insights - ach.or.kr · asean insights asean insights is a monthly newsletter which aims to...

FROM THE EDITORSDear Readers

This month’s ASEAN Insights edition coincides with the 52nd ASEAN Anniversary, an event that marks a new chapter of this organization’s history. As a regional organization with diverse members, ASEAN continues to empower all elements of its society and strive to

become a people-centered institution. We would like to dedicate this edition to reflect on the progress of ASEAN economic development from the beginning of its establishment up until today, and how it brought the people of ASEAN together.

We have three articles on this edition. The first one, titled “Universal Basic Income in ASEAN: Is it Possible,” by Ali Rizvi, explores the possibility of Universal Basic Income (UBI) scheme for ASEAN workforce. The second article is written by Asti M. Asak, titled “Mainstreaming Anti-Cor-ruption in ASEAN’s Sustainable Development Agenda,” that explains how anti-corruption effort links to sustainable development in ASEAN. The last article, “ASEAN’s Pertinent Challenge after 2019 Summit: South China Sea,” by Yasmi Adriansyah is a reflection on the previous ASEAN Summit in June, and how the South China Sea will become a common challenge for ASEAN that would require greater attention.

We hope you have an amazing reading experience with ASEAN Insights!

Sincerely yours,Aisha R. KusumasomantriManaging Editor

ASEAN Study CenterDepartment of International RelationsFaculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas IndonesiaNusantara 2 Building, 2nd Floor Depok, West Java - IndonesiaTel/Fax: +62 21 7873744 • email: [email protected]://asc.fisip.ui.ac.id/

asean insights

asean insights is a monthly newsletter which aims to pro-vide important insights on ASEAN issues. The newsletter is published by ASEAN Study Center, Faculty of Social and Po-litical Sciences, Universitas Indonesia, with the support from the Mission of the Republic of Korea to ASEAN. The content of asean insights does not reflect the official opinion of the Mission of the Republic of Korea to ASEAN.

Mission of theRepublic of Korea to ASEAN

BOARD OF EDITORSEdy Prasetyono

Evi Fitriani Hariyadi Wirawan

Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad

MANAGING EDITORAisha R. Kusumasomantri

FINANCIAL MANAGERYuni R. Intarti

LAYOUT & DESIGNIvan Sanjaya

SUPPORTING TEAMMutaaririn Nurul Hidayah

Destya Darmawan

03ASEAN Updates

06OpinionMainstreaming Anti-Corruption in ASEAN’s Sus-tainable Development Agenda | By Ni Nyoman Asti L. Metami Asak

05Book Review

State-Society Approach to understanding Austra-lian Foreign Economic Policy towards ASEAN

12Korean Mission Updates

04Spotlight

ASEAN Celebrates 52nd Anniversary andInauguration of New ASEAN Secretariat Building

08OpinionUniversal Basic Income in ASEAN | By Ali Rizvi

14Profile

Mission of the Republic of Korea to ASEANASEAN Study Center

CONTENTSJULY2019

2 asean insights • vol.2 no.6 August 2019

10OpinionASEAN’s Pertinent Challenge after 2019 Summit:South China Sea | By Yasmi Adriansyah

asean updates

3vol.2 no.6 August 2019 • asean insights

• 9th East AsiaSummit Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

• 20th ASEAN PlusThree Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

• 26th Meeting ofASEAN Regional Forum (ARF)

Inauguration Ceremony of the New ASEAN Secre-tariat Building

High-Level Policy Dialogue on Labor and Envi-ronment in FTAs

5th ASEAN Strategic Policy Dialogue on Disaster Manage-ment (SPDDM)

74th Coordinating Committee on Investment (CCI)

21st Meeting of the Sub-Regional Mini-sterial Steering Committee on Transboundary Haze Pollution

2 AUG

5-6 AUG

8 AUG

14-16AUG

15-16 AUG

16 AUG

Bangkok, Thailand

Brunei Darussalam

Malaysia

Singapore

Jakarta, Indonesia

Jakarta

3rd ASEAN Direc-tors-General of Immigration Departments and Head of Consular Affairs (DGICM) and Its Related Meetings

25th ASEAN Tele-communication Regulators’ Council (ATRC) and Related Meetings

3rd Head of Civil Services Retreat

ASEAN Smart Cities Network Annual Meeting

54th ASEAN Commit-tee on Culture and Information (COCI)

18-21 AUG

19-23 AUG

20-23 AUG

22-24 AUG

22-23 AUG

Nay Pyi Taw

Puerto Princesa,Philippines

Bangkok

Bangkok

Bangkok

Regional Sympo-sium on Imple-menting Women, Peace and Secu-rity Agenda in ASEAN

22-23 AUG

Phnom Penh

ASEAN Connectivity Coordinating Com-mittee (ACCC)

14th ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting (AHMM) and 8th ASEAN Plus Three Health Ministers Meeting (APTHMM)

40th ASEAN Senior Officials on Drug Matters (ASOD) and Its Related Matters

26th Customs Compliance and Enforcement (CECWG) Meeting

2nd ASEAN Climate Change Partnership (CCPC)

26-28 AUG

25-30 AUG

26-28 AUG

26-30 AUG

27-29 AUG

30 MAY

Bangkok

40th General Assembly ASEAN Inter-Parliamen-tary Assembly

Bangkok

Singapore

Indonesia

Siem Reap,Cambodia

Siem Reap


Spotlight

On 8 August 2019 ASEAN inaugurated the new ASEAN Secretariat (ASEC) building as

it celebrated its 52nd anniversary today in Jakarta with a series of commemorative events involving the community, marking a new chapter in the or-ganization’s history. President Joko Widodo inaugurated the new ASEAN Secretariat (ASEC) building in the pres-ence of ASEAN Secretary-General Dato Lim Jock Hoi, foreign ministers, and representatives from its ten member countries, as well as some 600 other guests, including former ASEAN secretar-ies-general: Tan Sri Dato Ajit Singh and Ambassa-dor Le Luong Minh. In his keynote speech, Wido-do expected the new building to facilitate most of ASEAN activities in the future."This would significantly cut down traveling ex-penses particularly spent by ASEAN Secretariat and ASEAN permanent representative officials. The saved traveling allocations can eventually be

used to finance more ASEAN activities," the pres-ident said.The new ASEC building comprises two 16-story towers connected by a 41.3 meter-long overpass. It is built on an area of 11,369 square meters, with a building area of 49,993 square meters, which has two earthquake-resistant towers. The new building architecture is based on a concept of dialogue and harmony that was the spirit and culture of ASEAN member countries.The Foreign Ministers of ASEAN also placed the wishes and aspirations of ASEAN Leaders for the next 25 years in a time capsule. Other highlights of the celebration include the official launch of the Shifting Tides exhibition and the presenta-tion of artwork from ASEAN’s first resident artist Pannaphan Yodmanee of Thailand. Some ASEAN Member States and Dialogue Partner countries also took the opportunity to present gifts of art-works to the new ASEAN Gallery.

ASEAN Celebrates 52nd Anniversary andInauguration of New ASEAN Secretariat Building

photo/asean.org

Book Review


State-Society Approach to understanding Australian Foreign Economic Policy towards ASEAN

As a regional institution, ASEAN had a profound effect on its neighboring states’ economy sur-

rounding the Southeast Asian region. Australia, with their constant record of engagement to the region, is seen to have its foreign economic policy affected over time by the institution. The book argues on how Australia has been affected by both the per-spectives of their domestic state-society coalitions, in which it only referred political parties, acting gov-ernments, and advocacy coalitions as the primary force of this variable, and by the international struc-ture –that being ASEAN and the emergence of Asian countries– that are significant enough to affect the state’s stance on international economic relations. Simply put, Okamoto breaks down the shift of Aus-tralia’s economic policies from the isolationism that began since its federation, to an avid promoter of multilateral trade, into what can be seen as the cur-rent bilateralism trend.The structure of the book shows how each of Aus-tralia’s government and its subsequent dominant political party had shaped its stance and actions

towards ASEAN. The book mainly stays on its nar-rative style of explanation of how Australia focuses its shift of economic policies through a great em-phasis on the evolution of their state-society rela-tions from Fraser’s to Howard’s administration. It is quite apparent that, through its empiric methods of writing, that it does not necessarily focus on con-tributing to the conceptualization of regional eco-nomic cooperation, especially one with a case as unique as ASEAN. In fact, the book enables us this assumption that the analysis of Australia’s foreign economic policy towards ASEAN does not fully re-flect on the state’s overall foreign economic policy. Instead, the book seemingly attempts to provide a down-to-earth approach on how Australia interacts with their strategic economic partners and in place of theorization, assumes a conclusion on how Aus-tralia will fare economically in the future, mainly on the changes of its domestic coalitions as it primarily focuses on.There are several interesting findings on the book, namely that in relatively smaller countries, approval of civilians and stances of a dominant political party in an acting government has a significant effect on determining which policy and action are ultimately put into practice. Another is that certain require-ments allows states like Australia to be able to adapt its foreign economic policy as it is now, such as economic crises or the dissatisfaction on the per-formance of regional economic cooperation. The book is an interesting overview on the behaviors and interactions between states that take up a sig-nificant role in the Asia-Pacific region that it fits per-fectly to fill in some literature gaps on many themes in international relations, be it in the sense of re-gional institutions, geo-economics, or even foreign economic policies.

Book title:Australia’s Foreign Economic Policy and ASEANAuthor: Jiro OkamotoPublisher: ISEASYear: 2010ISBN: 978-981-230-974-7

Opinion


MainstreamingAnti-Corruption in

ASEAN’s Sustainable Development Agenda

MainstreamingAnti-Corruption in

ASEAN’s Sustainable Development Agenda

Corruption and Development: A Context

Corruption occurs in all countries regardless of their level of development. It is found at

local, national, regional and trans-national levels. Recent discourse on corruption and development shows that corruption is a major bottleneck to achieve sustainable development in all its three dimensions (economic, social, environmental) and impacts all five pillars (people, prosperity, planet, peace and justice, and partnership) of Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Understanding corruption from collec-tive action problem and developmental problem perspectives might allow policy designs to ad-dress the failures from previous anti-corruption reforms. It will lead to new anti-corruption strat-egies that promote sustainable change.

The adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in 2015 was a major breakthrough for the anti-corruption movement. Contrary to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the 2030 Agenda recognizes the importance of anti-corruption for sustainable development. In particular, SDG 16 and its targets focus on reduc-ing corruption.

In the context of the Southeast Asia region, the recent “Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Summit” promoted SDGs as the area of cooperation through the ASEAN Outlook on The Indo-Pacific 2019. However, the endorsement of

anti-corruption has not been included yet in the proposal, even though corruption is still preva-lent at high levels in the majority of countries.

Corruption in ASEAN CountriesThe latest Corruption Perception Index (CPI) in 2018 released by Transparency International (TI) suggests that public perception of corruption in ASEAN countries remains high. Corruption con-tinues to harm the region, where 9 out of 10 countries rank below 50 out of 100 (100 is very clean and 0 is highly corrupt). Singapore is the only country in the region that successfully main-tains a high rank in the index. Meanwhile, Cam-bodia is still struggling with the lowest rank in the region, followed by Lao PDR, Myanmar, Viet-nam, Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei. Although Singapore enjoys a clean reputation from the index, there have been re-cent disputes concerning money laundering in the financial sector. In other words, corruption appears at different levels in the region, but it remains a persistent challenge for ASEAN coun-tries.

Corruption negatively impacts economic growth and development in the region, and it also threatens human security and peace. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC) re-port in 2019 confirms that corruption facilitates transnational organized crime in the Southeast Asia region.

AuthorNi Nyoman Asti L. Metami Asak

Former Expert Staff on Anti-Corruption,People Representative Council of The Republic of Indonesia.

Alumni of Sussex Centre Study for Corruption.


The report shows that organized criminal net-works permeate public agencies and private or-ganizations, utilizing on bribery, conflicts of inter-est, trading in influence and collusion in order to facilitate their criminal activities. Corruption in-carnates itself in a myriad of forms and concerns all SDGs. Therefore, tackling them all is funda-mental to achieve sustainable development.

Mainstreaming Anti-Corruption for Sustain-able Development in ASEANAcknowledging the adverse effects of corruption, it is important for ASEAN, as the centrality of a collective actor in the region, to promote and mainstream anti-corruption in sustainable devel-opment agenda. In practical terms, mainstream-ing anti-corruption in development agenda means that anti-corruption efforts should inform all levels of development policy. The efforts that have been mentioned include anti-corruption strategy at the national level, implementation and review of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), risk assessment in sectoral corruption, and other anti-corruption efforts. In light of this, placing SDG 16 as a moral backbone is also a vital condition for the achieve-ment of all the 17 goals. SDG 16 has five anti-corruption targets, which are significant in enhancing the 2030 agenda;1. (16.4) Significantly reduce illicit financial

flows and strengthen the recovery and return of stolen assets

2. (16.5) Substantially reduce corruption and bribery

3. (16.6) Develop effective, accountable, and transparent institutions

4. (16.7) Ensure responsive, inclusive, participa-tory, and representative decision-making

5. (16.10) Ensure public access to informationThe United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) suggests that SDG 16 is necessary to cre-ate an enabling environment to achieve all the goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Devel-opment. This particular goal has two significant functions. Firstly, as a standalone goal to pro-mote peaceful, inclusive societies for sustainable development, to provide access to justice for all and to build effective, accountable, and inclusive institutions at all levels. Secondly, as a founda-tion and enabler for the entire 2030 Agenda. In this regard, ASEAN can be an effective inter-mediary between this particular international agenda and member countries. The regional fo-rum should play a key role in localizing SDG 16 for development agenda in the region by en-dorsing anti-corruption (transparency, integrity, accountability, participation) and mainstreaming into national development policy cycle (consul-tation, formulation, planning, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation).This regional network will provide opportunities for the promotion of information exchanges, mutual learning among different countries, and facilitate South-South cooperation. Finally, the country members can benefit from healthy com-petition among peers. It can maximize opportu-nities and minimize disruption while leaving no one behind.

Opinion


UniversalBasic Income

in ASEAN

UniversalBasic Income

in ASEAN

Universal Basic Income (UBI) is a fixed amount of money given to each citizen or resident

of a country unconditionally on a regular basis. UBI has often been dubbed as ‘free’ money, and UBI can be framed in various ways which will pro-duce different possible outcomes. A radical in-terpretation I’ll propose here rests on twin ideas stemming from an understanding of democracy. First, the collective resources of a country are co-owned by all citizens equally. The proceeds from those collective resources should be distributed among citizens equally. Second, the sovereignty of every individual rests on the idea of freedom, but the idea of freedom remains a formal (read: empty) concept if it’s not backed by real freedom which requires adequate resources in the hands of every citizen so that everyone in a society can live a meaningful and dignified life. In this sense, UBI is not free money but a first step towards giv-ing people their (at least) minimum share in the prosperity of a country which they co-own and co-govern, which is what the democratic theory tells us, with their fellow citizens.UBI has risen to prominence in recent years, and there has been considerable research on the top-ic in the last two decades. A version of the UBI scheme has been operating successfully in the US state of Alaska, and recently Iran has also introduced a modest form of UBI. Both models are based on sharing parts of the proceeds from natural resources. Various pilot schemes are be-ing run around the world, both in developed and developing countries. Among the Asian giants, in India, the idea is being seriously considered. In

this case, it’s surprising that there is no signifi-cant discussion of UBI in the ASEAN context.There are various reasons why a gradual intro-duction of UBI along with already existing safety nets will benefit most economies and societies within ASEAN. I’ll list and discuss a few main rea-sons why UBI would be a good idea for ASEAN:• Most ASEAN economies are doing well, and

the projected growth rates are relatively strong. However, many ASEAN economies are structurally weak. They rely too heavily on foreign trade and foreign investments. There is nothing wrong with trade, but the balance of economy should be squarely anchored in strong domestic demand and domestic in-vestment. UBI can help ease this imbalance by increasing domestically oriented demand. It can enhance the purchasing power of the domestic population across the income spec-trum, and in turn, support domestically fo-cused industries and investment.

• Unemployment rates across ASEAN are gen-erally low. Labor Force Participation Rate (LFPR) is high, which combined with the low unemployment rate would indicate a robust

AuthorAli Rizvi

Ali Rizvi has a doctorate in philosophy fromLa Trobe University and MA in Public Policy

from the University of Melbourne.


employment, and underemployment are not adequately reflected in those rates. Similarly, LFPR doesn’t take into consideration those who have given up the search for employ-ment. UBI will help those who are under-employed and those with low wages to take their quality of life to the next level. It will provide those who are earning enough to add leisure to their life and make their indi-vidual and social life more meaningful.

• Poverty remains high despite a considerable reduction in poverty across ASEAN over the last few years. The measures of poverty are fairly liberal and don’t necessarily mean that those living slightly above the poverty line are living a fulfilling life. Undernutrition among the poor population across ASEAN re-mains a major concern. UBI can help elevate more people out of poverty and help those living just above the poverty line to live a more fulfilled life. Research has shown that UBI can have a positive effect on the health, education, and well-being of the targeted population.

• A major issue across many ASEAN countries is the low participation of women in the workforce, as well as higher unemployment rates among those already in the workforce. This results in women’s dependence on their household’s wage earners and their lack of freedom and self-determination in general. UBI will go a long way in helping improve the condition of women in the region and giving them the resources to free themselves from the shackles of the drudgery of daily life. The enhancement of the living conditions of women is bound to have a positive effect on the well-being of children, families, and soci-ety in general.

Those are the specific regional reasons for im-plementing UBI. On the global level there are

two factors which are moving in the direction which would require the implementation of UBI or something akin to it: • There is a growing consensus that the neolib-

eral version of capitalism based on an over-grown financial industry is bound to collapse sooner or later. We are moving towards a fu-ture where the real economy would need to be revived if the system is to be saved from an internal implosion. UBI or something akin to it will form part and parcel of rebuilding the world economy on a non-financialized Keynesian basis which will require a huge in-vestment in the real economy.

• The impending climate crisis on the global scale will sooner or later require a massive investment in a new green economy. UBI will form a backbone of any effort to transition to such an economy. ASEAN, like other coun-tries and regions, need a Green New Deal similar to the one proposed in the US.

There are two main sources of funding for any such project. First, sharing the proceeds of nat-ural resources among the citizenry. The second source can be derived from the rising digital economy in ASEAN and around the world. It can be argued that the huge data produced through search engines like Google is socially produced data and should be treated similar to publicly owned natural resources, and its profit should be shared among all those involved equally. Such sharing of resources would require national and global sharing mechanisms since much of such data is produced globally. The global nature of economic dilemmas and the climate crisis indi-cates that a new deal would have to be reached on a national and global scale. The implementation of such a vision will require a long struggle, but we have to start from some-where. Let’s start by talking about it to begin with.


ASEAN’s Pertinent Challenge after 2019 Summit:South China Sea

Opinion

ASEAN Leaders have concluded their summit in Bangkok. In the event chaired by Thailand

on 23 June 2019, the Leaders have deliberated and partially agreed on various issues, among others, ASEAN Community Vision 2025, sustain-able security, connectivity, marine debris, infra-structure, outlook on the Indo-Pacific, and cer-tainly, the contesting claims over the South China Sea.The theme of this year’s summit is ‘Advancing Partnership for Sustainability.’ As it can be sim-ply understood, the theme directs ASEAN to fo-cus on how this 10-nation organization enhances its partnerships with other regional and inter-national communities, while at the same time maintaining its cohesiveness internally as well as upholding centrality in its external relations.Of the 57 paragraphs of the Leaders’ statements, most of them show assertive gestures, a custom-ary achievement of diplomacy. However, few paragraphs displayed strong wordings, indicating

a highly contentious situation in the actual nego-tiations. The most obvious one is Paragraph 54 that essentially relates to the issue of the South China Sea.In Paragraph 54, the Leaders stated, “We dis-cussed the matters relating to the South China Sea and took note of some concerns on the land reclamations and activities in the area, which have eroded trust and confidence, increased ten-sions and may undermine peace, security, and stability in the region.”From a diplomatic point of view, the use of words such as “eroding trust and confidence” and “in-creased tensions and may undermine peace” demonstrates contentious situation on the issue being discussed, namely the South China Sea. In other words, some if not all ASEAN members have strong concerns over the South China Sea issue, more particularly on its overlapping terri-torial claims.

photo/marcus-woodbridge_unsplash


I argue that the contesting claims or dispute over the South China Sea may hinder or even derail ASEAN in its attempt to become a single solid community, let alone to advance partnerships with regional and international partners. While the claimants of territorial waters over the South China Sea are only six countries, namely China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Taiwan, Malaysia, and Brunei Darussalam, the dispute can disrupt or even break the long-and-winding endeavors of ASEAN in building its cohesiveness.

The dispute is being brought into a deeper com-plexity by the war of trade as well as the influence between the United States and China. As widely understood that, in the contemporary global po-litical economy, the former is the existing super-power and the latter is the rising one. In the con-text of ASEAN, the two have been competing and doing their utmost to win the hearts and minds of the organization, a regional bloc that currently consists of more than 640 million people.

Unquestionably, the crux of this dispute is Chi-na, especially due to its unilateral claims over around 90 percent territories of the South Chi-na Sea. Through the claim, the so-called ‘nine-dash lines,’ China has been competing with other claimant states, most of which are ASEAN mem-bers except Taiwan.

The fundamental problem of these overlapping claims over the South China Sea is not necessari-ly the claims themselves, but the actual activities on the ground (or, to be precise in this case, over the waters). From several satellite observations, it is crystal clear that China has been aggressively developing infrastructures in the contested wa-ters as well as several islands within them. The infrastructures include land reclamation, sea ports, and even military bases.

It is therefore understandable if ASEAN Lead-ers stated, in strong expressions, that they have “concerns on the land reclamations and activities in the area,” where such things “have eroded trust and confidence.” In other words, while ASE-AN is expecting the pursuance of a long-lasting peaceful resolution, China has stepped much fur-

ther by occupying the contested maritime and is-land areas, a move that is seen as illegal by other claimants.

The next question would be, can ASEAN advance partnership with China in particular, while at the same time this world’s most populous country does not earn its full trust and confidence?

This question is difficult to answer, as there lies complexity. China certainly understands that it must build trust and confidence in ASEAN coun-tries. Therefore, it aggressively injects funds under several schemes, either through the ex-travagant Belt-and-Road Initiative (BRI) or other bilateral cooperation such as infrastructure proj-ects. Indonesia, the Philippines, and, previously, Malaysia are a few examples of countries being closely tied up by these schemes.

It is, however, difficult for China to sustainably maintain this ‘no-free lunch’ policy. Malaysia, for example, has withdrawn itself due to the fear of falling into a ‘debt trap.’ Indonesia under Jokowi’s administration may now still be allied with China. However, as at the societal level there remains strong negative sentiments over China’s policies, such as on sending workers to the archipelago and the negative treatment toward Muslim Uy-ghur in Xinjiang Province, there are strong pos-sibilities that sooner or later Indonesia will also withdraw from China’s circle of influence.

The most logical answer to the question above is that the claimant states must pursue a peaceful resolution through international norms, particu-larly the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. If most claimants, including China, are par-ties to the convention, there should be no reason to object the use of this international regime to solve the problem once for all. This is what ASE-AN must strive for. Most importantly, this is what China must abide by.

AuthorYasmi Adriansyah

former Indonesian diplomat and currently a lecturer at the University of Al Azhar Indonesia,

Korean MissionUpdates


Korean Officers' Meeting responsiblefor ASEAN Infrastructure

The Mission of the Republic of Korea to ASEAN hosted Korean Officers' Meeting responsible for ASEAN Infrastructure on 5-6 August in Jakarta. Ambassador Lim Sungnam pointed out the

development gap in infrastructure is one of the biggest challenges ASEAN should push through.The meeting discussed how Korea could contribute to the implementation of ASEAN-led infra-structure initiatives such as ASEAN Smart Cities Network (ASCN) and Initial Rolling Priority Pipe-line of Potential ASEAN Infrastructure Projects (Initial Pipeline) under the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity 2025.

Advancing Peace on the Korean Peninsula: Recent Developments and Role of ASEAN

Ambassador Lim Sungnam delivered opening remarks at the Roundtable entitled "Ad-

vancing Peace on the Korean Peninsula: Recent Developments and Role of ASEAN," on 21 August in Jakarta. The Mission of the Republic of Korea to ASEAN and FPCI, Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia, co-organized the Roundtable.line of Potential ASEAN Infrastructure Projects (Initial Pipeline) under the Master Plan on ASEAN Con-nectivity 2025.Participants of the Roundtable discussed recent development on the Korean Peninsula as well as ASEAN's role in the peace process of the Penin-sula.


Call for Academic EssayASEAN-Korea Centre and ASEAN University Network(AUN) are holding 2019 ASEAN-Korea Academic Essay Contest.The deadline for submitting a proposal is extended to 31 October, 2019.Please refer to the ASEAN-Korea Centre website(http://www.aseankorea.org/eng) for more details.

asean insights welcomes opinion piece and publication review from creative and talented international scholars and professionals. There will be incentive and interesting souvenirs for authors. For submission, please contact us at [email protected]

asean insights

The ASEAN Study Center Universitas Indo-nesia (ASC UI) is devoted to research and discussion on issues that pertain to the As-sociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASE-AN) as an institution and a process. The Centre aims to provide inputs to ASEAN member states and ASEAN bodies on issues and events that call for collective ASEAN actions and responses, especially those pertinent to building the ASEAN Commu-nity. The ASC UI seeks to illuminate ways of promoting ASEAN’s purposes of political solidarity, economic integration and re-gional cooperation, and finding pragmatic solutions to the challenges on the path to achieving this.

Department of International RelationsFaculty of Social and Political Sciences

Universitas IndonesiaNusantara II Building, 2nd Floor Depok,

West Java - Indonesia 16424Tel/Fax: +62 21 7873744

email: [email protected]://asc.fisip.ui.ac.id

Mission of the Republic of Korea to ASEANSentral Senayan II, 23F. JL. Asia Afrika No.8,

Gelora Bung Karno Jakarta - Indonesia 10270 Tel : +62 21 5795 1830

http://overseas.mofa.go.kr/asean-en/index.do

The Mission of theRepublic of Korea to ASEAN

In 2012, the Korean Government es-tablished the Mission of the Republic of Korea (ROK) to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in Ja-karta, where the ASEAN Secretariat is located. As a dialogue partner, the Ko-rean Government is fully committed to bolstering its contributions to the inte-gration process of ASEAN. The Mission of the Republic of Korea to ASEAN will strive to further strengthen and deep-en the multifaceted development co-operation between Korea and ASEAN in all possible fields, including politics, economy, society and culture.

insights - ach.or.kr · asean insights asean insights is a monthly newsletter which aims to...

Documents

Transcript of insights - ach.or.kr · asean insights asean insights is a monthly newsletter which aims to...