign. There

are groups like mothers, librarians, stu-

dents, nurses, journalists, gays, lawyers,

artist etc. against NATO. These groups play

an important role in giving concrete faces to

the majority that is against NATO. It is im-

portant that a variety of arguments is pre-

sented in this struggle for a better world

without wars, oppression an injustice.

FINALLY I want to underline the importance

of the unity of all left forces in our common

fight against capitalism and imperialism, for

democracy, peace and socialism. The expe-

riences of the Indian communists and other

left forces in developing this unity are im-

portant for us in Finland, too.

I thank you for your attention.

Long live internationalism!

Long live friendship!

Long live solidarity!

66

�

πB - 1/2010 � German communist party

German Communist

PartyHEINZ STEHR

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE MANIFESTA-TIONS of the crisis of neoliberal capitalism

have profoundly changed conditions in the

world. This is also true for the Federal

Republic of Germany, which is a highly de-

veloped capitalist country; well known for

being the “world champion of exports” up

to the year 2008. The crisis in the banks

alone took eight hundred thousand million

Euro to put right, in the final analysis to save

the wealth of the rich. It is the population

who has to carry the burden of the crisis. In

the first half of 2009 alone there were

16,650 company insolvencies, with

254,000 people losing their jobs. For the

second half of 2009 another 18,500 bank-

ruptcies are forecast with about 300,000

further redundancies. In the winter of

2009/2010 the official unemployment fig-

ure could well rise to more than five million

people. If you include those unemployed

people that are excluded from the statistics

by tricks and manipulation, the real number

of unemployed people might well far ex-

ceed six million.

In the realm of government, which in-

clude the state, the regional states and the

cities, €45 billion is missing in 2009. Up to

2012, the tax losses will add up to €316 bil-

lion. The national debt will rise to €1.7 tril-

lion. The consequences of this will be cuts in

programmes for employment, in public

subsidies for the rent insurance and for

health insurance; the employed people

alone will have to pay for the additional

costs. The systems of social insurance in

Germany will be changed in a negative way.

The absolute impoverishment of increasing

parts of the population is rising. In this rich

country one in three children has to grow up

under conditions of poverty. More than one

third of the overall workforce must work un-

der working conditions which are not nor-

mal - and this tendency is increasing.

67


How does the consciousness of people

change in this negative situation? There is

resistance coming from some workforces in

affected factories, administrations and

branches of industry and from some parts of

the affected population. But up to now a

comprehensive and united resistance is

lacking, especially resistance coming from

the workers’ and trade union movements.

One reason for this is the widespread fear of

both the working and unemployed popula-

tion of losing their jobs or to suffering social

decline. Another reason is anti-commu-

nism, which still guarantees that no alterna-

tive to the capitalist social system is being

discussed, and the united power of the me-

dia which gets the people to believe that

they are to blame and that they are respon-

sible individually.

Anti-capitalist, socialist and communist

forces are not influential enough, they have

no effective strategy developed together

to change this situation in a positive way.

At least this is the situation today.

Now, after the general election, the

contradictions are sharpening. On every

important issue the bourgeois right-wing

government is advocating the political po-

sitions of the bourgeoisie. The develop-

ment of extra-parliamentary struggle will

be crucial to make existing political posi-

tions effective, which reflect the majority

opinions of the population.

In the Federal Republic of Germany a

majority of the population is convinced that

this situation is unfair. The majority de-

mands an immediate end to Germany’s in-

volvement in the war in Afghanistan. The

majority also thinks that Socialism in gener-

al is a good social system - which unfortu-

nately cannot be realized, as demonstrated

by the experiences of the former Socialist

countries in Europe.

Who are the forces in a position to act

politically in a way which can change

things? These are first of all the trade

unions; with more than 7 million members

they are still the biggest and decisive factor

in the formation of left politics. The chal-

lenge is to develop class-orientated posi-

tions in these predominantly reformist

trade unions as well as corresponding forms

of struggle to achieve these demands.

The different forces of the left include

left-wing reformist positions, especially ad-

vocated by the party Die Linke (The Left), as

well as positions developed on the basis of

scientific socialism, which are reflected in

the DKP and in other organisations. There

are also some very important are popular

mass movements, for example the peace

movement, the ecology movement, the

movement for democracy; but also move-

ments on issues like migration, internation-

al solidarity, solidarity with socialist Cuba,

and other issues discussed in the general

public.

One of the central challenges of the near

future is to consolidate these movements,

to bundle them up as demands recognised

as correct by all these forces. This process is

not only the formation of counter-balance in

the national framework - but also the link-

ing-up within the European Union and be-

yond to meet world-wide challenges as

well.

What, from the point of view of the DKP,

can be expected from the communist and

68

πB - 1/2010 � German communist party

working class movement in this situation of

profound manifestations of capitalist crisis?

We need to agree on a program of ac-

tion on decisive problems. We need it to

develop pressure for our demands and our

politics in our respective countries as well

as in internationally linked campaigns. Th-

ese could be campaigns:

� For peace, against every form of war and

intervention

� A common struggle against unemploy-

ment

� For the rights of the migrants of this

world

� For ecological conditions which corre-

spond to the living interests of the peo-

ples.

We should, for example, agree upon a

common appeal on the 1st of May, the in-

ternational fighting day of the working

class. We could use the 8th of May, the day

of liberation from fascism and war, as an op-

portunity to come out firmly in favour of

putting an end to the imperialist wars in all

countries. We could exchange speakers for

meetings in our respective countries. An

annual international conference about is-

sues corresponding to our demands could

also be a useful contribution.

OUR INTERNATIONAL COLLABORATIONmust be more concrete and visible; it must

become easier to experience in reality in or-

der that this collaboration will attract more

people to our parties. The DKP is convinced

that especially this globalized world of neo-

liberalism has to be confronted by proletar-

ian internationalism. Che Guevara was right

when he said: Solidarity is the tenderness of

the peoples!

69

�


Communist Party of Greece

GIORGOS MARINOS

We would like to thank the Communist Par-

ty of India (Marxist) and the Communist

Party of India for hosting and organizing the

Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Par-

ties. The fact that the International Meeting

takes place in Asia for the first time is a very

significant step. Amongst others, it under-

lines our solidarity with the peoples in the

region that increasingly become the target

of the imperialist plans and rivalries as well

as our solidarity with the struggle of the

communist parties that often face extreme-

ly difficult conditions, persecutions, dis-

crimination, assassinations.

THE EXAMINATION OF THE DEVELOP-MENTS regarding the capitalist crisis will

enrich our experience and it will contribute

to the development of the communists’

struggle. Communists study the capitalist

crisis, its causes and its consequences, the

conditions it creates for the development of

the ideological, political and mass struggle.

Nevertheless, the concentration of our at-

tention on the capitalist crisis should not

distract us from the capitalist development

of the previous period in which the factors

that led to the crisis developed. Further-

more, the working people must treat the

capitalist development in a unified way in

all the stages of the economic cycle and

draw conclusions as well.

Capitalism is not dangerous only in

the phase of crisis, the economic reces-

sion. It is dangerous as a whole. Because

in all its stages it is characterized by the

exploitation of the labour force, by the

surplus value which is created by unpaid

labour, by the drive for capitalist profit

which is the life and soul of the capitalist

system.

Even in conditions of economic rise, of

expansion of production and increase in the

wealth produced by the workers, it is big

70

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Greece

capital that appropriates the fruits of this

development, increasing its profit and its

power. The profits of magnates, bankers,

ship-owners as well as other sectors of the

plutocracy, the strengthening of monopoly

capital are immense.

On the contrary, workers face increasing

unemployment, the freezing of salaries and

pensions, an increase in the retirement age,

the downgrading of the right to education,

healthcare, welfare, sports, culture, as well

as the heavy consequences from the priva-

tizations and liberation of markets of fields

and sectors of the economy.

These tendencies do not apply merely

to the capitalist countries that hold an in-

termediate or subordinate position in the

capitalist pyramid. They also apply to the

US, to the EU as an interstate imperialist

organisation; they apply in the capitalist

world as a whole.

On this ground the preconditions of the

crisis developed. Therefore, the communist

parties must struggle in order to highlight

the real causes of the crisis and reveal the

false allegations of social democracy and

opportunism that use many pretexts in or-

der to safeguard capitalism and conceal its

irreconcilable contradictions.

There can be no retreat; the ideological-

political struggle must intensify.

We must respond resolutely to the alle-

gations of the bourgeois and opportunist

forces, especially to that of the European

Left Party and the party “die Linke” that play

a leading role in the attempt to promote

capital’s positions in the working class. We

must respond to the new wave of anti-com-

munism unfolding on the occasion of the 20

years of the counter-revolution with the full

supported of liberal, social democratic and

opportunist forces.

FIRST: the allegation that the crisis has been

caused exclusively by the neo-liberal man-

agement conceals the truth, it exonerates

capitalism from its responsibilities and

whitewashes social democracy. Capitalism

has suffered crises since the 19th century.

With its transition to the imperialist stage

crises took on a systemic character.

All forms of management have been

tested in order to prevent and avoid crises:

the reinforcement of the state commercial

activity and the stimulation of demand ac-

cording to the new Keynesian recipes; like-

wise the neoliberal recipes but also the mix-

tures of social democratic and neoliberal

policies. However, the laws of capitalism

insist. Economic crises of overproduction

manifested themselves in all periods, irre-

spective of the form of management.

The capitalist restructurings initiated af-

ter the crisis of 1973 and spread in the

1990s have not occurred by accident. Their

goal was to deal with the problems con-

cerning the reproduction of capital and the

slowdown of capitalist development. These

changes meet the internal need of the sys-

tem for a bigger centralization and profit

making of capital through the liberation of

markets, the free movement of capital,

goods, services and workforce. But even

this management has lost its dynamics; it

led to an economic crisis.

SECOND: the characterization of the crisis

as a financial one and the theory of casino-

71


capitalism conceal the real causes of the cri-

sis. Furthermore, they have been refuted by

the developments as the crisis has already

embraced all spheres of economy.

The history of the crises has proved that

they can initially manifest themselves in the

financial system but their root is the over-

accumulation of capital that takes place in

the sphere of production.

The bad loans granted by banks and oth-

er financial companies in the US have

served a specific need: to provide a prof-

itable way out to over-accumulated capital

that included the surplus value created by

the exploitation of the labour force, by the

unpaid labour in production; to provide a

way out to over-accumulated capital and

continue the expanded reproduction over-

coming the problems regarding the pur-

chasing power of the workers’ families by

means of lending for purchasing homes or

the satisfaction of other needs.

The analysis of these complicated is-

sues regarding the reproduction of social

capital requires the comprehensive exami-

nation of the relationship between industri-

al, commercial and bank capital, taking in-

to account that in the era of imperialism,

even more so nowadays, the merging of in-

dustrial with bank capital, the formation of

financial capital has taken on huge dimen-

sions.

The real cause of the crisis is the in-

tensification of the main contradiction of

capitalism, the contradiction between

the social character of production and the

capitalist appropriation of its results due

to the fact that the means of production

are under capitalist ownership. The goal

of capitalism is profit and not the satis-

faction of the people’s needs.

These elements prevail in the exploita-

tive system; they constitute the basis of the

anarchic, uneven development; the basis of

the tendency of the rate of profit to fall

which is caused by the increase of the or-

ganic composition of capital; the basis of

the contradiction between production and

consumption. These factors lead to disfunc-

tions in the reproduction of social capital, to

“outbreaks”, and crises of overproduction.

We struggle so that the people realise

the real causes of the crisis and we devote

all our forces to the organisation of the

struggle of the working class and the popu-

lar strata against the capitalist aggressive-

ness and the anti-peoples policy that sup-

ports capital and tries to place the burden of

the crisis on the peoples’ shoulders. People

should draw conclusions. Trillions of dollars

have been allocated for the reinforcement

of bankers, magnates and other capitalists

strengthening the offensive on workers’

and peoples’ forces, the effort to make

them pay for the capitalist crisis. This course

is followed both in the US and the EU as well

as in other capitalist countries, both by ne-

oliberal and social democratic parties. The

decision of the G20 is also in the same di-

rection. Their contradictions reflect the ri-

valries between the monopoly interests

they serve.

Capitalist powers fear the crisis of

capital over-accumulation overproduc-

tion that embraces the US, the EU, Russia,

Japan and Latin America causing a slow-

down in the economy of China and India.

In order to mislead the people they use

72


several contrived theories; they promote

false expectations in order to check the

social reactions and hinder the develop-

ment of class struggle.

The social democratic forces, the Social-

ist International and its cadres play a lead-

ing role in this effort.

FIRST: they present the control of the move-

ment of capital as a way out, they talk about

the democratization of the World Bank and

the European Central Bank. However, it has

been proved that nothing can prevent the

sharpening of capitalist contradictions and

that no measure can change the nature of the

bank system which is a tool of capitalism.

SECOND: they promote the nationalization

of certain banks or other capitalist enterpris-

es as a way out. This position is deceptive

because even in that case the criterion of

profit remains on the ground of a liberated

market that breeds competition and ag-

gressiveness against the peoples.

THIRD: they are worried about the increase

of unemployment and as a solution they

promote the increase of the development

rates combined with the so-called “green

development”. They are actually fooling the

peoples. Capitalist development has never

managed to ensure the right to work for all

the people, and it won’t do so.

The source of the evil is the fact that

the means of production are in the hands

of the capitalists, that profit is the criteri-

on for the development and that in any

case the system is characterized by anar-

chy in production and the uneven devel-

opment between various fields and sec-

tors of the economy as well as geograph-

ical areas.

This fact underlines that under capital-

ism workers can never be before profits; it

reveals how misleading the assertions

about “rationalized”, “human” capitalism

and the regulation of the market are. Com-

munists must refute resolutely these illu-

sions about the management of the capi-

talist system and encounter the difficul-

ties in the organisation and the develop-

ment of the class struggle, clarifying that

there is no common interest between

capital and the working class, neither in

the phase of the crisis nor in the phase of

the revival of the capitalist development.

Capitalists and their parties promote

new anti-people’s measures in the name of

climate changes, concealing the fact that

they constitute the result of the exploitation

of the natural resources by capital with the

aim of making profit. Energy, water, forests,

waste, agricultural production, are priva-

tized and accumulated in the hands of a few

multi-national corporations, now also in the

name of the environment. Similar measures

are promoted, to a larger or lesser extent, in

all capitalist countries irrespective of the

degree of capitalist development.

Furthermore, the protection of the envi-

ronment is also used as a pretext for impe-

rialist interventions. Multi-national monop-

olies, through the powerful imperialist

powers, above all the USA and the EU, pro-

mote anti-people interstate agreements in

the framework of the WTO and the Doha

round of negotiations with the less devel-

oped capitalist countries. Thus they set

73


goals, for example, for biofuels, which de-

stroy vast forest areas, they promote genet-

ically modified food and other measures as

well, striking an even bigger blow to the in-

come of workers and the poor and medium

sized peasantry.

The “green economy”, promoted main-

ly by the EU, constitutes a way out for the

over-accumulation of capital and the safe-

guarding of the monopolies’ profits by

means of intensifying the exploitation of

workers and natural resources; not only

does it not solve the problem of climate

change but, on the contrary, it intensifies it.

Climate and environmental problems can-

not be dealt with as detached from the

ownership over the concentrated means of

production and the issue of political power.

SOCIAL CONCESSION, class collaboration is

one of the most insidious and dangerous

tools for the manipulation of the working

class and its disarmament. We are thus

obliged to strengthen the ideological front

and struggle against such positions, which

in most cases are expressed not only by ne-

oliberal or social democratic parties but also

by parties that present themselves as “left”,

namely opportunist parties. These parties

try to build relationships with communist

parties and exert influence on their ranks,

their ideology and their policy.

Some of these so-called “left” parties do

not only promote positions that serve capi-

talism but they also resort to open anti-

communism, they slander socialism and the

history of the communist movement.

The effort of the communist move-

ment for the unity of the working class

should not be based on its relationship

with the so-called “left” opportunist par-

ties; it should depend on its ability to

convince, to rally and mobilise working

and popular forces against monopolies

and imperialism against their open or

covert supports.

The KKE believes that the clarification of

this crucial issue will give an impetus to the

struggle of the communist movement; it

will strengthen its independent action and

the recruitment of new forces in the labour

movement. This issue is particularly impor-

tant for the change in the correlation of

forces and the effectiveness of the struggle

under the conditions of the crisis but also for

the future.

Furthermore we would like to stress the

following:

This intense ideological-political strug-

gle requires a bigger effort to tackle with the

developments according to the Marxist-

Leninist analysis. It also requires the

strengthening of the international meetings

of communist and workers parties in this di-

rection. Only in that way can the interna-

tional meetings fulfil their role, respond to

the complicated duties of the communists

and meet the expectation of the working

people.

In Greece we experience the difficulties

of a hard battle characterised by the aggres-

siveness of the EU and the social democrat-

ic government. Under the conditions of the

crisis the enforcement of the capitalist re-

structuring is accelerated, the effort to im-

pose the so-called “flexicurity” and the flex-

ible forms of employment in general inten-

sifies, the policy of dismantling social secu-

74


rity rights continues - healthcare, welfare

education are being further privatised while

salaries and pensions are frozen. All means

are used to reduce the price of the labour

force, to increase the degree of exploitation

and capitalist profit-making.

Under these conditions the KKE increas-

es its efforts for the class unity of the work-

ing class and the social alliance with the

peasantry and the other oppressed popular

strata. It insists on the organisation of the

working class in the workplaces and the

trade unions; it supports PAME, the class-

oriented pole in the trade union movement

that struggles against the forces of yellow

trade unionism and fights hard battles for

the rights of the working class.

The strengthening and the effectiveness

of the struggle of the class-pole of the

movement require its orientation against

the efforts to place the burden of the crisis

on the shoulders of the people; likewise the

promotion of demands that meet the peo-

ple’s needs (full-stable employment, sub-

stantial increases in wages and pensions,

free public healthcare, welfare, education

system etc).

The trade unions that struggle through

the ranks of PAME have achieved significant

results. Through strikes, demonstrations,

occupations and other forms of struggle

they rescind dismissals; they force the em-

ployers to reinstate dismissed workers;

they sign collective labour contracts that

provide increases exceeding the incomes

policy; they intercept the attacks against

immigrants.

The KKE, along with the class oriented

movement, confronts these difficulties and

is particularly demanding regarding the

strengthening of the ideological, political,

mass struggle for the liberation of working-

popular forces from the influence of the

bourgeois policy and ideology, reformism.

In our opinion, communist parties must

combine efforts for the strengthening of the

class oriented movement at national level

with the strengthening of the World Feder-

ation of Trade Unions (WFTU) which makes

a significant progress in its reconstruction.

We should be in a state of alertness. Cap-

italist crisis intensifies the intra-imperialist

contradictions in a period when significant

reshufflings take place, when the share of

the US and China in the GWP reduce, the EU

reinforces its presence and China, Russia, In-

dia and Brazil are strengthened.

Working people should not have any il-

lusions about the so-called “multipolar

world”, about the slogans of social democ-

racy, about the “democratisation of the UN”

or the “new architecture of international re-

lations”. These slogans are only intended to

humanize capitalism. In fact, there has nev-

er been a “unipolar world”! Intra-imperialist

contradictions have always existed. Never-

theless, in the past they were mitigated due

to the need to confront the USSR and the

other socialist countries.

Nowadays, we witness a new intensifi-

cation of the intra-imperialist contradictions

as well as the pursuit of several rising impe-

rialist forces and alliances to play an up-

graded role in international affairs, which is

described through the model of the “multi

polar world“.

In fact imperialism is characterised by

the drive for markets and natural re-

75


sources. Communists have assumed

great responsibilities as regards the en-

lightenment and mobilisation of the peo-

ples against imperialist wars and inter-

ventions, against imperialist occupation,

as well as against all imperialist organisa-

tions and centres irrespective of their

“colour”, their name or the region in

which they are formed.

The conflicts inside, but also between,

the imperialist organisations such as the

WTO should not trap the working people in

demands for a better or a more “fair” man-

agement of the capitalist system. The

agreements concluded there reflect the cor-

relation of forces and it is an illusion to be-

lieve that they can become fairer.

Communists do not struggle for a better

position for their country in the world capi-

talist market or a better management of

capitalism but for the overthrow of capital-

ism and for socialist construction!

The working people, both in devel-

oped capitalist countries and in countries

with medium and lower rate of capitalist

development, should respond with a uni-

fied common front against the imperial-

ists, against efforts to divide the peoples

irrespective of any class criteria into

“South and North”, into “rich and poor”

countries.

Communists must respond to these

pseudo-divisions with the elaboration of a

common strategy against imperialism, with

an even more distinctive unity at global lev-

el that will be forged in our coordinated

struggles at national, regional and global

level in cooperation with other anti-imperi-

alist forces.

The historical slogan of the Communist

Manifest “proletarians of all countries,

unite!” is still relevant.

The distance between capitalists and

the working class increases both in the so-

called “developing” and “developed”

countries. The social contradictions sharpen

due to the overall attack, launched by big

capital after the overthrow of the socialist

system in Europe, on the rights and the

gains of the workers around the world.

Historical experience has proved that

the communist movement strengthens to

the extent that it is firmly dedicated to the

line of anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly

struggle and to its strategic goal, namely to

the struggle for the revolutionary over-

throw of capitalism, that is socialism, the

abolition of the exploitation of man by man.

In the modern era, the era of transition from

capitalism to socialism the struggle should

not aim at bourgeois democratic transfor-

mations but at socialist power that will

overthrow the power of the monopolies

and solve problems of economic backward-

ness, dependence etc.

The enemies of socialism and the var-

ious anti-communists, who celebrated a

few days ago the fall of the Berlin Wall

and the overthrow of socialism, cannot

stop the course of history, no matter what

they do.

Socialism has made a great historical

contribution. In a few years it solved

problems that capitalism has not man-

aged to solve throughout centuries. It es-

tablished the right to work, to free health-

care and education, it developed sports

and culture for the people, it abolished

76


the exploitation of man by man, it showed

the supremacy of socialism over capital-

ism.

The Soviet Union has been a key factor

in the victory over fascism having lost 20

million of its people in the battle.

We study the shortfalls, the mistakes,

the opportunist deviations that led to the

overthrow of socialism; we draw lessons.

The socialism of the new century consti-

tutes an integral continuation of the her-

itage and the lessons of the socialism of the

20th century.

Socialism is more relevant and neces-

sary; the intensification of the main contra-

diction, unemployment, poverty, exploita-

tion and the capitalist crisis show capital-

ism’s historical limits.

The way to the satisfaction of the

needs of the people passes through

workers’ power, the dictatorship of the

proletariat, the socialisation of the means

of production and land, central planning

and workers’ control.

This is the beacon that lights our path.

77

�


GYULA THÜRMER

On behalf of the Hungarian Communist

Workers’ Party, I would like to thank the

Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the

Communist Party of India for the invitation

and for the excellent organisation of our

meeting. The communist movement of In-

dia plays a very important role in the inter-

national workers movement and we should

be grateful for their valuable contribution to

the anti-capitalist struggle.

LAST YEAR, IN SAO PAULO we came to

some new and very important conclusions.

We declared, “The world is facing a grave

economic and financial crisis of large pro-

portion. The current crisis is an expression

of a deeper crisis intrinsic to the capitalist

system which demonstrates capitalism’s

historical limits and the need for its revolu-

tionary overthrow.”

We think that our estimation is basi-

cally correct, and we should not change

it. At the same time we should see that

capitalism has many possibilities to de-

fend itself, to manipulate the masses and

to avoid – at least for now – the socialist

revolution.

FIRST, there is the propaganda of capitalist

reforms. The forces of capitalism do not de-

ny the existence of serious problems but

they try to demonstrate that capitalist re-

form can solve all problems.

We should convince the working mass-

es that if they want to live better they

should overthrow capitalism.

SECOND, there is the gradual liquidation of

communist parties. Capitalist forces sup-

port politically and financially the oppor-

tunist parties and integrate them into the

European systems. They use anti-commu-

nism and legal and financial pressure

against us.

Hungarian Communist

Workers’ Party

78

πB - 1/2010 � Hungarian communist workers’ party

We should save our clear ideology,

strengthen Marxism-Leninism, improve

our co-operation.

THIRD, there is the use of right extremist

forces. In Hungary and in many other coun-

tries of Europe the right extremist forces can

profit more from the crisis than we do. The

right extremist forces have strengthened

their positions in the elections to the Euro-

pean Parliament. Why? In Hungary, the rul-

ing classes have adopted the right extrem-

ists as a normal factor of political life. They

do not like them but they gave them free ac-

cess to financial circles and the media. Se-

cond, the right extremist forces use political

weapons which we cannot use. These are

anti-Semitism and racism, primarily anti-

Gypsy emotions.

What is the solution? We should be

more radical, more revolutionary, and more

anti-capitalist. People should see every day

that we are with them.

HUNGARY is one the weakest elements of

contemporary European capitalism. The crisis

is far from being solved, and nobody can fore-

see its consequences. What does it mean?

First, Hungary totally depends on

Western capital. Multi-national companies

produce almost 70 percents of the Hungar-

ian GDP. European capital tries to solve its

own problems at the cost of Hungary.

That is why there are no signs of recov-

ery in the Hungarian economy. This year the

GDP will decrease by 7-9% in comparison

with the previous year.

Second, people begin to understand

more and more what capitalism means.

Unemployment is about 10%. People lose

their resources, their savings; more and

more people live in poverty.

According to the US-based Pew Re-

search Centre 20 years ago 80% of Hungar-

ians supported the market economy. Today

only 46% say that they are in favour of cap-

italism.

Under these circumstances, we should

not only criticise the capitalist system but

we should also demonstrate to the people

the real possibility of establishing a new

world. We should demonstrate socialism as

a real alternative to existing capitalism.

We understand our international re-

sponsibility. If there are social revolts in

Hungary, it will seriously influence Ukraine,

Russia, and the countries of Eastern Europe.

THE HUNGARIAN COMMUNIST WORKERS’PARTY will follow the way of socialist revo-

lution. We should demonstrate that capital-

ism will never give us a better life, or any

place in the parliaments. We should

achieve these as a result of serious struggle.

However, this way is a realistic way and we

can create a new world, socialism.

We consider our main task is to prepare

the communist party for such a situation.

Historical experience shows real revolu-

tionary situations remain unused if the sub-

jective circumstances do not exist at the

material time.

We create mobile “combat groups”

which can participate in different demonstra-

tions, street-actions, and solidarity-events.

We are building a new youth organisa-

tion with young people deeply devoted to

idea of revolution.

79


We began to go directly to the factories

to meet the workers. The experiences are

very positive.

We are open to all anti-capitalist, anti-

monopoly initiatives and participate in all

social actions, which fight against super

markets, against neo-liberal housing policy,

against evictions of those who cannot pay

for gas and electricity.

We are creating a more effective system

of alternative media, using the weekly pa-

per “Szabadsag”, the internet and other

means. We build up a wide system of

homepages of local organisations, using

“You Tube” technology, and other modern

internet-technologies.

WE FIGHT FOR a more effective co-opera-

tion of communist forces in the internation-

al area.

Since our last meeting in Sao Paulo we

deeply studied the experience of the com-

munist parties of Greece and Portugal on

how to organise and arouse the masses to

greater activity.

We strengthened our relations with the

left parties of Brazil, Venezuela and other

parties of the Sao Paulo Forum to get im-

pulses from the revolutionary process in

Latin America.

We supported the idea to create the In-

ternational Communist Review and we take

an active part in it.

The HCWP has left the European Left

Party because we do not agree with the re-

visionist and opportunist policy of the EL.

We want to liquidate capitalism; the

European Left wants to make it better. We

stand on the basis of Marxism-Leninism,

the theory and practice of the struggle of

the classes, the principles of proletarian in-

ternationalism. The European Left, unfor-

tunately, is standing on the basis of re-

formism. The European Left fights against

capitalism only in phrases, but, in practice,

it helps to strengthen the “democratic”

image of the European Union, the Euro-

pean Parliament and the capitalist system

generally.

THE HUNGARIAN COMMUNIST WORKERS’PARTY is now in a very complicated situa-

tion. The sympathy of the Hungarian people

toward our party is rising. After 20 years of

capitalism most of the people begin to un-

derstand what capitalist exploitation, un-

employment, and social injustice mean.

They also realise that the Hungarian Com-

munist Workers’ Party has always stood on

their side and fought for their interests.

This is an historic opportunity. Perhaps

we will not have such again for many years.

If we can use this chance, we can get into

the parliament in 2010.

However, and this is our central prob-

lem, we should see that after 20 years of

consistent struggle our party has exhausted

its financial resources. We have an historic

chance in our hands but we do not have

money to publish materials and prepare our

candidates. It can mean, comrades, that we

may not be able to exploit our historic op-

portunity. In this case, the Hungarian com-

munist movement can find itself in a very

grave situation.

However, you can be sure that we will

never give up.

We wish you great successes.

80

�


Communist Party of

IndiaS. SUDHAKAR REDDY

My greetings to all the delegates of this In-

ternational Meeting of Communist and

Workers’ Parties on behalf of the Commu-

nist Party of India.

Our Meeting is taking place in the midst

of the most serious economic crisis, bigger

than the Great Depression of 1930s. Some

economists confine themselves to terming

and analyzing it as a financial crisis, which

has at the same time affected the world

economy and led to an economic crisis.

They choose to term this as ‘economic

meltdown’. All this is with a view to con-

cealing its real character. These bourgeois

commentators are afraid to call it for what it

really is, viz. the crisis of capitalism.

A MYTH WAS SOUGHT to be created all

these years that capitalism has now

reached a stage where it is ‘crisis free’; that

this is a thing of the past. Following the end

of World War II, and the advent of the Sci-

entific and Technological Revolution, the

capitalist system they said, is on a steadily

expanding course and the Free Market is

fully capable of matching supply with de-

mand; warding off any contradiction, and

self-regulating prices etc. They were aware

of the century-long history of booms and

busts in capitalism. But now, they thought,

we had reached the stage of the ‘end of his-

tory’ and there was no longer any need to

worry.

Our homegrown economists and the

bourgeois political leadership had drunk

deep from the theories of neo-liberalism.

They were complacently looking at the

soaring Sensex, mounting foreign ex-

change reserves, the growing inflow of for-

eign investments, and happily talked of the

9 per cent growth of the economy. They

were blissfully unaware of the approaching

crisis. They were caught by surprise when

the crisis, originating in the US, that citadel

81


of capitalism, swiftly overtook one country

after another and began impacting the Indi-

an economy.

We are in the era of globalisation. The

effect of the crisis is global, and not confined

to this or that country.

Though economists in the past had not-

ed the cyclical crisis that periodically over-

takes the capitalist economy, it was Marx

who analysed the laws of motion of capital-

ism, exposed its inner contradictions and

explained the recurring phenomenon of

capitalist crisis, arising from ‘over-produc-

tion’, ‘over-accumulation’ in relation to the

‘aggregate demand’ of the masses.

In its drive for profits, for maximizing

profits, capitalism expands accumulation

and production, at the same time revolu-

tionizing the forces of production. Simulta-

neously it increases exploitation leading to

the misery of the working masses and leav-

ing them in poverty so that the goods pro-

duced cannot be profitably sold. In Marx’s

own words: “The ultimate reason for all real

crisis always remains the poverty and re-

stricted consumption of the masses as op-

posed to the drive of capitalist production

to develop the productive forces as though

only the absolute consuming power of soci-

ety constituted their limits.”

To find a way out of the crisis that has en-

gulfed them, the bourgeois ruling circles

everywhere are pouring in billions of dollars

from public funds as bail-out packages for

the captains of business and industry and for

stimulating demand. The burden is passed

on to the workers and the common people

through retrenchment, closures, wage-cuts,

price rises and so forth. Thus profits are in a

way ‘privatized’ while losses are ‘national-

ized’ and shoved on to the shoulders of the

people. All this, however, cannot save cap-

italism from crisis as the very same system is

sought to be continued. It is clearer than

ever that the system has to be changed if we

are to be rid of crisis.

Egged on by the imperialists and their fi-

nancial institutions like the IMF, the World

Bank and the World Trade Organisation

which they dominate, India also became a

part of the ‘Washington Consensus’ hoping

this will enable it to advance and grow.

Liberalisation, privatization, globalisa-

tion and the Free Market system were

pushed through as so-called economic re-

forms. The fast economic growth only led

to unheard of polarization with a handful of

multi-billionaires emerging, some rising to

be among the richest of the world, with

wealth equivalent to 25% of the GDP of In-

dia in their pockets while 77 per cent of the

people (84 crores) eked out an existence

with less than Rs. 20 a day. More than one

and a half lakh farmers committed suicide to

get out of the misery of indebtedness and

ruin. A large majority mostly from dalits,

adivasis and Muslim minorities were ex-

cluded from any process of development.

This stark reality is forcing the ruling circles

to speak more and more about ‘inclusive

growth’. But this remains a mirage. Mean-

while corporate entities prospered and

even turned into multi-nationals with merg-

ers and acquisitions.

Prices rose to the skies. The common

man could hardly meet his basic needs not

to speak of accessing healthcare and educa-

tion.

82


INDIA AVOIDED the disastrous effect of the

financial crises to a great extent precisely

because its financial sector was mostly in

the public domain and the Left prevented it

from being privatized. Even so, the eco-

nomic crises had an adverse impact, espe-

cially in the export industries, leading to

heavy job losses, closures and retrench-

ment.

But the ruling party drew no lessons

from the disastrous course of neo-liberal-

ism. It went on pretending that there is

nothing to worry about, that every thing

will be soon alright, and in fact is already

getting alright. It missed the opportunity to

change course and prescribed even more of

the same prescriptions. Nevertheless, it is

to be noted that an economy as big as that

of India was bound to pull its weight in the

world.

Neo-liberal reforms have led to a situa-

tion where with all the vast resources in per-

sonnel and material that India possesses, it

ranks very low in the human development

index. Even in other indices the position of

India is very disappointing.

Taking note of the yawning disparities

between the rich, who are getting richer by

the day and are vulgarly flaunting their

wealth, and the desperately poor majority

of people whose miseries are getting worse

by the day, the ruling party is trying to carry

out some reform measures. These are for

instance, the National Rural Employment

Guarantee Act, the Right of Tribals in

forests, the Housing Mission and so forth.

We from the Left have supported these

measures and are pressing for their honest

implementation. But they have severe lim-

itations. Such well-intentioned sectoral re-

form measures can hardly reverse the situa-

tion without a radical transformation of the

capitalist system. They are at best pallia-

tives.

Agriculture, which is the source of liveli-

hood for 65 per cent of our people, is in a

state of chronic crisis. It suffers from the

relics of the earlier land relations superim-

posed by aggressive capitalist offensives.

Land reforms have been given the go-bye

and there is talk of corporatisation and con-

tract farming. Food production is severely

lagging behind the growth of population.

Hunger and starvation stalk certain parts of

the land. Droughts and floods which peri-

odically devastate one or other region, fur-

ther aggravate the situation.

Food security is a major issue con-

fronting our people. This calls for increased

production and adequate availability of all

essential food items at affordable prices to

all people. The farmer is the key player in

food and agricultural production. Today,

farmers are fighting for land (against land

acquisition under the old Act from British

colonial times), for cheaper prices for in-

puts, and remunerative prices for their pro-

duce, such as rice, wheat, sugarcane etc.

A country as big as India with a popula-

tion exceeding 110 crores, cannot rely on

food imports, except under exceptional cir-

cumstances. Food is the biggest political

weapon in the hands of imperialism. India

has experience of it, from the past. Today

the country is faced with a similar situation.

In the name of completing the Doha Round

of negotiations under the WTO, pressure is

being mounted on India, by the USA in par-

83


ticular, to compromise and sacrifice its in-

terests in agriculture. That will adversely af-

fect our farmers and the common people.

Trade unions of all shades of political

opinion have come together and are organ-

izing big united militant actions against

high prices, closures and job losses, for a fair

deal for farmers and agricultural labour and

other sections of unorganized workers.

About 40 million people in India earn

their livelihood from retail trade. This sec-

tion is threatened by the aggressive designs

of Wal Mart, Carrefour etc. in collaboration

with big domestic corporate entities to take

over retail trade. This is being pushed for-

ward by Government in the name of en-

couraging FDI in business.

Our rich mineral resources, iron ore

and manganese ore for instance, are liter-

ally being looted by MNCs. They are work-

ing in tandem with mine mafias who are

enriching themselves fabulously at the

cost of the nation.

All these sections are playing with Big

Money to buy up unscrupulous bourgeois

politicians and influence our political insti-

tutions and limbs of governments. Money

power is becoming a threat to our electoral

system, and thus to democracy itself. Huge

funds are stashed away in Swiss and other

tax havens abroad. The government is

dragging its feet in unravelling and combat-

ing these elements. Foreign hands and do-

mestic operators are collaborating in these

activities, which are also the sources of

huge corruption in economic, political and

social life. It is leading to a social and moral

crisis in society. Communists and other left

and democratic parties and elements are

trying to alert the people against such evil

forces.

AMERICAN IMPERIALISM is trying its ut-

most to draw India into a strategic partner-

ship in support of its global designs. The se-

ries of Indo-US agreements signed in recent

years, especially the defence deals and in-

cluding the Indo-US nuclear deal, in addi-

tion to their avowed purpose also impose

curbs on our sovereignty and our independ-

ent foreign policy. US imperialism has also

pushed India into defence agreements with

Israel, which have made Israel the biggest

arms supplier for India.

The Indian people have made untold

sacrifices for their freedom. They will not

permit any power to subvert their inde-

pendence and sovereignty. But under the

garb of globalisation in the economic

sphere and strategic partnership in the de-

fence and political sphere, the various

moves of the government are cause of

concern.

The election of Barrack Obama as Presi-

dent of the USA has brought about certain

changes as far as the approach and some

tactical moves are concerned, compared to

the days of the Bush Presidency. But to

think that this will eventually change the

essence and character of American imperi-

alism, will be wide off the mark. It is not any

individual that is at the root of the American

Administration and its military-industrial

complex. They continue unaltered. The role

of the individual can be appreciated within

the framework of the social, economic and

political forces that determine the system

and the changes that are likely to occur

84


within it. Therefore, one need not harbour

too many illusions about Obama’s Presi-

dency.

OF COURSE, THE PRESENT GLOBAL CRI-SIS, the weakening of the dollar, a certain

weakening of the dominant position of the

US economy, an end to unilateralism and

the growth and rise of several countries and

groupings, have seriously undermined the

American hegemony and destroyed the

dream of the ‘American Century’, though it

still remains and will remain for sometime

more, the most powerful military and eco-

nomic power. The world is today becoming

multi-polar. What is called for is the aboli-

tion of the world capitalist system and its re-

placement by a new system which emanci-

pates mankind and ends the exploitation of

man by man and of one country by another.

Global capitalism in its pursuit of super-

profits is seriously destroying the environ-

ment and endangering the civilized life of

future generations. The resources of the

planet are not limitless and with their de-

pletion, human civilization will head to-

wards a catastrophe.

Capitalist production and extended re-

production has ruthlessly exploited and

ravaged nature, boastfully claiming to have

mastered it. Developing countries, and

even the rising socialist countries have un-

fortunately followed in the footsteps of the

developed capitalist countries in this mat-

ter. Non-renewable sources of energy are

being consumed at a rate that spells a loom-

ing catastrophe.

The world is today facing a climate

change arising from greenhouse gas emis-

sion. The biggest culprit is the USA fol-

lowed by a host of other developed capital-

ist countries. America refused to limit and

cut its gas emission and failed to sign the

Kyoto Protocol which was an effort at col-

lectively regulating it. The Kyoto Protocol is

due to expire in 2012, and the question is

what after Kyoto? In the interest of

mankind’s survival, and maintaining the

eco-balance and biophysical condition of

the planet, we have to ensure that manda-

tory and binding cuts are accepted by

America and other developed countries,

and that the developing countries are finan-

cially and technologically compensated, so

that they are not left far behind in the race

for growth and development.

The major issues that are confronting

the working class and the people today are

global. While developing mass actions and

conducting struggles on a local and nation-

al scale are very important, what is essential

is developing co-ordinated international

actions, launching solidarity actions and so

forth. We have to recall the co-ordinated

actions that took place against the meetings

of the IMF, World Bank, the G-7 Economic

Summit, the Davos Conclave and so on

where the leaders of the bourgeoisie gath-

ered to deliberate on how to maintain and

intensify their hold and exploitation, how to

maximize their profits. There was an ele-

ment of spontaneity and the beginning of

organisation in these actions.

The forthcoming actions have to be

broader, draw in new sections of people

and be widely coordinated with various or-

ganisations. The working class and its mass

and political organisations have to play a

85


leading role by taking the initiative in

launching and developing such militant ac-

tions.

The present Meeting is of great signifi-

cance in exchanging experiences and views

of parties from various countries belonging

to different continents, on all these issues.

Life has shown that capitalism is inca-

pable of solving the problems of poverty,

hunger and impoverishment. There is no

social justice, under it and the mass of the

people cannot aspire to a better life. The

people’s struggle is leading them towards

transforming this system and for bringing in

socialism. The 21st century will be the cen-

tury of socialism.

Long live the CPI.

Long live the unity of Communist

and Workers Parties.

Long live Proletarian Internationalism.

86

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of India (Marxist)

Communist Party of India

(Marxist)MANIK SARKAR

On behalf of the Communist Party of India

(Marxist), I extend my fraternal greetings to

all the parties that have come to attend this

important 11th International Meeting of the

Communist and Workers’ Parties, to dis-

cuss “The international capitalist crisis, the

workers’ and peoples’ struggle, the alter-

natives and the role of the communist and

working class movement”.

THE PRESENT CAPITALIST CRISIS, which is

the severest of all the crises witnessed in

the post-Second World War period, has left

no country untouched. It was rightly point-

ed out as the “most intense and all encom-

passing crisis - post-Great Depression of

1929”. As it happens during every crisis, it

is the working class, peasantry and other

poor sections of all the countries who are

bearing the brunt of this crisis. Industries

are being closed in large numbers across

the world, leaving millions of people job-

less and unemployed. A recent report of

the OECD states that the number of unem-

ployed may reach 57 million. This naturally

is increasing the rates of poverty and further

widening the gaps between the rich and

the poor. According to the FAO, more than

102 million people have joined the already

millions of hungry people in this world due

to this crisis, meaning more than one billion

people in the world suffering from hunger.

As we have been witnessing for the past

year the efforts of the respective govern-

ments, true to their class nature, are not to

address the concerns of the working class,

the poor and suffering people and postu-

late policies to free them of this suffering.

They are more concerned about the capital-

ist class and are concentrating their entire

energies to protect their profits. All the

apologists of neo-liberalism, who have so

far decried the State, pleaded with the State

to rescue the big business houses from this

87


mess. While the costs of the rescue pack-

ages and bailouts are at public expense, the

benefits accrue to few and are addressed to

help the very elements that had created this

crisis. Banks and financial corporates that

were responsible for colossal volumes of

speculative trading, conservatively esti-

mated to have crossed 60 times the volume

of global GDP, are back in business by mak-

ing profits.

BAILOUT PACKAGES ALWAYS put profits

before people rather than putting people

before profits. This fact is once again proved

by Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan Chase,

the two financial giants that collapsed on

Wall Street. They have now emerged from

the ruins, feasting on the monies they have

received through such bailout packages

and are reporting enormous profits. They

ranted for aid when on the verge of bank-

ruptcy and now out of it, they are despising

even the minimal efforts to regulate their

speculative activities. Instead, these banks

are doling out perks and super bonuses to

their executives.

While common people continue to get

ruined, tax payers’ money continues to be

doled out in unprecedented amounts to bail

out the corporates. Growing unemploy-

ment and depression of real wages is the

gift for the working people as compared to

the gift of huge bailout packages for the cor-

porates.

This crisis has occurred not due to an

aberration based on the greed of a few or

due to the lack of effective regulatory poli-

cies. It is the urge for profits, the very reason

for which capital works, that has sharply

widened economic inequalities both be-

tween countries and within countries in

these decades of globalisation. The natural

consequence was a decline in the purchas-

ing power of the vast majority of the world

population. This impediment to profit max-

imisation was sought to be met by turbo-

charging the global economy through

cheap credit. The speculative character of

international finance capital exacerbated

this through the fanciful financial new com-

modities like futures trading, credit swaps

etc. The urge for profits had assumed new-

er heights under neo-liberal globalisation.

Finance capital had used its control over the

State to re-write the rules according to its

needs and suit its interests. The absence of

credit worthiness amongst the recipients of

such cheap credit - thanks to this very un-

folding of imperialist globalization - trig-

gered this current global crisis.

It is the new attacks and the re-ordering

of the world for profit maximisation, under

the dictates of international finance capital,

that defines neo-liberalism. It operates,

firstly, through policies that remove restric-

tions on the movement of goods and capi-

tal across borders. Trade liberalisation dis-

places domestic producers, engendering

domestic de-industrialisation. So also liber-

alisation of capital flows allows multination-

al corporations to acquire domestic produc-

tive assets vastly enlarging capital accumu-

lation.

THE IMPOSITION OF SUCH NEO-LIBERALPOLICIES by browbeating the developing

countries is achieved by imperialism

through the agencies of the IMF, World

88

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of India (Marxist)

Bank and WTO – globalisation’s triumvirate.

The structural conditionalities imposed by

the IMF and separately by the World Bank,

while disbursing loans to the developing

countries, ensured compliance to neo-liber-

al reforms. The WTO similarly, especially in

the current Doha round negotiations is used

for further prising open the markets of the

developing world for imperialist profit max-

imisation. In two important areas – the Do-

ha round of negotiations in the WTO and on

Climate Change - imperialism is seeking in-

ternational agreements and arrangements

that would allow it to retain its advantage

and impose greater burdens on the people.

Imperialism seeks to emerge from its cur-

rent crisis by seeking to shift the burden on-

to the developing countries and onto the

shoulders of the working class and other

toiling sections.

The impact of these disastrous policies

is already being felt in these countries

where, during the last two decades, neo-

liberalism has led to grave agrarian crises. In

our country more than 200,000 peasants

committed suicide due to the acute agrari-

an distress.

The only way out of this capitalist crisis

for the working class and the common peo-

ple is to wage struggles to protect their

present levels of livelihood. It is the experi-

ence of the working class that wherever it

had mobilised its might and resisted these

attempts, it was successful in protecting its

rights. It is only the struggles that were

waged by the working class that had forced

the ruling classes to consider the demands

of the workers. In these times of crisis, once

again the working class is seething with dis-

content. Many countries have witnessed

and are witnessing huge working class,

peasant struggles, demanding relief. These

struggles have to be further strengthened in

the coming days by mobilising millions of

people. These mobilisations should not just

be confined to their economic demands but

also for a political alternative to this crisis

ridden capitalist system. This alternative,

we believe, is socialism.

As Marx had pointed out, it is men who

decide the real course of history through

their actions. Thus, though the capitalist

system is inherently crisis ridden, it does

not collapse automatically. It has to be

overthrown. In the absence of a communist

led attack on the rule of capital, the right-

wing conservatives and fundamentalists

will always try to seize this ‘opportunity’ to

safeguard and further consolidate the capi-

talist system. History has shown that it is in

the period of such crisis fascism had risen.

We should not allow this to happen again.

IMPERIALISM AND THE RULING CLASSESwill launch an all out attack to prevent the

growth of the communist and the workers’

parties and protect the status quo. All sorts

of theories like “there is no alternative to

imperialist globalization” are propagated

and would be propagated. These should be

effectively countered by projecting that so-

cialism alone is the alternative.

89

�


CommunistParty of IrelandEDDIE GLACKIN

First of all I would like to express our Party’s

thanks to our hosts, the Communist Party of

India (Marxist) and the Communist Party of

India, for organising this Conference. The

struggles of the peoples of India and Ireland

have been intertwined for many years by

our common struggle for independence

from British Imperialism. Almost 90 years

ago when British Imperialism and its Irish

allies imposed partition and ultimately Civ-

il War on the Irish people, one of the first

working class fighters in Britain who leapt

to the defence of the Irish Republic was the

outstanding Communist Member of Parlia-

ment Shapurji Saklatvala.

COMRADE SAKLATVALA, the first Commu-

nist elected to parliament in Britain, not on-

ly used his maiden speech in Westminster

to defend the Irish republic, he also subse-

quently attended a conference of the Irish

Trade Union Congress in Ireland and

throughout his life was a staunch friend of

Ireland and of the revolutionary and anti-

imperialist movements in the then British

colonies of India, Egypt and South Africa

and actively involved himself in the strug-

gles of the workers of those countries. He

was also, of course, a great friend and de-

fender of the young Soviet state. It is ap-

propriate here, in the land of this great rev-

olutionary’s birth, that Irish Communists

can acknowledge with gratitude his contri-

bution to our struggle.

Comrades, the political and economic

landscape is undergoing significant changes

and at an accelerated pace over the last few

years. The absolute hegemony of the United

States, as proclaimed by the authors of the

“Project for a New American Century,” is

now seen to be unattainable.

The trend towards a multipolar world

continues to gather pace as groups of coun-

tries and regional blocs emerge and gather

90

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Ireland

momentum in opposition to the two big im-

perialist blocs, the United States and the

European Union. Most notable has been the

development of ALBA, a group of countries

in the Caribbean and Latin America which,

inspired by the example of revolutionary

Cuba, is setting about the development of

an alternative model of economic develop-

ment and co-operation which is progres-

sive and anti-imperialist.

BUT IN EUROPE the opposite is the case.

Across the globe, in all the capitalist coun-

tries, working people are being forced to

pay a heavy price for the current crisis of

capitalism, a price paid in millions of un-

employed, increased taxes, home repos-

sessions, growing poverty, and attacks on

their health and educational services. The

main front of this monopoly capitalist of-

fensive in Europe is the growing concen-

tration of power in the hands of the emerg-

ing imperialist superstate of the EU. The

forcing on the Irish people of a second ref-

erendum on the Lisbon Treaty by a supine

Irish ruling class at the behest of the Euro-

pean Commission and the governments

representative of European monopoly in-

terests, exposed the subservient relation-

ship between the Irish ruling class and the

European Union. That class has lost all po-

tential for independent action, and is a

willing tool of both European and Ameri-

can imperialism.

The Lisbon Treaty is the latest stage of a

strategy adopted many decades ago. The

EU itself is part of the Cold War architecture

of Western Europe, set up as a bulwark

against the advance of socialism. With the

defeat of socialism in Europe, monopoly

capitalism no longer feels the need to hide

behind the fig leaf of “Social Europe”. For all

the pipe dreams and illusions of the social

democrats and some so-called Left forces in

Western Europe, neo-liberalism is woven

into the very fabric of its institutions and

procedures and, with the adoption of the

Lisbon Treaty, is now elevated to the level

of constitutional law. Despite all the talk

about a Charter of Fundamental Rights, the

Lisbon Treaty makes human rights and

workers’ rights subject to market forces and

the primacy of the market.

THE EUROPEAN UNION ITSELF, with the

adoption of the Treaty, will be reconstituted

and will be superior in law to its constituent

members, that is, the member-states. More

and more policy areas, previously requiring

unanimity, will be decided by “weighted

majority” voting, which ensures that power

is heavily loaded in favour of the big states.

For example, Germany will have 18 per

cent of the votes, while Ireland will have 0.8

per cent. It is also structured in such a way

that there is a built-in blocking minority

(based on population size). Thus three of

the larger countries would have enough

votes to block any measures they oppose.

The European Union will also be able to

speak at WTO talks and in other internation-

al institutions with one voice, giving greater

weight to the forces of imperialism at the

global level. What this means in effect is that

any independent foreign and security policy

is ended for the small member-states. Neu-

tral Ireland will be dragged further into the

military build-up of the European Union and

91


also of NATO. At a time of massive cuts in

public spending we will be obliged to spend

more on our military forces to keep them up

to date and comparable to those of other EU

member –states– that is, compatible with

NATO. We will also have to contribute to the

growing arms industry in the form of the

European Defence Agency.

The European Union has been extremely

clever in how it has developed over the last

few decades. At each stage of the process

the people have been presented with a fait

accompli. Everything is presented as in-

evitable and the only possible way forward.

Even changes of name, from European Eco-

nomic Community to European Communi-

ties to European Union, as well as its flag and

anthem, were all brought into use, making

the people accustomed to them, before

they had been legally established.

What is being constructed, step by step,

is a superstate, with institutions above and

beyond democratic control and accounta-

bility. During the referendum campaign

millions of euros flowed in from Brussels to

its many front organisations. Manipulation

on a scale we have not witnessed before

was the order of the day. This is a lesson

they learnt very effectively from all the

colour-coded so-called “revolutions” in

Eastern Europe. Sports stars, entertainers,

TV and radio personalities, never previous-

ly known to have any political opinion wor-

thy of note, were all trundled out as part of

a hugely expensive propaganda campaign

to assure us that “civic society” supported a

Yes vote. The mass media abandoned all

pretence of balanced reporting and threw

their full weight behind the Yes side.

Such bodies as the American-Irish Cham-

ber of Commerce –the mouthpiece of Amer-

ican transnationals based in Ireland– called

for a Yes vote. The giant US computer chip

manufacturer Intel spent €500,000 cam-

paigning for a Yes vote. The viciously anti-

trade union company Ryanair committed

€500,000 to the Yes campaign and provid-

ed free flights from Brussels to Dublin for any

employees of the European Union who were

prepared to go to Dublin to work on the Yes

campaign. They also offered free flights to

the estimated 30,000 Irish people who live

in Germany to come home and vote Yes.

The Irish Business and Employers’ Con-

federation, the body that represents the big

employers, sent a letter to each of its mem-

ber organisations for them to distribute

among all their employees, making the

case that workers had no choice but to vote

Yes. In all, it has been estimated that the Yes

side spent at least €10 million in the course

of the campaign, more than ten times the

amount which the No side, with no corpo-

rate or official funding, was able to muster.

The EU Commission itself interfered al-

most daily in the Irish referendum, with

constant statements challenging the No

campaign. It organised a series of public

“information” meetings; not on the Lisbon

Treaty but on how good the European

Union has been for Ireland. This dovetailed

into the strategy of the Government in turn-

ing the referendum into a vote on member-

ship of the European Union rather than on

the contents of the Treaty. The Commission

also placed advertisements in newspapers

and had large advertisements on hoardings

throughout the country.

92


OUR PEOPLE were bullied into voting, not

on the Lisbon Treaty and its contents, but

for or against our continued membership of

the European Union. The economic collapse

was used to frighten people into believing

that there was no alternative and that if we

voted No we would be punished and Ire-

land would become a pariah state in

Europe, with the withdrawal of foreign cap-

ital leading to even greater job losses.

The referendum campaign was a period

of intense class struggle. With the excep-

tion of Sinn Féin, all the major political par-

ties supported the Yes campaign. The Peo-

ple’s Movement, a broad organisation,

which includes communists, greens, indi-

vidual members of the Labour Party and

Sinn Féin and many independent activists,

was the main focus of our Party’s work dur-

ing the referendum campaign. It cam-

paigned in defence of workers’ rights, of na-

tional sovereignty and democracy. While

the national leadership of the trade union

movement supported the Yes campaign

this was not supported by the majority of

their members and in fact two major trade

unions called for a No vote.

Despite all the bullying and lies, the

working class, small and medium farmers,

and the fishing communities mainly voted

No. Slightly more than

55 per cent of the people eligible to

vote took part, with 35 per cent of these

voting No. Combined with the more than

40 per cent who did not bother to vote at

all, this No vote indicates a massive level of

alienation by mainly working people from a

political system and a society which they

believe no longer represents their interests.

We would like to thank all those parties

who signed the joint appeal issued by our

Party and our Greek Party comrades in sup-

port of the No campaign. This was an impor-

tant initiative, as it showed that working-

class forces across Europe, both inside and

outside the European Union, understood

the issues at stake and their importance to

the future struggles of the working class. It

was a good restatement of the principle of

working-class solidarity and opposed the lie

propagated by the EU and supported by So-

cial Democracy that all sensible working-

class forces had succumbed to the EU

steamroller and its sham democracy.

WHILST THE LISBON TREATY has been the

main focus of our Party’s work over the re-

cent past, it is not the only manifestation of

imperialism affecting the working people in

Ireland. Imperialism has left us a complex

and difficult legacy, with a partitioned

country and a deep fissure of sectarianism

running through the working class in North-

ern Ireland, which is still officially part of the

British state. Our Party comrades, North and

South, contend daily with these complex is-

sues and seek to unite workers in struggle

based on their common class interests.

With the deepening of the current world

capitalist crisis, exacerbated by a profound

crisis within the Irish banking system, the

economy of the Republic of Ireland is now in

a very precarious state, with unemploy-

ment running at 12 per cent and forecast to

rise to 17 per cent. Despite the extraordi-

nary economic growth during the boom

years of the so-called “Celtic Tiger” there

has been a huge growth in inequality. It has

93


been estimated that a quarter of all children

live below the official poverty line.

A similar story is repeated in the North

as job losses are announced daily. While the

collapse is not on the same scale as that fac-

ing the South, the economy in the North has

not escaped the crisis of capitalism that is

having such a heavy impact in the Republic.

The Northern economy was tailored to

meet the needs of the imperial centre dur-

ing the height of the British Empire, and the

decline of its traditional industries mirrors

the decline of the British Empire. As the

capitalist crisis develops and deepens in

Britain the present levels of subvention

from the British exchequer will come under

growing pressure.

This relationship of dependence reflects

how, in the political, economic and social

spheres, the people of the North of Ireland

are marginalised in three ways: the poten-

tial to change or influence the economic

and social policies of the British govern-

ment remains negligible; they cannot

change or influence the policies imposed by

Brussels, and they cannot influence the

policies of the Irish Government.

None of the neo-liberal economic

models or the mentality behind them can

offer anything to the people of the North.

What is needed is maximum unity of all

radical forces in pursuing an agenda that

will strengthen and deepen democracy as

a counterweight to sectarianism, develop

demands that challenge the limitations of

the existing institutions and push for

greater all-Ireland economic and social

development and community reconcilia-

tion.

What the current crisis has exposed is that

our people are made more vulnerable to the

effects of the current crisis of capitalism by the

policies pursued by both the Irish and British

governments. The whole of Ireland faces mar-

ginalisation within the European Union while

being tied to it and controlled by it. Only a

united working class can challenge our new

imperial masters and reassert the right of the

Irish people to the ownership of Ireland. The

development of an alternative all-Ireland eco-

nomic and social strategy has the potential to

provide greater stability and protection to all

our people. This would contribute to strength-

ening the unity of the working class, and

weaken the influence of pro-imperialist ideas.

At the moment the main focus of strug-

gle in Ireland against the consequences of

the capitalist crisis is the forthcoming gov-

ernment budget in early December and the

massive cuts in social expenditure and pub-

lic-sector wages which it will entail.

The trade union movement is the major

instrument that the working class has with

which to defend its interests against the on-

slaught that has been launched against it by

employers, governments, and the EU. Its

strength has been sapped by decades of

class collaboration and “social partnership,”

and it is consequently ill equipped to or-

ganise an effective resistance. However,

some union leaders are now learning the re-

alities of a class-divided society and realis-

ing which class elements control the state,

the Government and the mass media.

Others are being pushed into action by the

anger of their members and their insistence

that their leaders stand up against the es-

tablishment onslaught.

94


Two weeks ago tens of thousands of

workers took to the streets of the main ur-

ban centres around the state to protest

against proposed Government cutbacks in

public-sector pay and in welfare and pen-

sion payments. Last week thousands of es-

sential services workers—firefighters, am-

bulance crews, nurses, prison officers, even

police—marched in protest through Dublin

against the Government’s and employers’

demand for pay and job cuts. On Tuesday

the 24th a one-day general strike will take

place in the public services. Support for the

strike call has been unprecedented, typical-

ly being supported by margins of 80/20 in

ballots of members in the main public-sec-

tor unions and this week even senior civil

servants, for the first time, have voted

60/40 in favour of the strike action. The

class offensive launched by big business

and the state is at last meeting with a re-

sponse.

The challenge facing our Party is to give

political content to this response and show

clearly to workers that “social partnership”

has not served and cannot serve their inter-

ests but has in fact disarmed them in the

face of the class enemy. Only a class-con-

scious militant and vigilant trade union

movement can defend and advance the in-

terests of working people.

We must develop an alternative eco-

nomic and social strategy for the trade

union movement and the Left. As part of

this strategy our Party has recently pro-

duced a pamphlet, /An Economy for the

Common Good,/ which was launched by

the leader of Ireland’s biggest trade union,

SIPTU, and which is receiving a very posi-

tive response from many trade union and

community activists around the country.

Following on from the Lisbon Treaty

campaign we must continue to champion

the defence of national democracy and sov-

ereignty, linking both to class relations and

anti-imperialism. Without a clear under-

standing of the nature of imperialism in

Europe and the strategies it pursues to en-

sure its hegemony over the working people

of the continent, no effective struggle for

socialism is possible.

In these tasks we will seek to develop

maximum unity and co-operation of work-

ers’ organisations across the EU, most im-

portantly, outside and independent of the

structures and institutions of the EU.

We will also continue in the spirit of in-

ternationalism and anti-imperialism to work

at national and international level

� to promote solidarity with heroic Cuba,

whose principled and consistent chal-

lenge to imperialism continues to in-

spire us

� to campaign for a cultural and econom-

ic boycott of Israel, in solidarity with the

Palestinian people

� to oppose the imperialist occupations of

Iraq and Afghanistan

� to build solidarity with the progressive

anti-imperialist forces in Latin America

and to frustrate the efforts of the USA to

reassert its hegemony over the continent.

Thank you, comrades.

95

�


Communist Party of

Israel FATEN GHATTAS

It is a pleasure to participate in this impor-

tant meeting of communist parties and

unions from around the world as a repre-

sentative of the Israeli Communist Party, a

party internationalist, Jewish and Arab. Our

participation in this meeting comes from

the strategic vision of the importance of

sharing ideas and attitudes and creating a

unified strategy for our party to stand in the

forefront of the struggle against capitalism

and class oppression and for social justice,

socialism and peace.

THE ISRAELI COMMUNIST PARTY, which

concluded its celebration of the ninetieth

anniversary of its founding on the seventh

of this month in a lavish ceremony with the

participation of thousands of former Com-

munists, militants, brilliant history-makers,

along with the Communist Youth young

guard of the party and the participation of

delegations from communist parties and

sister unions, came to confirm the follow-

up to this process based on the unity of in-

tellectual Marxism - Leninism and solid

party work.

The newspaper “Al-Etihad” which is

maintained by the Arabic language and

Arab culture of the Palestinian minority in

Israel also celebrated the 65th anniversary of

its founding.

The Communist Party, which was

founded in 1919, has faced many very diffi-

cult situations in our country, past and pres-

ent, through conflicts, wars and numerous

calamities, but the positions of the party

has proved its strength, especially at diffi-

cult moments. We did not make fundamen-

tal errors and the internationalist vision of

class, Marxism – Leninism, applied to the

reality of the national question has always

provided us with the intellectual and politi-

cal vision for the appropriate starting

points.

96

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Israel

The capitalist system in Israel is in deep

trouble as in the rest of the capitalist world

but the crisis is deepened in three areas:

THE ECONOMIC CRISIS AND FURTHERECONOMIC POLARIZATION. The Central

Committee of the Communist Party consid-

ers that the global economic crisis is deep-

ening. It is an expression of the fundamen-

tal internal contradictions of capitalism and

the outcome of neo-liberal policies, which

are widening the gaps between the owners

of capital and labour. The proposed budget

and economic plan, presented by the Ne-

tanyahu government, together with the

militarization of the budget and the occupa-

tion and settlement, aims to rescue the ma-

jor corporations at the price of reducing

wages, expanding unemployment, provid-

ing other tax concessions for the rich and

continuing cuts in social services.

Economic development in the Israeli

economy will continue to stagnate. The Re-

ports of the Central Bureau of Statistics

show that 1,650,000 people in Israel are

poor and this equates to 24% of the popula-

tion. The proportion of poor among the

Palestinian national minority is up to 48%!

The per capita income of the Jewish family is

the largest of the per capita share.

The details of the data and analysis re-

flect the terrible reality we have known for

decades but these prove to us that the pol-

icy of racial discrimination is increasing and

this is evidenced by the widening gaps be-

tween Jews and Arabs. As for unemploy-

ment, which is approaching 8%, among

Arab women it is above 80% and 80% of

Arab academics are unemployed.

What we are witnessing here is a policy

of starvation and oppression with Jews liv-

ing according to the standards of devel-

oped countries and Arabs according to the

standards of the poor developing world. It

should be emphasized that the military

budget accounts for more than fifty percent

of the public budget.

The State budget has deducted spend-

ing from education and social welfare, in-

dustry and housing in favour of the milita-

rization and preparation for a new war. The

Government is enriching the rich and im-

poverishing the poor, reducing income tax

on employers of big capital and corporate

monopolies and reducing the corporate in-

come tax from 65% to 35%.

This proceeds along with the continued

policy of privatization, the sale of state

property, state land and state-owned com-

panies to the owners of capital.

The phenomenon of violence and mur-

der is rife within Israeli society. The power

of money towards State institutions and its

impact is sometimes crucial. Gangs threat-

en the judiciary, which also threatens the

remnants of the democratic system. Former

prime minister, Ehud Olmert, faces trial for

the abuse of power for the benefit of the

owners of capital.

The right-wing government and the oc-

cupation settlement does not include in its

plan steps to address poverty and unem-

ployment and an exit from the circle of eco-

nomic stagnation. The Government which

adopts the commission of crimes against

the Palestinian people cannot pursue an

economic policy that reconciles the high

cost of the policy of aggression and the de-

97


velopment of the civilian economy and the

policy of social justice.

RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN ISRAEL and

its work towards the State of Apartheid. In

Israel there are about 1.25 million Palestin-

ian Arabs who clung to their land despite

the catastrophe, wars and all attempts to

displace them. They are the legitimate own-

ers of the country, this national minority,

which is an integral part of the Palestinian

people. They demand the right to be recog-

nized as a national minority with rights

common to the national demands for full

civil equality. In 2000 the army and police

shot dead 13 Arab youths in cold blood and

none of the killers were indicted.

At the beginning of this month, the At-

torney General submitted an indictment

against a member of the Political Bureau of

the Communist Party, a member of the Is-

raeli Parliament and the President of the De-

mocratic Front for Peace and Equality, Com-

rade Mohammed Baraka, for his involve-

ment in four different demonstrations with

his people against racism. This trial is a nail

in the coffin of Israeli democracy, said the

Communist Party, which will use all its pow-

er to defend Comrade Baraka and which in-

vites you to conduct the widest possible

global campaign of solidarity with our com-

rade to stop this farce. Our party will work

to turn this trial into an indictment and con-

demnation of all the practices of the

apartheid government.

In practice, we are witnessing in recent

years a wave of legislation led by the Israeli

right and passed in the Knesset, which was,

in fact, attempting to impose a new formu-

la for dealing with the Palestinians in Israel

and for dealing with the Palestinian people

in general. Israel is using the negotiations

with the official Palestinian leadership to

draw the parameters of a new relationship

with the Palestinians at home, to limit the

political freedoms of the Palestinian Arab

minority in order to promote a Jewish State

and the superiority, formally and in prac-

tice, of the Jewish citizens of Palestine, and

to promote an inferior legal status as sec-

ond or even third class citizenship for the

Palestinian Arab minority. Israel claims that

it provides rights and civil liberties for indi-

viduals, meaning it does not recognize

Arabs as a national minority, and affords no

collective rights to them, but provides them

with full equality as individuals. This legisla-

tion, in fact, reflects a serious deterioration

in the Jewish-Israeli society’s perception of

the Arab community. It does not recognize

the right of Arabs to obtain equal rights with

Jewish citizens, as confirmed by recent polls

which reported that two-thirds of Jewish

citizens agreed with the argument that

Arabs should not be granted equal rights

Comrade Baraka has led our party in the

first of October general strike of the Pales-

tinian masses inside the country. Israeli so-

ciety is sliding toward fascism. This is really

disturbing. We are on the brink of the abyss

and we hold the most effective tool to com-

bat the outbreak and stop it before it is too

late!

THE ISRAELI OCCUPATION AND THE PALES-TINIAN CAUSE. The Israeli occupation of

Palestinian land in Jerusalem, the West Bank

and the Gaza Strip, as well as the Syrian

98

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Israel

Golan and the territory of Shebaa in Le-

banon has continued for 42 years. This oc-

cupation is the core conflict in the region

and any other focus on terrorism is just a

smokescreen. The real terrorism is the occu-

pation.

Israel has tried hard to transform the

conflict into a conflict between different re-

ligions, particularly in Jerusalem, because

this is in their interests. and accords with the

policy of U.S. imperialism in linking Islam

with terrorism. U.S. imperialism has creat-

ed, and cultivated fundamentalist move-

ments to fight communism in Afghanistan

and elsewhere, and Israel gave birth to Ha-

mas to fight the Palestine Liberation Orga-

nization. These movements have not been

unrelated to religion and we have always

emphasized this and countered religious

fundamentalism.

The state of division in the Palestinian

arena is extremely dangerous and threatens

the future of the Palestinian cause. The im-

age is of a convergence of the work of an

unholy trinity: imperialism, Zionism and

Arab reaction, because this division only

serves Israel.

The Communist Party sees the impor-

tance of the role of the PLO, the sole legiti-

mate representative of the Palestinian peo-

ple, which stepped down this role in recent

years in favour of the Palestinian National

Authority, which recently discovered that it

had completed its role and become a civil-

ian administration under the authority of the

Israeli occupation.

Our Party assesses the left forces global-

ly and in Israel, as well as in the Palestinian

arena, the growing strength of fundamen-

talism and the weakness of a genuine polit-

ical, militant, anti-occupation alternative,

recognizing that people do not live in a vac-

uum. Progressives even see Hamas as a

force against the occupation and America.

Our party stands along with all anti-occupa-

tion movements because resistance is a sa-

cred right, but progressives should not be

fooled by appearances, but should analyze

the substance.

Arab reaction takes its role seriously, a

full partner in the plots of Zionism and U.S.

imperialism woven against the Palestinian

people. The Communists have an important

role in the erosion of these positions and

explaining this to the people.

The way out of the crisis in Israel means:

■ ending the occupation, full Israeli with-

drawal to 1967 borders, the dismantling

of settlements and the recognition of

the right to self-determination for the

Palestinian people.

■ the establishment of an independent

Palestinian state alongside Israel with

Arab Jerusalem as its capital and resolv-

ing the refugee issue in accordance

with the resolutions of the United Na-

tions on the right to return or compen-

sation.

■ Recognition of the Palestinian masses in

Israel as a national minority and afford-

ing them full equality in their homeland,

the restoration of their stolen land and

the return of refugees to their homes

and villages.

■ dismantling the Israeli nuclear arsenal

and a halt to the nuclear arms race.

■ a just and real peace which gives securi-

99


ty to Israel and changes the priorities of

the economic war budget to social wel-

fare, education and housing.

■ increasing the strength of the Commu-

nist Party and the forces of the left in

general.

■ Pursuing the construction of socialism,

clarifying what socialism is, especially

after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Our Party highly assesses the impor-

tance of this meeting and the efforts to uni-

fy the positions of the communists in the

world. “Workers of the world unite,” This is

a logo and a realistic ambition. We raised

the slogan of “Communist parties unite,”

because the unity of the Communists is the

foundation stone for the strengthening of

the socialist alternative.

We extend our deep gratitude to our

fellow communists in India, the CPI and

CPI Marxist, for hosting this important

meeting, Communist Party, a consolidat-

ing step towards the unity of the commu-

nists in India! On behalf of all the Commu-

nists in Israel we send greetings to all the

revolutionary communists and progres-

sives in the world in their difficult and ar-

duous struggle to achieve our goals of

progress, freedom, social justice and for

the victory of socialism.

100

�

πB - 1/2010 � Party of the Italian communists

Party of the Italian

CommunistsFRANCESCO FRANCESCAGLIA

THE GLOBAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM, that

started more than a year ago, was de-

scribed as a financial crisis, tightly connect-

ed to the USA real estate bubble. Many

stressed the fact that all the responsibilities

for the crisis lay in the shameful behaviour

of business world banks (many of which

went bankrupt or were rescued by the

Governments of their countries), but also in

the swindles driven by great financial oper-

ators, such as Bernard Madoff, or the cre-

ation of useless financial products.

But if we use the tools of Marxist analy-

sis, we must say that such phenomena rep-

resent just the effects of an overproduction

crisis. The TRPF, the tendency of the rate of

profit to fall in the material production of

consumption goods, especially cars,

obliged Capital to look for other sectors in

order to get higher profit margins. The

choice of financial speculation, on the one

hand, and real estate, on the other, have

come together in the creation of a specula-

tive bubble, that inevitably exploded, with

disastrous effects.

FINANCE, then, is not the disease of capi-

talism: it is the drug that hides the symp-

toms of the disease. The real disease is the

crisis of overproduction. For the past 10

years, the Federal Reserve has just been the

pusher, drugging the world economy

through a monetary policy of expansion,

that favoured the new economy bubble in

1999/2000, and that was used to exit the

2001 crisis. This then created the real estate

bubble. All this was possible because the

dollar is used as an international reserve

currency and for the purchase of oil.

But such predominance today is unjus-

tified. The USA has the highest public debt

in the world, in absolute terms: its commer-

cial scale is decreasing since 1976 and its

families’ private debt is enormous. A coun-

101


try with such a debt can defend its positions

only with a policy of war and imperialist ag-

gression. The dollar doesn’t collapse, how-

ever, because it is kept up by the massive

purchase of US Government Securities by

China, which has more than $2,000 billion.

A DEVALUATION OF THE DOLLAR is defi-

nitely something the Chinese don’t want: it

would be convenient for them to get rid of

the US Securities but they can’t, not brutal-

ly, at least. If they were sold, the value of the

dollar would be severely diminished. It is

just with the aim of keeping the dollar

steady that the Chinese go on buying

American debt.

The Chinese want to free themselves

from such a trap, as they are aware that the

dollar is on its way towards the sunset.

China is working towards a new global

monetary pact, able to limit the extra-pow-

er of the dollar, involving Russia, Japan,

France and some Arab countries, in order to

replace the dollar as an exchange currency

for oil, with a currency basket including the

Euro and the Yuan.

We can definitely state that we are in a

delicate transitional phase of the restructur-

ing of global capitalism – a process of re-

duction of the role of the dollar, and conse-

quently, of the USA. Bush reacted against

such a decline with an imperialist policy of

pre-emptive wars, although failing in its tar-

get. We are aware that the USA will go on

defending itself by using all the tools of im-

perialism. The hypothesis of a new expan-

sion of capitalist authoritarianism is, in fact,

already visible in Latin America, the

(sub)continent that accomplished the

greatest efforts to build up a process of

emancipation from imperialism and of tri-

umph over neo-liberalism.

The coup in Honduras, the proliferation

of US bases in Southern America, clearly

show that the USA does not mean to move

backwards, on the contrary it means to re-

gain ground in what it has always consid-

ered as its backyard.

That’s why we should strongly re-affirm

our internationalist solidarity with the Latin-

American people, beginning with Cuba’s

commander-in-chief, Fidel Castro, with

Chavez’s Venezuela, Evo Morales’s Bolivia

and Lula’s Brazil.

THE FIRST TASK OF THE COMMUNISTS and

workers’ international movement today is

putting the real causes of the crisis into evi-

dence: the structural incapability of capital-

ism to manage efficiently the cyclical crisis

of overproduction. In this phase, it is only

the communists who can point at the re-

sponsibilities of capitalism and its structural

contradictions.

It is only the communists who can re-af-

firm what they have always stated about

neo-liberal thought: they always warned

that it would soon take the world to the

edge of the abyss.

Today, we have the ideological, political

and cultural tools to lead a new battle of

ideas against capitalism and its dominant

ideology. But we cannot forget, as history

teaches us, that it is always possible to exit

the crisis to the right, rather than to the left.

Several Governments in the world, Oba-

ma’s above all, are simply using the old

capitalist strategy, with the privatisation of

102

πB - 1/2010 � Party of the Italian communists

utilities when the economy is expanding

and with the socialization of losses during

the phases of crisis. As usual, workers have

to pay for saving Capitalism. This happened

even after 1929 crisis: Roosevelt, with the

New Deal, used the State to save American

Capitalism, while Hitler used the State to

consolidate the Nazi regime. The 1929 cri-

sis produced authoritarian and fascist

regimes in Europe rather than the expan-

sion of Socialism and the October Russian

Revolution.

We have to be ready, today, as a new

capitalist and imperialist attack is imminent.

Only a renewed process of internationalism

of the communist and progressive forces

can provide us with a common analysis and

a strategy of struggle, equal to the phase in

which we are living. In such a phase, then,

the political process that we launched with

SOLIDNET, becomes a crucial strategic ele-

ment for those who fight, like we do, for the

transformation of society, for a transition to-

wards socialism, for the emancipation of

workers and for the defeat of imperialism.

103

�


Workers’ Party of Korea

PAK KYONG SON

I would like to begin by extending my

warm congratulations to the 11th Interna-

tional Meeting of the Communist and

Workers’ Parties and my cordial comradely

greetings to the delegations and delegates

from various Communist and Workers’ Par-

ties present at this Meeting.

Allow me also to express my heartfelt

gratitude to Comrade Prakash Karat, Gen-

eral Secretary of the Central Committee of

the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and

Comrade A.B. Bardhan, Secretary General

of the National Council of the Communist

Party of India for their kind invitation for the

delegation of the Workers’ Party of Korea

to this International Meeting.

TODAY, the whole world is going through

a serious crisis, resulting from the irra-

tionality and essential weakness, intrinsic

to the U.S.-dominated global capitalist

economic system. The economic growth

rate worldwide has slowed down, the av-

erage per capita income growth rate has

plunged by half, and the economic situa-

tion has worsened in as many as 168 coun-

tries.

The chaotic U.S. financial policy, de-

signed to stave off financial difficulties re-

sulting from its “war on terror,” has only

touched off the collapse of the domestic

real estate market and sweeping financial

crisis at home, and this, in turn, has in-

stantly developed into an economic crisis

worldwide by virtue of the economic

“globalization.” The present global eco-

nomic panic is the “worst in 100 years.”

In a pandemonic scene of the law of

the jungle for which the capitalism-pro-

moted “globalization” is responsible, an

unprecedentedly grave threat is staring

humankind in the face, with its survival be-

ing at stake, shaken by the global eco-

nomic panic, compounded by food, ener-

104

πB - 1/2010 � workers’ party of Korea

gy and environmental crises. Statistics

show that the losses from the ongoing

global economic panic in the period from

late 2007 to 2010 are estimated to reach

3.4 trillion U.S. dollars.

Capitalism’s political, economic and

systemic crises have only intensified the

bipolarization of “the rich getting even

richer and the poor getting even poorer”

on a global scale and landed a population

of 1.4 billion in-abject poverty, who are

now voicing loud and clear their view that

socialism is the only alternative to capital-

ism.

The 10th International Meeting of the

Communist and Workers’ Parties, held in

Sao Paulo last November and attended by

the delegates from 65 political parties in 55

countries, pointed out the gravity of the

political and economic crisis faced by the

capitalist world, and unanimously stressed

that socialism is the only path that will end

exploitation and the oppression of the

popular masses and ensure genuine inde-

pendent rights for them. The Meeting also

called for a dauntless struggle for socialism

that ensures people’s independence, free

from class exploitation and oppression.

Comrade KIM JONG IL, the great leader

of our Party and people, said as follows:

“The cause of socialism is the just

cause for realizing the independence of

the popular masses, and the humankind’s

movement toward socialism is the law

governing the inexorable development of

history.”

Socialism is science. There might be

twists and turns in the course of the devel-

opment of socialism, but the direction of

the development of history will not

change, and there is nothing whatsoever

that will be able to hold back humankind’s

aspiration for socialism.

Today, socialism is marching forward

triumphantly, tolling the death knell for

capitalism.

THE BREAKDOWN OF SOCIALISM IN CER-TAIN COUNTRIES towards the end of the

last century was, in fact, the failure of op-

portunism that had corrupted socialism.

The imperialists and reactionaries, howev-

er, have capitalized on this phenomenon

for a boisterous public relations campaign

to justify their allegation that socialism has

failed for good and socialism itself was a

fallacy, in a frantic attempt to coax all the

nations around the world into the embrace

of capitalism.

In the mid-1990s in particular, the U.S.-

imperialist allies left no stone unturned in

pursuit of their hysterical efforts to isolate

and stifle the Democratic People’s Republic

of Korea (DPRK), through blatant military

pressure and a further tightened economic

blockade, and by bringing the spearhead of

their offensive to bear upon the DPRK, in

their misplaced belief that the collapse of

the socialist system in the DPRK was just a

matter of time. Worse still, several consec-

utive years of natural disasters one after an-

other conspired to exacerbate the tribula-

tions, which have compelled the Korean

People’s Army and the Korean people to

undertake the unprecedented “Arduous

March” and the forced march. The socialist

system and socialist community markets

worldwide having ceased to exist, our only

105


resort was self-reliance in carrying forward

our socialist construction, with no outside

assistance available.

Notwithstanding these difficulties, the

Workers’ Party of Korea has successfully

thwarted all the imperialists’ challenges,

honorably defending and upholding and

triumphantly advancing the cause of so-

cialism.

THE DPRK TODAY has firmly raised its pro-

file as a politico-ideological power, a mili-

tary power and a power of science and

technology, and at present it is channeling

all efforts into economic construction.

Earlier this year, the Workers’ Party of

Korea initiated the 150-day campaign that

came to a victorious conclusion later, and

again called on the entire Party, the whole

country and all the people to launch anoth-

er 100-day campaign so that the flames of

a new revolutionary upsurge are flaring up

everywhere in the country, in honor of the

centennial birthday anniversary of the great

leader Comrade KIM IL SUNG in 2012

when we will definitely open the gate to a

great, powerful and prosperous socialist

Korea.

In the course of the 100-day cam-

paign, unprecedented successes are be-

ing made in economic construction in that

the national economy as a whole is on a

steady track of upturn, on the basis of the

foundation of its independent national

economy.

All this is entirely the fruition of the

leadership by the great leader Comrade

KIM JONG IL, General Secretary of the

Workers’ Party of Korea, who has steered

the Korean revolution along the victorious

course of his Songun (military-first) politics.

The Songun revolutionary leadership

and the Songun politics of the Workers’

Party of Korea are the leadership method of

revolution and the mode of socialist poli-

tics that prioritize military affairs over other

state affairs, defend the country, revolution

and socialism on the basis of the revolu-

tionary disposition and combat strength of

the Korean People’s Army, and push for-

ward the socialist construction as a whole;

and they are the all-powerful treasured

sword for a victorious revolution under the

changed world situation today.

The revolutionary practice and reality in

the DPRK have testified to the correctness

and excellence of the Songun idea and

Songun politics of the Workers’ Party of

Korea, and the great vitality of the Songun

politics is gaining in evidence with the pas-

sage of time.

Upholding the ever-victorious treas-

ured sword of socialism, based on the

Juche idea and the Songun idea, the DPRK

is performing historic miracles one after an-

other on its march of progress toward a

bright future, despite the current global

turbulence.

The Korean People’s Army and the

Korean people hold fast to their unshakable

conviction and faith about the future as well

as about the correctness of their cause of

socialism that they have chosen by them-

selves and carved out by their efforts. They

are also full of revolutionary determination

to follow through with the path of socialism

under the leadership of the great Comrade

KIM JONG IL.

106

πB - 1/2010 � workers’ party of Korea

Under the leadership of the great Com-

rade KIM JONG IL, the Workers’ Party of

Korea, the Korean People’s Army and the

Korean people will, as ever, fulfill their sa-

cred historical mission and duties in the just

struggle for independence and socialism

against imperialism.

I would like to avail myself of this op-

portunity to reiterate my heartfelt gratitude

to various Communist and Workers’ Parties

for their consistent support for and solidar-

ity with the Workers’ Party of Korea, the

Korean People’s Army and the Korean peo-

ple in their struggle for building a great,

powerful and prosperous socialist Korea

and achieving Korea’s reunification.

Thank you.

107

�


Lebanese Communist

PartyDR. MARIE-NASSIF DEBS

THE CONTRADICTIONS OF CAPITALISM OF-TEN LEAD TO LARGE AND SMALL CRISES,

which rupture and explode every now and

then, leaving in their wake economic de-

struction which is reflected, inevitably, in

the forces of production. It can even be ar-

gued that these contradictions do not ex-

plode and unravel except when the devel-

opment path of the forces of production

starts approaching and threatening the nar-

row limits of the private ownership of the

means of production. In such instances, the

bourgeoisie resorts to actions with the aim

of causing a crisis, thereby attempting to

prevent the forces of production from ef-

fecting real change.

Examination of the second half of the

twentieth century shows that several crises

unfolded during that period; perhaps the

most important of which is the crisis of

1974, which came about due to the oil

stoppage which in turn was a reaction to

the Israeli aggression on the Arab coun-

tries. The crisis of 1981 was equally impor-

tant, and lasted like its predecessor for ap-

proximately 16 months, and affected the

economies of the large capitalist countries

and adversely affected the forces of pro-

duction within these countries. In this con-

text, one must also view the crisis at the

beginning of this century (in 2002-2003)

which shook the global capitalist system

and exposed the stock exchange system of

Wall Street and the deception and lies em-

bedded within it.

All the above crises are no match to the

current structural crisis which, according to

the most optimistic experts, is predicted to

last for at least three years with more dev-

astating consequences than the crisis of

1929 and its ripple effects which eventually

led the world to World War 2.

In the Communist Manifesto, Marx and

Engels point out that the “bourgeois system

108

πB - 1/2010 � Lebanese communist party

of ownership and the modern bourgeois so-

ciety, which led to the development and

creation of magnificent means of production

and exchange, now resemble a magician

who is no longer able to control the super-

natural forces that have been unleashed.

They add, in the context of addressing the

recurring crises that threaten the existence

of the bourgeois society, “each crisis sys-

tematically destroys not only a group of

products but also a large section of the

forces of production”; – As if the society

goes back to a state of temporary barbarism.

Based on this understanding, it can be

said that the bourgeoisie has so far suc-

ceeded in transgressing beyond its small

and large crises “through the use of vio-

lence against the forces of production on

the one hand and through acquiring new

markets and focusing investment against

old markets”. This leads, according to the

Communist Manifesto, to preparing the

grounds for more universal and deeper

crises; and it also leads to a diminishing of

the tools available for avoiding such crises.

HOW DOES THE CRISIS MANIFESTS ITSELFIN OUR MODERN TIMES? Firstly, the crisis

manifests itself in a sharp manner in the pro-

duction of ownership and services; that is in

the real economy. For the coupled effect of

the stacking of products and the reduction

in markets, or in other words the significant

drop in demand as compared to supply, has

aggravated the situation which was already

worsening due to the sharp drop in the field

of loans and borrowing.

This is what happened last year in the

United States, where the collapse in the re-

al estate prices led to a severe crisis in the

building industry and destroyed the lives of

millions of workers in this sector. This is in

addition to the crisis in the automobile in-

dustry and the drop in demand for both the

supporting industries and for petroleum

products. This means an unfolding of a

chain reaction affecting all sectors of the

American and world economies accompa-

nied by an increase in unemployment levels

worldwide and a corresponding drop in the

living standards of the masses.

And so, since the end of 2008, and ac-

cording to the bulletin of the National Office

for Economic Research, the United States

and with it most exporting industrialized

countries have been suffering from a state of

severe recession. Indeed, the analysis refers

to a negative development that can contin-

ue through 2010; accompanied by a drop in

industrial production, a drop in gross do-

mestic products and an increase in unem-

ployment where the ILO predicts that more

than 2 million jobs will be lost during this

year – a number which, according to some

experts, is an underestimate of what has al-

ready taken place.

These events are taking place at a time

when large capitalist countries are witness-

ing an increase in banking concentration; as

well as significant and direct intervention

from the ruling authorities in these coun-

tries to help struggling banks. In this regard,

billions of dollars have already been wast-

ed, and even now the United States and the

European Union are examining the possibil-

ity of pumping a further 2300 billion dollars

as treasury bonds in order to finance the

public debt and maintain the profits of the

109


banking sector while not addressing the ex-

cessive salaries and bonuses of the senior

employees within this sector.

This direct intervention has led some

pseudo-leftist economists to claim and to

brag that the United States and the Euro-

pean Union are now implementing the

Marxist theory which refers to the necessity

for the intervention of the state. Even

though what Marx actually meant by inter-

vention was in the context of a process of

redistribution of wealth, albeit partial, by

taking from the bourgeoisie and giving to

the poor and struggling classes - that is by

giving to the forces of production, unlike

what is happening today.

Secondly, as for the rest of the world, in-

cluding our world which is still marching to-

wards development, the consequences of

the crisis are more painful and more severe.

These consequences are the following:

IN LARGE INDUSTRIALIZED CAPITALISTCOUNTRIES, there has been a significant

drop in the volume of imports from third

world countries; which had a very severe ef-

fect since the under-developed countries

have only raw materials to sell. Furthermore

most of the ruling authorities in these coun-

tries, particularly in the oil producing coun-

tries, especially the Arab oil producing

countries – most of these regimes are di-

rectly linked with capitalism’s interests, and

therefore the consequences of the crisis

went beyond the direct drop in exports to

include, especially in the first half of 2009, a

footing of a large part of the bill for the cri-

sis. The regimes of the oil producing Arab

countries have recently admitted that they

have contributed in excess of 800 billion

dollars (some say 1.2 trillion dollars) to stop

the downward slump in the state of the

American economy. Of course, the above

figure excludes the Republic of Iraq where

the level of theft and pillaging is unlimited.

A drop in liquidity and investment, ac-

companied by severe problems in the bank-

ing sector, and a monetary crisis since the

local currencies are considered unsafe and

since the debt of these countries is linked to

the dollar which is experiencing a reduction

in its exchange rate – or in other words wit-

nessing a diminishing of its influence. It is

these developments that have prompted

Saudi Arabia, for example, which has very

close ties to Washington, to suggest a few

days ago, and for the second time in recent

months, its determination to reduce its de-

pendence on the dollar and diversify its re-

serve currency basket to include its local

currency and other foreign currencies.

LEBANON IS NO EXCEPTION to the above

with respect to the degree of influence ex-

erted by the crisis and its detrimental con-

sequences; particularly since it has been

transformed to rely completely on imports,

including the import of agricultural and in-

dustrial products that it has now ceased

producing due to both the civil war and re-

peated Israeli aggressions as well as the na-

ture of the bourgeoisie which focuses its

presence in the pecuniary banking sector

(and the real estate sector which is a sub

sector of the banking sector). And so the

wealth of this bourgeoisie keeps increasing

astronomically due to both its lending to

the government (including foreign currency

110

πB - 1/2010 � Lebanese communist party

debt) and its external investments especial-

ly in Africa. This is particularly important

since this year the public debt has reached

50 billion dollars which makes Lebanon

amongst the countries with the highest ra-

tio of public debt with respect to GDP -

Gross National Product. Indeed, it can be

said that the large proportion of the public

debt is from the banks – both the local and

foreign banking sector, and at high interest

rates, which makes Lebanon vulnerable to

monetary and fiscal fluctuations, especially

since the Lebanese economy is directly and

completely linked to the dollar.

PROGRAM AND SOLUTION. There are more

than one billion people going hungry in our

world, which is equivalent to 1/6 of the to-

tal human population - a percentage which

is unprecedented in our human history.

At a time when foreign aid supplied by

the G8 group to the poor of the world has

not exceeded 21 billion dollars (according

to the World Food Programme – WFP); the

total sum of bonuses in the banking sector

in the United States has reached 140 billion

dollars – an increase of 23% in comparison

to 2008 figures (according to a report car-

ried out by the Wall Street Journal).

This situation has led to political conse-

quences including the radicalization of the

important changes taking place in Latin

America. It has also led to mass rallies and

protests including, as an example, the mass

rallies and protests in Iceland and Greece,

as well as protests in Russia where commu-

nists took to the streets to protest against

the economic policies of the government.

This is in addition to the resistance move-

ments, particularly the national resistance in

Palestine and Lebanon.

Currently American Imperialism togeth-

er with the European Union and Israel (in

our region and in Africa and Latin America)

are trying to go on the offensive in Asia by

trying to control oil and gas supply routes

and to maintain and strengthen their con-

trol over countries where these are pro-

duced. American Imperialism is also trying

in Latin America to stifle and strangle the

promising avant-garde movement of the

UNA SUR (Union of Countries of the South)

at times by military coups and at other times

by resorting to an intensification of military

bases. Against this background, our parties

should develop a program of work and a

staged plan with the aim of overcoming

capitalism and going beyond it.

For the solution lies in going beyond

capitalism and setting course towards so-

cialism yet again, while taking into account

all the factors which led to the failure of the

past attempt through comprehensive eval-

uations of it.

As for the current stages of our plan, it is

our opinion that our gathering must focus

now on ridding the world of neo-liberalism,

through focusing on the following:

� Intensifying the struggle to eliminate in-

direct taxes and focusing instead on tax-

ing wealth.

� Defending, maintaining and developing

the public sector, and resisting ongoing

privatization attempts. This should be

accompanied by tangible plans within

each country to re-launch the process of

production and organize the forces of

111


production in trade unions according to

the various professions.

� Intensifying the struggle for correcting

the wages of the workers and maintain-

ing the purchasing power of these

wages; for putting an end to mass lay-

offs; and for fighting the trend of cutting

down on social benefits.

� Intensifying the struggle towards a reor-

ganization of social welfare which pro-

vides social and medical benefits to the

workers and the poor; in addition to fo-

cusing and calling for an improvement

in public education.

� Intensifying the struggle for the redistri-

bution of the excessive wealth owned

by less than 1% of the population of the

world; in order to combat hunger and

achieve the social goals of the working

classes through a redistribution of the

main part of the value of production.

Our movement should go on the offen-

sive, not only within each country individu-

ally, but also by giving due importance to

going on the offensive on the international

level by moving from the particular condi-

tions within each country to the general so-

lution which unites us.

112

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Luxembourg

Communist Party of

LuxembourgALI RUCKERT

FOR THE FIRST TIME FOR DECADES the to-

tal number of employees in Luxembourg

has been reduced in 2009, and the official

unemployment rate has been growing up

to 7.1 per cent. Many industrial plants have

introduced short-time work, the number of

bankruptcies is growing and the capitalists

are systematically trying to reduce starting

wages, to impede salary increases, and to

reverse any kind of social achievements

generations of workers had fought for.

The Luxembourg government has

been delaying since 2006 the automatic

adaptation of wages and salaries to prices,

and it continues its policy of re-distribu-

tion from the bottom up. Spending capac-

ity is going down, and already 14 per cent

of the population is living under the risk of

poverty. The public debt will increase up

to 19.8 per cent of the GNP by the end of

2010, and the workers’ chamber, an organ

of so-called workers’ participation, has

found out that the ratio of wages within

the surplus value has been decreasing for

several years.

There is no doubt: The workers are

about to pay for the crisis they are not re-

sponsible for.

Despite those facts at the parliamentary

election on June 7 this year we witnessed

that those political parties who are in favour

of capitalism, that those politicians who

have supported the neo-liberal concepts

during the last years and implemented

them in our country, have again gained

more than 95 per cent of the votes.

The Communist Party of Luxembourg,

which for the first time after 15 years was

running its own candidates in each and

every district of the country, could increase

its votes by 35 percent up to a final result of

1.5 per cent, but this was unfortunately not

sufficient to gain a seat in the national par-

liament.

113


Those political parties, who are support-

ers of the capitalist system did not become

weaker, and the coalition of the Christian-

Social Peoples’ Party and the Social-Demo-

cratic Party will continue to rule the country

for another five years. The reason for that,

among others, is that the government had

saved the two biggest banks with billions of

Euros, and in this way it had also saved sev-

eral thousand jobs. The government distrib-

uted some financial gifts to the voters just

weeks before the election, and adopted

public investments to support small and

middle size enterprises. Those measures

leading to a cutting of social rights, health

insurance and pensions have been delayed

for the post-election period.

Despite all its negative effects the capi-

talist crisis did not reach the majority of the

working people yet, and still many people

think that the crisis will not be as bad as ex-

pected. They see their jobs in danger, but

they hope the crisis is passing by, they are

ducking their heads and accept the simple

solutions of right wing populists, that

means they blame foreigners and working

immigrants for their situation, for the fact

that they have lost their working place and

have now to live under the risk of poverty.

But there are also long term effects we

should not underestimate.

First of all the political consciousness of

the working class is much lower today then

it was during the last decades – even if

some of the workers are changing their re-

lation towards the capitalist system and

start to think differently. Nevertheless in the

view of the big majority of working people

capitalism is still offering a sufficiently com-

fortable material basis, so that they do not

see any reason to seek another economic

order.

As communists we have to offer them a

realistic alternative concept. This is urgent-

ly needed so that the majority of the work-

ing class that is objectively interested in

abolishing capitalism find it attractive to

vote for a communist alternative and to ac-

tively work for a real change.

THE DEFEAT OF THE SOCIALIST SYSTEM,which was of strategic importance and

brought big losses to each and every com-

munist party and to the entire communist

movement, has still very serious effects on

the European continent. Anti-Communist

brainwashing is omnipresent, not only in

the propaganda campaigns we are witness-

ing during recent weeks in the context of

the anniversary of the so-called “fall of the

Berlin wall”, but also in the existing social

structures, in schools and in the bourgeois

mass media.

Despite the fact that several of our par-

ties are already active in this direction – up

to now we are urgently missing a basic

common analysis by the communist move-

ment on the reasons for the defeat of social-

ism, an evaluation of its experiences and

achievements, but also of its weaknesses

and deficiencies, as well as an analysis of

the contradictions that appeared during the

construction of the socialist society, that

was to replace capitalism. We think that af-

ter 20 years we have to strengthen our

common efforts in this direction.

We do urgently need such a concept,

when we want to meet the global chal-

114

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Luxembourg

lenges, when the capitalist crisis will be

deepening in the forthcoming years and the

search for alternatives will be growing.

Because it will be the most important

precondition on our way to find a common

view on the criteria and the character of a

socialist alternative, on the development of

productive forces and of the market under

socialist conditions, on a different regula-

tion of the economy, on effective socialist

planning, on forms of social property, on

the construction of institutional and juridical

mechanisms for exercising power, as well

as on the safeguarding of decision making

by the working class in the economy and

the society.

In the process of working out this con-

cept, we have to respect national peculiari-

ties as well as the existence of different

states of development in different coun-

tries.

The precondition for all this will be that

all communist and workers’ parties which

adhere to the unique theory of Marx, Engels

and Lenin, to proletarian internationalism

and to the goal of a socialist society see the

necessity of a global and structural form of

co-operation. Such a common structure has

been necessary for many years, but it will

only be possible if the communist parties

undertake concrete steps to create such a

structure of a permanent character, so that

we become able to find concrete answers to

the problems we are confronted with and to

debate on common actions.

Thank you very much for your attention.

115

�


Communist Party of

Nepal (UML)K.P. SHARMA OLI

First of all, let me greet all of you gathered

here in this 11th International meeting of

the Communist and Workers’ Parties, on be-

half of my party- The Communist Party of

Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) and my

own. I would also like to avail this opportu-

nity to appreciate the initiations and efforts

made by the Communist Party of India

(Marxist) and the Communist Party of India

for successfully organizing such an impor-

tant event in our neighboring country, India.

We are gathered here to discuss such

relevant and important subjects at such a

moment when the capitalist system is fac-

ing a severe financial crisis and is imposing

a sudden and extra burden to the common

masses and to the working people all over

the world. Due to its lower level of eco-

nomic development, Nepal is of course less

affected by the present global economic

crisis in comparison with economically de-

veloped countries. But it does not mean

that Nepal is not affected by it. Export busi-

ness, job opportunities and remittance - ar-

eas such as these are deeply affected by the

global recession.

NOW WITHOUT ANY DELAY, we must im-

mediately educate and mobilize the people

to create a situation where they exert heavy

pressure to divert global wealth, resources

and expenditure into the struggle for social

justice, peace and environmental sustain-

ability. Instead of bailing out a handful of

big banks and companies and providing

opportunities to gather wealth unnecessar-

ily for a few people, support must be di-

verted for the betterment of the millions

and billions of the common people.

The 20th Century was a century of un-

precedented revolutions and rapid

progress. It was the century of awareness,

organization, struggle, changes and

achievements. In the field of science and

116

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Nepal (UML)

technology, transport and communication

and overall modernization, this century

witnessed and achieved the high-yield

successes in a very short time. The 20th

century was the century of National Inde-

pendence against the colonization; social-

ist and democratic revolution took place

and won victory. But unfortunately, the

century also witnessed the downfall and

dissolution of the Soviet Union and the fail-

ure of soviet-style socialism in Eastern

Europe. But, although capitalism in its ef-

forts for survival tried to learn from the past

and bring possible reforms to the capitalist

system adopting some policies borrowed

from socialism, it could not avoid the in-

evitable consequences of its unjust policies

of exploitation. It is clear that capitalism,

the system of exploitation can not be

changed through reforms and has to be de-

feated and replaced by the system of jus-

tice and equality that is socialism. Only so-

cialism can be the alternative which can re-

solve the problems that the world is facing

through improving production and pro-

ductivity and establishing a new distribu-

tion system based on social and economic

justice and equality.

The current global economic crisis is not

the result of any mistake of any individual

capitalist or company but an inevitable re-

sult of capitalism and its regime of exploita-

tion.

The issues of climate degradation and

global warming face us with alarming ur-

gency and these issues also are no doubt

the results of ruthless exploitation of hu-

mankind, but also the unjust and imbal-

anced use or consumption of natural re-

courses without care for the natural limits of

the earth and its ecosystems.

There may be different opinions among

the experts and specialists, environmental-

ists and scientists, about how long it will

take to melt the mountain icecaps, and to

leave the worlds without glaciers, but ex-

pert opinion is unanimous with regard to

the negative and frightening consequences

of these problems for the future of this plan-

et. Climate change is causing the rapid de-

sertification or semi-desertification of many

green and fertile parts of the world. To stop

this and to reverse the situation, we have to

take effective, urgent and immediate steps.

We communist and workers’ parties should

take the lead in this.

We can express and extend solidarity

to each other, but we must be clear that the

effectiveness of our support and solidarity

depends not only on our logic but mainly

on our influence and strength. The realms

in which we can implement our common

goals are basically our respective countries

and we must concentrate on educating our

people, organizing and mobilizing them in

the struggle for the cause of socialism or for

their own causes. To fulfill these purposes,

we must open up our minds, be real Marx-

ists, and learn from past mistakes and

weaknesses committed in the name of

communism, socialism or Marxism-Lenin-

ism. Marxists can not represent unscientif-

ic, irrelevant and failed ideas and methods,

but represent justice, equality, and scientif-

ic, modern, democratic and revolutionary

ideas and methods and the principles

based on social and economic justice and

equality.

117


Anti-people and reactionary forces pre-

tend to campaign in favor of human rights.

But, we Marxist and progressive peoples

are the real vanguard of human values and

dignity and in others words, the vanguard

and defenders of human rights.

NEPAL AT PRESENT is passing through an

epoch-making transformation process.

Transforming as it is, Nepal has been source

of hope and an exciting political centre for

the international community. The historical

people’s movement [of April 2006] which

brought the autocratic monarchy to its

knees, transformed the violence from which

the Nepali people had suffered for 10 years,

which was lunched in the name of “People

War” by an ultra-leftist organization, into a

peace process which is the country is still

undergoing. Successful elections to a con-

stituent assembly and the bloodless dis-

patch of the monarchy through the will of

the people are the most exciting milestones

in contemporary Nepalese history. Nepal,

which has been giving pleasure to the

world through her natural beauty and un-

equalled cultural heritage for centuries, has

for 3-4 years now been drawing the atten-

tion of the international community through

these acclaimed and astounding political

events.

The declaration of republicanism was

the first major step forward taken by the

country after the accomplishment of the

Constituent Assembly Election on Tenth

April 2008. But the political problems of

Nepal do not end there because of the seats

won by the parties in the CA Election. The

result of the election made it mandatory for

all the major political stakeholders to devel-

op an understanding on the drafting of a sci-

entific, modern and democratic new consti-

tution.

CPN (UML) is playing a very important

role ideologically and politically in this

process. With its scientific, modern, dem-

ocratic and revolutionary principles and

program of Peoples’ Multi-Party Democ-

racy based on social justice and equality

our Party is playing a responsible role,

while it is leading the Government at

present in its efforts to fulfill the complex

task of making a democratic, progressive

and consensual new constitution. UML’s

correct, clear, balanced and coordinating

role is highly respected. Similarly, the

UML’s nationalistic vision has assumed an

increasing importance at a time when

negative tendencies in the directions of

separatism, regionalism and communal-

ism are increasing.

As in the past, we are confident that in

the future the Nepali people will receive

generous support and strong solidarity

from all the parties gathered here and other

elements in the international community in

their efforts towards strengthening democ-

racy, sustainable peace and socio-econom-

ic development.

With these words, I would like to finish

off my speech here and once again thank

you for inviting us to this important meeting

and providing us with an opportunity to ex-

press our views.

With warm solidarity,

Thank you all

118

�

πB - 1/2010 � new communist party of the Netherlands

We thank you for the opportunity to share

our vision on current events. And we thank

the CPI and CPI(M) for the organisation of

this meeting.

Chairman, fellow representatives of

communist and workers’ parties,

Despite reassuring comments of eco-

nomic recovery in the bourgeois press, we

are just at the first stage of a severe capital-

ist crisis. The consequences for the masses

in terms of unemployment and impoverish-

ment are growing day by day. Those re-

sponsible for the crisis are still in control of

power in the countries affected by it. They

are neither willing nor able to change the

neo-liberal economic policies that are part-

ly responsible for this crisis. This capitalist

economic social and political system has

nothing more to offer humanity than a fur-

ther breakdown of the living standards of

the masses and enrichment of the few.

THE RULING CLASS, their ideologists and

‘scientists’ have succeeded in presenting

society in the countries they dominate as an

area for the pursuit of profit by separate in-

dividualised members of that society. The

idea that just a few, and especially the ones

who are already rich, gain profit in this kind

of society is growing within sections of the

labour movement. But a lot of workers in

the Netherlands are still able to make ends

meet and even indulge themselves some-

times in the fine things of life like visits to

concert-festivals, theatres, museums, vaca-

tions abroad and so on. Escape into the

world of virtual reality is also an increasing

phenomenon. A great part of the working

class is orientated at continuing this quality

of life and is less interested in the processes

behind it. These aspirations find their ex-

pression in support for conservative, na-

tionalist political movements that mobilise

the fear of change against Islamic migrants

New Communist Party of the

NetherlandsWILLIAM F. van KRANENBURG

119


and promote protectionist measures, there-

by leading the popular masses away from

opposing the demolition of collective serv-

ices in society put in place through the ini-

tiative and struggle of the working class

movements. Continuation of the phasing

out of workers’ rights is still high on the po-

litical agenda in the EU, despite the fact that

friend and foe must admit that the remains

of the social welfare systems in Europe have

softened the effect of the crisis so far com-

pared with the US.

Further developments which will affect

working people will be the abolition of so-

cial services and the erosion of social acqui-

sitions, growing attacks on job security and,

due to competition for jobs, a decline in in-

come. The possibility of being confronted

by severe armed conflict will increase for

the peoples of the world as it gets becomes

clearer that capital is no longer able to or-

ganise society as a whole, and indeed can

only de-stabilise it. These developments

will have an effect on the consciousness of

workers and could increase the level of so-

cial criticism. It is our task to put the only al-

ternative, a socialist organisation of society,

forward into the public debate.

At the moment in the Netherlands the

unions are rallying against our govern-

ment’s attack on pension regulations

THE DUTCH PENSION SYSTEM consists of

three pillars: a state pension which provides

a basic income for everyone older than 65,

collective pension plans by companies, and

an extra individual income on the basis of a

private pension insurance or life insurance

for those who can afford it.

To understand the current develop-

ments one must bear in mind that all pro-

gressive pension regulations are the result

of class struggle and historically, social im-

provements have only taken place when

capital was under pressure and gave in a lit-

tle in order to regain social peace.

The changes that are underway in

Europe, and that are the product of the

neo-liberal policy of the ruling class, show

two characteristics; firstly, we are moving

from a system that more or less offers

some kind of assurance to a system that

only provides against the worse cases of

poverty and, secondly, we are moving

from from a welfare-system based on the

last wages earned by a worker to one that

is based on what kind of individual insur-

ance the worker has organized and paid by

him- or herself.

Solidarity within the current pension-

regulation struggle has two faces; first we

want to create collective care for those who

need it, second we struggle to create soli-

darity between the generations. That soli-

darity is constantly under attack by law re-

forms combined with ideological cam-

paigns in the capitalist media. They are try-

ing to change from a system of solidarity

based on collective rules to a system where

only the empowerment of the individual

counts and a total individual responsibility

is the only measure.

The attack is aimed at the age of retire-

ment: the capitalist forces want to lift it from

65 to 67, (on the Dutch Antilles from 60 to

65). The debate for a lowering of the retire-

ment age to make it easier for the youth to

find a job is not even mentioned.

120

πB - 1/2010 � new communist party of the Netherlands

It is necessary for progressive forces to

strengthen the position of the working class

in the class struggle. The fight for maintain-

ing and improving progressive and collec-

tive pension regulations is a part of this. We

see the struggle about the retirement age as

a way of increasing the social consciousness

about what is a just employment system

and in that sense as a step in improving the

conditions for the struggle for socialism in

the Netherlands.

This political work is not detached from

our work in the European political context

and our perspective of a socialist Europe.

Nor do we see this work as outside our work

in the international cooperation of commu-

nist and workers parties. International co-

operation and the exchange of information,

knowledge and experience are essential for

a rapid progress towards a future of justice

and peace.

THE NCPN is a small party, but within the

Netherlands it is the only party striving for

socialism as the only social-economic sys-

tem after capitalism that can sustain and de-

velop mankind. The party is based on Marx-

ism-Leninism, staying loyal to the princi-

ples of historical and dialectical material-

ism, scientific socialism as discovered by

Marx and Engels, supplemented and tested

by Lenin and further enriched by the experi-

ence of others throughout history. We have

the instruments at hand to understand and

influence the development of mankind. We

seek to look beyond everyday events and

seek the means to lead us towards a social-

ist future. We see the process towards so-

cialism as a series of concrete political ac-

tions, learning by doing from trial and error,

putting up the best experiences as a model

for further action, by fighting for and de-

fending progressive reforms. We try to

learn from negative experiences in the

USSR and Eastern Europe but we also de-

fend the positive experiences in the con-

struction of socialism in those countries

against forgeries of history and anticommu-

nism. We see the socialist revolution as the

only way to ensure real social change. To

have a positive effect on the development

of society, understanding that develop-

ment and the changes within it, is essential

to know what the right action is. Recognis-

ing the next step in the direction of social-

ism is the most difficult part of our politics.

Despite the above-mentioned focus of

our party on the pension issue, we still con-

tinue our other activities as well.

Our government is first in line when it

comes to the support of the imperialist wars

in Afghanistan and Iraq and active in the de-

fence of the interests of Dutch multination-

als like Shell on the African continent at the

cost of the local populations.

The strategic position of the Dutch An-

tilles makes our country an important part-

ner in the US strategy in Latin America as

imperialism attempts to impose its will on

developments there. Under the pretext of

the war on drugs the USA has a basis on the

island Curacao and a maritime treaty to se-

cure the waters around it. I need not tell you

this island is a neighbour of Venezuela.

We support the national struggle for

peace and the call for the withdrawal of

Dutch troops to within the borders of our

nation. We as a communist party make a

121


call for just and peaceful relations with the

underdeveloped nations on the basis of

mutual progress and struggle in solidarity

with Cuba. We demand respect for the right

of nations to choose their own path as long

as that does not oppress other people in

their development.

It is becoming more and more clear that

continuation on the road of maximizing

profits is no less than collective suicide.

Long live Marxism-Leninism.

Long live Socialism

Thank you for your attention.

122

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Norway

CommunistParty of Norway

SVEND HAAKON JACOBSEN

Many thanks to Communist Party of India

(Marxist) and Communist Party of India for

hosting this 11th International meeting,

first meeting in the Asian hemisphere, and

in the Global Capitalist crises, this is in good

accordance with the importance of the de-

velopment in your hemisphere.

The military coup in Honduras shows

that USA is trying every mean in this new

situation, to destabilize the left govern-

ments in Latin America to control energy

resources and economic development. The

7 new US military bases in Columbia shows

clearly their intensions.

THE CAPITALIST CRISES ARE INTRINSICSYSTEM CRISIS. This last big overproduc-

tion crises started already about 40 years

ago, when the banks developed big loans

to finance the increased production. By the

end of the 1980s the financial sector in the

OECD countries was bigger in the GDP than

goods production. For the big financial cap-

ital the profit margins in the financial sector

proved to be much better than in industrial

investments. In addition to the regulated, a

huge totally unregulated international fi-

nancial market developed with derivatives

amounting to 30 times the GDPs of the

whole world. When the trust in the financial

system disappeared, the whole system

broke down. In the imperialist countries the

governments gave billions of dollars to the

banks to hinder bankruptcy The tax money

paid by the workers for welfare purposes

was redistributed by the state to big finance

capital. This saved finance capital, but did

not create new jobs.

The reason for the capitalist crises is the

drastic fall in demand, as the population

have less money to spend. In the US now

according to New York Post the real unem-

ployment has risen to an all high of 17 %. A

lot of US workers have till now only paid a

123


low rent on their house loans. From 2010 to

2011 most of them have to start to pay

down their mortgage in addition. Many

more people are unemployed, and many

have drastic lowered income. In this situa-

tion the international capitalist crises will for

sure deepen.

USA’s strength lies in their military ca-

pacity. Therefore they will use this tool to

get control of energy resources, and try to

dictate their capitalist terms to weaker de-

veloping countries. But even if these wars

are expensive, they are not of a magnitude

that will solve the capitalist economic crises

of today. Therefore the financial oligarch

elite in the US must sort to fascism and

racism to suppress and divide their crises-

stricken working class, to hinder organized

class fight for social change. Under the um-

brella of ”fight against terror” laws reducing

citizens rights have been implemented, and

two fully equipped army brigades are de-

cided withdrawn from Iraq to deal with civ-

il unrest and demonstrations. In the US

many signals imply that the ruling financial

oligarchy class is prepared to install military

dictatorship to secure their interests.

NORWAY, OUR SMALL COUNTRY IN THEHIGH NORTH is rich because of its oil and

gas resources, lots of clean turbine electric

energy from a lot of waterfalls, and a long

coast which till now have been rich on fish

resources. Big finance capital in Norway

have been gambling high in the interna-

tional unregulated finance market, and lost

a lot in the crises. The ”red-green” Social

democratic government in Norway pur-

sued the same policies as in the other west-

ern imperialist countries. Equivalent to 100

billion US dollars from the workers paid tax

money was redistributed to the big finan-

cial institutions, which helped the owners

save their money. Only equivalent to 4 bil-

lion US dollars was given to the communi-

ty service to keep up demands for building

services on a small scale. Many carpenters

and industry workers are now unem-

ployed. The unemployment figure is about

100.000, or about 4 %, in a population of

4,7 million. The politicians say the crises

are not so bad, and will be over by next

year. The statistical department try to show

nice figures, but are arrested by officials

from offshore and export industries, many

who are out of orders by the end of this

year. Norways relative low unemployment

rate of 4 % in comparison to the higher than

10% average of the western EU countries

and 17 % in the US is due to our large state

and community sector, which are not di-

rectly stricken by the capitalist crises, and

therefore keeps up a relatively high de-

mand for goods in society.

THE COMMUNIST PARTIES IN THE NORTH-ERN REGION HAVE CLOSE AND REGULARCOOPERATION. Communist Party of Swe-

den, Communist Party in Denmark, Com-

munist Party of Denmark and Communist

Party of Norway organize common Summer

camp between us every summer. We also

organize Kalott – meeting in the high north

where also the Finnish Communist Parties

and the Communist Parties of Russia partic-

ipate. Last year the meeting was in Alta Ci-

ty of Finnmark in Northern Norway. Next

summer of 2010 we hope to be invited by

124

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Norway

Communist Party of the Russian Federation

in Murmansk for the Kalott-meeting.

We have no regular cooperation with

former maoist parties in our region.

Such parties call themselves “Commu-

nist” in Sweden and Denmark, and “Red”

Party in Norway. These parties have been

fighting the Communist Parties, they have

acted anti-Communist and anti-Sovjetic,

and their practice were based not on coop-

eration, but on political confrontation and

coups, getting majority votes in meetings

and take control. In Norway they have co-

operated with the police on illegal political

espionage on the Communist Party of Nor-

way since 1972 on. In 2007 or 2008 a polit-

ical journalist of Red Party’s Newspaper

travelled to India helping the Maoists in In-

dia attacking one of the ruling Communist

Parties in India in a difficult situation.

Another journalist from the same party and

newspaper travelled under cover as

”tourist” to Cuba, to support ”Ladies in

white”, the US organized wives of jailed

Cubans imprisoned for being paid agents

from the US Interest Section in Havana.

We know that this time the Swedish for-

mer Maoist Party is seeking to become

member of our international meeting. If

their case is presented on the agenda, we

ask you to vote no to take this party to be

member of our International Meeting of

Communist and Workers Parties, both be-

cause of these parties political and organi-

zational practice and their lack of proletari-

an comradeship and cooperation.

Thank you for your patience.

125

�


Communist Party of

PakistanIMDAD QAZI

INTERNATIONAL CAPITALIST CRISIS. Last

international meeting’s analysis of crisis of

capitalism has been proved hundred per-

cent correct. The crisis is not only continu-

ing but is increasing in intensity. World

Bank and international monetary fund have

predicated increase in its depth and diver-

sity. This expanding crisis has resulted in

increase of unemployment and intolerable

hike of prices in all the developed centers

of capitalism particularly United State of

America. This increase has engulfed devel-

oping countries as well. Cost of living has

increased by minimum 20 per cent during

last one year. More than 2 Billion people

are living below poverty line and majority

of them go to sleep without taking any

food.

Capitalism has been trying to wriggle

out of crisis without any change in its sys-

tem of exploitation. It is banking upon flight

of capital from markets of developing coun-

tries and capturing of world energy re-

sources. Capitalist world, under the leader-

ship of USA, has adopted the path of creat-

ing war hysteria for attaining its objectives.

In this way world has entered into an unde-

clared world war having its center in Asia.

War adventure has been continuing in Iraq

and Afghanistan. Different strategies are

being adopted to control the oil and Gas

reservoirs of Central Asia.

THE WAR HYSTERIA has been created to

stop movements for social changes becom-

ing stronger, in capitalist centers. Religious

fundamentalism and theories of civilisa-

tion’s clash are being utilised as tools for

the purpose. Non existing villains and so

called heroes are being created to play with

the people sentiments so that war atmos-

phere may be continued. World electronic

and print media has played the required

role of producing conducive environment,

126

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Pakistan

for the campaign. Common man has been

forced to think only about danger to its ex-

istence through this propaganda campaign.

He has no time at this disposal to think on

problems of life. Our country, Pakistan is al-

so passing through this situation. Everyone

is in the grip of fear from religious fanatics

created by USA and its allied during cold

war era. The militant wings of these funda-

mentalist forces have succeeded in intimi-

dating the society to a very large extent.

The so called war against terror, started by

US imperialism has destabilised the entire

region. No Pakistani Town or city is safe.

Suicide bombings, claiming hundreds of

lives, are daily routine now. This situation is

being exploited, in capitalist centers, to

gain support for continuation of war, as end

of war is not in their interest.

“The workers and people’s struggle”

WAR INDUSTRY has been flourishing as a

result of above situation. Developing coun-

tries have also been tempted to join the arm

race. Working class fined it in a situation

where it has to fight for its survival only.

Wage reduction and retrenchments from

employments are the immediate dangers

for them. They have to go one step back-

ward and are not in a position to demand in-

crease in remuneration and facilities. Trade

Unions are trying to satisfy their members

by promising safeguarding the rights of

workers who are lucky enough to escape fir-

ing from jobs. Workers are being persuaded

by their leaders to accept decreased facili-

ties both in quantity and quality. Employ-

ment through contractors has become a

common feature both in public and private

sectors. Laws for minimum wages are not

being implemented. People have to retreat

even from demands of social security and

democratic rights. In a country like Pakistan

people have fallen prey to the propaganda

that US interference, its military bases and

private armies are their protectors. Anti-im-

perialist struggle, in this way, has suffered a

setback. People of developed capitalist

countries, instead of raising voice against

increasing war expenditure, become victim

of war phobia. This is the reason why—lib-

eral and social democrats have increasing

their vote banks in most European countries

and communists have lost some ground.

THE ALTERNATIVE AND ROLE of Commu-

nists and working class movement. Intensi-

fying movements for establishments of

peace and socialist societies as an alterna-

tive of war and ills of capitalism is the need

of hour. Comrade Lenin had not proposed

reforms in capitalist system during world

wars to counter the imperialist campaign of

capturing and redistribution of economic

markets. He had, rather, given the alterna-

tive of socialism to attain the objectives of

peace and ending the war. Today also,

workers and communist parties should

struggles on the basis of this alternative

program. Parties of Latin America have suc-

ceeded in mobilising people on the basis of

this alternative. They deserve full apprecia-

tion for this remarkable feat. We are confi-

dent that the communist and worker parties

of the region will be successful in reaching

their ultimate goal.

We have to take repeated guidance

from Marxism and Leninism while strug-

127


gling on these lines. We have to make roots

among masses by raising their issues. We

must adopt revolutionary stances instead of

following populist lines. Our parties have to

organise people on cadre basis. People’s

revolts can only be organised by cadre par-

ties. Peoples could be lead towards peo-

ple’s revolutions through these revolution-

ary movements. World will continue to re-

main victim of barbarism until a socialist

revolution or revolutionary changes are

brought in this direction.

Long live Marxism Leninism

Long live socialist Alternative

Long live communist and workers parties

international unity

128

�

πB - 1/2010 � Portuguese communist party

Portuguese Communist

Party

On behalf of the Portuguese Communist

Party, I want to thank the Communist Party

of India (Marxist) and the Communist Party

of India for the fraternal hospitality with

which you are receiving us here in New

Delhi and to commend you for the condi-

tions you’ve created to hold this 11th Inter-

national Meeting of Communist and Work-

ers Parties.

It is valuable that this Meeting is held,

for the first time, in the Asian continent and

carries onward a path that has included

Europe, Latin America, the Middle East

(with the recent extraordinary meeting in

Damascus), and now Asia. We hope, that in

a very near future, we may meet on the

African continent.

IN SAO PAULO, in our 10th International

Meeting, we identified the profound caus-

es, the systemic and structural character of

the crisis, its dangers, and the alternative –

Socialism. One year later, reality demon-

strates the accuracy of our analysis when

we affirmed that the crisis could result in at-

tempts by the system to escape its confines

by running forward. The crisis is very far

from over, the dangers and threats are very

visible as is the potential for the develop-

ment of our struggle. The situation de-

mands the definition of guidelines of strug-

gle and we will concentrate our contribu-

tion on this issue.

Along with the criminal and millionaire

bailouts to financial capital, workers and the

people are now faced with a new wave of

generalized exploitation and impoverish-

ment, of privatization and of concentration

of capital. Therefore, we think that the so-

cial and mass struggle, the growing con-

sciousness of workers towards a class per-

spective of the present causes of the eco-

nomic and social crisis, the political and

ideological struggle against the attempts to

~

ANGELO ALVES

<

129


place upon the usual victims the burden of

the effects of the economic and financial cri-

sis, is fundamental to further engage the

working masses in the general struggle for

a rupture with the present socio-economic

and political system. In this context, we

think it is necessary to continue to give cen-

tral attention to the reinforcement of the

class-oriented trade union movement,

fighting existing tendencies to dilute the

workers movement into a supranational, re-

formist, bureaucratic trade unionism that

often supports the capitalist machine of ex-

ploitation. Alongside with the necessary

exchange of our experiences on how we or-

ganize ourselves among workers, we think

that the subject of the trade union move-

ment should be further discussed in our

meetings and in our movement.

As we alerted, the development of the

crisis has aggravated the repressive face of

the system and its criminal and belligerent

character. In new clothing, we witness the

development of militarism; the opening of

new fronts of the imperialist war; the

strengthening of political-military blocks,

like NATO; the accelerated consolidation

and militarization of imperialist blocks such

as the European Union and renovated at-

tempts to engage regional powers in the re-

vitalization or strengthening of military-

strategic alliances, be it in Africa, in the ter-

ritories of the ex-Soviet Union, in Latin

America or here in Asia. In this context, we

think that the struggle for peace, against

imperialist war, for solidarity with the peo-

ple resisting imperialist occupation and ag-

gression, against NATO – whose next sum-

mit will be held in Portugal, against the mil-

itarization of the European Union and

against new strategic military agreements

with imperialism, are in our opinion also

fundamental guidelines of the struggle of

our movement. As a result, we must pursue

our work of strengthening the peace and

anti-imperialist movement both at national

and international levels.

FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY are threat-

ened by an authentic institutional, military

and media war of the ruling class, seeking,

on one hand, the rehabilitation of the dom-

inant ideology – of which the Obama ad-

ministration is an outstanding example –

and, on the other, the political persecution

of forces and even countries that resist cap-

italist exploitation and oppression, namely

those which clearly proclaim the objective

of Socialism. In this framework, the struggle

against anti-communism, against the op-

portunistic rewriting of history, against the

rehabilitation of fascism and for the affirma-

tion of the values and ideals of socialism,

seem to us a fundamental task of the strug-

gle of our movement. Actions such as the

better circulation of information; exchange

of experiences of communication with the

masses, actions of solidarity among our

struggles, common initiatives to promote

the many common Socialist principles that

unite us and common actions of solidarity

with the peoples in struggle are some of the

central lines of action that we could devel-

op together with the aim of strengthening

the social struggle. This work must take

place together with another central task of

our time, which is for us of utmost impor-

tance and crucial: to strengthen the Com-

130

πB - 1/2010 � Portuguese communist party

munist Party, its ties to the masses; develop

its organization and political and ideologi-

cal intervention; affirm its communist iden-

tity, its autonomy and its patriotic and inter-

nationalist nature.

These factors, together with our unity

and solidarity, are key to the strengthening

of our movement and, therefore, for the

broadening, strengthening and consistency

of the Anti-Imperialist Front that we must

continue to develop in our role as the his-

torical builders of unity of the workers and

peoples. To say it with Lenin, today more

than ever it is necessary to continue to

“unite the forces that create the great

events”. Today, more than ever, it is neces-

sary to pay attention to the subjective factor

of the struggle, given that the objective

conditions for these upturns and great

events are becoming increasingly tangible.

ONE OF THE MAIN TOPICS of this meeting

is the crisis of capitalism. And, if we speak of

the crisis of capitalism we must speak of the

profound and growing inequalities, both

between classes and between nations. We

also need to make reference to the “other”

crises that are developing within this one –

such as the food, energy and environmental

crisis and therefore we must speak of the

predatory character of capitalism. We

should bear in mind that the deepening of

the contradictions and historical limits of

the system encompasses serious risks to

basic conditions of subsistence of peoples,

to the existence of Nation-States with its

productive structures and their sovereign-

ty, to peace, and even to the very existence

of Humanity. We are speaking of phenome-

na and tendencies that the comrades of this

region know well.

Such tendencies develop in a context of

an accelerated and complex process of re-

arrangement of forces on a global scale,

with contradictory dynamics, that, on the

one hand, contain elements of assertion of

sovereignty in opposition to the totalitarian

“new order” of imperialism and, on the

other, express the deepening of inter-im-

perialist contradictions in the context of the

crisis. In this context the so-called “devel-

oping” nations attempt to react to the im-

perialist strategy that limits their economic

and social development using old and new

instruments of domination, such as those

designed for environmental issues. In this

context these same countries are simulta-

neously involved, in most varied forms, in

the imperialist strategy of exporting to the

periphery the costs of the system’s crisis

and of reforming the system so as to accen-

tuate its exploitative, predatory and op-

pressive character. The present reality of

the WTO, the role of the G20, the evolution

of NATO and its partnership agreements

and even the contaminated discussion of

reforming the UN and its Security Council

are educating examples of the complexity

of this reality.

These are turbulent times and

processes that confirm the importance of

remaining focused on the central objec-

tives of our struggle without illusions about

the role of the mechanisms of imperialist

domination, despite the increasing contra-

dictions that pervade in it. The popular

struggle for the right to economic and social

development of the less developed coun-

131


tries; the struggle against scandalous re-

gional asymmetries; the solidarity with the

countries and peoples that defy the imperi-

alist order; the struggle against the interna-

tional institutions of capitalism; the political

and ideological struggle around global is-

sues like the environment, land, water, en-

ergy, sovereignty, must be priorities our

movement.- priorities that are only possible

to concretize if we continue to insist on the

deepening of the class struggle in each of

our countries and in the struggle for the

revolutionary overthrow of capitalism.

It is in this context of uncertainty, of

great dangers, but also of real potential for

the development of progressive and even

revolutionary struggle – as we see in Latin

America – that in our Party we identify the

main tasks and guidelines previously men-

tioned. We must improve our capacity to

interpret reality with exactitude; to have the

ability to dialectically relate the necessary

intensification of the ideological offensive

of communists, the assertion of the socialist

alternative with the daily struggle for the

resolution of the most pressing problems of

workers and peoples, for the defence of na-

tional sovereignty and of the right to devel-

opment.

Our cooperation, our points of intersec-

tion, our ability to advance in common or

convergent action, our will and ability to

develop and strength our International

Meetings, with sometimes insufficient

steps, but steady ones, assumes at this im-

portant moment for Humanity a crucial im-

portance.

If we are able to proceed in these direc-

tions, we will be able to meet the immense

challenge we are faced with: on the one

hand, to respond to the immediate tasks,

repelling the attacks of the dominant class

and steadfastly defending the historic

achievements of the workers’ movement,

and on the other hand to take advantage of

the situation so that – even if in a process

still of capitalist accumulation- we can be

the protagonists of new assaults on the

heavens and move the World towards a fu-

ture of peace, progress, justice. Towards

Socialism!

With the organization of this meeting

the two Indian Communist parties have

made an important contribution towards

these objectives, by cooperating in a no-

table example of respect, mutual under-

standing and unity which will contribute to

the affirmation, consolidation and strength-

ening of the Indian communist movement

and also to this process international of

communication that has proven to be so im-

portant to our movement.

132

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of the Russian Federation

VYACHESLAV TETEKIN

I’m very glad to be here in this unique

brotherhood of the Communists of the

World. We have here an extremely valuable

exchange of ideas and experience. It is a

great inspiration to Russian Communists.

IT IS A YEAR since the world economic cri-

sis broke out. Its nature and possible conse-

quences are still at the focus of attention.

This is a systemic crisis which makes one

doubt the prospects of American-style

global economy that predominates in the

world today. I think it would be appropriate

in this respect to share the views of the

Russian Communists.

The events of late last year and this year

have proved the validity of the classical

Marxist-Leninist thesis to the effect that

crises are an inherent and inevitable part of

capitalism. The advocates of the free market

have suddenly discovered that the existing

capitalist system would have collapsed but

for resolute state interference. We have

watched with interest the government in

the citadel of the free market, that of the

USA, doing precisely what the Communists

have been proposing all along, nationaliz-

ing key banks and major corporations.

There is a lively debate on whether the

bottom of this crisis has been reached and

whether the recovery of the economy, of

which there are some signs, will be fast or

slow. Glib pronouncements about the end

of the crisis have drowned out some candid

and honest assessments, which hold that

this is a crisis of the current speculative

model of capitalism, and that its origin is

the United States of America, the beacon of

the capitalist world.

Talk about an early end to the crisis is

called upon, among other things, to justify

the reluctance and inability of the “powers

that be” to change anything in the existing

model. While at the preparatory stage for

CommunistParty of the

Russian Federation

133


the first G20 meeting some concrete and

resolute proposals were heard, now they

have practically disappeared. And indeed,

why change anything if the broken model

could be fixed with tax payers’ money?

Although the world oligarchy has lost some

superfluous fat, it has no intention of giving

up its attempts to continue living according

to the old templates. The banks, the main-

stays of oligarchic capitalism, which have

benefited most from the anti-crisis meas-

ures, are staunchly defending corporate in-

terests. They have an iron grip on the actions

of their countries’ governments.

HOWEVER, the locomotive of speculative

capitalism has broken down. Cosmetic re-

pairs can be made, but it obviously is no

longer able to move forward at the same

speed and with the same load. Those, in-

cluding Russia, who were pinning their

hopes exclusively on “effective global capi-

talism” suffered the most. This should

prompt far-reaching conclusions.

We are convinced that the crisis of the

world economy is of a fundamental charac-

ter arising both from the contradictions of

capitalism in general (as proved by Marx)

and from the faults of the specific model of

neo-liberal capitalism. In the opinion of ma-

jor Western scholars such a fall cannot be

overcome easily or rapidly. Recovery is on-

ly possible if the governments come up

with qualitatively new methods of govern-

ing, methods whose novelty and practical

implementation match the depth of the

slump that has occurred.

It took the Americans nearly ten years to

overcome the Great Depression, and they

only did so with difficulty thanks to Roo-

sevelt’s New Deal which was based on the

left-centre economic philosophy of Keynes.

The course relied heavily on the Soviet ex-

perience of the early five-year plans in the

field of planning and social engineering. To-

day it bears repeating that notwithstanding

all the Western crises, the Soviet country

was enjoying a rapid and sustained devel-

opment using novel economic and social

methods. Ultimately it helped the world to

recover from the crisis in those years. It

helped to free the planet of the plague of

fascism.

However, no decisive changes are tak-

ing place in the consciousness and methods

of running the state and society in the West

today, and consequently, due to objective

reasons, the crisis there will deepen. The

next fall will be even more dangerous. It is

perfectly clear today that protective mecha-

nisms need to be found to prevent the de-

structive sway of globalization, that new

approaches must be found.

It cannot be denied that the crisis trig-

gered the process of active erosion of the

unjust world economic order that has exist-

ed up until now. Similarly, we see the ero-

sion of the economic and political structures

that ensured the dominance of one power

in the world arena around which the main

allies were grouped as satellites.

Serious changes may be needed in the

work of such organizations as the WTO, the

IMF, the World Bank, etc. Simultaneously

the question arises of ensuring the stability

of the political system that enabled a small

group of highly developed capitalist states

to dominate the modern world.

134

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of the Russian Federation

JUST AS I HAVE SAID the intellectual quali-

ty of our discussion is very high. One really

feels that Marxism remains the most pow-

erful instrument for the understanding of

human society. We have brilliantly analyzed

the contradictions of capitalism and con-

firmed its inevitable self-destruction. But

we must not underestimate the ability of

capitalism to adapt to changing situations.

It managed to adapt itself to the October

1917 Revolution in Russia by introducing

social security systems in Europe and the

USA to keep people away from socialism. It

succeeded in adapting itself to the collapse

of colonial empires after World War II by in-

troducing economic neocolonialism. And it

is adapting itself to the current crisis by per-

forming the unthinkable – nationalizing

banks and major corporations. The intellec-

tual stooges of capitalism are diligently

studying Marxism in order to defeat it.

Of course the adaptive power of capital-

ism won’t save it from eventual collapse. It

is a system driven by greed and we can al-

ready see how at the very first signs of re-

covery capitalists abandon their lofty inten-

tions of correcting the wrongs of current

model. They are enthusiastically blowing up

a new financial bubble similar to the one

that caused the current crisis.

In any case, it is clear that capitalism is

unlikely to automatically collapse by itself.

We must help capitalism to collapse.

Of course the unity in action and collec-

tive solidarity are extremely important. But

the most important thing is to strengthen

our respective parties and turn them into

the consolidation centers of all progressive

anti-capitalist forces.

Russian Communists are moving in pre-

cisely this direction. The capitalist mafia in

Russia composed of a criminal oligarchy

and the top state bureaucracy is perhaps the

most greedy and irresponsible in the world.

Though Russia is potentially the richest

country, this capitalist mafia has misman-

aged the economy to the point that our

country suffered the most severe impact

from the crisis.

Now people are starting to see tremen-

dous differences between the socialism

they had 20 years ago and the highly crimi-

nalized society they are offered now under

the name of capitalism. Hence there has

been a noticeable change in the political

mood. Even under conditions of terrible

electoral fraud, the Communist Party has

systematically received from 15% to 20% of

the vote in various elections. We know,

however, that our potential support is well

above this figure. And we pledge here that

we are going to intensify our work to return

socialism to Russia and restore the Soviet

Union.

Che Guevara’s famous expression reads

as follows: “Be realistic – demand the im-

possible”.

But world socialism is increasingly be-

coming possible. Let’s work for it!

135

�


South African Communist

Party CHRISTOPHER MATLHAKO

The South African Communist Party (SACP)

would like to external its fraternal greetings

to communist and workers’ parties gath-

ered at this 11th International Communist

and Workers’ Parties meeting hosted by the

Communist Parties of India – Marxist (CPI-

M) and the Communist Party of India (CPI) –

parties with whom we have had long stand-

ing fraternal relations and great admiration

for many years of glorious common strug-

gle waged on behalf of and with the work-

ing class and poor in India against British

colonialism and imperialism.

We would like to thank the Communist

Party of India – Marxist (CPI-M) and Com-

munist Party of India (CPI) for hosting and

organizing this 11th International meeting of

Communist and Workers’ Parties. The fact

that the International Meeting takes place

in this region for the first time since the re-

grouping of the international communist

movement after the fall of Berlin Wall and

disappearance of Eastern European social-

ism and the Soviet Union - is in itself a very

significant step for the international com-

munist and workers’ movement. Amongst

others, it underlines our solidarity with

peoples of the region that increasingly have

become the target of imperialist’s plans of

war-mongering, aggression and domina-

tion as aptly illustrated by the ongoing so-

called war on terror and religious funda-

mentalist in Pakistan and the subsequent

battle for geo-strategic influence and dom-

ination.

Over the last two days in this meeting,

we have analyzed and presented perspec-

tives on the nature, character and impact of

the global capitalist crisis and its implica-

tions for the working people and poor go-

ing-forward – and as such we would not

want to dilute that, nor do we desire to re-

gurgitate what has already been said. Suf-

fice it to argue that the crisis itself presents

136

πB - 1/2010 � South African communist party

us -those of us who are committed to bring-

ing about a just, equal and sustainable de-

velopment path that places at the centre

the core demands of the people and not

private profit, i.e. a socialist world order -

with even greater opportunities to elabo-

rate more concretely our alternative per-

spectives as the theme of the 11th Interna-

tional meeting of Communist and Workers’

Parties compels us to do.

The SACP has over the years, since the

early signs of the deep crisis began to sur-

face, made concrete analyzes of the crisis

and our views and perspectives are also

contained in our publications, journals and

theoretical magazines and we would like to

broach beyond the analyzes and flag what

we believe could be a basis of further con-

solidation of working class struggles to roll

back the dominance of imperialist capitalism

in particular in the region we come from,

since the consequences of the crisis are felt

much more acutely there for a variety of rea-

sons, not the least the low levels of devel-

opment and domination of these economies

by imperialists multi-national corporations.

CAPITALISM, serving as the chief engine of

the empire, has been, in its global expan-

sion outwards from the North Atlantic, a -

even the – key force in turning imperialist

dreams into reality. At the turn of the 21st

century, driving home the apparent logic of

its overweening power, capitalism’s princi-

pal beneficiaries sought to transfigure this

system, under the title of globalization, into

a commonsense fact of life and to reinforce

an unassailable form of quasi-colonialism

upon the global South much of which had

only just, within the preceding 40 or so

years, cast off the shackles of the most overt

and direct kind of colonialism.

The South African economy like much

of the African continent continues to re-

produce inequalities even post-inde-

pendence and is dominated by stubborn

colonial features, which hamper the real-

ization of the goals of incumbent former

national liberation movements.

Systemic problems of the South

African economy (huge inequalities, spa-

tial marginalization of at least half the

population and crisis-levels of unem-

ployment) persist and are even actively

reproduced in the midst of the 5% growth

experienced in the past decade.

The capitalist path in SA continues to be

dominated by features of what can be

termed colonialism of the special type

(CST). The economy is excessively export-

orientated, with this excessive orientation

dominated by primary product exports.

This particular dependent-development

path is reproduced by the domination of

the commanding heights of the economy

by the mineral-energy-finance monopoly

capitalist class. It is a domination that fur-

ther skews the economy in terms of logis-

tics and spatial policy and natural re-

sources policy, and in terms of the under-

development of the manufacturing and

small and medium-sized capital sectors.

Our CST accumulation path is also ex-

cessively import-dependent for capital

and luxury goods and contributes to-

wards the predatory role of South African

capital in our wider region. Much of the

continent, like SA itself, is a net exporter

137


of primary commodities and a net im-

porter of more expensive capital goods.

We raise these matters in the context of

the elaboration in our view and understand-

ing, of a strategic and programmatic ap-

proach this meeting needs to develop un-

der the theme ‘… workers’ and peoples’

struggles, the alternatives, alternatives

and the role of the communist and work-

ing class movement’.

The present conditions in Africa are

perhaps the greatest indictment of mod-

ern capitalism.

Consider the points made in a recent

World Bank report:

� The total income of all 48 sub-Saharan

African countries is now roughly equal

to that tiny Belgium.

� Each country on average has an income

of about $2 billion a year – roughly the

same as a small town in the West with a

population of 60 000.

� The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of

this vast continent is less than 1% of

world GDP. Social conditions have dete-

riorated since the minor gains that were

made immediately after independence

in the 1960s.

� If South Africa is excluded, there are

fewer roads in the whole of Africa than

in Poland, and there are only 5 million

telephones.

One can assume that no exaggeration

being made in these appalling statistics,

given that the World Bank has to admit to at

least some responsibility for what has hap-

pened.

As the consequences and realities of the

capitalist crisis further crystallize in the

coming months, the working class, the ru-

ral peasantry and the poor in Africa, and in

other ‘developing countries’ will be further

exposed to even more precariousness as

their quality of life is further eroded and de-

terioration of the livelihoods is experienced

all-round.

A FEW WEEKS AGO, the SACP celebrated

the 50th anniversary of the theoretical

journal – African Communist! The theo-

retical journal, it was remembered, was

named the African Communist for,

amongst others, the very reason that the

journal anticipated that it would become a

theoretical journal for all African com-

munists and therefore be the platform for

debate, exchange and discussion and agi-

tation around a Marxist-Leninist praxis and

application for the entire continent. This

challenge, the Party believes is still valid

today.

Therefore, we understand the proposal

of the 11th International Communist and

Workers Parties to host the 12th meeting in

South Africa as an honour and contribution

towards this task, which underscores the

very endeavours of the Party’s analysis of

the prospects for progressive development

on the continent.

We are indeed, deeply honoured at the

proposal and consideration to convene the

next meeting on the African continent and

perceive this to be an important statement

and expression of confidence and solidarity

with the struggles of working people and

the poor on the continent.

138

πB - 1/2010 � South African communist party

The SACP will, if you are agreeable to al-

low it to organize the 12th International

meeting of Communist and Workers’ Par-

ties, organize it as an African meeting! By

that means, we believe we would be in a

position to further contribute towards the

reaffirmation of the endeavours undertaken

by many progressives on the continent in

very difficult and precarious situations.

The 12th meeting happening on the

African continent will not only complete the

rotational targets of the meeting, but will be

an important political expression of confi-

dence and reaffirmation of the struggles of a

continent and people who have borne the

brunt of the imperialists rivalries, the rav-

ages of war stoked by the insatiable greed

of monopoly capitalists and the ‘re-colo-

nialization’, that has been characterized by

the blunting and hollowing-out of the

achievements of independence.

The SACP has discussed the matter and

is in full agreement with the proposal and

places it on record that, if you so decide – it

will be indeed a great honour to host the

12th International Communist and Workers

Parties meeting in South Africa in 2010!

As we say – Socialism is the future!

Build it now with and for the workers and

poor!

Amandla!

139

�


THE CURRENT CRISIS OF CAPITALISM is a

structural one, it increases the organic com-

position of capital in a more accelerated

way and the law of the tendency of the prof-

it rate to fall is developing steadfastly.

The privatization of the advanced tech-

nologies, a consequence of scientific and

technical development, has progressively

reduced the participation of the labour

force in the commodities production and

thus the possibility of the generation and

appropriation of surplus value by the capi-

talist.

The immediate consequence for the

working class is that capital is looking for a

cheaper labour force, the relocation of com-

panies, creating flows of working masses

towards the capitalist centres. The working

class is losing buying power, they are

forced to increase the working hours, is suf-

fering abandonment by states and the

bourgeois organizations and institutions,

unemployment rises to tragic numbers,

reaching more than 20% in some so-called

central countries, like Spain. At the same

time, capitalism is using fictitious protec-

tionism, which in a biased discourse of so-

cial protection of the workers in the central

countries, “us” before “them”, unleashes

xenophobia against immigrant workers

and, added to the institutional order, the

immigrant population does not only bear

xenophobia, but they are also victims of the

directives and laws attacking the human

being.

Capitalism is responding to the reduc-

tion in profitability in the productive field by

directing capital towards the unproductive

and speculative areas. In speculation, capi-

talism finds a higher profit in less time than

in the productive field, also increasing the

corruption which is intrinsic to capitalism,

as has been proved by many cases appear-

ing in the last months in Spain.

Communist Party of Peoples of SpainTERESA PANTOJA

140

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of peoples of Spain

Financial and speculative capital has

played the leading role in the last decades in

the process of capital accumulation. The fi-

nancialization of the capitalist economy, the

highest representative of the parasitism of

the imperialist stage, has been the basis of

the financial speculation, reducing accumu-

lation through commodities production to a

percentage that is being reduced day after

day in the world capitalist economy. Today,

production and distribution of commodities

is a minimum part of the capitalist economy.

The financial crisis is only a link in the

chain, it can not be analysed as the only fac-

tor, forgetting the historical and social fac-

tor of a way of development of the human

species.

In the framework of the capitalist crisis,

the energy crisis is a part of the speculative

processes, increasing the prices and be-

coming a burden for the economies of cen-

tral capitalism, especially those who have a

limited capacity of self supply.

The failure, at least at this moment, in

the production of biofuel, increases the ten-

dency of capital to appropriate the natural

reserves placed in Latin America, Africa,

Middle East and some parts of post-Soviet

Russia.

The logical need of capitalism to control

the natural resources develops an interna-

tional policy of military interventions, leads

to wars against Iraq and Afghanistan and

aggression against Latin American coun-

tries, who are threatened with war with the

deployment of the 4th Fleet, the installation

of US bases in Colombia or the coup in Hon-

duras, and the “non-mediatic” wars in the

African continent.

The state of permanent war helps arms

development, forcing other countries to

have an effective need for the final product

and passing the unproductive cost of war to

other nations.

In this picture, capitalism has no other

possibility than making war an essential

tool to sustain the process of capital accu-

mulation.

IN EUROPE, THE LISBON TREATY under-

pins the military aspect with the obligation

of the member states to increase military

expenditure and the acknowledgement of

the idea of preventive war.

The food crisis affects more than 1.000

million people who already suffer from ex-

treme famine.

The destruction of productive capacity

by the capitalism of the central countries

puts the harvests in a market out of control

where the production of food does not re-

spond to the need of supply, but to the dic-

tates of capital. Capital, in its speculative

logic, makes the price of food swing, thus

affecting the population that is economical-

ly weaker. It is possible today to solve the

problem of famine in the world. The tech-

nologies of agricultural and farming pro-

duction allow the production of food for the

whole of mankind.

The mass-media of capitalism accom-

plish their role perfectly, being the ideologi-

cal apparatus of the bourgeoisie. Their frag-

menting analysis of reality satisfies the goal

of lulling the working class to sleep, prepar-

ing the acceptance of the consequences of a

capitalist practice under the slogan of terror

against any protest or activity of the op-

141


pressed class. The psychology of terror is

promoted so fear is the main constant ele-

ment in the life of the peoples. They create

and improve the repressive instruments that

are coordinated at all possible levels, and

complete the picture with the criminaliza-

tion of the revolutionary options, the elimi-

nation of protests. In the face of this, capital-

ism proposes “political and social consen-

sus” for overcoming the crisis, transmitting

the idea that this is the only possible choice.

There is no place for intermediate solu-

tions, there are no reforms that could elimi-

nate capital, the socialization of capitalism

is the proposal of political opportunism, the

social unity so much defended from social-

democratic positions is hiding the goal of

saving the economic order of capital, even

though the cost is to increase social in-

equality and exploitation. Socialism is the

alternative for mankind, it is time to over-

come doubts about the arrival of socialism,

we must advance to the organizational

stage of struggle that has to promote the

process as a real option.

The Communist Party of the Peoples of

Spain proposes the elaboration of the tacti-

cal stages of this period, which have to be

realised in a potent process of the accumu-

lation of forces:

� The advancement and consolidation of

the coordination for the international

communist movement, with a common

programme. Creation of a working com-

mittee with the task of advancing in this

field.

� Promoting the creation of the World An-

ti-imperialist Front as an alliance of all

the revolutionary and progressive

forces, with a minimum programme.

While these general coordinations –

communist and anti-imperialist - advance

and come to reality, let us promote unity of

actions in some concrete issues in face of

the attacks of the imperialist system, the ac-

tions could be regional or worldwide.

Some examples:

� Actions against the famines of 1.000

million people.

� Actions against war in Afghanistan.

� World Day in solidarity with Palestine

and other peoples in struggle.

� World action against the destruction of

the Amazon.

142

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Sweden

Communist Party of Sweden

PETER COHEN

THE CONTINUING CRISIS AND THE AD-VANCE OF THE NEW FASCISM. The socio-

economic crisis that supposedly began

with the financial meltdown in 2008 contin-

ues to intensify. Last year we pointed out

that the crisis is rooted in the exploitation of

the working class, and has been intensify-

ing over the past 45 years.

We also pointed out that one of the

main characteristics of Fascism is an intensi-

fied and widespread integration of the

State with monopoly capital, often in the

form of joint committees that make vital

decisions and formulate strategy. This has

been dramatically demonstrated by the

enormous program for the purported res-

cue of banks, brokerage firms, insurance

companies and other financial institutions,

through cash injections and guarantees

from the public treasury.

In the US alone, more than 23 trillion

dollars has been committed to the financial

sector. In Sweden, the government recent-

ly confirmed that its commitment amounts

to half the country’s Gross Domestic Prod-

uct, and that no time limit is in sight.

Among other things, the commitment is

being used to save two large Swedish

banks that since the mid-1990s have dom-

inated the economies of the Baltic coun-

tries, where they have generated huge

speculative bubbles.

The Swedish government has not an-

nounced a similar commitment for securing

pensions, unemployment compensation,

sickness benefits or health-care facilities.

In a capitalist society, a provider of cru-

cial financial aid normally demands at least

majority ownership or control in the com-

pany being rescued. But in virtually all cas-

es where State funds have been or are be-

ing injected into privately owned institu-

tions, the government has abstained from

assuming the role of owner. Private proper-

143


ty is indeed sacred. The State and monop-

oly finance capital are now entwined like

two snakes in the act of copulation - in full

view of the public.

Occasional complaints arise about the

banks being rewarded for irresponsible

speculative activities. The standard re-

sponse is a solemn assurance that regulato-

ry action is being studied, and new rules will

be established to avoid another unforeseen

financial earthquake. Meanwhile, everyone

should lean back and relax, because the

State’s strenuous exertions have restored

the financial sector to health and vigor, and

the capitalist system has once again shown

its amazing ability to recover from a crisis.

Repeated insistence on the strength and

flexibility of the capitalist system is a major

weapon in the ideological arsenal of the

bourgeoisie. It is the obverse of the equally

repeated insistence that the socialist econ-

omy in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe

was a failure, and collapsed of its own

weight.

Signs of recovery are said to include

stock-market rallies in many OECD coun-

tries. In reality, this is simply another spec-

ulative bubble that will burst in the not-too-

distant future. It mirrors the pattern after the

stock-market crash in 1929, when a col-

lapse in prices was followed by an upswing

that lasted about a year before the market

collapsed again in 1930. In general, share

prices did not return to 1929 levels until the

early 1950s.

Small monthly increases in Gross Do-

mestic Product have been greeted with

cries of enthusiasm and relief. When the

German GDP showed a monthly rise of

0.3% during the summer, the mass media

announced that the so-called recession was

finally over.

SIGNS THAT ALL IS NOT WELL. The treat-

ment of the crisis in the mass media has the

objective function of obscuring its true na-

ture in several ways. It is explicitly assumed

that the health of the financial sector is a

measure of the health of the economy. In ef-

fect, a schizophrenic virtual world has been

created that consists of two economies –

one is finance, the other is the production of

goods and non-financial services.

For example, about six weeks ago one

of Sweden’s leading dailies printed two ar-

ticles side-by-side. The headline on one

was “Central bank chief is cautiously opti-

mistic”. The other headline announced that

400 employees had just been fired by the

management of the Swedish Agricultural

Federation. No indication was given as to

the degree of optimism among the newly

unemployed.

The contradiction between the so-called

recovery and the dysfunctional real econo-

my is difficult to ignore, even for bourgeois

propagandists. In the summer of this year,

an ingenious argument was devised to ex-

plain the discrepancy. The term “jobless re-

covery” was coined to explain that the cre-

ation of new employment opportunities

normally lags behind economic recovery.

The unemployed have only to wait, and

when the recovery gathers steam at an un-

specified future date they will be offered

well-paid jobs

This will undoubtedly comfort the mem-

bers of the 3 million British households in

144


which no one has a job, as reported by the

UK’s Office for National Statistics.

The financial sector shows a number of

signs which indicate that all is not well, to

say the least. A significant portion of the as-

sets reported by banks are virtually worth-

less, since they consist of loans which can

never be repaid. These include large loans

by Western European banks to the former

socialist countries. Nevertheless, the big

banks are allowed to include these assets at

face value in their balance sheets, in order

to avoid declaring themselves bankrupt.

Since the autumn of 2008 the mass me-

dia have been broadcasting the message

that money must be pumped into the banks

so that they can provide credit to privately

owned companies, Helping the banks will

enable them to start lending again. The

problem according to the experts was liq-

uidity, not solvency.

But the banks have not started lending

again, despite all the money they have re-

ceived. The reason is that the problem is not

liquidity – it is solvency. The banks are bank-

rupt. They are hoarding money in an at-

tempt to bolster their balance sheets. They

are not interested in lending money to oth-

er banks which in all probability will not be

able to repay it, or to companies which are

themselves facing bankruptcy.

Last year we pointed out that the spec-

ulation which has been rampant in the cap-

italist system since the early 1980s has been

fuelled by the profits extracted from the

working class, and the accompanying de-

velopment of fictitious capital. The deriva-

tives market is the emblem of speculation

and the prime example of fictitious capital.

It has grown exponentially, and dwarfs

everything else in sight. It is in imminent

danger of collapse. The size of the global

derivatives market may appear difficult to

grasp, but we can put it in perspective. The

nominal value of this market is estimated at

1.5 quadrillion dollars, i.e. 1.5 thousand tril-

lion dollars.

By way of comparison, the GDP of the

US is about USD 14 trillion, or less than 1/10

of 1% of the derivatives market. The GDP of

the entire world is about USD 50 trillion, or

3.3%. The real estate of the entire world is

valued at about USD 20 trillion, or 1.3%. The

world’s stock and bond markets are valued

at about USD 100 trillion, or 6.6%.

The big secret is that the major financial

institutions do not report the value of their

derivative commitments in their balance

sheets. If they did, they would be immedi-

ately declared insolvent. The Western bank-

ing system is in fact bankrupt.

DARK CLOUDS OVER THE REAL ECONOMY.In the real economy, there is no reason to re-

joice. Despite the claims of recovery, all the

indicators are negative. The persistent prob-

lems of debt and insufficient purchasing

power have not been solved, primarily be-

cause they cannot be solved. Unemploy-

ment is at record highs, and rising. Personal

bankruptcies and evictions from dispos-

sessed homes continue to rise to record lev-

els. Poverty is increasing globally. The num-

ber of starving people world-wide has risen

to more than one billion for the first time.

Another, less well-known indicator also

shows that economic activity is not on the

increase. The Baltic Dry Index (BDI) meas-

145


ures shipping rates for large bulk carriers

that transport commodities such as coal,

various types of crucial metallic ores, ce-

ment, cocoa, grains, phosphates, fertilizers,

and animal feed. As a measure, it is immune

to speculation and is an accurate reflector of

industrial activity world-wide. In contrast to

many other types of important economic

data, it is updated every day.

From June to December 2008 the BDI

declined by 94%, because of a steep drop in

demand for shipping. This in turn resulted

from the global slowdown in economic ac-

tivity as well as the unavailability of credit

for the purchase of goods and payment of

time charters on ships.

The BDI recovered somewhat in the late

spring and early summer of 2009, almost

exclusively on the basis of a temporary in-

crease in demand for imports in China.

Since then the index has been very volatile,

and is now at about 30% of the level in June

2008. A steep collapse in demand for con-

tainer ships also reflects the decline in the

real economy. Earlier this year Moeller-

Maersk of Denmark, the world’s largest

container-ship operator, laid up at least 25

big container vessels and announced that it

expects lay-ups of container ships in the

world market to increase by 66% by early

2010.

PREPARING TO CONTAIN REVOLT. At the

more rarified levels of the ruling class there

is evidence that a “return to normalcy” is

not expected within the foreseeable future,

and precautions are being taken to deal

with the unrest that is anticipated. The

prospects for generating substantial num-

bers of jobs are dim, and people without

jobs, money or homes may become des-

perate. The reduction in public-sector

spending that results from the so-called res-

cue of the financial sector is one of the fac-

tors that are expected to stimulate unrest.

Expenditure for war is another. For exam-

ple, the bulk of outlays by the Obama ad-

ministration is for wars, rescuing the banks,

and paying interest on the public debt.

There is not much left over.

In June the World Bank reported that

about 1 trillion dollars will be drained from

the economies of the world’s poorest coun-

tries this year as a result of the financial col-

lapse. Debt-ridden countries will be subject

to IMF and World Bank schemes for even

more austerity in labor markets and the

public sector.

Early this year IMF head Dominique

Strauss-Kahn predicted increasing unrest,

saying it could happen “almost every-

where. It may worsen in the coming

months.” He was presumably upset by the

widespread protests in the Baltics and for-

mer Eastern European socialist countries, as

well as in Russia. The Royal Bank of Canada

warned of “regime collapse and sudden

movements to the left” in Eastern Europe

and the former Soviet Union. In April the

British police sealed off a large portion of

London in order to protect the members of

the G-20 group from angry protesters,

many of whom were identified as middle-

class by the police commissioner who is re-

sponsible for what is called “public safety”.

Violent protests have occurred repeatedly

in other Western European countries since

the start of the year.

146


In February Dennis C. Blair, the US

Director of National Intelligence, presented

his annual report, which identified the

global economic crisis as the greatest

threat to America’s security. He said that

the longer the crisis drags on, the greater

the threat it will pose to political stability.

“Economic crises increase the risk of

regime-threatening instability if they are

prolonged for a one- or two-year period.

And instability can loosen the hold that

many developing countries have on law

and order, which can spill out in dangerous

ways into the international community.”

Blair referred to “violent extremism” in

Europe during the depression of the 1930s

and warned that “about 25% of all coun-

tries have already experienced low-level

instability”, mostly in Eastern Europe and

the former Soviet Union, and that if the cri-

sis continues there is a risk of regime

change. He said this would make it more

difficult to open national markets to inter-

national capital.

Blair’s warnings are reflected by the re-

call of at least two US army brigades from

Iraq to the continental US, According to the

newspaper Army Times, their task is to deal

with emergencies traceable to natural or

human causes, such as “civil unrest” and

demonstrations.

According to a report by the Strategic

Studies Institute of the US Army War Col-

lege, in case of state- or nation-wide “dislo-

cation of the social order” the Department

of Defense will have to become an “en-

abling hub” to ensure authority. In other

words, a military dictatorship would have to

be established in Washington.

In Western Europe, special-forces units

have received training in urban street fight-

ing to combat “civil unrest” in a number of

countries, including Sweden and France.

The ultimate guarantor for the existing

European social order is of course NATO.

We pointed out in the early 1990s that

NATO has two main tasks – to combat a

possible resurgence of the Communist

movement in the East, and a working-class

revolt in the West.

At a previous conference we stated that

the annulment of traditional bourgeois

democracy is one of the prime characteristics

of Fascism. The framework for the repressive

measures that will be required to maintain

the capitalist system exists already. The basic

structure of the EU is a de jure refutation of

traditional bourgeois democracy. The ratifi-

cation of the Lisbon agreement is a major

step toward even more authoritarian rule. In

the US, representative democracy at the na-

tional level has been shredded to the point

where it is unrecognizable.

Another prime component of Fascism

involves continuous physical and legal at-

tacks on labor unions. A recent report on

trade union membership in the OECD coun-

tries 1960-2006 shows a considerable de-

cline, with few exceptions. The report is

available at

www.oecd.org/dataoecd/25/42/3989

1561.xls

In conclusion I would like to cite one of

the two best books I know of on Fascism:

Behemoth, by Franz Neumann, written in

English in 1944. The other book is Fascism

and Dictatorship, by Nicos Poulantzas, first

published in 1968.

147


Neumann wrote that “The fundamental

goal of National Socialism is the resolution

by imperialistic war of the discrepancy be-

tween the potentialities of Germany’s in-

dustrial apparatus and the actuality that ex-

isted and continues to exist”, i.e. the poten-

tial for profit.

Neumann described the structure of

German Fascist society as “A small group of

powerful industrial, financial and agrarian

monopolists tending to coalesce with a

group of party hierarchs into a single bloc

disposing of the means of production and

the means of violence”, and “A large mass

of workers and salaried employees without

any kind of organization and without any

means of articulating their views and senti-

ments.”

This is the future that awaits the world

unless Communist and Workers’ parties can

mobilize the working class – as fast as pos-

sible.

148

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Turkey

Communist Party of

Turkey MEHMET KUZULUGIL

Before starting, I would like to ask a ques-

tion. Have any of you comrades, heard

about the American soldiers in Turkey? I

mean their visit to Izmir last week. Have

any of you noticed that in the news?

I will tell you why I am mentioning this

point. 3500 soldiers, who have been killing

and getting killed in Iraq and Afghanistan,

were in Izmir for 3 days last week; to get a

rest, to visit the bars, to drink, to bargain

with the pimps. And our comrades in Izmir

marched against this visit, when, in front of

a bar, we came upon some soldiers just at

the very moment we were shouting “Yan-

kee go home”.

Turkish police were there to guard the

U.S. soldiers. Our comrades threw rotten

eggs. Comrades, it is a great shame for us

that the soldiers who killed thousands of

people in Iraq and Afghanistan can come to

our country and have a vacation, and feel

themselves at home. And in the name of

our dignity, our communist honor, we

taught them that they should not!

Comrades, please allow me to highlight

a point. During the Bush period, soldiers

had hardly had the opportunity to take

rests. They were utterly busy killing and

getting killed for a long time. Now this is

the Obama way. They are killing and having

some rest. This is the Obama style: kill and

have some rest. Kill and have some rest...

Dear comrades,

Please allow me to offer you the greet-

ings from Turkey. We will also thank the

comrades from the CPI and CPI(M) for suc-

cessfully organizing this meeting and for

their hospitality.

THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM is going through

one of the deepest crisis it has witnessed

since 1929. For sure, as Marxist-Leninists,

we all emphasized that although the crisis

was initiated by the collapse in the financial

149


markets of the imperialist countries, this

does not imply that it is a “financial crisis”.

The crisis is an outcome of the contradic-

tions inherent to the capitalist mode of pro-

duction, the pattern of capital accumulation

and income distribution that has been im-

posed on toiling masses since the early

1980s, the parasitism and decay of capital-

ism at its imperialist stage, and the rivalries

and contradictions ongoing among the im-

perialist powers. The crisis in which we live

today is an extension of the crises that have

manifested themselves at different parts of

the world for the last two decades.

The severity and depth of the crisis have

led many, not only communists but also

some bourgeois ideologists, to assert that

the world capitalist system cannot continue

its way as it used to. Since Marx, we have

known that crises are inherent to the capi-

talist mode of production, and each crisis

leads to various changes at various depths

in the balance of forces between social

classes and the capitalist system endeavors

to restore itself through these changes. Yet

again, we know that whatever change is ini-

tiated, the capitalist mode of production

cannot manage to maintain stability for a

long time; it always generates new crises.

Therefore, the emphasis put on the no-

tion of “change” and the expectations gen-

erated thereof shall be taken with a grain of

salt. Of course, there will be changes, but

the concentration and centralization of cap-

ital, the monopolistic tendencies of con-

quering and re-conquering the world, the

escape from material production and the

quest for speculation, the instability caused

by capital movements, the over-inflation of

the service sector, the commoditization of

all aspects of social life, the liquidation of

the public sphere etc.; all of these are main-

tained. These will be maintained by the cap-

italist class, because they are not only the

fundamental factors that lie at the root of

the crisis, but they are also the irrevocable

elements of the class response that the cap-

italist-imperialist system resorts to in order

to find a way out of the crisis on their own

behalf.

Comrades, at this point we should ad-

dress several issues of discussion, various

positions which may find reflection also on

our ranks now and then. One of these issues

is the potential of change within the imperi-

alist hierarchy or rather the position of the

U.S. imperialism in near future. It is certain

that the monopoly of the U.S. power over

the world capitalist system is getting weak-

er, especially in the economic sphere. For

instance, the financial architecture based on

the U.S. dollar as the reserve currency is at

stake, and this will have further repercus-

sions on the pattern of capital flows in the

capitalist world economy. The funds trans-

ferred to the U.S. economy due to the posi-

tion of the U.S. currency would decline,

which implies the end of the over-con-

sumption of U.S. citizens buttressed by fi-

nancial speculation and rent-seeking and

the hegemonic position of the U.S. dollar.

However, this also means the sharpening of

class conflict in this country, as we have

been witnessing since the beginning of the

crisis, in the United States as well as in oth-

er imperialist countries, the economic poli-

cies to transfer wealth to the capitalist class

have been put into practice at all costs.

150

πB - 1/2010 � communist party of Turkey

Without a moment’s delay, bail out pro-

grams have been implemented although

such policies undermine the fundamentalist

pro-market ideology that has been

preached for the last three decades.

Despite all these, despite the apparent

factors which shake the hegemony of the

United States, we are still living in an era in

which the U.S. hegemony in international

politics and military issues are not chal-

lenged at a significant level. Furthermore,

threats to U.S. hegemony in the economic

sphere render this imperialist power more

aggressive in other fields. It would be a

grave mistake to assume that the Obama

administration is seeking to develop diplo-

matic channels and trying to avoid the use

of military means. The United States simply

cannot give up the use of military threat;

neither can it abandon the ground it has cre-

ated for the last two decades in many re-

gions, especially in the Middle East. The

diplomatic audacity of the Obama adminis-

tration serves nothing but to increase the

options of U.S. imperialism, which has

found itself at a deadlock in the former peri-

od for instance with the rising anti-imperial-

ist struggles of the Latin American people

or with the powerful resistance of the Iraqi

people against invasion. Increasing the op-

tions through diplomacy does not rule out

military threat and aggression, but on the

contrary, it includes these as well as trying

to impose U.S. interests through “negotia-

tion” with several actors in various regions.

This point also relates to the new perspec-

tives of our ruling class in Turkey. We

strongly argue that the so called new Ot-

toman vision of the Turkish bourgeoisie is a

part of the efforts by the imperialists to

strengthen -and restore in some points, the

imperialist hegemony of the US.

In conclusion, although the position of

the United States within the imperialist hi-

erarchy is run down further by the crisis, we

are not yet in a position to say that U.S.

hegemony will collapse in the near future.

Rather we can see that imperialism in gen-

eral and U.S. imperialism in particular is be-

coming more aggressive in all senses of the

word.

The only actual force to stop this aggres-

sion is the resistance and the struggle of the

working class in all countries. However, de-

spite issues such as the acceleration of un-

employment, rapid increase in poverty,

transfer of wealth, especially public funds,

to the capitalists etc., we cannot say that

the working class resistance to the attacks

of the capitalist class for the last two years

has increased to a great extent. Of course,

this is not surprising, because we all know

that the reactions of the working class dur-

ing crises do not ascend with a linear trend.

Yet, we should address another factor

that is of importance today. In the two pre-

vious great depressions of the capitalist-im-

perialist system, the crisis in late 19th cen-

tury and the crash of 1929, the rise of the

working class movement was enhanced by

the fact that the militancy of the toiling

masses prior to these crises was greater.

The experiences gained by the working

class within class struggle beforehand had

facilitated it to confront the crisis in a more

militant way. Yet, the militancy of the work-

ing class in major capitalist countries could

not succeed in stopping great catastrophes,

151


and we know that the decisive moments

when the communists could intervene had

not been the beginning of the crises partic-

ularly, but these moments of catastrophe.

Unlike the two previous great crises of

the capitalist world economy, the current

crisis was born in a counter-revolutionary

era, which implies that the militant experi-

ence of the working class is relatively weak.

This factor leads to certain repercussions on

the rise of class struggle and the develop-

ment of class consciousness within the

course of the crisis. This leaves greater room

for the capitalist class to manipulate the toil-

ing masses by ideological and political

means.

Allow me to give an example from my

country, Turkey. While the official unem-

ployment rate is around 15 percent and the

real unemployment rate is around 25 per-

cent, the reactionary Justice and Develop-

ment Party government is trying to cut so-

cial security benefits to a great extent.

While the bourgeois government is carry-

ing out this anti-labor policy in a country

which is one of the most deeply affected by

the global crisis, they endeavor to substi-

tute the notion of public interest with the

“charity” of Islamic communities that is fa-

cilitated and empowered by government

resources. Hence, many unemployed, poor

people beg for charity and are ideologically

becoming committed to these reactionary

practices.

Although the current crisis is born in a

counter-revolutionary era and the militancy

of the working class is low with respect to

the early 20th century, we also said that the

class struggles in each crisis do not have a

linear development trend. As we can deter-

mine that greater catastrophes are yet to

come, we are also saying that we have not

reached the critical moment yet.

It would be absurd to understate the in-

tensity of the current crisis and its effects on

the toiling masses. But taking the crisis se-

riously does not imply expecting a linear

rise in the working class movement; we

have to take into account that each and

every crisis has periods of contraction and

expansion, hence we need to consider the

internal fluctuations of the process. Com-

munists must take account of these fluctu-

ations in order to be able to lead the work-

ing class to socialist revolution when the

critical moment arrives. In other words, it

would be misleading to assume that dis-

playing the very nature of the capitalist

mode of production that it is the system it-

self which leads to these outcomes would

be enough to raise the class consciousness

of the workers. We have to emphasize this

fact while we also challenge the ideological

and political endeavors to legitimize the

system.

TO THIS END, the communist and workers’

parties must increase the cooperation and

political discussion among them. We have

to learn from the experiences of our com-

rades, and we have to discuss with each

other about the stance of our parties in the

struggles we wage against the capitalist-

imperialist system. This is not only “wishful

thinking”, but joint political action, cooper-

ation and more intense discussion are re-

quirements for us to overcome capitalist

dictatorship.

152

�

πB - 1/2010 � communist party USA

Communist Party USA

SCOTT MARSHALL

Dear comrades, it’s great to be here in Del-

hi at this important gathering of communist

and workers’ parties and to see all of you

face-to-face. We want to express our deep-

est appreciation for the organizers of this

conference and especially to the Commu-

nist Party of India (Marxist) and the Com-

munist Party of India for hosting this impor-

tant meeting. I am pleased to bring you the

warmest greetings of our party’s national

committee and leadership.

IN THIS TERRIBLE TIME of global econom-

ic crisis it is most timely that we seek ways

to expand and broaden our slogan “work-

ers and oppressed peoples of the world

unite.” While our slogan has been around

for many generations, today it has more

meaning than ever. Today global economic

integration has reached new incredible lev-

els. Today global finance capital roams the

world pillaging and profiteering on a scale

unimaginable in Marx’s day.

First let me say a few words about how

the crisis is affecting working people in the

United States. Just this month the percent-

age of workers in our country who are long-

term unemployed has reached levels not

seen since the Great Depression of the

1930s. In the early stages of this crisis we

were losing 700,000 jobs or more a month.

Today, when some mainstream economists

are declaring the recession over, when ob-

scene banking profits are on the rise again,

when the stock market is rising again, when

finance capital is returning to its unregulat-

ed predatory ways with a vengeance, we

are still losing around 200,000 jobs a

month.

Among young people in the US the un-

employed figures are staggering. In the age

group of 16 to 24 only about 45% have

jobs. And that number is much worse for

African-American, Latino and other racially

153


and nationally oppressed youth. Racism in

the US takes an even more terrible toll in

this kind of an economic crisis. In the com-

munities of the racially and nationally op-

pressed the crisis strikes with a particular vi-

olence and vengeance.

At the same time, experts who follow

the housing markets, say that 2010 will see

a whole new rash of home foreclosures with

workers and their families being evicted

and thrown into the streets. 40 million peo-

ple are without health care and every

month that number rises because in the US

many people get their health care through

their employer. In what is supposed to be

the richest country in the world, because so

much of the world’s finance capital is cen-

tered there, hundreds of thousands of chil-

dren go to school hungry every day. In

many hard hit working class communities,

the schools and medical clinics are crum-

bling and closing. The streets and bridges,

the sewage and water systems, the basic in-

frastructures are neglected and decaying.

And vital public services at all levels of gov-

ernment are being cut back and stopped.

The list of capitalism’s failures in this cri-

sis is very long. And of course we know that

the crisis hits many in the developing world

much harder than it hits the developed

countries.

There are always two sides to the class

struggle. Two major events are now turning

the tide of working class struggle in a more

militant and fighting direction in my coun-

try. The first is the rise of the movement that

defeated the ultra-right Republican Party in

the 2008 election and elected Barack Oba-

ma. That same movement also defeated

many ultra-right members of the U.S.

Congress. I know that internationally there

are some mixed feelings about the role of

president Barack Obama. Let me be clear,

he is not a communist, he is not a socialist,

and on some issues he is quite a moderate

liberal. At the same time, after eight years of

George Bush, the worst warmongering

president and administration in US history,

the election of Barack Obama opens a

whole new terrain of struggle for the work-

ing class in the US and in the world. And af-

ter 30 years of vicious neoliberal attack on

the US labor movement, on the working

class and on the People’s movements in the

US, the election of Barack Obama opens the

door for a whole new fight for economic jus-

tice, peace and equality.

Barack Obama, as I said, is no revolu-

tionary – it’s true. But he doesn’t have to be

a revolutionary to do some pretty important

things to support labor and the working

class. I won’t go into a whole domestic list

but it is significant for those of us who work

for a living in the US. He did inspire a move-

ment and mobilize the democratic (small

“d”) forces to defeat Bush and the ultra

right. And, more importantly for our meet-

ing here – he has taken some steps to curb

some of the worst features of the interna-

tional policies that he inherited from the

previous administration. As on the domes-

tic scene, in international affairs it will be the

mobilization of the people’s forces and la-

bor that will be decisive in shifting US poli-

cy even more – the left and the people’s

forces had very little effect on the Bush ad-

ministration – we can help move the Oba-

ma administration in a better direction.

154

πB - 1/2010 � communist party USA

The movement that elected Obama

was, and continues to be, a broad coalition

of social forces including even some sec-

tors of capital. But at its heart is what we

like to call the core social forces, the work-

ing class and its organized sector the labor

movement, the racially and nationally op-

pressed, women, youth, and the gay rights

movement.

The other major event that is helping to

turn the tide was the September 2009 con-

vention of the AFL-CIO, the largest labor

federation in our country. I believe history

will record that convention as a major turn-

ing point for our working class. This con-

vention was the culmination of changes

and developments that began in the mid-

1990s. The AFL-CIO convention in 1995

was a major break with some of the worst

features of class collaboration and the Cold

War that began with the anti-Communist

witchhunts of the early 1950s. In the mid

‘90’s the labor movement began to devel-

op a more class struggle approach. After

the ‘95 convention US labor began to de-

velop its own independent political appa-

ratus. It became more militant in the eco-

nomic struggle. It increasingly began to

see the global nature of capitalism. Further

it even began to understand that the labor

movement had to be more than just the de-

fender of its own members, it had to be-

come the voice and movement of the

whole working class.

THE 2009 CONVENTION of the AFL-CIO,

which I attended, deepened these trends

and was remarkable in many ways. It elect-

ed a new leadership, more militant and

more rooted in the fighting industrial union

traditions of my country. Richard Trumka

the new president comes out of the mili-

tant traditions of the mine workers union.

On the day after his election at the conven-

tion he went straight to Wall Street and

blasted the banking and insurance indus-

tries for causing the economic crisis both at

home and abroad. He called for strong new

regulatory steps to curb their reckless spec-

ulation and for breaking up those banks

deemed “too big to fail.” The federation

has vigorously pursued a “break up the big

banks” policy and mobilized its member

unions to fight for sharp new limits on fi-

nance capital. In another first for our labor

movement the convention also elected

two women, one African-American, to the

other two top leadership positions of the

AFL-CIO.

There are way too many examples of la-

bor’s new policies for me to list now but I

would like to mention one that I think is im-

portant to our international movement and

illustrates a new direction and new possibil-

ities for international labor solidarity. I have

with me a letter, well publicized in the labor

press in the US from Richard Trumka to US

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. In it he

says that the AFL-CIO believes that the

coup government in Honduras to be totally

illegitimate. The letter says the coup’s re-

pression of the trade unions and democrat-

ic movements in Honduras make it impos-

sible for there to be free and fair elections

this November. And the letter strongly calls

on the US State Department to stop all aid

to Honduras until the coup is overturned

and President Zelaya is returned to power.

155


The letter also says that the position of the

AFL-CIO was taken in consultation with the

Honduran labor unions.

This is but one dramatic example of the

new thinking in US labor on international

questions. US labor also strongly opposes

the wars and occupations in Iraq and

Afghanistan. (And I should mention here

that labor has unprecedented access to

President Obama and can be a significant

voice in helping to move him.) These are

examples of US labor breaking with the US

State Department and US imperialism on in-

ternational issues for the first time since the

cold war began after WWII. We think this

opens a whole new world of possibility for

rebuilding and strengthening world labor

and working class solidarity. And we think

that Communist and Workers’ parties have

a critical role to play in helping to take ad-

vantage of the new possibilities. It is really

time for labor, on all sides of the old cold

war political divide to reconsider and re-

think labor unity.

Comrades, in our opinion the global

economic crisis continues unabated. Ac-

cording to the World Bank and the Interna-

tional Monetary Fund the world’s nations

produce somewhere in the neighborhood

of $65 trillion in goods and services each

year. At the same time, according to the

International Bank of Settlements, over

$515 trillion is speculated in derivatives,

credit default swaps and similar forms of

exotic finance schemes. Think of it – such

incredible imbalance. It’s staggering –

think of the stolen surplus value represent-

ed in this deadest of all parasitic finance

capital. Think of the problems of the

world’s people that could be solved with

that kind of money.

We think it is also important to look at

the splits in capital in this period. In the US

there is growing evidence of splits between

manufacturing capital and banking capital.

This is not just splits between big and small

business and may open up serious lines of

attack for regulating and reigning in some

of the most predatory practices of specula-

tive finance capital around the world.

We have much to discuss and think

about. But I would like to end with a para-

phrase of something Fredrick Engels once

said, “an ounce of actions is worth a pound

of theory,” something to that effect. We are

most interested in how our parties can play

a concrete role in helping to bring about re-

al organized struggle along the lines of

“workers of the world unite.” This needs to

begin with what we can do to help unite

and broaden the global labor movement.

Marx and Engels did not say, “Workers of

the World – unite to share information.” It

was clear that they meant workers of the

world unite for struggle. How can we make

that a reality in today’s real world. What are

our first concrete steps. We hope our meet-

ing and deliberations can move us closer to

making it happen.

Thank you comrades for your kind atten-

tion.

πB - 1/2009 � communist party of Vietnam

156

�

Communist Party of

VietnamNGUYEN MANH HUNG

First of all, on behalf of the Delegation of the

Communist Party of the Vietnam, I would

like to express my sincere thanks to the

Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the

Communist Party of India for their efforts

and good preparation for this important

Meeting. I would also like to send my warm

and fraternal greetings of solidarity to all

the delegates.

OVER THE PAST YEAR, the world has been

faced with a serious crisis originating in the

United States that rapidly spread world-

wide. It is not only a monetary-financial cri-

sis but also a comprehensive crisis of fi-

nance, manufacturing, trade, services, but a

crisis of a model of development, a consti-

tution of development and a theory of de-

velopment as well. Given the strong devel-

opment of globalization, it has occurred si-

multaneously with a crisis of energy, food,

bio-geography and climate change.

The current crisis shows that the eco-

nomic globalization has taken long strides

and basically formed the global economy in

which economic interdependence is further

tightened. Nowadays, instability and eco-

nomic crisis in one country would rapidly

impact upon others; instability and crisis in

economic centers will result in global insta-

bility and crisis. Economic interdepend-

ence among nations has become a promi-

nent feature of international relations and

relations among the big powers.

The joint-efforts to cope with the crisis

made by countries, regions and the interna-

tional community during this period have

prevented the collapse of the world as well

as regional and national monetary financial

systems. Thanks to these efforts, the eco-

nomic situation has shown optimistic signs

of recovery. However, these implemented

measures are temporary and short-term.

The most important thing is that the global-

157


ization process is controlled by developed

countries and trans-national corporations,

with its inherent contradictions, inequalities

and injustice. Profits have been privatized

while risks have been socialized, putting

the burden on the shoulders of workers and

depriving the poor and developing coun-

tries further. The world needs a change.

We assert that the international financial

system must be reformed fundamentally

with tightened regulations, effective and

suitable supervision and a monitoring

mechanism for the global financial market,

and with the participation of not only G8 or

G20 members but all the countries in the

world. It is essential to establish a just, mu-

tually beneficial international economic or-

der and to strengthen the participation of

developing countries in the process of re-

viewing and making decisions on interna-

tional issues.

In the current situation, it is necessary to

push the Doha Talks in the direction of en-

suring benefits to all countries, especially

developing ones. Simultaneously, it is nec-

essary to promote further proactive cooper-

ation to prevent and resolve global risks

such as climate change, the exhaustion of

natural resources, the crisis of energy and

food, poverty, natural disasters, epidemics,

population and other social issues. In this

regard, I think that it is essential to intensify

and bring into full play the important role of

the United Nations in taking measures and

issuing guidelines as a means of coordinat-

ing action among countries.

DURING THE PAST NEARLY 25 YEARS, the

Vietnamese people has consistently pur-

sued a renewal process and national devel-

opment to socialism under the leadership of

the Communist Party of Vietnam and has

gained great and historical achievements.

Our country has escaped from under-devel-

oped status. Our socio-politics is stable.

The annual average GDP growth rate is sus-

tained at 7.5%. One and a half million jobs

are created annually. The rate of poor

households has reduced from 58% in 1993

to 12% in 2009. The living standards of the

people have been significantly improved.

Our Party has defined economic develop-

ment as the central task; party building is a

core task and cultural building forms the

spiritual basis of society. In socio-economic

development, we apply the socialist-ori-

ented market economy driven by the State,

in which the state economic sector plays

the key role, with special attention paid to

social progress and justice in each develop-

ment policy and each stage of develop-

ment.

However, the monetary financial crisis

and world economic recession also creates

negative effects and challenges for Viet-

nam’s socio-economic performance. Man-

ufacturing, exports, investment, employ-

ment and budget revenue have been

slowed down and are faced with numerous

difficulties. In this situation, we have carried

out a number of measures and policies to

protect the economy from the bad effects,

to curb inflation and to ensure social wel-

fare. Due to that effort, the macro-economy

has been stabilized; the economic growth

rate in the first nine months reached 4.6%

(the third quarter was 5.7%) and it is esti-

mated that the growth rate in 2009 can be

158

πB - 1/2009 � communist party of Vietnam

over 5%. We are aware that difficulties and

challenges still remain and highly concen-

trated efforts are needed to hinder econom-

ic slowdown and maintain sustainable and

suitable economic growth, to ensuring the

stability of the macro-economy and proac-

tively prevent inflation, to ensure social

welfare...

During 2010, our Party at all levels ur-

gently prepares for our party congress, the

11th National Party Congress in early Jan-

uary 2011. At the 11th Congress, our Party

will review 20 years of the implementation,

supplement and development of the Pro-

gram on national construction in the period

of transition towards socialism and the so-

cio-economic development strategy for the

10 years 2001-2010, and map out the so-

cio-economic development strategy for the

next 10 years (2011- 2020) with the targets

of becoming a modern-industrial country

by 2020 and strongly progressing to social-

ism in which the people is wealthy; the

country is strong; our society is equal, dem-

ocratic and civilized.

Solidarity is strength. During the

process of socialist construction and nation-

al preservation, we have been inspired by

the strength of solidarity and precious assis-

tance and support from international com-

munists and friends worldwide. We believe

that, by exchange views and experience

among the communists and workers’ par-

ties in fora like this Meeting, communist

unity and solidarity can be consolidated for

our revolutionary course.

159


This 11th International Meeting of the

Communist and Workers’ Parties, held

in New Delhi, 20-22 November 2009 to dis-

cuss on “The international capitalist crisis,

the workers’ and peoples’ struggle, the al-

ternatives and the role of the communist

and working class movement”:

■ reiterates that the current global reces-

sion is a systemic crisis of capitalism

demonstrating its historic limits and the

need for its revolutionary overthrow. It

demonstrates the sharpening of the

main contradiction of capitalism be-

tween its social nature of production

and individual capitalist appropriation.

The political representatives of Capital

try to conceal this unresolvable contra-

diction between capital and labour that

lies at the heart of the crisis. This crisis

intensifies rivalries between imperialist

powers who along with the internation-

al institutions-the IMF World Bank WTO

and others- are implementing their ‘so-

lutions’ which essentially aim to intensi-

fy capitalist exploitation. Military and

political ‘solutions’ are aggressively

pursued globally by imperialism. The

NATO is promoting a new aggressive

strategy. The political systems are be-

coming more reactionary curtailing

democratic and civil liberties, trade

union rights etc. This crisis is further

deepening the structural corruption un-

der capitalism which is being institu-

tionalised.

■ reaffirms that the current crisis, probably

the most acute and all encompassing

since the Great Depression of 1929, has

left no field untouched. Hundreds of

thousands of factories are closed. Agrar-

ian and rural economies are under dis-

tress intensifying misery and poverty of

millions of cultivators and farm workers

globally. Millions of people are left job-

less and homeless. Unemployment is

growing to unprecedented levels (esti-

mated at 190 million in 2008) and under

the current recession it is officially ex-

pected to breach the 50 million mark.

Inequalities are increasing across the

globe – the rich are getting richer and

the poor, poorer. More than one billion

people, that is one-sixth of humanity go

hungry. Youth, women and immigrants

are the first victims.

True to their class nature, the response

of the respective capitalist governments to

overcome this crisis fails to address these

basic concerns. All the neo-liberal votaries

and social democratic managers of capital-

ism, who had so far decried the State are

now utilising the state for rescuing them,

thus underlining a basic fact that the capital-

ist state has always defended and enlarged

avenues for super profits. While the costs of

the rescue packages and bailouts are at

public expense, the benefits accrue to few.

The bailout packages announced, are ad-

dressed first to rescue and then enlarge

profit making avenues. Banks and financial

corporates are now back in business and

making profits. Growing unemployment

and the depression of real wages is the bur-

den for the working people as against the

gift of huge bailout packages for the corpo-

rations.

■ realises that this crisis is no aberration

based on the greed of a few or lack of ef-

fective regulatory mechanisms. Profit

maximisation, the raison d’ etre of capi-

talism, has sharply widened economic

inequalities both between countries and

within countries in these decades of

‘globalisation’. The natural conse-

quence was a decline in the purchasing

DELHI DECLARATION

�

160

πB - 1/2010 � Delhi declaration

power of the vast majority of world pop-

ulation. The present crisis is thus a sys-

temic crisis. This once again vindicates

the Marxist analysis that the capitalist

system is inherently crisis ridden. Capi-

tal, in its quest for profits, traverses

boundaries and tramples upon anything

and everything. In the process it intensi-

fies exploitation of the working class

and other strata of working people, im-

posing greater hardships. Capitalism in

fact requires to maintain a reserve army

of labour. The liberation from such capi-

talist barbarity can come only with the

establishment of the real alternative, so-

cialism. This requires the strengthening

of anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly

struggles. Our struggle for an alterna-

tive is thus a struggle against the capi-

talist system. Our struggle for an alter-

native is for a system where there is no

exploitation of people by people and

nation by nation. It is a struggle for an-

other world, a just world, a socialist

world.

■ conscious of the fact that the dominant

imperialist powers would seek their way

out of the crisis by putting greater bur-

dens on the working people, by seeking

to penetrate and dominate the markets

of countries with medium and lower lev-

el of capitalist development, commonly

called developing countries. This they

are trying to achieve firstly, through the

WTO Doha round of trade talks, which

reflect the unequal economic agree-

ments at the expense of the peoples of

these countries particularly with refer-

ence to agricultural standards and Non

Agricultural Market Access (NAMA).

Secondly, capitalism, which in the first

place is responsible for the destruction of the

environment, is trying to transfer the entire

burden of safeguarding the planet from cli-

mate change, which in the first place they

had caused, onto the shoulders of the work-

ing class and working people. Capitalism’s

proposal for restructuring in the name of cli-

mate change has little relation to the protec-

tion of the environment. Corporate inspired

‘Green development’ and ‘green economy’

are sought to be used to impose new state

monopoly regulations which support profit

maximisation and impose new hardships on

the people. Profit maximisation under capi-

talism is thus not compatible with environ-

mental protection and peoples’ rights.

■ notes that the only way out of this capi-

talist crisis for the working class and the

common people is to intensify struggles

against the rule of capital. It is the expe-

rience of the working class that when it

mobilises its strength and resists these

attempts it can be successful in protect-

ing its rights. Industry sit-ins, factory oc-

cupations and such militant working

class actions have forced the ruling

classes to consider the demands of the

workers. Latin America, the current the-

atre of popular mobilisations and work-

ing class actions, has shown how rights

can be protected and won through

struggle. In these times of crisis, once

again the working class is seething with

discontent. Many countries have wit-

nessed and are witnessing huge work-

ing class actions, demanding ameliora-

tion. These working class actions need

to be further strengthened by mobilising

the vast mass of suffering people, not

161


just for immediate alleviation but for a

long-term solution to their plight.

Imperialism, buoyed by the demise of

the Soviet Union and the periods of boom

preceding this crisis had carried out un-

precedented attacks on the rights of the

working class and the people. This has been

accompanied by frenzied anti-communist

propaganda not only in individual countries

but at global and inter-state forums (EU,

OSCE, Council of Europe). However much

they may try, the achievements and contri-

butions of socialism in defining the contours

of modern civilisation remain inerasable.

Faced with these relentless attacks, our

struggles thus far had been mainly, defen-

sive struggles, struggles to protect the

rights that we had won earlier. Today’s con-

juncture warrants the launch of an offensive,

not just to protect our rights but win new

rights. Not for winning few rights but for

dismantling the entire capitalist edifice – for

an onslaught on the rule of capital, for a po-

litical alternative – socialism.

■ resolves that under these conditions,

the communist and workers parties shall

actively work to rally and mobilise the

widest possible sections of the popular

forces in the struggle for full time stable

employment, exclusively public and

free for all health, education and social

welfare, against gender inequality and

racism, and for the protection of the

rights of all sections of the working peo-

ple including the youth, women, mi-

grant workers and those from ethnic and

national minorities.

■ calls upon the communist and workers

parties to undertake this task in their re-

spective countries and launch broad

struggles for the rights of the people and

against the capitalist system. Though the

capitalist system is inherently crisis rid-

den, it does not collapse automatically.

The absence of a communist-led coun-

terattack, engenders the danger of rise

of reactionary forces. The ruling classes

launch an all out attack to prevent the

growth of the communists and the work-

ers’ parties to protect their status quo.

Social democracy continues to spread il-

lusions about the real character of capi-

talism, advancing slogans such as ‘hu-

manisation of capitalism’, ‘regulation’,

‘global governance’ etc. These in fact

support the strategy of capital by deny-

ing class struggle and buttressing the

pursuit of anti-popular policies. No

amount of reform can eliminate ex-

ploitation under capitalism. Capitalism

has to be overthrown. This requires the

intensification of ideological and politi-

cal working class led popular struggles.

All sorts of theories like ‘there is no alter-

native’ to imperialist globalisation are

propagated. Countering them, our re-

sponse is ‘socialism is the alternative’.

We, the communist and workers’ par-

ties coming from all parts of the globe and

representing the interests of the working

class and all other toiling sections of society

(the vast majority of global population) un-

derlining the irreplaceable role of the com-

munist parties call upon the people to join

us in strengthening the struggles to declare

that socialism is the only real alternative for

the future of humankind and that the future

is ours.

162

πB - 1/2010 � press release

Press release89 participants representing 57 com-

munist and workers’ parties and 48

countries participated in the 11th Interna-

tional meeting of the communist and work-

ers’ parties held in New Delhi from 20-22

November 2009, on the theme “The inter-

national capitalist crisis, the workers’ and

peoples’ struggle, the alternatives and the

role of the communist and working class

movement”, hosted by the Communist Par-

ty of India (Marxist) and the Communist Par-

ty of India.

The meeting adopted the Delhi Declara-

tion unanimously.

The meeting decided to accept the re-

quest of the Workers’ Party of Bangladesh

to be a part of these international meetings

in the future.

The meeting decided that the 12th in-

ternational meeting would be held in the

African continent, hosted by the South

African Communist Party. The working

group shall subsequently meet to finalise

the theme, dates, venue and other de-

tails.

The meeting expressed its unflinching

solidarity with the worldwide struggles of

the workers and people for peace, sover-

eignty, democracy and social justice.

The meeting decided that concrete ac-

tions must be undertaken in all countries

and coordinated globally on the following

issues:

■ Against NATO and its global expansion;

against renewed imperialist military ag-

gressiveness, and against foreign mili-

tary bases.

■ To observe 29 November as a day of sol-

idarity with the Palestinians struggle, as

per the decision of the extraordinary

meeting held in Damascus in Septem-

ber 2009.

■ To observe the year 2010 as the sixty-

fifth anniversary of the defeat of fascism.

■ To strengthen popular mobilisations in

defence of workers rights in coordina-

tion with the trade unions.

■ Intensify international solidarity for the

release of the Cuban Five.

■ To strengthen popular movements,

pressing governments in respective

countries, demanding the right to work

in coordination with the youth organisa-

tions.

November 22, 2009

�

ISSUED BY THE 11TH IMCWP

163


On December 2-3, 2004, one of the

world’s biggest industrial disasters in

the Indian city of Bhopal killed over

20,000 people and caused serious injuries

to over 500,000 people. Repercussions

continue to be felt today, even 25 years

afterwards, in the endless suffering of sur-

viving victims, scant provision of health

care and neglect of proper rehabilitation.

But equally important, particularly for pre-

venting future such tragedies in India or

other developing countries, larger issues

raised by the Bhopal Gas Tragedy contin-

ue to haunt the world, especially under

imperialist globalization and the neo-lib-

eral economic policy framework that have

since become predominant.

The criminal culpability of the US-

based MNC, Union Carbide Corporation or

UCC, was clearly established by the ab-

sence of safety features and other tech-

nologies in the Bhopal plant compared

with the factory run by the parent compa-

ny in West Virginia, USA. UCC, since taken

over by Dow Chemicals, has got away

with paying out petty compensation

amounting to around $1200 for each per-

son killed and $550 for each injured victim

through a settlement entered into be-

tween UCC and the Indian Government

which was pressured into dropping crimi-

nal charges against UCC. Only continuous

struggle by progressive forces and peo-

ples organizations both in India and

abroad forced the re-launching of prose-

cution in India. Yet Warren Anderson,

then Chairman of UCC, continues to ab-

scond from Indian courts despite having

been declared a proclaimed offender and

the US continues to protect him from ex-

tradition. UCC continues to evade criminal

liability and Dow Chemicals, which took it

over, has ensured for itself immunity un-

der various provisions of a spurious inter-

national legal framework designed to pro-

tect corporate interests against that of the

wider public. Dissatisfied with even such

mild penalties, and specifically quoting

US experience in the Bhopal case, the US

is today insisting on India signing a “limit-

ed liability” agreement for importation of

nuclear power plants from the US in the

eventuality of an accident!

This entire chain of events, as well as

the series of acts of collusion between the

US-based MNC behemoth and govern-

ments of the USA and India, have thor-

oughly exposed the true face of global

capitalism.

Predatory MNCs based in the US,

Europe or other countries of the global

North today are running rampant in de-

veloping countries, in flagrant violation of

domestic and international laws on indus-

trial safety, hazardous and toxic materials

and environmental pollution. Hazardous

industries, sub-standard or obsolete

technologies, banned or toxic materials,

environmentally disastrous extractive in-

dustries, are all increasingly being thrust

upon countries of the global South, even

while the latter are prevented from devel-

oping their own self-reliant capabilities.

Legal and regulatory frameworks in these

countries are subverted by imposing neo-

liberal policies favouring foreign invest-

ment and MNCs, often aided by the IMF,

World Bank and other multilateral agen-

Solidarity statementsCOMMEMORATE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF BHOPAL GAS TRAGEDY

�

164

πB - 1/2010 � solidarity statements

cies that champion such policies. Multi-

lateral trade agreements such as WTO

and GATT are also being used by US im-

perialism and its allies to arm-twist devel-

oping countries into aligning their do-

mestic policies with global corporate in-

terests.

The aftermath of the Bhopal Gas

Tragedy has brought to the fore many is-

sues relating to industrial licensing and

regulation of hazardous industries, tech-

nological self-reliance, policy and regula-

tory frameworks for import of technolo-

gies, role of MNCs, legislation and en-

forcement of legal and regulatory frame-

works of liability for environmental pollu-

tion and industrial accidents, industrial

siting and urban development, policies on

agriculture especially use of agro-chemi-

cals etc.

Communist Parties of the world call

upon progressive forces all over the world

to commemorate the 25th year of the

Bhopal Gas Tragedy and to focus national

and international attention on the role of

MNCs, on efforts by the global North to

impose their technological on developing

countries, and on the framework of neo-

liberal economic policies that characterize

imperialist globalization today.

165


The undersigned parties, participated inthe 11th International Meeting of Com-

munist and Worker’s parties held in New Del-hi on the 20th - 22nd of November 2009 con-sider the continued division of the prosperityof all the people of Cyprus, Greek and TurkishCypriots, Maronites, Armenians and Latines.The continuous division of Cyprus constitutesa threat for peace and security in the wider re-gion of East Mediterranean.

We condemn the occupation of 37% of theterritory of the Republic of Cyprus by Turkey,the influx of settlers from mainland Turkey, thedestruction of cultural heritage and theusurpation of land and properties in the areasnot under the control of the Republic since1974. We believe that the appropriate way toreach a peaceful, just, mutually acceptable andviable solution of the Cyprus problem isthrough substantive and direct negotiationsunder the auspices of the UN, on the basis ofthe UN Security Council Resolutions, the High-Level Agreements of 1977 and 1979, Interna-tional Law as well as the values and funda-mental principles on which the EU is founded.

As a result of the policies and initiativesundertaken by the President of the RepublicCyprus, the beginning of substantive negoti-ations, between the leaders of the two com-munities of Cyprus on the 3rd of September2008, was made possible. We welcome therevival of the negotiations under UN aus-pices. We urge the leaders of the two com-munities to work together in a constructivemanner for a comprehensive settlement.Talking into account the negative experienceof the recent past, suffocating timetables andarbitration should be avoided and the proce-dure should remain of Cypriot ownership.

We believe that all efforts should be con-centrated for reaching a solution as soon aspossible. This can be achieved only if theTurkish and Turkish Cypriot side, will show inpractice their readiness for a decent compro-

mise in the negotiation table, thus remainingin the agreed framework of the solution asdefined by the two leaders before the com-mencement of the negotiation procedure.

We underline that the settlement of theCyprus problem must be based on the evo-lution of the Republic of Cyprus into an inde-pendent, bizonal, bicommunal federationwith territorial integrity, a single sovereign-ty, single international personality single cit-izenship, political equality as provided bythe relevant Security Council Resolutions.The solution must provide for the withdraw-al of the Turkish occupation troops the liftingof the occupation and the termination of theillegal influx of settlers. The solution of theCyprus problem should safeguard humanrights and fundamental freedoms of all citi-zens, in line with international law and theUN Charter, including the right of refugees toreturn to their homes and properties and theright of the families of missing persons inboth Communities to be informed of the fateof their loved ones.

We call on the international communityto exercise their influence on Turkey and urgeit to abandon its current policy towardsCyprus and and stop transferring settlersfrom Turkey to the occupied part of the is-land, give Varosia to its lawful owners in or-der to return back to their properties in thisarea as a Confidence Building Measure andadopt a constructive attitude that will help inthe formulation of a just and viable solution tothe Cyprus problem as described above.

We the communist and the workers par-ties we shall continue to support actively theefforts for a solution of the Cyprus problemalong the lines described above, as the solu-tion of the Cyprus problem will be a signifi-cant contribution to peace in the region of theEastern Mediterranean and Cyprus will be abridge of peace and cooperation betweenEurope, the Middle East and Africa.

RESOLUTION ON THE CYPRUS PROBLEM

�

166

πB - 1/2010 � parties that participated

� Communist Party of Argentina

� Communist Party of Australia

� Communist Party of Bangladesh

� Workers’ Party of Belgium

� Communist Party of Brazil

� Brazilian Communist Party

� Communist Party of Britain

� Communist Party of Canada

� Communist Party of China

� Communist Party of Cuba

� AKEL, Cyprus

� Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia

� Workers’ Party of Korea

� Communist Party of Denmark

� Communist Party in Denmark

� Communist Party of Finland

� French Communist Party

� German Communist Party

� Communist Party of Greece

� Peoples Progressive Party, Guyana

� Hungarian Communist Workers’ Party

� Communist Party of India (Marxist)

� Communist Party of India

� Tudeh Party of Iran

� Communist Party of Iraq

� Communist Party of Ireland

� Communist Party of Israel

� Party of the Italian Communists

� Communist Refoundation Party

� Party of the Communists of Kyrgyzia

� Lao People’s Revolutionary Party

� Socialist Party of Latvia

� Lebanese Communist Party

� Communist Party of Luxembourg

� Communist Party of Mexico

� Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist)

� New Communist Party of Netherlands

� Communist Party of Norway

� Communist Party of Pakistan

� Palestinian Communist Party

� Palestinian People’s Party

� Peruvian Communist Party

� Portuguese Communist Party

� Communist Party of Russian Federation

� Communist Party of Soviet Union

� Communist Workers Party of Russia- Revolutionary Party of Communists (RKRP-RPC)

� New Communist Party of Yugoslavia

� South African Communist Party

� Communist Party of Peoples of Spain

� Communist Party of Spain

� Communist Party of Sri Lanka

� Communist Party of Sweden

� Syrian Communist Party

� Syrian Communist Party

� Communist Party of Turkey

� Communist Party of USA

� Communist Party of Vietnam

Parties that participated�


167

�

Redlinks

� ALBANIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ALBANIA

Mail: [email protected], code:(+355) phone:382274111 fax:4251271

� ALGERIA, ALGERIAN PARTY FOR DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM

http://pads.ifrance.com/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+331) phone:46637607, 46772082fax:46772082, 46637607

� ARGENTINA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ARGENTINA

http://www.pca.org.ar Mail: [email protected] code:(+5411) phone:43040066/0068fax:43040068

� ARMENIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ARMENIA

code:(+37410) phone:567933 fax:541917

� AUSTRALIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRALIA

http://www.cpa.org.au Mail: [email protected] code:(+612) phone:9699 8844 fax:9699 9833

� AUSTRIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF AUSTRIA http://www.kpoe.at Mail: [email protected] code:(+431) phone:5036580 fax:5036580499

� AZERBAIDJAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF AZERBAIDJAN

Mail: [email protected] code:(+99412) phone:433-28-24, 4417533fax:948937

� BAHRAIN, DEMOCRATIC PROGRESSIVETRIBUNE

http://www.altaqadomi.com/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+973 17) phone:780007 fax:780006

� BANGLADESH, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BANGLADESH

http://www.cpb.org.bd/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+8802) phone:9558612, 7172845fax:9552333

�

168

πB - 1/2010 � redlinks

� BANGLADESH, WORKERS’PARTY OF BANGLADESH

Mail: [email protected]

� BELARUS, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELARUS

http://comparty.by/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+37517) phone:222 62 11 fax:222 43 79 (222 64 61)

� BELGIUM, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BELGIUM

http://www.kp-online.be http://www.particommuniste.be/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+322) phone:512 23 84 fax:512 23 84

� BELGIUM, WORKERS’ PARTY OF BELGIUM http://www.ptb.be http://www.wpb.be Mail: [email protected] code:(+32) phone:25040139, 25040111fax:25139831 , 25040141

� BOLIVIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLIVIA http://www.pcbolivia.net/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+591) phone: 2243252 fax:22770535

� BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, WORKERS’ COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

http://www.rkp-bih.cjb.net Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+387) phone/fax: 55 240 973

� BRAZIL, BRAZILIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pcb.org.br Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+5521) phone/fax:22620855

� BRAZIL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRAZIL http://www.pcdob.org.br http://www.vermelho.org.br Mail: [email protected] code:(+5511) phone:3054-1800, 30541822, 30541821 fax:3054 1848

� BRITAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN http://www.communist-party.org.uk Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+44) phone:2086861659

� BRITAIN, NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF BRITAIN

http://www.newworker.org Mail: [email protected] code:(+44) phone:207 2234050/52 fax:207 2234057

� BULGARIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BULGARIA

http://comparty-bg.com Mail: [email protected] code:(+3592) phone: 9816093 fax:9816093

� BULGARIA, PARTY OF BULGARIANCOMMUNISTS

http://www.communist-bg.org/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+359) phone:28621225 fax: 29744135

� CANADA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CANADA

http://www.communist-party.ca Mail: [email protected] code:(+1416) phone:4692446

� CHILE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHILE http://www.pcchile.cl/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+562) phone:6351601,6347678,6349608, 6651654 fax:729 5714

� CHINA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA http://www.idcpc.org.cn

169


http://www.china.org.cn/english/index.htm Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+8610) phone:83907267 fax:83907268

� COLOMBIA, COLOMBIAN COMMUNISTPARTY

http://www.pacocol.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+571) phone:3203204, 2854188fax:3384742

� COLOMBIA, FARC-EP http://www.farc-ejercitodelpueblo.org/ Mail: [email protected]

� CROATIA, SOCIALIST WORKERS’ PARTY OF CROATIA

Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+ 385) phone/fax:1 4835340

� CUBA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF CUBA http://www.pcc.cu/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+537) phone:8605678 fax:8556836

� CYPRUS, THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY OF THE WORKING PEOPLE - AKEL

http://www.akel.org.cy Mail: [email protected] Phone: (+357) 22761121 Fax:22764725

� CZECH REPUBLIC, COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA

http://www.kscm.cz Mail: [email protected] code:(+4202) phone:22897428/22897472fax:22897449

� DENMARK, COMMUNIST PARTY IN DENMARK

http://www.kommunisterne.dk Mail: [email protected]

Mail: [email protected] code:(+45) phone:38882833 fax:38882433

� DENMARK, COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARK

http://www.dkp.dk Mail: [email protected] code:(+45) phone:33916644

� DOMINICAN REPUBLIC, FORCE OF THE REVOLUTION

http://fuerzadelarevolucion.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+809) phone:685-9362 fax:687-3423

� EGYPT, COMMUNIST PARTY OF EGYPT http://www.cpegypt.tk http://www.rezgar.com/m.asp?i=268 Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+202) phone: 66 403946

� EQUADOR, COMMUNIST PARTY OF EQUADOR

http://pcecuador.org/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+593-2) phone:2671108 fax:2909454 (+593-4) phone:2401462 fax:2248643

� ESTONIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ESTONIA Mail: [email protected] code:(+37) phone/fax: 23591174

� FINLAND, COMMUNIST PARTY OF FINLAND

http://www.skp.fi Mail: [email protected] code:(+3589) phone:77438150 fax:77438160

� FRANCE, FRENCH COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pcf.fr Mail: [email protected] code:(+331) phone:40401293, 40401286fax:42404027

170


� FYROM, COMMUNIST PARTY OF MACEDONIA


� GEORGIA, UNIFIED COMMUNIST PARTY OF GEORGIA

Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+99532) phone:743821, 766697, +(99593) 761363 fax:766697

� GERMANY, GERMAN COMMUNIST PARTY (DKP)

http://www.dkp.de Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+49201) phone:1778890 fax:17788929

� GREECE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREECE

http://inter.kke.gr http://es.kke.gr http://ru.kke.gr http://fr.kke.gr http://ar.kke.gr http://de.kke.gr http://pt.kke.gr http://it.kke.gr Mail: [email protected] code:(+30) phone:210 2592111 fax:210 2592298

� GUADELUPE, GUADELOUPEAN COMMUNIST PARTY


� GUYANA, PEOPLE’S PROGRESSIVE PARTY

http://www.ppp-civic.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+592) phone: 2272095, 2274301-3,2278755, 2251479 fax: 2272096

� HUNGARY, HUNGARIAN COMMUNIST WORKERS’ PARTY

http://www.munkaspart.hu Mail: [email protected] code:(+36) phone:13342721 fax:13135423

� INDIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA

http://www.cpindia.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+9111) phone:23235546, 23235099, 23235058 fax:23235543

� INDIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST)

http://www.cpim.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+9111) phone: 23344918, 23747435, 2374743623363692 fax:23747483

� IRAN,TUDEH PARTY OF IRAN http://www.tudehpartyiran.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+44208) phone/fax:3922653 code:(+4930) phone: 2587411 fax:3241627

� IRAQ, IRAQI COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.iraqicp.com Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+44208) phone: 6422981

� IRAQ, COMMUNIST PARTY OF KURDISTAN-IRAQ

http://www.kurdistancp.org/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+4131) phone: 3719612 fax: 3719628

171


� IRELAND, COMMUNIST PARTY OF IRELAND

http://www.communistpartyofireland.ie Mail: [email protected] code:(+3531) phone:6708707

� IRELAND, THE WORKERS’PARTY OF IRELAND

http://www.workerspartyireland.net/ Mail: [email protected] code: (+3531) phone/fax:8561879

� ISRAEL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF ISRAEL http://www.maki.org.il Mail: [email protected] code: (+9723) phone: 6293944 fax:6297263

� ITALY, PARTY OF THE COMMUNISTREFOUNDATION

http://www.rifondazione.it/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+3906) phone: 441821 fax:44182207

� ITALY, PARTY OF THE ITALIANCOMMUNISTS

http://www.comunisti-italiani.it Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+3906) phone: 68627210/11/23 fax: 68627231

� JAPAN, JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.jcp.or.jp http://www.japan-press.co.jp/ Mail: [email protected] code: (+813) phone: 54748421 fax: 37460767

� JORDAN, JORDANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.jocp.org Mail: [email protected] code: (+9626) phone: 4624939 fax: 4624939

� KAZAKHSTAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF KAZAKHSTAN

http://www.compartykz.info/ Mail: [email protected]

Mail: [email protected] code: (+772) phone: 72911400

� KYRGIZIA, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF KYRGYZSTAN

Mail: [email protected] code:(+996) phone:312 624999 fax:312 660401

� DPR of KOREA, WORKERS PARTY OF KOREA

http://www.kimsoft.com/dprk.htm Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+3906) phone:54220749 fax:54210090

� LAOS, PEOPLES’ REVOLUTIONARY PARTY Mail: [email protected] code:(+856) phone:21414041-42, 21414046 fax:21414043

� LATVIA, SOCIALIST PARTY OF LATVIA http://www.latsocpartija.lv Mail: [email protected] code: (+3716) phone:7555535 fax:7555535

� LEBANON, LEBANESE COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.lcparty.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+9611) phone/fax:739615/6/7

� LITHUANIA, SOCIALIST PARTY OF LITHUANIA

http://www.lsp.w3.lt/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+370) phone:69836756fax:(+370)52606130 code:(+37041) phone:452037fax:(+37048)52460698

� LUXEMBOURG, COMMUNIST PARTY OF LUXEMBOURG

http://www.kp-l.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+352) phone:446066 21 fax:44606666

172


� MALTA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF MALTA Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+356) phone: 21223537 fax:21223537

� MADAGASCAR, PARTY OF THE CONGRESSFOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF MADAGASCAR (AKFM)

Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+261) phone/fax: 202227065, 202226828

� MEXICO, POPULAR SOCIALIST PARTY, MEXICO

http://www.pps.org.mx Mail: [email protected] code:(+5255) phone:330816-18 fax:330816-18, 257131

� MEXICO, POPULAR SOCIALIST PARTY OF MEXICO

http://www.ppsm.org.mx Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+525) phone: 5672-2057 fax:5609-1896

� MEXICO, PARTY OF THE COMMUNISTS,MEXICO

http://www.comunistas-mexicanos.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+52 734) phone:3425838 fax:3435466, 86340766

� MOLDOVA, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA

http://www.pcrm.md/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+3732) phone:2249441 fax:2233673

� NEPAL, COMMUNIST PARTY OF NEPAL (UML)

http://www.cpnuml.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected]

code:(+977) phone: 14278081/82fax:14278084

� NETHERLANDS, NEW COMMUNIST PARTYOF THE NETHERLANDS

http://www.ncpn.nl Mail: [email protected] code:(+3120) phone:6825019 fax:6828276 (+3170) phone:3603676 fax:3603676

� NORWAY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF NORWAY

http://www.nkp.no Mail: [email protected] code:(+4722) phone:716044 fax:717907

� PAKISTAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF PAKISTAN

http://www.cppak.org/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+92) phone/fax:222654531

� PALESTINE, PALESTINIAN COMMUNIST PARTY

http://www.pallcp.ps Mail: [email protected] code:(+97) phone/fax: 2267055, 22267644

� PALESTINE, PALESTINIAN PEOPLE’S PARTY http://www.ppp.ps http://www.palpeople.org Mail: [email protected] code:(+970) phone:22963593 fax:22963592, 22960104

� PANAMA, PARTY OF THE PEOPLE http://www.elpartidodelpueblo.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+507) phone:2259025/2272194

� PARAGUAY, PARAGUAYAN COMMUNIST PARTY

http://www.pcparaguay.org/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+59521) phone:225116 fax:225116

173


� PERU, COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU (PATRIA ROJA)

http://www.patriaroja.org.pe/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+511) phone: 4262366/993869280

� PERU, PERUAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.pcperuano.com Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+511) phone/fax:3306106

� PHILIPPINES, PHILIPPINE COMMUNIST PARTY PKP-1930

Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] phone:code:(+6344) 9242280 fax:(+632) 9395791

� POLAND, COMMUNIST PARTY OF POLAND

http://www.kompol.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+48) phone:228334288 fax:228334288

� PORTUGAL, PORTUGUESE COMMUNIST PARTY

http://www.pcp.pt http://international.pcp.pt/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+35121) phone:7813800 fax:7969824

� ROMANIA, ROMANIAN COMMUNIST PARTY

Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+4021) phone:6423615 fax: 642 3615

� ROMANIA, SOCIALIST ALLIANCE PARTY

http://www.pasro.ro Mail: [email protected] code:(+40) phone:212522887, 314057078,314057077, phone/fax:214133354

� RUSSIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (CPRF)

http://www.kprf.ru Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+7495) phone:6927646 fax:6927646, 6925685

� RUSSIA, COMMUNIST WORKERS PARTY OF RUSSIA- REVOLUTIONARY PARTY OF COMMUNISTS (RKRP-RPC)

http://www.rkrp-rpk.ru/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+7812) phone:2742772, 2748073fax:2742818

� RUSSIA, UNION OF COMMUNIST PARTIES-CPSU

http://www.cprf.ru Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+7495) phone:6927646, 6928736fax:6925685

� RUSSIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SOVIET UNION

http://www.shenin-kpss.ru Mail: [email protected] code:(+7495) phone:7946541, 2024167fax:2001208, 2017525

� SERBIA, NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF YUGOSLAVIA

http://www.nkpj.co.nr/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+38111) phone/fax:2642985

� SERBIA, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF SERBIA http://komunistisrbije.110mb.com/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+38111) phone/fax:3514-478

� SLOVAKIA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SLOVAKIA

http://www.kss.sk

174


Mail: [email protected] code:(+4212) phone:44644101, fax:44372540

� SOUTH AFRICA, SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY

http://www.sacp.org.za Mail: [email protected] code:(+2711) phone:3393621/2 fax:3394244

� SPAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SPAIN http://www.pce.es Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+3491) phone:3004969 fax:3004744

� SPAIN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE PEOPLES OF SPAIN

http://www.pcpe.es Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code: (+34) phone: 915329187, 934585063 fax: 915329187

� SPAIN, PARTY OF COMMUNISTS OF CATALUNA

http://www.pcc.cat/ Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+34 933) phone:184 282 fax: 180 011

� SPAIN, UNITED LEFT SPAIN http://www.izquierda-unida.es/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+3491) phone:7227500 fax:3880405

� SRI-LANKA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SRI-LANKA

Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+9411) phone:2375377, 2695328,2865987 fax:2375378, 2691610

� SUDAN, SUDANESE COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.midan.net Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+4202) phone:33555668 fax:33555668

� SWEDEN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF SWEDEN

http://www.skp.se Mail: [email protected] code:(+468) phone:7358640 fax:7357902

� SYRIA, SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.syriancp.org Mail: [email protected] code:(+96311) phone:4455048 fax:4422716

� SYRIA, SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY http://www.syrcomparty.org/ http://www.an-nour.com Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+96311) phone:4410264, 4429503fax:4422383

� TADJIKISTAN, COMMUNIST PARTY OF TADJIKISTAN

http://www.kpt.freenet.tj Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+992372) phone:232953, 231853fax:351482, 232292

� TURKEY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF TURKEY (TKP)

http://www.tkp.org.tr http://int.tkp.org.tr/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+90216) phone: 4185351, 4146504fax:3461137

� TURKEY, LABOUR PARTY (EMEP) http://www.emep.org Mail: [email protected] code:(+90212) phone:3612508 fax:361 25 12

� UKRAINE, COMMUNIST PARTY OF UKRAINE http://www.kpu.net.ua Mail: [email protected] code:(+380) phone:44 4255487 fax:44 4635714

175


� UKRAINE, UNION OF COMMUNISTS OF UKRAINE

http://marx-journal.org/ Mail: [email protected] code:(+38044) phone:2906225 fax:2806225

� URUGUAY, COMMUNIST PARTY OF URUGUAY

http://www.webpcu.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+5982) phone: 9242697, 929 1433 fax: 9242697

� USA, COMMUNIST PARTY USA http://www.cpusa.org Mail: [email protected] code:(+1) phone:212 989 4994 fax:(+1) 212 229 1713

� VENEZUELA, COMMUNIST PARTY OF VENEZUELA

http://www.pcv-venezuela.org Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] Mail: [email protected] code:(+58) phone:2122566386,fax:2122566386

� VIETNAM, COMMUNIST PARTY OF VIETNAM

http://www.dangcongsan.vn Mail: [email protected] code:(+8443) phone:8436278, 8436274fax:8234514

N° 19 INFORMATION BULLETIN (2010)

Documents

Transcript of N° 19 INFORMATION BULLETIN (2010)