Left movement in 1934 44

Social Scientist

Rise and Growth of the Left Movement in Andhra, 1934-1939Author(s): A. SatyanarayanaReviewed work(s):Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Jan., 1986), pp. 34-47Published by: Social ScientistStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3520420 .

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A. SATYANARAYANVA

Rise and Growth of the Left Movement in Andhra, 1934-1939

IN T'HE GENERAL logic of the nationalist historiograpny the anti- imperialist movement led by Congress is regarded as drawing together all the "'people" against the British. The "people" is here viewed as an undifferen- tiated category either in terms of 'classes' or 'communities'. What remains, however, insufficiently stressed is the fact that the broad mass of people had their own interests to safeguard, along with a concern which led them to cooperate with the Congress in the anti-imperialist struggle. Therefore, their actions involved them in a particular relation with the nationalist leadership and frequently they developed conflicts with their programme, strategy and tactics.

In this paper an attempt has been made to study such actions of the groups comprising the peasantry, the agricultural labour and the working class as represented by the left, i.e., the Congress socialists and Communists in Andhra during 1934-39 and their aims, objectives and struggles in the context of a particular political development.

I

The abandonment of the Civil Disobedience Movement had left a "residue of bewilderment" and disillusion among the younger Congress members, an entire generation of whom had entered the political arena during 1930-32 and they were dissatisfied with the Gandhian methods of struggle and leadership. A majority of them also felt that the Gandhi-Irwin Pact did not give adequate protection to the peasantry and other sections who had suffered in the movement. This feeling of "neglect" was the background for the "socialist minded men" meeting (in May 1934) at Gokhale Public Hall, Patna, whien the Congress Socialist Party came into being. For them, independence did not merelv mean the overthrow of the British, but the liberation of the common masses from economic exploitation and the removal of exploitation through the achievement of socialism.

During this period Andhra witnessed the rise of several revolutionarv societies, such as the Hindustan Socialist Republican Partv (HSRP) whliihl aimed "to attain Swaraj t}irough revolutionarv means" . In fact, scores of

* Depanment of History, Osmania UTiversity, Hyderabad.



LEFT IN ANDHRA 35

these revolutionaries later becamee socialists who intended to convert Con- gress into an instrument of struggle from what they regarded as "merelv a forum for compromise with imperialism". Meanwhile, ii 1934 Amir Haider Khan, "a Moscow trained Bolshevik propagandist", attempted to form thie Provincial Committee of the Communist Partv of India (CPI) in Madras. He was interned before he could achieve his purpose and inJuly 1934, the CPI was declared an "unlawful association-. Nevertheless, some of his followers were able to form the Andhra Provincial Communist Party (APCP) with local branches in Madras, Guntur, Krishna and West Godavari. The first secret communist conference was held at Kakinada, where P. Sundarayya.-Lwas elected as General Secretary. Since the CPI was declared illegal, the provincial party could not carry oIn open public activities in Andhra. However, the CPI's "United Front" strategy enabled the entire party to join the Andhra Provin- cial Congress Socialist Party (APCSP). In fact most of the communists in Andhra who were active in the labour organisations (the Labour Protection Leagues) joined the APCSP to use it as a platform for their activities.

After the decision of the All India Congress Socialist Party (AICSP) that provincial parties should be organised, the APCSP was formed inJune 1934, by "Congressmen of socialist views"'. The main objective of the 'party according to N. G. Ranga was, "to convert the Congress to socialism". It was also resolved to expand the party organisation throughout Andhra. Accor- dingly, branches were established at Eluru, Guntur, Gudivada and Bezwada. Initially, the' activities of the party were confined to organising various conferences; holding meetings in furtherance of socialist propaganda; and organising tours -of national leaders such- as Jaya Prakash Narain, Y. Mehrauli, M.R. Masani, S.A. Dange and Jawaharlal Nehru who addressed meetings at several places. During his visit in 1936, Nehru observed: "'In Tamilnad I had noticed considerable sympathy with 'socialistic ideas... Here, in Andhra Desa, this is still more noticeable. The peasantry, as well as the young people, have expressed themselves very definitely in favour of these socialist ideas."5. Various resolutions were passed condemning the ban on the CPI; calling on Youth Leagues and socialist organisations to agitate for" the release of Amir Haider Khan and other political prisoners; recommending the formation of action committees to propagate anti-imperialist'ideals; advocating the adoption of socialistic methods to achieve independence; and'; appreciating Nehru's attempt to start civil liberties unions. "Anti-imporialist ,Day", and "Russia Day" were also celebrated. A secret report noted that, "with a view to capturing the socialist parties in Andhra and carrying on their activities through them,; P. Sundararama Reddi and his followers in the Telugu d'istricts concentrated their energies organising the party on effilcient lines"". The communists were successful in expanding the organisation throughout Andhra and their efforts resulted in the socialists and communists securing more seats in the Andhra Provincial Congress Conmmittee (APCC) and All-India Congress Committee7 (AICC). Within a short period the communist influence in the socialist party began to grow steadily. By 1937, communists came to dominate both the district and provincial com-



36 -SOCIAL SCIENTIST

mittees of the APCSP. Available evidence also suggests that by the end of 1937, the Executive Committee of the APCSP was dominated by the communists.8

Three points need to be noted here. Firstly, from the very beginning the left movement in Andhra was subjected to divergent pulls. People and parties with different'ideologies were attempting to control it. Both the communists and non-communists, viz., the Congress socialists wanted to capture the APCSP and impose their leadership on it. Secondly, the growing iAfluence of the communists inside the party caused concern to the right- wing led bv V. Jaggam Raju and B. Rangasai. For instance, when the communists decided to organise some district conferences under the presidentship of S.A. Dange, B. Rangasai who was thec joint secretary resigned from the party in protest. The socialists did not like the idea of invit- ing the communists from other parts of India. They openly criticised; the Andhra tour of Dange. In 1936, M..R. Masani, the general secretary of the AICSP unsuccessfully tried to bring about reconciliation between the two factions. Thirdly, despite the opposition of the right-wing, the communists successul y maintained their leadership over the agricultural labour association, the peasant organisations, the labour unions and the youth leagues. As we shall see later, the communists indeed dominated th+ working class organisations in all the Telugu districts of the Madras Presidency. By late 1930s, majority of the district Kisan Sabhas Were under their exclusive control.

In order to propagate the ideals of socialism the feft organised "Summer Schools of Politics and Economics" and taught Marxissm. Inl 1937, the first "well attended" school was started by Kameswar R.ao "a Rtussian traii't(d communist" at Kothapatam (Guntur), where'revolutioniary socialism1' was leing taught." The basic function of the schools was to recruit local party cadre and expand the organisation. The government viewed thie Kottiapatarn chool as "highly dangerous" and decided "to take drastic action".

Therefore, within a short period of time they banned the school and declared it an "illegal and unlawful association". They arrested and imprisoned the members of the school. The banningof the school led to widespread protest meetings throughout Andhra. It was condemned as an "unwarranted attack on civil liberties"." Though all left organisations and local Congress committees protested against the ban and arrests, the Congress leadership in Andhra remained silent. Sn the APCC meeting there was strong opposition (led by T. Prakasam) to the proposal that Congress should defend the, accu-sed-and it was resolved "to disapprove theain of the school in disobeying the banr". Thus, there was a considerable diference of opinion between the Congress leadership and the left-wing,within the party regarding the ban. It signalled the beginning of a confrontatidn between the 'left' and the Congress right- wing. By disapproving of the school they (the Congress leaders) acted conw trary, to the Karachi resolution which guaranteed "freedom of speech, freeQom of association and combination". However, hostility between the conskrv4tive Congress leadership and the 'left' increased during the Con-



LEFT IN ANDHRA 37

gress Ministry (1937-39). While releasing the organiser of the school, the Congress government "warned" the socialists that "they will not tolerate violence or class hatred". The Prime Minister, C. Rajagopalacharry declared, "while Government will not interfere with the lawful preaching of any political, social or economic doctrine, they cannot tolerate and will take all steps necessary to prevent the dissemination of class hatred and ideas involving the use of violence.. ."1 2. The left deplored the negative attitude of the Congress. The Congress socialists wrote thus:

"To suppress the dissemination of ideas whatever be their nature, is to sow the seeds of tyranny. It may, however, be quite legitimate for the government to nip any attempt to translate such ideas into action.... These are obviously dangerous departures from the old accepted definition of free speech, departures which left the freedom of individual without sufficient protection. To deny the citizen the right of speech is to deprive the state of informed criticism". "

Nevertheless, the opposition of the Congress Ministry did not stop the growth of summer schools and dissemination of socialist ideas. During 1937- 39 a number of such schools had sprung up throughout Andhra. "There was considerable influx of communists from the north of India to these schools"," noted the Fortnightly Report. Important communist leaders addressed "failrly well attended"' meetings and lectures. The general tendencv of the lectures was "to disparage the philosophy and practice of non- violence". The schools intended to direct the students towards active participation in various movements and they were successful in "exciting the svmpathies of the students". The influence of Marxian ideas was gradually spreading through these schools. Andhra communists were "supplied with a sufficient quantity of Marx, Engels and Lenins' standard works and also a number of books on Soviet Union". ' Basic Marxist texts were translated into Telugu and were being circulated. Therefore, the summer schools became "a source of dissemination of prohibited literature". "There are indications that such literature is enjoying a considerable circulation in Andhra districts and there is also a tendency to extend the publication of books of this type"," revealed a secret report.

Growing communist influence and socialist propaganda disturbed the Madras government. They were growing increasingly apprehensive of the increasing activities of the "extreme left-wing", viz., the communists. The government of Madras noted that, "socialist thought was noticeably to the fore... Government have now a more difficult problem in the spread of communism.... There is much propaganda going on...". II Therefore, they came to the conclusion "that some action had better be taken to show that the government were not prepared to allow free speech...and to give a clear warning that strong measures would be taken against...seditionists....".iX In an attempt to curb left activity, thev began to arrest individuals. During his tour Batliwala, a communist leader, was arrested and convicted."The arrest of Batliwala has certainlv had an excellent effect", remarked the Governor of Madras. It led to innumerable protest meetings, at which resolutions were



38 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

passed condemning tthe Congress ministrv. Naturallv, the arrests of Batliwala and othiers infuriated the socialists and increased antagonism between thiem and thie Congress. The sentiment of the left was summed up bv the Nellore Voice:

"The public fearis that this prosecution... is but a prelude to a policv of suffocating public opinion and denying the righlt of free speech whichi ouglht to be zealouslv guarded as an elementarv right under any civilised government. The public is greatlv perturbed at the idea thiat this action is highlyv incompatible with the Congress government and with the declared policv of protecting the elementarv civil liberties of the people".'

Majoritv of the local Congress communities also expressed thieir "strong discontent and disapproval" of the action of the government. Thlus the Con- gress leadership had offended "a large section of opinion" that supported them. However, the left determined to carrv on "incessant struggle" against the tendencv of the Congress to compromise with colonialism i anld otlier ves- ted interests. To be able to compel the Congress to attend to tde nieeds of the peasantrv, they' intensified thie peasant movement.

II

The governmnent of Madras observed in 1936 that "agrariani agitation on a considerable scale is now heginning, particularly in the Telugu districts andl that the persons promoting the agitations are in manv cases known Coll- gressmen of extremist views"."'." The socialists and communists developed a basic interest in the agrarian question against the background of a deep agrarian crisis. The APCSP decided "to devote full attention to peasant work" and it managed to organise peasant associations (Kisan Sabhas) thiroughout Andhra. Thus a communist paper remarked: "An irressible enthlusiasm for organisation caught the peasantrv.... Kisan Sabhas sprang up in numerous villages and the district organisations got on their foot. The membership of Andhra Provincial Rvots Association has leapt from 20,000 last vear( l93 7) to 56,000 in 1938." ' Meanwhile unrest among the peasantrv was growing. By 1940 Kisan Sabhas were formed in 11 out of the 12 Andhra districts of the Madras Presidency. Peasant marches had becomne a popular weapon. As in Kerala,2' in Madras also peasant processions were evolved as one of the effective techniques of peasant mobilisation for the redressal of grievances. Andhra peasant marches were said to be "bigger than the biggest that ever had happened in England.""2

The context in which peasant movement expanded was the world economic depression and its aftermath. When thie depression set in, the prices slumped. Between 1929-35 a fall of 50-60 per cent wvas a common phenomenon in Andhra. The fall in the prices obviouslv was disastrous for the peasantry because it drastically reduced their cashi incomes. The burden of normal financial obligation was increased. Peasants' inability to pav revenue and rent regularly resulted in the large-scale accumulation of arrears. Peasant indebtedness also grew. Thierefore, the Kisan Sabhas deinian-



LEFT IN ANDHRA 39

ded "liqiuidation of agricultural indebtedness and substanitial reduction of rent and revenue"."

With the hope and confidence that tihe Congress ministrv would extend its support, the Kisan Sablbas under the left leadershiip lhad intensified the anti-zamindari agitation between 1937-39. Consequentlv, the zamindars had problems in collecting rents. Thiere were instances where the government had to postpone tthe collection ofpeshkush of certain zaimindars "owing to their difficulties in collecting their rents."' In Challapalli estate, peasants lhad begun satyagraha in protest against the zaminidar's attempt to convert commnunal lands into seri or home-farm.21 The peasant association objected and did not allow the landlord's agenits to occupy land. As tile struggle persis- ted, thev frighitened and thireatened the peasantrv. The zamnindar also souglht the help of police and thlev compelled thie tenants to withidraw thiesatyagraha. The Kisan Sabha efforts to mediate and seek thie protectionl of Congress government failed. In Guntupally and Talasamudram estates, tenant movement was developed over tthe (luestion of rent reduction. Thie tenants launchied rent struggle iand boycotted the cultivation of estate lands. The landlords joined together and threatened the existence of Kisan Sablia and assaulted the local peasant leaders. Thev fabricated criminal cases against Kisan Sabhia leadershiip. In Talasamudram estate a peasant "was cruellv donie to death bv the hooligans of the local sahukars and landlords"./ Instead of helping the Kisan Sabha, the Madras government had begun security proceedings against the peasant leaders and demanded that they should furnish security "for good behaviour". The charges against them were that they "preached socialism to the masses and created class conflict."

The estate holders (in Krishna and Godavari districts) persuaded the government to issue orders under section 144 on tenants against entering certain communal lands and grazing fields. On the other hand, the petitions of teriants against the zamindars' oppression went unheeded.2" Atrocities on the tenantrv were piling up in other estates. The Mokhasadas (Inamdar) of Nelamallur and Kondaparra (Krishna district) attacked and disrupted peasant meetings with lathis and guns and severely assaulted a kisan. A tenant, belonging to another Inam in Vizagapatam was so awfully harassed by the Inamdar for giving evidence in a court against him that "he had to flee for life". Several tenants in the Vizianagaram estate "were tied up with rope to a pillar for one day... for informing the Revenue Minister about certain injus- tices of the estate administration".'7 Landlords' servants in Gampalagudem estate assaulted a tenant leader for having started the Kisan Sabha. The left leaders deplored the failure of the ministry to intervene on behalf of the tenantrv and prevent their persecution by zamindars. They condemned the Congress: "The Chief Minister virtually aiding and abetting the diabolical terror of the zamindars."28

During the mid-thirties, the left (particularly the communists) successfully developed the agricultural labour movement in Andhra. In his report to the Central Committee of the CPI in 1935 Sundarayya stated that, "Stable unions to which poor peasantry and to some extent middle peasants



40 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

look for thieir interests. . . . have vet to be created. Partv is concentrating in rural areas at present more in organising agricultural labour than the peasanl- try.""" To begin with; he commenced work in Nellore and formed the "Alaganipadu Agricultural Labour Union". Its objective was "to stanldardise by means of legislation, dailv wages, annual salaries.... and to see that a minimum wage is given, facilitating a comfortable life". 4"

Meanwhile, in Guntur J. Ramalingaiah and otlhers also worked out a programme of work for the development of agricultural labour mlovement. It soon spread to other districts. Several village associations were formed and agricultural workers were mobilised in large numbers. As a result, niumerous strikes and marches took place throughout Andhra. During 1935-37 tthe agricultural labourers launched five strikes onlv to demand that thleir wages should be paid with proper and auttiorised measures. In Nellore, Krislhnia and West Godavari several thousznd labourers went on a strike to demand: "Kind wages should be paid by authorised measures and tlhev slhould be increased 100 per cent, advances should be interest free; Two hour lunch- break; Twenty paid holidays per annum; Sick leave must be granted and wage cut during the period of ill-health should be abolished; Abolition of Namu (compound interest) and current debts"."' N.G. Ranga remarked: "The strikes had dramactically opened the eyes of the workers of large parts of the district to the possibilities and potentialities of their combined action against the persecution carried on by their employers". ;2 The rich peasantrv tried to break the solidarity of the rural poor. Occasionally, they "organised beatings of the socialist workers who were responsible for the organisation and tried systematic terorisation". ' The growing agriculture labour movement also caused resentment among some of the Congressmnen and thev accused that, "the agricultural labour agitation.... owed much to the local politics". ' It also caused division within the peasant associations and solme of its members resigned as a protest against what thev called "the latest anti- kisan attitude".

Despite the opposition from the rural ricth anid the Congress, thie left continued the struggles of the rural poor. It was intensified during the Second World War. Between 1939-44, prices of foodgrain and other con- sumer goods had risen. It affected the rural poor considerably. In order to increase their profits the rural rich, the trade-merchlant took to hoarding. The rise in prices of rice and paddy was said to be "largely due to the fact that rvots and merchants continue to hold up their stocks". Government's attempt to control the prices of essential commodities did not benefit the downtrodden. The poorer classes found that thev were unable to pav thie prices. ; There was a great deal of discontent among the poor at the highi prices of rice and othier food stuffs. In desperation they resorted to looting of the rice mills, fire depots and cloth shops. In December 1942 in Guntur district a crowd of 400 people looted four grain shops and carried awav rice and paddv. At the samne time, in Nellore five cases of looting bv "crowds of poor people" was repor- ted."16 Consequently. there had been a "Marked increase in crime and home- breaking". The Madras Governor remarked thus: "The rising prices are



LEFT IN ANDHRA 41

rathier worrving mle and thiere are elemenits of trouble thiere. There are grounLds for believing that leftist elemnenits were to a considerable extent behind the trouble."38 Communists were reportedly 'trying to forment trouble amongst various labourers". Lootings were said to'be "instigated bv local conmmuniists". " Therefore, a numuber of comtmunist and labour leaders were arrested anid agricultural labour unions were banned.

Duirinig the Second World War extensive hlutnger marclhes were organiised by c(mimiunists thiroughout Andlira. Thiousands of agricultural labourers )articipated in thien and deimanded food and work from thie richi landilords. Thie first lhuniger marchl was organised in Razole taluik (East God.avari) in May 1 939. It was estimiiated tlhatt nleariv five th ousand labourers took part. In Narsapur taltik (West Godavari) ten thiousand labourers fiomn 80 villages miarched to the Deputv Collector's office to demnand work.) In Bhlimiiavaraii taluik anotlher ten thiouisanid milarchled to the government offices. In Krishna district, two to six thousand labourers from six taluks demotnstrated before the taluk offices. Thiev demnanded emplovment, house- sites anid waste lands for cultivationi. In Krishina district, "labour lhave hecomre restive under commnuiist.... inspiration. Free doles of grain are being demlanided of thie rvots. .." remlarked a government report. From two taluks (Tenali and Repalle) of Guntur district, two to three thousand laboourers staged a demonstration in front of tie Revenue Divisional Officers. Comnmentinig oni the agricu!tural labour mlovement thie government noted: "Thlere lhave been hiunger mnarches to thie Divisionial Officers . . . and demlanclds on well-to-do ryots for rice.... Thev also demand various reforms anid amiieniities. It is known that thiis nmovement is instigated by communists... Thie labourers are tempted with promises of free rice.... Naturally, the rvots hlave become nervous of the possibilitv of looting".

Thiie governmnent of Madras considered the agricultural labourers' dem-inds "impracticable" and warned thiem to "beware of being misled bv communist agitators." As tIme mnovement grew, tlhey resorted to repression. Manv of trie commi unist leaders were arrested and prosecuted. However, despite governmnent onslaught and opposition fronm thie rural rich, the com- mlunists were able to expand unionisation amongst the agricultural workers. Unlike the Congressmen, the communists were able to develop and sustain the agricultural labour movement over time. The prevailing objective conditions in Andhra countrvside, viz., intensive stratification within the peasantrv, also lhelped the growth of thie labour movement.

III

Apart from thie peasantrv and the rural poor, the commnunists had alsb organised the working class. In 1932, a working class organisation called "the Young Workers League" was formned. Since the CPI and other communist organisations were batnned, the League could not carrv on its activities. Thierefore, "Labour Protection Leagues" (LPL) were formed, "as a cover for illegal anid undergrounid work."' ' Subse(luentlv, local branches were organised in inponrtanit towns suchl as Guntur. Teniali, Nellore and



42 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

Vijavawada. Almost all tthe members of thte leagues joined the APCSP and worked tlhroughl it. The initial activities of thie Leagues were confined to celebrating "Labour Dav", "anti-irsperialist Dav", "Russian Revolution Dav" etc. Thev condemned the ban on the CPI and urged thie release of communists. Propaganda meetings were organised to stimiulate interest amnonig thle workers and induce them to join tthe unions. Theyv also held studv circles and conducted nighlt schools. Durinig 1935-37 the Guintur LPL, was able to formn unionIs amnong the press workers, jute mnill workers andjutka drivers. The Nellore LPL was formed "to safeguard tthe riglhts of workers and thie poor anid to educate tte workers abLout Indliatn Traide t liion M(vemlent and pro- blemiis of world workers". Meaniwhtile, tile Vijavawada LPL organlised tile strike of press workers anid revived tfie activities of othler ulliOnlS. It le(d a "Black flag" demonistratioi (luril)g the visit of tde Conigress lpresi(ienit "to

expose thte reactionary role of the Conigress".

Thlius in And(ilira thie left was active and(i built up wvell kiiit organisations for the workinig class. 'Th e Governor of Maidrias remiairked: "Ini Anldilra coiln- vnuniiists l(l been trvin g to ima.lke trouble by utilizing anyv dislpte between the workers and(l thieir emiplovers.... Labour disputes aire increasing aiid ttei local socialists are taking a keen interest in it. At some of their meetings, the socialists induttilged in objectionable and(i mischlievous spetehes."' The left

appeLaled to the working (lass to follow the examl)le of Ruissia ancd preserve the sanctity aniid integrity of the Red flag and to establislh a "workers raj" oni the niodel of Russia, "eveni if it involved thie slheddinig of the last drop of thle bWood of thie workers."' Thliev criticised thie Congress leadershiip for its refor- mist programme and explained to the working class that they could not aciiieve thiril emancipation unlder the leaderslhip of the Congress. Thlerefore thiev urged dlieml "to organiise tlhemiiselves into a )olitical partv and devise pro- grami imles to cruslh capitalists anid establish their rule. To propagate Marxist ideals, comim-lunist literatuire was publislied, communists also distributed leatflets and(i tie "Karmiiika Blia'janavali", comprising of Telugu sonigs comn-

posed in popular formii describing the hlardslhip of workers and exhiorting thtemn to organiise themiselves into unionts and figlht for thieir righlts.

Thlie spread of the trade union movement withi a radical programme and left-wing leadershiip caused concern to the governmnent. Therefore, thiev resorted to repressive imieasures. Important labour leaders and communists were arrested and prosecuted. Comnmunist literature was seized. Thie govern- miienit was keeni thiat "comlmunism should be nipped in tlhe bud", because it was "a real danger". Thlev found that the existing coercive powers were inalde(uate to deal with the communists and wrote to thie Government of Inildia recommending special legislation. The government of Madras informned thie Centre thus:

+'No judicial action has been possible inasmuch as their activities are subterranean ancd leave no room for prosecution.... This method of attack is most danigerous and effective and the onlv wav to check the menace... would be to pass the proposed bill... It seems that mneasures should be devised now to prevent the deliberate creation of an atmosplhere of mass discontent



LEFT IN ANDHRA 43

iistead of waiting unltil te..-discont,ent confronts the governmiilenit witlh a lhatr(d and(i faist sittuation."'

Nevertlheless. the left continue(d its work amIniong the workinig (lass alid it wa1s initenisifiedl duirinig the Congress governiinenlt (1937-39). In Februarv, 1938, the workers of Indian Leaf Tobacco Development Company (ILTDC), Cliirala (Gtulltur) went on a i)rotest strike againist the refuisal of thwe mlaniage- milenit to recognise the labour uinioni. WheIn the inaiiagemilenit dismissed two workers, the rest of tlie workers refused to work. Consequently, the iai tante- llenllt declared a lock out. TIle lalb)or uinioni protested atd observed p)eaceful )icketing. Thle Cotngress ministry initervened( but it was of no uise. Police was senlt to disrupt the strike and helpl tdhe miianagemlenlt to reopen the factory. -T'hev resOrte(1 to laltlii clharge and fire(d onl the strikinig workers. As a result, thiree of thiemii wvere kille(l. Tlhe governmiiient en(luirv comimiii ee justified the firinig as "self (lefence . wlhile thie non-official Conigress commilittee con- (len)necd it. Protest imieetilngs and large demionstrations were lield( tlirouiglhiout Ani(ilira ainld a "Cliiralat Firinig Day" was ob)served. ' Rajagopalacliary sup- )orte(d tlhe government action an(i l)lamned thie workers for h aving "caused trouble".

Aniotlher big strike begani in the Chiittivalasa Jute Nlills to protest algainst labotur retrenchlinent. The entire workers oftle in ill p)artici)atc('d in tie strike. The rc'trenchlment was in coninlectioni witlh tl-e geeral curtailm('cnt of produc'- tonm decided bv tlhe Iidiani jLIte Mills Association. Following tile m.a,inagemient's decision to dismiliss a weav(er 2000 workers went on at "stay-In1- strike". Arimied police was sent "to (1c.ar tde inill prcemisec". The laboutr unllionI resisted aiid continiuied the strike. -1hic police fire(d fouir slhots and Lkille(d at worker. " Instead of syrnpathising with the strikers, the Congress government exp)ressed "stron gest (disapproval of tle wvorkers' conduct in occupying the h)VCenis anid inidtlgin,g in l 1 aStayV-in-strike ats at weapon f0r red(iessal of labotir grievances."' Tlle left le(ad(c(rsflil) criticised the ncgatjve attittid(e oftIle 111tinistrx' tlhus:

"For the workers of Madras whether in Chittivalasa or Chirala, the situa- tioIn is becoling utnb)carable. Th Niad.-(iras go\ernmllenlt cn inciated .a policy of settlinig iduLstrial disputes ilnternlaliv. Btit this wishl remai.iinedi olv mi palpe'r. In almiiost ev(cry iil(itstr iail dispute- tle p)olice and b)ureautcracv, liave htttted in with bullets, playinig havoc with the lives.... In almost every instance the Con- gress mIninistrN eitlher exonerate( t l ie bureaucracy or sub)mittc(d... to thIe dictats of the bosses."

Fibre aiid Salt Workers at Kiakinladla begani a strike to demiandl(i miore walges. Tlei Labour Commiiiiissionier of Madras declared thliat "thex wNere paid unduly low rates of wiiges and slhotild be raised." Yet thie employers refuised to comiply withl hlis recommniendations. Protest meetinigs were hIel(l h) tile lab)our unlioil, where "intemlperate speeclhes" were mlade andi "..s theworkc rs appeared to b(' gettinig out of conitrol an order... was passed prolibiting a ll mnecitngs. l)rocessions anidi (lemnonstration." Thie leaders of tihe uniioti were arrested. Otlhei- locl lab)our uiniionis wenit oni a synipathetic strike. Nlcanwihile, workers of tle Kaikinad.(la Boat anid Steamer Works latunclhed a strike deniand-



44 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

inig lhiglher wages an(l securitv of eilnlovinent. Wilell tile mlilnilgellellt brought ouitside workers, thie strikinlg workers successfully persuaded thlemii not to work. Thie strike was supported by the local Congress commnittee, stu- (lent unlioIns anid othler workers' unlions. Tulle Vizag Port and Harbour workers

expressed solidarity and svym)pathiv witlh their fellow workers at Kakillada.

T'le growthi and strengthienintg of thie laibour uniioIns becamle a serious )robleim for the Madras governmilenit. It was also atn emlbarrassment to tile Conigress. They regretted the contilued "labour trouble". Althiouglh tlhev

promlised workers' righit to strike for wages, the ministry took a lhostile atttittude. The Congress governml-ienit tlhus authlorised p)rosecution "for stirrillg uip strike betweeni different classes" and institutecd proceedings aiginitist thie left-wing agitators. Thie Governor of Madras observed : "Thle general labour

sittuationi is causin1g tie iiiinistn, a grett (teal ofhanxiety aind tlev are well aware that great (teal of the propaganda... is niot miierelv anti-eniplover but also very (lefinitelv anti-miiinistrv." Fttrthier,

"Thie imiinisters are verv annoved.. .and tlhev are in no wav supporting tlle strikes.... Comnmunist influenice is unitdoubtedlyv behiind these disturbances an1(d it mt1Ust be said that Ministers are. . . . losinlg conitrol of labouir. T'le pre- iiier is coming round to the view tlhatt it is timiie soime action was takell agailnst coiiniinunists.. anid I sliall niot be at all surprised to see him agreeilig to somlle aIrrests... . '

The workinlg (lass movement was initetnsified duiring the Second World War. 'The labotir uIIIioIns hiad tiakeni advainitage of the rise in prices and

demanding higher wages. The Chittivalasajute Mill workers went on a strike demanding higher wages. It led to large scale internments of communists under the Defence of India Rules (DIR).

it is clear from] the above discutssion that thie socialists anid comimniiiists

were very active in mlobilising the lhithierto neglected sections of the mi-iass of the people by ConIgress. 1 Tndoubtedlyvthe communists lhad lalyved an imlipor-

tilt role in thte formiiation aiid growthi of workinig class imiovemiienit. Thle left as a wlhole hiad a consideralble b)ase withlin tthe 'working class anId launclhed

impressive strike movements. The communists were able to utilise the strikes to exteltid their influence over the working class, wlhom1 tlev initendie(d to edLu-

(ate withi Marxist ideologv. Interestinigly, thley liad ailso penetrated inito ani(l organised the b)ackward sectionis of the exploited class suchI as the rice mill wsorkers, sweepers, tliejutka and cart drivers.

To conclude, we liave tried to )resent a comprelhensiive account of the left iiioveiienit in Andidira and analvse thte manner in wlhich it interacted witlh the doininant Congress leaderslhip. In this paper ani attempt hias also beeIn

made to discuss the origin and growth of left milovemnent in a particulir political context, i.e., thle period of the "t Tnited Front". Durinig this period all the anti-imp)erialist forces represented by differenit p)olitical )arties folugtll ulitedly aigainist the Britisht aintd their sul)l)orters. Thle abrupt eindinig of Civil Disobediciwe miovemiient in And(ilra resulte(l in thte foiiiiation of reo-



LEFT IN ANDHRA 45

lutioniarv terrorist orgianisation (tlie HSRPN. Thioughl tihe t(rrorist nliove'Ilemet was sporadic anid short lived, it di(d provide iniitial recruits to the left miiove- miienit. Mean-wlhile, some of the young radical Conigressimeni like Sundarayva joined the Comnmiuxniist Pairtv. He was mainlv responsil)le for tlhe spread of communism in Andhira. As a mnatter of fact t. uilike in othier parts of Inidia (Boilbav, Bengal, ITttar Pradesli etc.) comminuitnism came to Alndliral olyl inI mnid- 1 930s. Althouglh the Conimunist Party w.as forimie(d in Antdlhrat in 1934, it could not work among the masses as it was declared an "unlawful associa- tionI". However, thle formationI of APCSP(in June, 1934) ('tlabled tllhe llhd(futil of Andlhra communists to jOiin in it and carry on titeir activities altniOig tdie worke-rs and peamsanits and act as a stronll eft-wiing of thle CoIgress.

Duirinig 1!934-39, hew socialists and (mlumntiiists wt)rlk( colle (1ctive1 to

buiild workers aind peasaiti associttiaons lirotighiotit tndhrm.i lidml na Short

period, leftist influence in the Congress began to grow steadilv. Conisequent- lv; thley werl cable to hol(ld j)sts alt th(e olistrict. P)Ov\il(iCial .111(l AII-(li. (COII-

gress (ominittecs. Bv thie end of' 1939 comimuit,1ist influtlece wt., 1et (clearl1 atn0tig tew g ( T' class aniid yt ii. Fspcilally on the trad(e tilimi biout uf'e cOimmslltintS inl And(hlira mad.1(le rapl)i(l pro(rss witll tii V(t short l ( I 1 ofI time. While till 1 934 communist influence \tuotig working class w cs i

il)le, by the end of 1938 they were able to (Imllltt Var1.iou0s lahmi tlint "lls. Likewise, thec commuiists were aware o{f thwe gr1eat lOteIitial olf p)c-IS.i5t (clman(ls stucl isi naoraltoriuimll oni loans, revenuie aind rent (lemain.iid, tenancy

legisflaItioll and s(o on, inl uilnitinlg the entire p'tasan1trv in an atiti-imiperialist

inited fronit. T1 lhey we(-re atlso able to single out ainid uitilisc otlher imnwiediate (letitands of (lie p)ecasantry to integrate thiemii inito l)olitical activity. iTndoub- tedlv, ill td ec(lnext ofIt convergence of various left forces in tle late 1 930s, i.e., witl tlie forimationi of working class a.n-d peasant associations, agrictilttural labour uinioIIs, youthi lealgues and stuIdeInts tlnioIns and tie increitsing influence of Conigress socialists the commiunists plaved an imnpor- tanlt ro(le in giviug tile anti-landlord, anti-cap)italist alid anti-imperialist struglgole a (listinct lcftward orientation. Thlius it cotild )e seeni that the com- ltiltlists il a brief l)reriodl mnde a remilarkable imNpact on the political scene in And(litra. .Starting fromii almost niotlhing in 1934 tlhev could, bv thle endl of 1939, claim substantial influence amilonig thie working class, the peasantrv anid thle Vouitlh.

However, the doiimianit Congress leadershtip was growinig al)l)reltellsive of the increasing penetration of the trade unions, Kisani Sabhias andl Youtli Leagues bv tthe communiists. Peasant satvagrahias at Kalipatami andi Munlagala and working class strikes at Chiirala and Chiittivalasa are a case in point. Thte Congress leadership, in fact, did not appreciate the crucial role plaved bv the left in general and the communists in particular, in rousinig thie peasantrv alnd working class to organised political actioni. In the name of maintining "class lharmony" the Congress discouraged thte anti-landlor(l ain(l aliti-capitalist struggles. The Congress ministrv freelv and liberally res(orted to repressive measures to control the comnmuni.st activitv. Thle refore, at coiflict (develol)ed hetweetn the Congress and the left leadership. Altliotigli thie Congress frus-



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trated the ettorts o()I thie (co11ilsts to 1)Util an I efftive anti-imperialist Ullited - front, thte latter wvere able to I onsolidate workers nd peasant organiisationlsbvradicillising ain(idwilitnigovertlheadvani(.edse(tiolns ofColl- gress Socialists towards them. Thus by the end of 1930, the Communist Party was abl)e to mo1(bilise vairiouIs sections of the Anidhlra s)cietv againlst the colonial state. That is to say, during the Second World War, the communists plaved an active role in integriatind (lifferenit sections of people into the vortex of tlhe atiti-imipcrialist Imlovemilenlt.

Andhra in this paper denotes the following Telugu speaking districts of thle erstwhile Madras Presidencv: Nellore. Gunitir, Krislhna, West Godavari, East Godavari and Vizagapatam

1 . LP. Sinha, The Left-wing in India, 1919-47, Muzaffarnagar, 1965, pp 304-5. 2 . Sarojini Regani, Highlights of the Freedom Struggle in Andhra Pradesk Hyderabad, 1972,

pp 137-39. 3 . Selections from Secret Files, Andhra Pradesh State Archives, Hyderabad, p. 2576.

(Hereafter referred to as Selections); M. Venkatarangaiah, Freedom Movement inAndhra, Vol. IV, Hyderabad, 1965, p. 646.

4 . Fortnightly Reports, Madras, 2nd half ofJune, 1934.- Home pol. (NA!). (Hereafter F.R.). 5. M. Venkatarangaiah, o. cit., p. 668. 6 . Ibid., p. 666. 7 . In 1936, three socialists were elected to the AICC and 23 to the APCC and in 1937, their

strength went upto 7 and 47 respectively. 8 . vernor's Situation Report, 2nd half of November, 1937. LPJ/5/197, In'dia Office Library

London. (Hereafter Governor?s Report). In 1934 there were only 4 communists in the working committee of the APCSP, but by 1937 their strength increased to 11 out of 17.

9 . Selections pp 4-5. 10 . Governor's Report, 2nd half of April, 1937, LPJ/5/197. 11 . Con,gress Socialist, 5 June, 1937. 12 . Cited in Congress Socialist, 14 August, 1937. 13. Ibid.

14 . ER. Ist half ofJune. 1938. 15 . Report from the Secretary of the Madras Provincial Committee of the CPI to Central

Committee, (no date) in Selections p. 2596. 16 . F:R. 2nd half of June, 1938. 17 . Selections p.4. 18 . Governor's Report, 2nd half of September, 1937, LPJ/5/197. 18a. Goes Repot, Ist half of October, 1937, LPJ/5197, wpapes, MSS Eur F/12517,

India Office Libasmy, LndoL ''



LEFT IN ANDHRA 47

19 . Congress Socialist, 9 October, 1937.

19a. M. Venkatarangaiah, Freedom... op. cit., p. 574. 20 . National Front, 24 April, 1938.

20a. Prakash Karat, "Organised Struggles of Malabar Peasantry, 1934-1940", in Social Scietist, Vol. 5, No. 6, 1972. pp 4-5.

21 . Mational Front, 24 April, 1938.

22 . Selections... p. 2605. 23 . Govemor's Report, Ist half of March, 1938, LPJ/5/198. 24 . Andhra Patrika, 3 November, 1937.

25 . National Front, 19 March, 1939.

26 . National Front, 4 September 1938 and 13 November, 1938. 27 . National Front, 4 September, 1938.

28. Ibid.

29 . Selections p. 2595.

30 . Ibid, p. 2584.

31 . Zamin Ryot, 8 July, 1937. 32 . N.G. Ranga, Kisan... op. cit., p. 17.

33 . National Front, 24 April, 1938, 34 . N.G. Ranga, Kisan, Op. cit., p. 16.

35 . Communist, November, 1940. 36 . Governor's Report, I st half of December, 1942, LPJ/5/205. 37 . Ibid.

38 . Ibid

39 . Communist, November, 1940, p. 12. 40 . Ibid. Govenor's Report, 2nd half of September, 1940. LPJ/5/203. 41 . Ibid.

42 . Governor's Report, 1st half of October, 1940, LPJ/5/203. 43 . Selections, p. 2578. 44 . Covernor's Report, 2nd half of September, 1937, LPJ/5/197. 45 . Selections, p. 2593. 46 . Ibid., p. 2581. 47 . Andhra Patrika, 17 Fehruary, 1938. 48 . Governor's Report, 2nd March, 1938. LPJ/5/198. 49 . Governor's Report, Ist half of Februarv, 1939. LPJ/5/200. 50 . New Age, March-April, 1939. 51 . Govemor's Report, Ist half of April, 1939. LPJ/5/200. 52 . National Front, 19 February, 1934. 53 . Governor's Report, Ist half of March, 1938, LPJ/5/198. 54 . "The Communist activities during the anti-war agitation were wide-spread... There was

labour unrest throughout the Presidencv. Communist party played a verv dominant part in the strikes and labour disputes. Various labour unions were controlled by them". Selec- tions, p. 7 16.



Left movement in 1934 44

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