Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her...

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“It is not singular that, as the daughter of two persons of dis- tinguished literary celebrity, I should very early in life have thought of writing” (FMP 176): so Mary Shelley put it, with charac- teristic modesty. Anne K. Mellor, more boldly, has described Shelley as “the fruit of the most radical literary marriage of eighteenth-centu- ry England” (Mary Shelley 1). Her parents were William Godwin, philosopher and novelist, and Mary Wollstonecraft, educator, novelist, critic, philosopher, and travel writer. Yet Shelley’s illustrious birth in 1797 was almost immediately overshadowed by a double disaster: Wollstonecraft’s death, ten days after the delivery; and the hostile pub- lic reaction to Godwin’s Memoirs of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, published the following year. Moreover, Shelley came to maturity in a historical moment of post-revolutionary despair very different from the moment of revolutionary optimism that had inspired her parents’ most famous works. The events of Wollstonecraft’s and Shelley’s lives are recorded in such modern studies as Claire Tomalin’s The Life and Death of Mary Wollstonecraft (1974), William St Clair’s The Godwins and the 1 Introduction 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙 鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓 鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉 鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗 鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞 鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓 鐦鑑鑑 鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘 鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓 鐲鑆鑞 鑓鑔鑙 鑇鑊 鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉 鑎鑓 鑆鑓鑞 鑋鑔鑗鑒 鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙 鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓 鑋鑗鑔鑒 鑙鑍鑊 鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑 鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙 鑋鑆鑎鑗 鑚鑘鑊鑘 鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉 鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓 鑔鑗 鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊 鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙 鑑鑆鑜鐓

Transcript of Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her...

Page 1: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

✥ “It is not singular that, as the daughter of two persons of dis-tinguished literary celebrity, I should very early in life have

thought of writing” (FMP 176): so Mary Shelley put it, with charac-teristic modesty. Anne K. Mellor, more boldly, has described Shelleyas “the fruit of the most radical literary marriage of eighteenth-centu-ry England” (Mary Shelley 1). Her parents were William Godwin,philosopher and novelist, and Mary Wollstonecraft, educator, novelist,critic, philosopher, and travel writer. Yet Shelley’s illustrious birth in1797 was almost immediately overshadowed by a double disaster:Wollstonecraft’s death, ten days after the delivery; and the hostile pub-lic reaction to Godwin’s Memoirs of the Author of A Vindication of theRights of Woman, published the following year. Moreover, Shelleycame to maturity in a historical moment of post-revolutionary despairvery different from the moment of revolutionary optimism that hadinspired her parents’ most famous works.

The events of Wollstonecraft’s and Shelley’s lives are recordedin such modern studies as Claire Tomalin’s The Life and Death ofMary Wollstonecraft (1974), William St Clair’s The Godwins and the

1

Introduction

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 2: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Shelleys: The Biography of a Family (1989), and Emily Sunstein’sMary Shelley: Romance and Reality (1989), as well as in studies ofGodwin, Percy Bysshe Shelley, and other members of the Shelley cir-cle. In addition, Wollstonecraft’s letters (edited by Ralph M. Wardle,1979) and Shelley’s letters (edited by Betty T. Bennett, 1980-88) andjournals (edited by Paula Feldman and Diana Scott-Kilvert, 1987)allow the modern reader ready access to material not published duringthe writers’ lifetimes.

Mary Wollstonecraft was born in 1759, eldest daughter in a familyplagued by alcoholism, violence, and frequent dislocation. Followingher mother’s death, and after having helped one of her sisters to escapefrom an unhappy marriage, Wollstonecraft, together with her sisters andher close friend Fanny Blood, established a girls’ school at NewingtonGreen. Wollstonecraft’s romantic friendship with Fanny ended withFanny’s death in Lisbon in 1785; in her novella Mary, A Fiction, pub-lished in 1788, Wollstonecraft recounts the experience of travelling toPortugal only to lose her friend. Forced to earn her own living,Wollstonecraft worked as a governess for the Kingsborough family inIreland and subsequently (and more happily) as a translator and review-er for the radical publisher Joseph Johnson.

In December 1792, Wollstonecraft went to France, where, at theheight of the Terror, she fell in love with an American writer and entre-preneur, Gilbert Imlay, and, in 1794, gave birth to their daughter,Fanny. In order to promote Imlay’s business interests (and to hold hiswavering attention following his unfaithfulness and her first suicideattempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795,recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a ShortResidence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark (1796). Back in London,she attempted suicide for the second time. Some time later, while work-ing on her second novel, The Wrongs of Woman; or, Maria (posthu-mously published in 1798), she began the relationship with WilliamGodwin recorded in his Memoirs; the last months of her life were aperiod of great personal happiness and literary productivity. In additionto her autobiographical novels and the intensely personal Letters fromNorway, Wollstonecraft left an abundant textual legacy for her daugh-ter: Thoughts on the Education of Daughters (1787), Original Stories(a children’s book, 1788), The Female Reader (an educational anthol-ogy, 1789), An Historical and Moral View of the French Revolution(1794), and two political treatises: A Vindication of the Rights of Men(1790), and A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Godwin pub-lished his own Memoirs and Wollstonecraft’s Posthumous Works,including some personal letters to Imlay, in 1798.

2 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 3: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

This legacy is suffused with Wollstonecraft’s longing for a daugh-ter—especially for a daughter she could educate—but also with mater-nal anxiety over the possible consequences of such an education. In herfirst book, written when she already had some experience of educationbut seven years before she would bear a daughter, this longing is aphysical pang: “The suckling of a child also excites the warmest glowof tenderness—Its dependant, helpless state produces an affection,which may properly be termed maternal. I have even felt it, when Ihave seen a mother perform that office” (TED 4). In her most success-ful work, addressed to her lover from the wilds of Scandinavia, sheexplains her plans for educating their daughter, Fanny Imlay:

With trembling hand I shall cultivate sensibility, and cherish delica-cy of sentiment, lest, whilst I lend fresh blushes to the rose, I sharp-en the thorns that will wound the breast I would fain guard—I dreadto unfold her mind, lest it should render her unfit for the world sheis to inhabit. Hapless woman! what a fate is thine! (LWSR 97)

In her last book (written while she was pregnant with the child whomshe thought of as William but who would turn out to be Mary Shelley),she imagines a mother writing her memoirs for the benefit of thedaughter she fears she has lost forever:

From my narrative, my dear girl, you may gather the instruction, thecounsel, which is meant rather to exercise than influence yourmind.—Death may snatch me from you, before you can weigh myadvice, or enter into my reasoning: I would then, with fond anxiety,lead you very early in life to form your grand principle of action.(WWM 124)

As Charles E. Robinson, Lisa Vargo, Jeanne Moskal, and Rose Scollardshow in their contributions to this volume, Wollstonecraft’s longing forher daughter is fully matched by Shelley’s longing for the motherwhom death had snatched from her, and for the education that lostmother might be able to offer her. (See especially Robinson’s essay fora detailed account of when Shelley read her mother’s works.)

Godwin’s account of Mary Wollstonecraft’s life, written in theshadow of her death, moves inexorably toward “the last fatal scene”(MAV 265), which is also the scene of Mary Shelley’s birth. On 30August 1797, Wollstonecraft gave birth to her second child, contractedpuerperal fever following extraction of the retained placenta, and died“on Sunday morning, September the tenth . . . at twenty minutesbefore eight” (271). In addition to Godwin himself and their newbaby, Wollstonecraft left her three-year-old daughter, Fanny Imlay.

Introduction 3

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 4: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Remembering Wollstonecraft’s life and death, in his Memoirs her hus-band begins the writing of other lives as well. Attempting to honourWollstonecraft’s memory, he also undertakes (as Helen Buss shows inthis volume) to justify himself. His book demonstrates some of thecomplexities of life writing that are explored in the present volume: itselusive subject, its paradoxical intent, and its historically contingentrelation with its readers.

Far from honouring Wollstonecraft, as Godwin had intended, hisMemoirs, published in 1798, had the effect of fuelling condemnationof Wollstonecraft’s life, writings, and influence. The index to theAnti-Jacobin, which cross-lists “Mary Wollstonecraft” and ”prostitu-tion,” is perhaps the most sensational insult to Wollstonecraft’s mem-ory; but it is entirely consistent with contemporary attitudes towardwomen’s sexuality, employments, and social roles. In her writingsand in her life (as in Godwin’s account of her life), Wollstonecraftchallenged the limitations and distortions imposed by these attitudes;she was therefore vilified for the very qualities her husband wished topraise. Reading her life and work involves context as well as text.“Lives” as both lived experience and literary production are insepa-rable from “works,” a word that similarly includes both the process ofproduction and the finished product, whether authorized, edited, dis-torted, or adapted.

Both the feminist works and the lifestyle for which Wollstonecraftwas condemned, and the damaged reputation that resulted, were part ofher daughter’s inheritance. That daughter, named Mary WollstonecraftGodwin like her mother, grew up under the gaze of John Opie’s portraitof Wollstonecraft, in an atmosphere that included continued insults toher mother’s reputation as well as the painful reconstitution of a fami-ly, in a household that included her half-sister, Fanny Imlay, and laterGodwin’s second wife, Mary Jane Clairmont, and her children, MaryJane (later Claire) and Charles, and, in 1801, William Godwin Jr. In1812, Mary Godwin met the poet Percy Bysshe Shelley, an admirer ofher father’s work who had been expelled from Oxford for atheism andwho had married without his titled family’s approval. On 26 June 1814,on a visit to her mother’s grave in St Pancras churchyard, she told himthat she loved him. They eloped to the Continent, taking along Mary’sstepsister, Claire Clairmont. Returning to England, Percy Shelley elud-ed his creditors and Mary gave birth to their first child, a daughter whodied at two weeks of age. In 1816, following the birth of their sonWilliam, Mary and Percy went to Switzerland with Claire, who waspregnant with Lord Byron’s child. During this eventful year, Marybegan writing Frankenstein, and both her half-sister, Fanny, and

4 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 5: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Percy’s wife, Harriet, committed suicide. Percy Bysshe Shelley andMary Wollstonecraft Godwin were married on 30 December 1816.

The deaths of two more children—Clara (1818) and William(1819)—and the birth of a second son, Percy Florence (1819), were fol-lowed in July 1822 by Percy Bysshe Shelley’s death by drowning offthe coast of Italy. In eight short years, Mary Shelley had given birth tofour children, suffered the deaths of three of them, writtenFrankenstein, and survived an often unhappy marriage. Unlike hermother, she would be given a span of life in which to make a reputa-tion less defined by scandal. In 1823, at the age of twenty-six, shereturned to England with her only remaining child, Percy Florence, andput her energy into writing, publishing, and negotiating with theShelley family in her son’s interests. Prohibited by her father-in-law,Sir Timothy Shelley, from writing a life of Percy Bysshe Shelley (andthus prevented from doing for her husband some version of whatGodwin had done for Wollstonecraft), she turned other forms of writ-ing and editing into vehicles for life writing, much as her mother hadfound ways to represent the conditions of her own life in her philo-sophical and literary texts. In addition to Frankenstein (1818, secondedition 1823, revised edition 1831) and her novella, Matilda (unpub-lished during her lifetime), she wrote five other novels—Valperga(1823), The Last Man (1826), The Fortunes of Perkin Warbeck (1830),Lodore (1835), and Falkner (1837)—and various essays, reviews, shortstories, travel books (History of a Six Weeks’ Tour; Rambles inGermany and Italy), and biographical sketches (for Lardner’s CabinetCyclopaedia in 1835, 1838, and 1839). She lived to see her son succeedto the Shelley estate and title, and died in 1851 of a brain tumour.

In bare summary, such a whirlwind of events—elopements, exiles,indefatigable writing and publishing, births, infidelities, deaths—mayseem bewildering, even bleakly comical. How is one to do justice totheir human meaning? That, in brief, is the question this volume triesto answer. It examines intersecting lives and intersecting texts. Mostcentrally, it considers the relationship between Mary Wollstonecraftand Mary Shelley. Recognizing Godwin’s contribution to forming boththe mother’s memory and the daughter’s mind, it also considers famil-ial intersections—what William St Clair has described as “the biogra-phy of a family”—and, more generally, intellectual and cultural con-texts beyond the immediate Wollstonecraft and Shelley circles. Itconsiders intersections of genre that challenge such conventional dis-tinctions as those between the private and the public (Wollstonecraft’sLetters from Norway, Shelley’s travel writing), between autobiographyand fiction (novels by both writers), and between personal experience

Introduction 5

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 6: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

and intellectual achievement. Through their awareness of intertextuali-ty, essays in this volume serve to counter residual assumptions aboutthe Romantic artist (including Percy Bysshe Shelley) as a solitarygenius whose work transcends shared experience and common influ-ence. Most significantly, perhaps, the volume serves to demonstrate aswell as to make a case for the intersection of creative and intellectualwork: not only do the contributions examine the coexistence of imagi-nation with both scholarship and rational discourse in the works ofWollstonecraft and Shelley, they also display the generic mixture theycelebrate. “Life writing” refers to a wide range of discursive practices.The term is not limited to traditionally defined genres such as memoir,biography, autobiography, letters, and personal essays: it also includessuch fictive forms as autobiographical novels; essays and manifestoesinformed by the operation of rational thought working through the feltinspiration of the writer; and the lyric voice of poetry and poetic prosein which poets construct their self-development in their work.

Rose Scollard’s original play, Caves of Fancy, shows how scholar-ly research can transform the members of the Wollstonecraft and Shelleycircles into dramatic characters whose words give new life to the familiartexts they echo; other contributions employ critical perspectives as diverseas Marxism (Gary Kelly), stylistics (D. L. Macdonald, Syndy Conger,Lawrence R. Kennard), psychoanalysis (Eleanor Ty, S. Leigh Matthews,Jeanne Moskal), intertextuality (Jeanne Perreault, Anne McWhir,Lisa Vargo), memoir theory (Helen M. Buss), bibliography (Charles E.Robinson, Betty T. Bennett), deconstruction (Judith Barbour), and stand-point theory (Anne K. Mellor). Drawing on this wide variety of meth-odologies and theoretical positions, the contributions to this volumesuggest the richness and complexity of life writing, both as cre-ative/scholarly practice and as the object of scholarly, critical, and the-oretical investigation.

This diversity of approach is reflected in our contributors’ usage ofnames and short titles, which we have accordingly chosen not to regu-larize. The choice of a short title is a critical judgment: RichardHolmes, for example, first suggested A Short Residence as a short titlefor Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway, andDenmark, not only because it helped to distinguish the book from theactual letters Wollstonecraft wrote from Scandinavia, but also becauseits “melancholy overtone” seemed to him characteristic of the book asa whole (58). To follow his example, as Syndy Conger does, is (at leastimplicitly) to endorse his judgment. To call the book Letters fromNorway, as Eleanor Ty does (and as we do here), is to emphasize itsgeneric status as an epistolary travel book (and also to imply a certain

6 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 7: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

attitude toward literary history, since this is the title by which it wasknown in the Romantic period).

The vexed question of the names of the Shelleys also has criticalimplications. To call Percy Bysshe Shelley “Shelley,” and MaryWollstonecraft Shelley “Mary Shelley,” as Jeanne Moskal does, is toimply a judgment about the personal and literary relations betweenthem; to call the former “Percy” and the latter “Shelley,” as Lisa Vargodoes, is to imply a different but equally valid judgment. By choosingnot to regularize the names and titles used by the various contributors,the editors intend to underscore the effect of naming on life writing andthe diversity of approaches this volume represents. (It should always beobvious that A Short Residence and Letters from Norway are the samebook, and that the Shelleys are two different people.)

Difference of viewpoint is important in other ways as well. RoseScollard’s Caves of Fancy provides a vivid image of the primal sceneof Wollstonecraft’s death, not from Godwin’s perspective in theMemoirs, but as it might have been inhabited by Fanny Imlay’s suici-dal imagination in 1816. Just before her own death, Scollard’s Fannyrecalls the wailing of her newborn half-sister:

I was there, wasn’t I? The bed, the walls, the little green-winged flythat buzzed in the window. The fever that gripped her and the chillthat rattled her bones. And I heard that rattle and I heard my father’scollapsing breath, and the little baby in the next room crying. . . .

In Scollard’s play, the scene of Wollstonecraft’s death is not only awindow to the irrecoverable past—the last act of a tragedy—but thebeginning of another generation’s story that overlaps and intersectswith the past.

This work of demonstrating the relationship between a mother anda daughter, between two writing lives, and—more broadly—betweentwo generations of writers, has been from the beginning a collaborativeventure. A conference sponsored by the Calgary Institute for theHumanities and held at the University of Calgary in August 1997 tocorrespond with the bicentenary of Shelley’s birth and Wollstonecraft’sdeath brought together scholars, biographers, creative writers, and the-orists to explore Wollstonecraft and Shelley’s lives and work in thecontext of life writing as theory and practice. During the year before theconference, in conjunction with the Markin-Flanagan writer-in-resi-dence program at the University of Calgary, Rose Scollard wrote herplay, consulting with members of the English and Drama departmentsat the university and with the editors of this volume. Through an inten-sive series of workshops, the play’s director, Brian Smith of the

Introduction 7

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 8: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Department of Drama, worked with Scollard and with a group of schol-ars, student actors, and production staff to bring the play to life. A pub-lic reading and two brief runs—the second during the conference—introduced Wollstonecraft and Shelley and their circles to audiencesthat might previously have known little about these writers. This expe-rience of participating in life writing as scholarly project overlappingwith imaginative re-creation helped to shape our understanding of thebook we wanted to edit—a collaborative volume integrated by diversecreative and scholarly energies, a collection that would be cross-refer-ential, representing a wide range of approaches and expertise.

Although neither Mary Wollstonecraft nor Mary Shelley everwrote what we would call an autobiography or memoir, Wollstonecraftwas the subject of Godwin’s memoirs (discussed by Helen Buss); andShelley began a memoir of Godwin (discussed by Judith Barbour), inaddition to writing five volumes of biographies of eminent literary andscientific men of France, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. A number of con-tributors to this volume suggest possible reasons for their reticenceabout themselves: Ty and Matthews argue that the established autobi-ographical forms available to them had been developed primarily bymen, for the purposes of masculine self-expression, and Kelly arguesthat Shelley’s post-revolutionary moment was especially hostile towomen’s autobiography; Buss examines Godwin’s conflicted attemptto write his wife’s life; Barbour analyzes the psychic tensions thateventually led Shelley to abandon her life of Godwin; Vargo points outthat Shelley’s father-in-law prevented her from writing a memoir ofher husband by threatening to cut off the allowance on which she andher son depended; Moskal argues that certain aspects of Shelley’s pastwere too painful for her to write about them explicitly. Nevertheless,both mother and daughter were prolific life writers in the more inclu-sive sense described above, notably, in their letters (see Bennett’sessay), travel writing (see Conger, Kennard, Ty, and Moskal), and fic-tion (see Matthews, Perreault, Robinson, McWhir, Vargo, and Mellor);Macdonald and Moskal suggest that even apparently impersonal formssuch as political treatises and art criticism can be forms of self-repre-sentation. Bennett and Mellor, finally, argue in various ways that con-temporary academic criticism of the two authors also has inevitablyautobiographical elements.

In one of the most wide-ranging essays in the volume, Gary Kellyundertakes to historicize the autobiographical elements in Wollstonecraft’sand Shelley’s works, arguing that autobiography was the “dominantdiscursive mode of the Revolution debate.” In Kelly’s view, the auto-biographical projects of mother and daughter are equally political, but

8 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 9: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

with a crucial difference: writing during the Revolutionary period,Wollstonecraft always regards the self-creation and consciousness-rais-ing that life writing makes possible as means to the end of revolution-ary action; for Shelley, writing during the Romantic aftermath of theRevolutionary era, these means become ends in themselves—and thus,ironically, they serve the purposes of the modern liberal state, by help-ing to bring into being the “sovereign subject,” which is its ideal con-sumer-citizen.

While observing that the “feminized” subject of sensibility and theemphasis on the individuality of the revolutionary subject allowedwomen such as Wollstonecraft and Shelley to enter ideological and lit-erary discourse, Kelly also recognizes the difficulty for women—“inevitably dependent” within the discursive mode he describes—ofassuming such positions. He consequently traces feminist trajectoriesin the life-writing projects of both Wollstonecraft and Shelley as cul-tural revisions of the nature and power of maternity and experiments inauthorial positioning and narrative voice, including the development ofa “prose lyricism” in confessional format.

This first-person voice is the subject of D. L. Macdonald’s analy-sis of grammatical forms in A Vindication of the Rights of Men and AVindication of the Rights of Woman. Wollstonecraft’s use of the first-person pronoun, Macdonald argues, creates a persona who is not onlya subject (rather than an object) but also an active (rather than a pas-sive) subject. Macdonald distinguishes between those self-referencesthat refer to the self in the past (the “person”) and those that refer to“the subject of enunciation” (the “persona”) and suggests that, by tak-ing up contemporary autobiographical modes of a self-referencing per-sona, Wollstonecraft “lays claim to a greater degree of subjecthood andagency in the moment of writing than in the rest of her experience” asa female person. Whereas Kelly, in a cultural context, notes the differ-ent location of women in Revolutionary and Romantic ideology,Macdonald demonstrates that this difference occurs at the linguisticlevel of the stylistics of self-reference. As he observes, “WhenWollstonecraft refers to herself as part of a group of intellectualsengaged in a common project, her subjecthood, agency, and mentalityare enhanced; when she refers to herself as part of the female sex, theyare diminished.”

Macdonald ends by conceding that an author’s use of the first-per-son pronoun can hardly be understood except in dialectical relation toher use of the second-person pronoun. Syndy McMillen Conger takesup this suggestion in a discussion of “The unnamed you” inWollstonecraft’s Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden,

Introduction 9

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 10: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Norway, and Denmark. The I of the Letters from Norway is a moreembodied, more gendered being than that of the polemical works dis-cussed by Macdonald; the you, by contrast, though mentioned in thefirst letter, is not clearly identified as Wollstonecraft’s unworthy loveruntil surprisingly late in the book. This strategy makes possible a blur-ring of boundaries (between the textual and the extratextual, author andtext, text and reader, reader and addressee/lover) that may account forthe book’s extraordinary (and well-attested) affective power. Such blur-ring shows that autobiographical discourse is built not only on self-ref-erential strategies but also, perhaps most prominently in women’s texts,on self-performance anchored in its connections to others. Both Congerand Macdonald quote Shelley’s description of I as “this sensitive,imaginative, suffering, enthusiastic pronoun.” Their analysis of first-and second-person pronouns asks readers of life writing to focus on theeffect of self- and other-referential strategies on subject formation inautobiography.

While strategies for reading life writing are enhanced by linguis-tic analysis, examining the particulars of genre and genre blending canalso be helpful. Lawrence R. Kennard concentrates on some of themost remarkable passages in the Letters from Norway, which he iden-tifies as “poetic reveries.” Modelled on Rousseau’s Reveries of theSolitary Walker, Wollstonecraft’s reveries form a “liminal, intermedi-ate, and transitional” sub-genre that, “as a form of meditative life-writ-ing, questions subjectivity.” Lying on the boundary between poetryand prose, reveries allow Wollstonecraft to blur the boundariesbetween the faculties of understanding and sensation, thought and sen-sibility; between internal meditation and external observation, the selfand the world; between process and product; and even between lifeand death. Most importantly, they combine qualities traditionally con-sidered masculine and feminine, enabling Wollstonecraft to move“beyond gendered ideology” to the “egalitarian poetics” theorizedboth in her second Vindication and in her late essay “On Poetry”(1797).

Like Conger’s essay, Eleanor Ty’s psychoanalytic reading ofLetters from Norway tries to account for the book’s affective power,which is attributable, in Ty’s view, to the desire that “impels and hauntsthe narrative.” Like both Conger and Kennard, Ty sees the book’sachievement as lying in its blurring of a boundary: the integration ofWollstonecraft’s private and public selves, a task made all the harder bythe virtual unnameability of feminine desire in the masculine life-writ-ing tradition she inherited. Thus, she can give public expression to herprivate feelings of desire only obliquely: through fantasies of escape,

10 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 11: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

imagery of ascension, and her responses to the landscapes, peoples, andcultures of Scandinavia. For Ty, Wollstonecraft’s “desire is in excess ofwhat is expressed by her language” because of the limits that symbol-ic representation sets, particularly in expressing “desire in domesticrepresentation.” (Conger, Kennard, and Ty also all return, from theirvaried perspectives, to the “culture of sensibility” analyzed by Kelly inthe opening essay.)

S. Leigh Matthews maintains that the disjunction between what awoman needs to express and what symbolic language can express leadsus to experience a “dual” voice in Wollstonecraft’s unfinished, andposthumously published, second novel, The Wrongs of Woman; or,Maria. Like Conger, Matthews sees Wollstonecraft’s late writings asarticulating an emphatically embodied, and gendered, selfhood; like Ty,she sees them as concerned with bringing private experience into thepublic sphere, in defiance of the myth (most tellingly expressed, in ourtime, by Jacques Lacan) that women’s experience cannot be represent-ed in language without being subordinated to masculine values.Wollstonecraft achieves this expression through a double discourse:while her text represents, and so reinscribes, the subordination ofwomen, at the same time it critiques this subordination. Within the die-gesis, this critique is not successful: the male authority figures to whomMaria appeals dismiss her protest as evidence of her madness. However,modern, feminist readers have a responsibility to give Maria’s story amore alert reading, a critical practice better suited than traditional prac-tices to women’s life writing. Reading intertextually between life, philo-sophical writings, and the novelistic text reveals The Wrongs of Womanas not only a novel, but the autobiographical expression of a writer whois a philosopher and a woman.

Jeanne Perreault’s essay on The Wrongs of Woman bringsMatthews’s feminist analysis into dialogue with other progressivepolitical approaches, testing Wollstonecraft’s use of slavery as a meta-phor for the subjugation of women by comparing her novel withHarriet Jacobs’s autobiography, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl(1861). Without eliding the differences between the oppression ofwomen and of slaves, Perreault explores the striking parallels—andthe historical reasons for these parallels—between the two forms ofoppression. For both women and slaves, resistance to oppressioninvolves taking possession of the self, so that it is no longer the pos-session of another. In an argument reminiscent of Conger’s andMatthews’s emphasis on the importance of the embodied self,Perreault suggests that the site of this resistance is the body of thewoman and of the slave.

Introduction 11

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 12: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Like Kelly, Perreault analyzes the “modern liberal subject,” but shefinds it incongruent with the “figures of female selfhood” advanced byfeminist theorists, which stress intersubjectivity, community, and mater-nity, rather than autonomy, sovereignty, and rationality. LikeMacdonald, she examines how Wollstonecraft and Jacobs articulate aself “who is an agent of action in the world,” but she rejects a “polarityof subject/object and its hierarchical implications.” Perreault’s analysisof actual slave women and women enslaved by patriarchy asks us toconsider that in the autobiographical expression of such subjects some-thing more than “the abjected being” or the “sovereign subject” is pres-ent. Emphasizing the importance of the trope of “self-possession” inthese two women’s writings, she proposes an autobiographical subjectthat represents “the intersubjective, the maternal, the communitariansubject.”

The Wrongs of Woman was edited by William Godwin, along withWollstonecraft’s other posthumous works, in an attempt to keep her rev-olutionary ideas alive in the reactionary climate of the late 1790s.Ironically, the Memoirs of the Author of A Vindication of the Rights ofWoman, which Godwin published along with his edition, did much todiscredit those ideas for the next fifty years. Helen M. Buss attributes thisbiographical misunderstanding to the conflicting roles forced on Godwinby the demands of the memoir format, and to his ambivalence aboutWollstonecraft’s achievement and her death. The memoir, like the rever-ie, is a cross-generic form; Godwin’s attempt to negotiate the boundarybetween “private person and public ideology” (as Wollstonecraft herselfhad succeeded in doing in Letters from Norway) led Robert Southey toaccuse him of stripping his dead wife naked. However, Buss does notargue that Godwin’s text is less valuable as memoir because of the scan-dal that surrounded its publication. Rather, she argues that the “classic”memoir is not an impartial, objective genre, as biography claims to be,but that it depends on the partiality and the participatory role of its nar-rator for its strength as a form: its ability to portray authentically the mul-tiple subject positions of the memoir writer. For Buss, Godwin’s mem-oirs illustrate that “new approaches to writing lives are not accomplishedby taking safe paths.”

Certainly the young Mary Shelley did not take “safe paths” inwriting Frankenstein, for, as Charles E. Robinson points out, the moth-er who became a pariah after her death is alive in the daughter’s work.Critics such as Joyce Zonana have argued that Frankenstein is, in part,Shelley’s attempt to keep her mother’s ideas alive. Robinson backs upZonana’s critical insight with “the hard facts of the letters and journals”and his own work on the manuscript of Frankenstein, which show that

12 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 13: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Mary Shelley’s first recorded reading of A Vindication of the Rights ofWoman (on 6-9 December 1816) coincided with her writing of the storyof Safie, the most obvious allusion to Wollstonecraft, and the mostovertly feminist passage, in the novel. The allusion may not, however,be entirely uncritical, for Safie, despite the Wollstonecraftian educationgiven her by her mother, fails (like everybody else in the book) to rec-ognize the essential humanity of the monster. The story of Safie mayacknowledge the limits, as well as the power, of the “passion forreforming the world” that Shelley celebrated in her mother.

Robinson observes that “there is a book begging to be written onmother and daughter, a study of the ways that Mary Wollstonecraft andher literary texts play out in the lights and shadows of Mary Shelley’slife and works.” Robinson’s essay, along with those that follow his inthis volume, begins the work of reading and writing the daughter’s lifeand works in relation to the mother’s. But these essays also participatein another intergenerational project: connecting the lives of this moth-er and daughter helps us to read the connections between the lives ofwriting women who follow Wollstonecraft and Shelley.

Shelley was emphatically conscious of herself as “the daughter oftwo persons of distinguished literary celebrity” (FMP 176; our empha-sis), and her writings respond to her father as often as to her mother.This is most obvious in her unfinished biography of her father, which,as Judith Barbour shows, was inhibited not only by the discouragingexample of Godwin’s Memoirs of Wollstonecraft but also by Shelley’smixed feelings about the roles women other than her mother played inher father’s life. Barbour’s account of Shelley’s single most elaboratelife-writing project details the strategies by which she attempted to con-tain those feelings, and her reasons for finally abandoning the project,pointing to the difficulties that await those who, like Godwin, attemptto become the biographers of their loved ones.

Anne McWhir considers Frankenstein and The Last Man asresponses both to Shelley’s mother’s polemic and to the mythologicalwritings of her father and husband. Godwin’s The Pantheon censors themisogyny of his source, Hesiod; Percy Shelley’s Prometheus Unboundidealizes it out of existence; but Mary Shelley draws on it to show howVictor Frankenstein’s fear of women and of sexual reproduction disas-trously deforms his scientific ambitions. McWhir explores not only theparallels but also the differences among the kinds of life that can begiven by an artist, a scientist, and a parent; not only the complex inter-dependencies but also the conflicts between the ideal life of the work ofart and the life of the breathing human body. In proposing that the “lifewriter” is the “bestow[er] of animation on lifeless matter,” McWhir

Introduction 13

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 14: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

poses Mary Shelley as the progenitor of our own self-making in con-temporary times, the life writer who creates us, her “late-twentieth-cen-tury readers . . . [, as the] hideous progeny of those ideas about natureand art she popularized in her fiction.” McWhir’s analysis presents uswith an important frame for the critical study of subjectivity in contem-porary life writing. If we are Mary Shelley’s creatures, in that herimages of creation and construction have become culturally dominant—and, by implication, if we are the creatures of Mary Wollstonecraft, asher feminist concerns have developed into contemporary preoccupa-tions—we must look to these works to understand contemporary sub-jectivity and the life-writing genres in which it is shaped.

Like S. Leigh Matthews, Lisa Vargo asks us to read a novel, in thiscase Shelley’s Lodore, intertextually with the writer’s life-long con-cerns. Although Lodore is often neglected or dismissed as a purelycommercial “silver-fork” novel, Vargo shows that Shelley appropriatesa popular fictional form in order to question contemporary assumptionsabout women. Proposing that Shelley was “a careful reader of hermother’s writings,” Vargo reads Lodore as an imagined conversationwith Wollstonecraft, in which Shelley tries to repair the damage doneby Godwin’s Memoirs by concentrating on the details of her mother’sideas rather than her life. Like Robinson, Vargo sees Shelley as mostinterested in Wollstonecraft’s ideas on education. Unlike Robinson,who suggests that “Mary Shelley felt unworthy or unlike her motherwith respect to women’s rights,” and Kelly, who sees Shelley as essen-tially complicit in the establishment of the modern liberal subject,Vargo argues that Shelley is anxious not to “degenerate” from hermother’s revolutionary example.

Vargo also proposes that Lodore enacts in its plot the “reunion ofmother and daughter” that Shelley’s careful reading of her mother’sworks makes possible. Vargo’s argument, that traditional concepts ofthe absolute boundaries between novel and autobiography disadvan-tage novels such as Lodore, can be equally applied to a number ofworks by both Wollstonecraft and Shelley discussed in this volume.Vargo significantly points out that in referring to “the memory of themother,” Shelley is referring to a mother she has never known, thus toa fiction. The recuperation of that mother, then, through an act both fic-tive and biographical, illustrates that life writing accomplishes its goalsby crossing generic boundaries. The critical reader of life writing mustnot feel limited by the designations that contain women’s texts insidesuch narrow interpretive boundaries.

While Vargo is concerned with reading Shelley’s novels for theirautobiographical reference, Jeanne Moskal takes a similar approach to

14 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 15: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

Shelley’s art criticism, showing how her last book, Rambles in Germanyand Italy (1844), uses the apparently impersonal form of art criticism towork through the trauma of her deepest loss—not that of her husband,but of her children. Shelley was drawn to a statue of Niobe, the bereavedmother of classical myth, and especially to paintings of the Virgin Mary,the ideal mother of Christian myth. These paintings allowed Shelley toengage in a healing reliving of the roles of both mother and daughter, aprocess aided by the fact that both Shelley and Wollstonecraft had thesame name as the Virgin. Shelley’s “oddly lyrical, dreamy passages ofart criticism” are comparable to the reveries Kennard analyzes in hermother’s work. Like Kennard, Moskal is interested in the politics ofreverie: through her analysis of the treatment of Catholic iconography inShelley’s reveries, she argues, like Vargo, that the daughter has notretreated from the radical politics of the mother.

In proposing her “analogy between dream-work and life writing,”Moskal theorizes that autobiography, traditionally seen as revealingthe self, may sometimes be concerned with “protect[ing] the self”from ”unspeakable” memories. If, as in Mary Shelley’s case, the pastis full of “dispiriting realities” that involve guilt and despair over lostchildren and other tragedies, then the dream-work of art criticism canact as a “defence against full knowledge” while it allows the writer todwell indirectly on the very traumas that are “unspeakable.” Moskal’sessay highlights once more the tasks of the reader as decoder of theunspeakable autobiographical materials inside the conventional dis-course.

Like McWhir, Betty T. Bennett and Anne K. Mellor see Frankensteinas (in one way or another) an allegory of life writing; and all three incor-porate life writing (in one way or another) into their criticism. Drawing onher experience as editor of Shelley’s letters, Bennett suggests that lettersare the “component parts” of a biography and describes the challengesthey present to the editor, who has to bring them together, and to the biog-rapher, who has to endue them with vital warmth. She stresses the impor-tance (for Shelley herself as well as for the modern scholar) of maintain-ing the boundaries between the public and the private, the fictional and thefactual. At the same time, she stresses that even the most rigorously schol-arly biography inevitably has an imaginative component.

Mellor reads Frankenstein as an allegory of Shelley’s life, and atthe same time reflects on the experiences in her own life—her conflictwith her father and her commitment to feminism—that have led her toread Shelley’s work in this way. For a critic to acknowledge such influ-ences is not “wilful ‘subjectivity’” but a “strong objectivity” that rec-ognizes the inevitably situated nature of all knowledge; thus, Mellor

Introduction 15

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 16: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

contests the more conventional notion of objectivity by including herown autocritography. While using feminist stand-point theory to evolveher own autocritical position, Mellor reminds theorists of life writingthat biography is not necessarily the objective opposite of subjectiveautobiography. Since biographical writing is inflected by the subjectpositions of biographers, it may be that, as Mellor wryly observes,“Biographies are autobiographies that dare not speak their name.”Mellor’s advice to biographers, to practise a “dialogic” mode betweenself, object of study, and reader, is in the spirit of the critical practice ofthis volume.

Finally, Rose Scollard brings Shelley and her circle to life in a playthat interweaves many of the themes and issues that run through theessays: issues of life writing, feminist revisionism, creative work asallegorical autobiography, and even textual scholarship. Scollard’s playis densely intertextual, drawing on Wollstonecraft’s and Shelley’s writ-ings and on those of their circles to evoke their lives and their workthrough their own words. Here the distinction between “life” and“work” is practically eliminated: “life” emerges from the texture ofwords, and Scollard shows how life writing is allied both to the creationof Frankenstein’s monster and to the playwright/scholar’s piecingtogether and enlivening of fragments.

The play focuses on the three sisters—Fanny Imlay, ClaireClairmont, and Mary Shelley—and dramatizes episodes in their livesfrom about 1814 (when Shelley and Percy eloped) until the 1830s. Yetit is far from being a linear account of events. At its centre is theCreature, brought to life through imagination—a shape changer who atvarious points (and sometimes simultaneously) plays the roles of MaryWollstonecraft, Byron, Frankenstein’s creature, Fanny Imlay’s demonlover, Leigh Hunt, an actor playing the monster on the early-nine-teenth-century stage, Prosper Mérimée (flirting with Shelley in Paris in1828), and “Mrs Mason” (Margaret King, Lady Mount Cashell, one ofWollstonecraft’s pupils in Ireland in 1786, whom the Shelleys met onthe Continent in 1818 after she had left her husband to live with GeorgeWilliam Tighe). The Creature functions as chorus, as critic, and ascomic counterpoint to his own evocation of death, loss, and loneliness.Centrally, he comments on the difficulties and ironies of conjuring andwriting life: “I was conceived as a beautiful creature, but somehowalong the way I accumulated ugliness. I was meant to bean exemplary man. But the skin just couldn’t be managed, and theeyes . . . I filled my maker with horror.”

This evocation of Frankenstein’s creature is one obvious metaphorfor the scholar and playwright’s work. As an allegory of its own process

16 Mary Wollstonecraft and Mary Shelley: Writing Lives

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 17: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

of coming to life, Scollard’s play adopts another central metaphor fromMary Shelley’s writing—that of the leaves on the floor of the Sibyl’sCave in The Last Man, fragments of prophecy that need to be piecedtogether and interpreted. Caves as inner space—womb, imagination,memory—recur in the play, most significantly in the womb-space ofthe opening scene and in the Gabinetto Fisico of Act Two, based on aplace Shelley actually visited in Florence in January 1820 but overlaidin the play with the Sibyl’s Cave, a “cabinet of wonders” that is also aGothic space inhabited by the dead. Textual fragments flutter to theground throughout the play, both literally and in the ways its languageteases the reader’s or audience’s memory: letters, manuscript pages,and projected kaleidoscopic images are visual props as well as materi-al for creative reconstruction. The play’s final scene, in which Claire,Mary, and the sibylline figure of Fanny engage in the sortes Virgilianae(pointing to a random passage in Virgil and interpreting it as a prophe-cy), sums up the play’s focus on what Scollard calls “reading the frag-ments.”

The parts of this volume, we hope, provide an integrated and cohe-sive reading of fragments even while they consider life writing frommany different perspectives. Unlike Frankenstein, who toiled in obses-sive solitude to bring his creature to life, we have worked collabora-tively as editors, writers, playwright, and scholars; unlike the author-editor in the Sibyl’s Cave of The Last Man, we have worked withstrong individual texts, contributions to a conversation rather thancryptic fragments. As reflection on and experiment in life writing, thisvolume as a whole exemplifies in some degree the intertextual, histor-ically contingent, and still unfinished nature of its subject.

Introduction 17

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕

Page 18: Introduction...attempt), she travelled to Scandinavia with her small daughter in 1795, recording her impressions in her Letters Written during a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway,

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅�鐅鐗鐕鐕鐖鐓鐅鐼鑎鑑鑋鑗鑎鑉鐅鐱鑆鑚鑗鑎鑊鑗鐅鐺鑓鑎鑛鑊鑗鑘鑎鑙鑞鐅鐵鑗鑊鑘鑘鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘

鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗鐅鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓

鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐗鐔鐝鐔鐗鐕鐖鐝鐅鐘鐟鐖鐜鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐯鐦鐼鐦鐭鐦鐷鐱鐦鐱鐅鐳鐪鐭鐷鐺鐺鐳鐮鐻鐦鐳鐟鐅鐞鐕鐙鐗鐘鐅鐠鐅鐧鑚鑘鑘鐑鐅鐭鑊鑑鑊鑓鐅鐲鐓鐑鐅鐲鑆鑈鑉鑔鑓鑆鑑鑉鐑鐅鐩鑆鑛鑎鑉鐅鐱鑔鑗鑓鑊鐑鐅鐲鑈鐼鑍鑎鑗鐑鐅鐦鑓鑓鑊鐓鐠鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐅鐼鑔鑑鑑鑘鑙鑔鑓鑊鑈鑗鑆鑋鑙鐅鑆鑓鑉鐅鐲鑆鑗鑞鐸鑍鑊鑑鑑鑊鑞鐅鐟鐅鐼鑗鑎鑙鑎鑓鑌鐅鐱鑎鑛鑊鑘鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐖鐖鐙鐜鐗鐚鐕