Information Technology (IT) and Urban Form; An Annotated Bibliography of the Urban Dec on Cent...

http://jpl.sagepub.com

Journal of Planning Literature

DOI: 10.1177/0885412203017004002 2003; 17; 480 Journal of Planning Literature

Ivonne Audirac and Jennifer Fitzgerald and Economic Restructuring Literatures

Information Technology (IT) and Urban Form: An Annotated Bibliography of the Urban Deconcentration

http://jpl.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/17/4/480 The online version of this article can be found at:

Published by:

http://www.sagepublications.com

can be found at:Journal of Planning Literature Additional services and information for

http://jpl.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Email Alerts:

http://jpl.sagepub.com/subscriptions Subscriptions:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navReprints:

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navPermissions:

http://jpl.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/17/4/480 Citations

at University of Groningen on May 22, 2010 http://jpl.sagepub.comDownloaded from

http://jpl.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts

http://jpl.sagepub.com/subscriptions

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav

http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

http://jpl.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/17/4/480


10.1177/0885412203252150ARTICLEJournal of Planning LiteratureCPL Bibliography 369CPL Bibliography

369

Information Technology (IT) and Urban Form:An Annotated Bibliography of the UrbanDeconcentration and EconomicRestructuring Literatures

Ivonne AudiracJennifer Fitzgerald

Current urban planning discussion regarding the New Econ-omy centers on planning, managing, and redesigning theform of cities and regions in order to attract and nurtureknowledge economies. Enhancing the quality of life, by re-straining urban sprawl, is seen as essential to urban competi-tiveness in the information age. However, the literature thatexamines the synergies between information technologiesand urban form does not only point to potentialreconcentration of certain economic activities but also to thefurtherance of exurban development, sociospatial segrega-tion, and traffic gridlock. This bibliography presents a pan-oramic shot of this vast and growing literature, as seenthrough the lenses of two theorizing traditions. It also the-matically classifies it according to four areas associated with(1) new forms of urban development; (2) economic, spatial,and travel synergies; (3) accessibility issues in spatial sci-ence; and (4) planning policy.

Keywords: information technology; telecommunications; urbanform; deconcentration; economic restructuring; New Economy

IVONNE AUDIRAC is an associate professor of urban and regionalplanning at Florida State University. Her research interests includeresidential preferences and urban form, growth management, andthe social and technological forces shaping the postindustrial metro-politan fringe in both the United States and developing countries.

JENNIFER FITZGERALD, formerly a master’s student in urban andregional planning at Florida State University, is currently a profes-sional planner and Peace Corps volunteer in Central America.

Journal of Planning Literature, Vol. 17, No. 4 (May 2003).DOI: 10.1177/0885412203252150Copyright © 2003 by Sage Publications



TABLE OF CONTENTSI. Introduction

A. Theoretical Traditions1. Deconcentration School2. Restructuring School

II. Emerging ThemesA. New Urban Forms: Informational, Post-

Fordist, Postindustrial, or Global-CityFormation1. Dissenting Views2. Producer Services

B. Economic, Spatial, and Travel Synergies1. Travel Spatial Synergies2. Telecommuting and Telework

a) Home-Based Working3. Logistics Research4. Intelligent Traffic Management Systems

C. Accessibility Issues in Spatial ScienceD. Telecommunications, Policy, and Planning

III. ConclusionIV. AcknowledgmentsV. Notes

VI. Selected ReferencesVII. Annotated Bibliography

VIII. Author IndexIX. Glossary of Terms

I. INTRODUCTION

Place, community, and region form a triptych withinthe current policy discourse on information technology(IT)1 and urban form. Megalopolises (Gottman 1991), net-worked cities (Clark and Kuijpers-Linde 1994; Batten1995), global cities (Sassen 1991), informational cities1

(Castells 1989), and postindustrial cities1 (Hall 1997) areterms employed to connote the expansive urban struc-ture and regional form and function of the informationage. Similarly, technoburbs (Fishman 1990), edge-cities(Garreau 1991), or postsuburbia (Kling et al. 1995) consti-tute different theoretical and descriptive attempts tounderstand the restless metropolitan periphery (Knox1991). This periphery is being transformed by a newmode of development conceived, depending on one’spreferred school of thought, as post-Fordist (Storper1997), postindustrial (Hall 1997), informational (Castells1996b), or simply as a process of self-organizing econo-mies (Krugman 1996). Concurrently, movements suchas Smart Growth, the Congress of the New Urbanism,New-Economy Towns, Livable Communities, NewRegionalism, Regional Stewardship, and a flurry of e-networked civic coalitions typify the regional andgrowth management manifestos developed in responseto new sociospatial realities besieging urban life and the

economic future of cities and regions. They are alsoemblematic of new IT-embedded social networksimbued with reflexive capacity (Storper 1997) and syn-ergistic interaction between digital and physical space(Castells 1996b).

In an era of time-space compression and national-to-local devolution of power, jurisdictions at all levels inthe New Economy increasingly compete for knowledgeworkers and high-tech investment (Florida 2000;Kotkin 2000). A central strategy of political and eco-nomic regimes is enhancing, through planning andurban design, the qualities of place preferred by knowl-edge workers (Mitchell 2000) and marketing a commu-nity’s environmental assets and quality of life. Knowl-edge workers, successful New Economy firms,teleworkers, and telecommuters presumably are—despite the new century’s financial debacle—the key toeconomic progress and growth (Florida 2000; Kotkin2000; One Thousand Friends of Wisconsin 2002;National Town Builders Association 2001). Forinstance, the “New Urbanism for the New Economy,” aNational Town Builders Association 2000 symposium,was “designed for developers and planners involved inbuilding new urbanist communities who want tounderstand the dynamics of the new economy and howto profit from it” (Muldawer 2000, 1). New public-private partnerships among local governments, educa-tional institutions, e-entrepreneurs, IT industries, com-munity developers, planners, and urban designershave formed to reinvent locales as more livable, sus-tainable, and vibrant “world-class” digitally connectedcommunities. The rallying cry of these coalitions isoften a denunciation of the oppressiveness of urbansprawl, perceived as long commutes, traffic gridlock,fast disappearing open space, environmental pollution,and mass-produced uniform development patterns.Paradoxically, the literature and research that examinethe spatial synergies among IT and transportation,organizational change, and economic developmentseem to indicate that the emerging urban form of theNew (Space) Economy is globally more intricately con-nected (King 1990; Sassen 2001, 1994, 1991; Castells1996b; Hall 2002, 1997; Salomon 1996b; Graham andMarvin 1996), territorially more loose and fragmented(Castells 1996a; Graham and Marvin 2000), morpholog-ically more polycentric and complex (Guillespie 1992;Clark and Kuijpers-Linde 1994; Office of TechnologyAssessment [OTA] 1995; Kasarda 2000), fast dispersingroutinizable operations (both down the urban hierar-chy and abroad) (Hackler 2000; Sassen 2001), and recon-centrating knowledge-intensive ones at the metropoli-tan core and edge (OTA 1995; Amirahmadi and Wallace1995; Storper 1997; O’Kelly and Grubesic 2002). Hence,

CPL Bibliography 369 481



in the absence of new and effective models of planningand regional governance, growth in the New Economymay result in the furtherance of urban sprawl, under-stood as more exurban development, spatial segrega-tion, and traffic gridlock.

Debates about whether telecommunications pro-mote urban spatial dispersion or concentration haveexisted for more than two decades (Johnson 1968; Berry1973; Gottman 1977; Abler 1977; Moayer 1977). Oftenspurred by popular media accounts of the “death of dis-tance” and cities, the debates generally move on toscholarly research debunking technological determin-ism and simplistic dispersion assumptions, and toefforts to empirically assess hypothesized urban dis-persion and/or concentration effects. The emergence ofthe Internet and widespread mobile telephony in the1990s marked a rebirth of the cycle. Demystifying the“death of distance” thesis—resurrected by Cairncross(2001, 1997) and others—constitutes the opening ritualof many a work gathered here. However, dispensingwith the ritual, we have organized the annotated bibli-ography according to two major theoretical traditionsthat examine the interface between IT and urban form.2

This compilation is unavoidably selective and does notattempt to be exhaustive. Although related to the bodyof work gathered here, this bibliography does notinclude works on the geography of high-tech industrialdistricts, innovation milieux, or innovation networks,which focus on interfirm dynamics that have givenbirth to silicon valleys, domestically and internation-ally (e.g., Hall and Markusen 1985; Hall and Preston1988; Castells and Hall 1994). This literature is extensiveand deserves a separate compilation. Except for a fewentries, which identify the theoretical roots of the twoschools reviewed, this bibliography employs a hetero-geneous set of sources (books, book chapters, journalarticles, and online reports) published between 1990and 2001 and geographically circumscribed to theUnited States and Western Europe. It is the product of atwo-step search of social science and academic data-bases (i.e., First Search and General Academic Index),which started with an author search representative ofthe two theoretical traditions, followed by a keywordsearch containing several combinations of the words:information technology, telecommunications,telematics,1 urban form, cities, and urban development.Works about IT adoption or diffusion literature werenot included unless they specifically addressed urbanform issues or effects. This annotated bibliography pur-ports to be a sampler of themes, rather than a completethematic sample of the universe of work pertaining toIT and urban form (a task beyond the scope of thiscollection).

A. Theoretical Traditions

SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT EXAMINING THE

INTERFACE BETWEEN IT AND URBAN FORM

The 1990s’ literature concerning IT and urban form isinfluenced by its cold war intellectual roots and can bedivided into the deconcentration and regional restructur-ing schools (Frey 1993; Clark and Kuijpers-Linde 1994).It is often simplistically argued that spatial decon-centration accounts related to IT and telecommunica-tions emphasize the travel substitution effects of tech-nology, whereas restructuring explanations stresstechnology’s face-to-face generation effects. In otherwords, the former approach predicts the gradual disap-pearance of urban agglomeration contrary to the lat-ter’s forecast of renewed persistence of urban centrality.These distinctions miss the main difference between thetwo theoretical traditions, which recognize centripetaland centrifugal effects on urban form, but differ in theway they theorize the interplay of IT and telecommuni-cations. The deconcentration tradition centers dis-course on technology as a way to extend or substitutehuman functions (e.g., brain, muscle, vision, voice, etc.)and to enhance space- and time-spanning capabilities.The restructuring tradition couches technology in thelanguage of a new technical and economic paradigmpermeating everyday social and institutional practices.In the former theorizing tradition, key agents are indi-viduals, households, and firms exercising theirlocational preferences in the metropolitan region,whereas in the latter, they are corporate, state, and insti-tutional agents interlacing global and local economicand production networks with metropolitan andregional effects. However, a caveat must be stated upfront. Because there is considerable cross-pollinationbetween the two traditions, not every work herein men-tioned fits squarely in one of these classifications, andsome authors may altogether defy the deconcentration orrestructuring labels. As is customary with classing exer-cises, we use this “theorizing traditions” typology as aheuristic device and remind the reader to view it as twopoles of a continuum.

1. DECONCENTRATION SCHOOL

In the deconcentration group (section A.1), we findworks in the human ecology tradition of urban sociol-ogy and microeconomic neoclassical approaches inlocation decision theories. In modern human ecology,technology is theorized as an integral part of cultureand technological change as a societal adaptiveresponse to changes in the environment. Instant com-munications reduce the cost of travel and hence stimu-late the outward growth of cities as firms and house-

482 Journal of Planning Literature



holds are able to move to the periphery. At the sametime, however, this trend raises the need for control andcoordination of peripheral operations, which in turnincreases the need for agglomeration of specializedmanagerial activities at strategic sites (Hawley 1986).For Berry (1973), electronic communications break thetension between centralization and decentralization infavor of decentralized polycentric settlement patternscharacterized by high growth in the quaternary sector.1

As new technologies increasingly substitute for face-to-face interaction, core-oriented cities could eventuallydissolve into an urban civilization without cities. Incontrast, Gottman (1991, 1977)—who in 1961 coined thenotion of megalopolis as an expanding network of cit-ies—emphasizes the face-to-face information exchangeneeds of specialized functions of interurban networks.This persistence of face-to-face interactions explains thecentrality of network city cores associated with quater-nary sector growth. IT and communications, ratherthan substituting for face-to-face contact, have expe-dited and intensified networking trends associatedwith past innovations (e.g., telephone, telegraph). Morerecent works have combined both face-to-face substitu-tion and generation effects of new telecommunications(e.g., e-mail, Internet) into the notion of a new “econ-omy of presence,” suggesting that planners and design-ers can harness and channel these sociospatial eco-nomic forces into the physical construction of “intelli-gent” buildings and communities (Mitchell 2000).

Edge cities, a phenomenon foreshadowed by Berryand other authors in this school, are, in neoclassical eco-nomic analysis, the result of interactions between econ-omies of scale, mobility, and transportation costs. Giventhat land and buildings are immobile, IT and telecom-munications effects are primarily captured throughreduction in transportation costs. More recently, someauthors have departed from the assumption that devel-opers and firms are classical atomistic agents of com-petitive markets. They have redefined models thatexplain edge cities by assuming monopolistic ormonopsonistic conditions under one large-scale devel-oper who, through “massive urban planning projects,can then direct the decision of the atomistic agents”(Medda et al. 1999, 752). However, most research sub-sumed in the deconcentration school posits urban formto be the result of atomistic agents’ travel trade-offsmade possible by IT and telecommunications. Thus, thebulk of research under this rubric is heavily dominatedby transportation studies investigating the interactionbetween IT and travel using spatial interaction models,scenario building, forecasting models, adoption/diffu-sion models, or choice models and empirical studies ofstated or revealed behavior (see “Spatial and Travel

Synergies,” section II.B.1). Telecommuting and home-based telework1 have been very popular areas ofresearch, although there is general consensus thattelecommuting adoption and travel substitution fore-casts have been overstated and that at the aggregatelevel, travel generation effects may be higher than sub-stitution effects (see Mokhtarian 1998; Mokhtarian andSalomon 1996 in “Telecommuting and Telework,” sec-tion II.B.2). Nonetheless, some authors foresee moreopportunities for sprawl than reconcentration resultingfrom the interplay between IT and transportation sys-tems (Niles 1996, 1994).

2. RESTRUCTURING SCHOOL

The restructuring school has its intellectual roots inMarxist political economy and regulation theories (seesection I.A.2). The latter, often associated with post-Fordism, attempts to explain the technological andmacroeconomic aspects of capital accumulation and itsspatial distribution. Since theories in this school arevastly heterogeneous, it can simply be said that theyemphasize economic and spatial restructuring result-ing from (1) technological change, which is the result of,and the transformational force affecting, the (capitalist)mode of production, and (2) the role of the state in shap-ing the conditions for economic growth (capital accu-mulation). Both local and global scales simultaneouslyoperate in these theories, which grant a facilitating roleto IT and telecommunications technology in therestructuring of organizations and regions. In otherwords, contemporary sociotechnical regimes havemade possible the reshaping of firms, labor-capital rela-tions, and the global mobility of capital—all of whichreflect the strategies of international banks and multi-national corporations. Spatially, cities are the focus ofthe local-global interplay of a new mode of capitalistdevelopment labeled informational (Castells 1996b,1989) or reflexive (Storper 1997). They concentrate digi-tally networked financial and advanced producerservices1 that support the geographic dispersion ofmanufacturing operations and give rise to world citiesas command-and-control centers of the capitalist worldeconomy (Sassen 1994). Linked to anti-unionizationstrategies and corporate organizational innovation,information technologies help standardize services andmanufacturing operations and permit the flexible relo-cation of these operations to the periphery of cities aswell as local and regional outsourcing or offshoring. Inthe global-city approach, edge cities emerge as a newurban form of digitally connected centrality driven bythe locational needs of multinational and national cor-porations, which are turning metropolitan peripheriesinto new growth centers (Sassen 1994).




The restructuring perspective assumes urbangrowth and form to be the result of complex strategicdecisions by private and public corporate agents pursu-ing economic growth and sustained rates of profit (i.e.,the regime of accumulation), which affect the spatialdispersion/concentration ratio. Thus, an IT-basedlogistics revolution combined with new modes of regu-lation (e.g., wage-labor relations, pro-market regula-tion, and local political devolution) has made possiblenew highly networked sociotechnical regimes. Theseregimes have increased social and spatial polarizationamong workers (e.g., between elite high-tech workersand flex-timers or casual workers) and accentuated thespatial and temporal looseness of work. The latter hastranslated into higher demand for flexible work sched-ules and more mobility, which has ultimately increasedcongestion in air and surface travel, as well as in tele-communication networks (e.g., telephone andInternet). This tendency seems to favor new waves ofeconomic restructuring characterized by dispersionand reconcentration of restructured firms in exurbanlocations that offer an incentive package of low corpo-rate and property taxes, broad-band digital connectiv-ity, and fast multimodal accessibility. Competing forNew Economy firms and elite workers, jurisdictions atthe metropolitan edge form joint ventures with NewEconomy town builders to showcase their naturalassets and market a green-field, new urbanist sense ofplace sold as “world-class-connected communities”—aremedy for placeless suburban malaise; traffic gridlock;and lack of walkable, mixed-use neighborhoods. Like-wise, metropolitan industrial cores offer brown-fieldsites or demolished public housing complexes recycledas in-town New Economy communities that cater to theneeds of elite workers who prefer proximity to jobs andcultural amenities. In this way, the built environmentevolves within the context of urban restructuring, as ithas in the past (e.g., exurban shopping centers, powercenters, and downtown gallerias) (King 1990).

Research in the restructuring school typicallyincludes geographic and descriptive analyses of newoccupations, employment, and firm distribution inindustries deemed representative of the newsociotechnical transformations (e.g., part-time workers,high-tech workers, data processing, and routine occu-pations; high-technology, finance, and producer servicefirms and multinational corporations); case studies ofnew work arrangements or the restructuring of organi-zations, cities, and regions; and historical and policyanalyses of legislative initiatives (e.g., telecommunica-tions deregulation) that reflect the regulation regimesand the interests of corporate and public-sector actors.

Although paradigmatic divisions remain betweenthe two schools, a certain degree of convergence charac-

terizes recent think pieces, expository studies, andresearch—all of which attempt to understand currentorganizational transformations and anticipate futureurban forms. Nonetheless, a substantial portion of theliterature is speculative and futuristic. Many authorsremark on the need for improved theorizing andresearch, given the pace of technological change; thecomplexity of the topic’s socioeconomic and spatialsynergistic relations; and the dearth of appropriateempirical data.

II. EMERGING THEMES

Apart from a theoretical perspective, we classifiedthe literature by five general themes. The first, whichwe call “New Urban Forms: Informational, Post-Fordist, Postindustrial, or Global-City Formation” (seesection II.A), includes works influenced by the variousrestructuring school perspectives that reflect the heter-ogeneity of theoretical positions regarding new modesof urban development. One salient point of agreementamong works in this group is the reaffirmation thatwhether informational or post-Fordist , thesociotechnical transformations are fundamentally andsimultaneously organizational and spatial (seeAmirahmadi and Wallace 1995; Belussi 2000). However,we also include dissenting views (see section II.A.1)that question global cities and network society formula-tions of the restructuring tradition as well as the emer-gence of information age urban forms (see Markusenand Gwiasda 1994; Townsend 2001; Beyers 2000;Frendreis 1989). Last, in this section, we subsume workson producer service firms that—despite their tendencyto agglomerate in core and major metropolitan cities, asthe global-city perspective predicts—are also decen-tralizing to edge cities and to metropolises in develop-ing countries (see section II.A.2).

The section “Economic, Spatial, and Travel Syn-ergies” compiles a variety of sources that examine gen-eral spatial and socioeconomic effects associated withIT and telecommunication interaction with transporta-tion networks and travel (see section II.B). Althoughtelecommuting is the dominant theme, other topicsinclude effects on transit (Cervero 1998), on traffic con-gestion resulting from the reorganization of work withconcomitant increases of flex-timers and part-timersand surges in personal and goods mobility (Castells1996a; Giuliano 1998), as well as intensifying spatialmismatch for transit-dependent populations vis-à-visthose who have access to autos and computers (Shen1999, 2000). “Telecommuting and Telework” (sectionII.B.2) is strongly influenced by the deconcentrationschool and dominated by transportation studies thatinvestigate the travel substitution and travel generation




effects of IT and telecommunications (i.e., telecom-muting). A generalized view in this literature is thattravel substitution effects to date have been exagger-ated (Handy and Mokhtarian 1996; Giuliano 1996;Mokhtarian 1998, 1996; Salomon 1998, 1996a) and thatthe spatial, economic, and travel synergies associatedwith IT (particularly electronic and wireless communi-cations) point to increases in personal mobility andmore travel demand for face-to-face interaction result-ing in increased traffic congestion (Hepworth andDucatel 1992). One author equates these synergies andother impacts of telecommunications on travel with theforces of sprawl (Niles 2001, 1994). We included underthis theme a section “Home-Based Working” (sectionII.B.2.a)—presumably a growing sector of the laborforce stimulated by IT but different from telecom-muters. Although just a few authors are investigatingurban form effects associated with freight logistics, wehave included logistics research and intelligent trafficmanagement systems (see sections II.B.3 and II.B.4)because their spatial implications have received littleattention by land use planners and urban designers.Logistics—chiefly a transportation engineeringresearch area—is defined by the Council of LogisticsManagement (2002) as “that part of the supply chainprocess that plans, implements, and controls the effi-cient, effective flow and storage of goods, services, andrelated information from the point of origin to the pointof consumption” (p. 1). It has had significant effects onmanufacturing, retail, and delivery service restructur-ing (see OTA 1995; Hepworth and Ducatel 1992).Kasarda (2000) names “aerotropolis” the new urbanform of the New Economy resulting from the combinedeffects of airports, international just-in-time and supply-chain transactions, and the growth of domestic andglobal e-commerce. New airport-based economic activ-ity occurring at the nodes of the least flexible networks(Feitelson and Salomon 2000; Niles 2001) are theseemerging corridors of aviation and logistics-inducedbusinesses extending as much as fifteen miles frommajor airports. The new urban form “is based on lowdensity, wide lanes, and fast movements” fulfilling thedemand for fast and agile processing and distribution oftime-sensitive production and goods (Kasarda 2000, 3).

Road telematics or intelligent traffic managementsystems are, according to some authors, the “technicalfix” to the urban problems of the information age. Theseproblems are precisely those associated with the eco-nomic and spatial synergies mentioned above and arenot exclusively related to land use and transportationpatterns. Research on their effectiveness in reducingoverall traffic congestion is inconclusive but does sug-gest some modest gains (Nijkamp et al. 1996). On theother hand, some transportation analysts caution about

these systems’ potential spatial and economic polariza-tion effects (Hepworth and Ducatel 1992).

Spatial scientists operating from bothdeconcentration and restructuring perspectives aregrappling with the challenges that IT and telecommuni-cations pose to the notion of accessibility in both physi-cal and virtual space (Janelle and Hodge 2000). Hybridspace is the word they have coined to describe the simul-taneous interaction of the two types of space in theinformation age. The section “Accessibility Issues inSpatial Science” (section II.C) collects the works ofauthors responding to the conceptual challenges thatthe Internet, mobile telephony, and other spatial tech-nologies—the bundle of transportation, communica-tions, and IT that affect spatial relations—pose to tradi-tional notions of accessibility founded on distance andphysical proximity. The importance of the latter hasbecome increasingly obsolete in instances where accessto certain activities is no longer constrained by physicalspace. Calls to reconceptualize accessibility and newmethods to measure it and map it have been made fromboth deconcentration and restructuring theorizing tra-ditions. For instance, Couclelis’s (2000) hypothesisabout sustainable accessibility equates the tragedy ofthe commons with congested transportation networks.Couclelis states that (1) the fragmentation of activitiesin the information age brought about by new informa-tion and communication technologies is the reasonbehind a widespread surge in transportation demandand that (2) the utility of travel remains higher than anyother alternative. Public policy promoting the substitu-tion of telematics for travel is a popular response to traf-fic congestion, and Couclelis (2000) stresses that in theinformation age, the promotion of the compact-mixed-use city without sufficient substitution of virtual forphysical travel will overwhelm transportation systems.Occelli (2000), from a restructuring perspective, exam-ines the dimensions of accessibility in post-Fordisturban development, underscores the multidimensionalcomplexity of accessibility in the information age, andraises equity issues associated with the new view ofaccessibility as a city’s resource. Hanson (2000), on theother hand, calls attention to the way accessibility tojobs and opportunity is influenced by place-based, face-to-face information networks, and Scott (2000) investi-gates how economic restructuring, suburbanization,and rapid technological change affect urban spatialstructure and intrametropolitan accessibility.

The next theme, “IT, Telecommunications Policy, andPlanning” (see section II.D), refers to a variety of policyand planning positions, ranging from critical appraisalsof IT-based economic development policies in theUnited Kingdom (Graham 1994) to the weakening ofthe Dutch land use planning system brought about by




the informational mode of development (Hajer andZonneveld). The 1995 OTA report offers some policyrecommendations to grapple with the spatial outcomesof the information age. However, some of these recom-mendations are cast under simplistic assumptionsabout sprawl and miss the larger IT issues that othersections of the report aptly identify. More recently, how-ever, transportation researchers examining telecommu-nications and mobility-enabled work arrangementshave identified important planning policy issues andcalled for a closer association between metropolitanplanning organizations and researchers in tackling landuse, transportation, and equity problems related to newworkers’ mobility and more business’ footlooseness.Other authors in this section offer quality-of-life policyand planning recommendations for attracting high-tech investment and New Economy’s firms and work-ers (Henton and Walesh 1998; Florida 2000; Hirschorn2000), whereas others argue for optimisticcomplementarities between IT and planning for sus-tainable development, as well as for a rebirth of largeurban modeling and forecasting in planning and policyanalysis.

III. CONCLUSION

Policy discourses on the New Economy abound, andtoday more than ever, planners are being called to har-ness its power for solving a variety of urban ills attrib-uted to contemporary urban form. The report “Linkingthe New Economy to the Livable Community” (Hentonand Walesh 1998) lightheartedly faults the NewUrbanist movement for omitting economic factors indiscussions of urban form but reveals a match made inheaven between the New Economy and New Urban-ism. This and similar reports typical of the exuberanteconomic expansion of the late 1990s concoct Disneyanvisions of a new era characterized by a growing numberof entrepreneurial firms fast replacing Fortune 500corporations:

increasing numbers of home-based businesses, tele-workers, and contingent workers who carry their “port-folio” of skills to different places of work . . . growingindustries and declining industries [found] side-by-side[in] “creative destruction” . . . networks of firms sharing acommon workforce and collaborating around some pro-jects while competing vigorously for other market oppor-tunities. (Henton and Walesh 1998, 4)

In sum, a sanitized version of information age capital-ism turned ecologically sustainable presumablybecause the New Economy is “cleaner” than the OldEconomy, and its place values are rooted in knowl-

edge—its competitive advantage. These values argu-ably reverberate through economic regions occupied byclusters of firms that thrive on face-to-face social inter-action and on the lifestyle choices that distinctivelydesigned New Urbanist communities offer to choosyknowledge workers permanently on the lookout forgreen amenities and flexible living and working envi-ronments. And last, but not least, because the NewEconomy needs communities that offer fast, advancedcommunication infrastructures; communities that min-imize firm transaction costs and traffic congestion; andabove all because the New Economy cares about the liv-ability of the entire region, New Economy entrepre-neurs are particularly well fitted to play decisive leader-ship in the emerging “new regionalism” espoused bynetworked alliances of businesses, governments, thenonprofit sector, and civic organizations (Henton andWalesh 1998, 14). These compelling, yet fancifulaccounts of the new (space) economy illustrate an artfulcombination of media-savvy, marketing, and selectiveinterpretation of research and scholarly work of boththe urban deconcentration and economic restructuringvariety. Despite their hyperrealism, emblematic ofSoja’s (1998) digital communities, these visions evokethe new economic “reflexivity” of information age mar-ket economies in that institutional actors (large firms,governments, and other organizations) have greatlyamplified the potential to shape the conditions of eco-nomic advantage. However, this is only possible to theextent to which they can rapidly, strategically, andinnovatively network collaboratively and reinterpretfeedback information into “new realities” upon whichpeople can act (Storper 1997). However, as Storperreminds us, this reflexive capacity brings along allkinds of new risks (personal, social, ecological, etc.)associated with a redefinition of competition on thebasis of fast technological change and quick organiza-tional learning—negatively but aptly illustrated by therecent Enron and WorldCom accounting and corporatescandals.

Our hopes in putting together this bibliography aretwofold. One is that it may help the reader appreciatethe potential risks and side effects, as well as the intri-cate and speculative nature of sociospatial outcomesassociated with the interplay between IT and urbanform. The other one is that this knowledge may helpdevelop a balanced outlook on the promises and perilsof the New Economy in contemporary policy and plan-ning discourses of place, community, and region.

IV. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors wish to thank the two CPL anonymousreviewers for their helpful comments.




V. NOTES

1. See Glossary of Terms.2. For a fuller and more detailed review, see Audirac (2002).

VI. SELECTED REFERENCES

Abler, Ronald. 1977. The telephone and the evolution of the Americanmetropolitan system. In The social history of the telephone, Ithiel deSola Pool, ed. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Amirahmadi, H., and C. Wallace. 1995. Information technology, theorganization of production, and regional development. Environ-ment and Planning A 27: 1745-75.

Audirac, I. 2002. Information technology and urban form. Journal ofPlanning Literature 17, 2: 212-26.

Batten, David F. 1995. Network cities: Creative urban agglomerationsfor the 21st century. Urban Studies 32, 2: 313-27.

Bell, Daniel. 1973. The coming of post-industrial society. New York: BasicBooks.

Belussi, Fiorenza. 2000. Towards the post-Fordist economy: emergingorganizational models. International Journal of Technology Manage-ment 32, 1/2: 20-43.

Berry, Brian. 1973. The human consequences of urbanization. London:Macmillan.

Beyers, William B. 2000. Cyberspace or human space: Wither cities inthe age of telecommunications? In Cities in the telecommunicationsage, James O. Wheeler, Yuko Aoyama, and Barney Warf, eds. NewYork: Routledge.

Cairncross, Francis. 2001. The death of distance: How the communicationsrevolution is changing our lives. Completely new ed. Boston: HarvardBusiness School Press.

. 1997. The death of distance: How the communications revolutionwill change our lives. Boston: Harvard Business School Press.

Castells, Manuel. 1996a. Megacities and the end of urban civilization.(The past is too small to inhabit.) New Perspectives Quarterly 13, 3: 12-15.

. 1996b. The rise of the network society. Cambridge, MA:Blackwell.

. 1989. The informational city. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell.Castells, Manuel, and Peter Hall. 1994. Technopoles of the world: The

making of twenty-first-century industrial complexes. New York:Routledge.

Cervero, Robert. 1998. The transit metropolis. Washington, DC: IslandPress.

Clark, William A. V., and Marianne Kuijpers-Linde. 1994. Com-muting in restructuring urban regions. Urban Studies 31, 3: 465-83.

Couclelis, Helen. 2000. From sustainable transportation to sustainableaccessibility: Can we avoid a new tragedy of the commons? In Informa-tion space and cyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and David C. Hodge,eds. New York: Springer.

. 1997. From cellular automata to urban models: New princi-ples for model development and implementation. Environment andPlanning B: Planning and Design 24, 2: 165-74.

Council of Logistics Management. 2002. Definition of logistics. OakBrook, IL: Council of Logistics Management. Retrieved from http://www.clm1.org/.

Feitelson, Eran, and Ilan Salomon. 2000. The implications of differen-tial network flexibility for spatial structures. Transportation ResearchPart A 34 (2000): 459-79.

Fishman, Robert. 1990. America’s new city: Megalopolis unbound.Wilson Quarterly 14, 1: 25-45.

Florida, Richard. 2000. Competing in the age of talent: Environment,amenities and the new economy. Report prepared for the R. K. MellonFoundation, Heinz Endowments, and Sustainable Pittsburgh.

Retrieved from http://www.heinz.cmu.edu/~florida/pages/new_economy/talent_national.pdf.

Frendreis, John P. 1989. The information revolution and urban life.Journal of Urban Affairs 11, 4: 327-37.

Frey, William. 1993. The new urban revival in the United States. UrbanStudies 30, 4/5: 741-74.

Garreau, Joel. 1991. Edge city: Life on the new frontier. New York:Doubleday.

Giuliano, Genevieve. 1998. Information technology, work patternsand intra-metropolitan location: A case study. Urban Studies 35, 7:1077-95.

. 1996. Keynote address. Paper presented at the Urban Design,Telecommuting and Travel Forecasting Conference, October 27-30,Williamsburg, VA. In Summary, recommendations and compendium ofpapers, Lisa G. Day, ed. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Trans-portation and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (FHWA-PD-98-027).

Gottman, Jean. 1991. The dynamics of city networks in an expandingworld. Ekistics 350 (September/October): 277-81.

. 1977. Megalopolis and antipolis: The telephone and the struc-ture of the city. In The social history of the telephone, Ithiel de Sola Pool,ed. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Graham, Stephen. 1994. Networking cities: Telematics in urban pol-icy—A critical review. International Journal of Urban and RegionalResearch 18, 3: 416-32.

Graham, Stephen, and Simon Marvin. 2000. Urban planning and thetechnological future of cities. In cities in the telecommunications age,James O. Wheeler, Yuko Aoyama, and Barney Warf, eds. New York:Routledge.

. 1996. Telecommunications and the city. London: Routledge.Guillespie, Michael. 1992. Communications technologies and the future

of the city. In Sustainable development and urban form, M. J. Breheny,ed. London: Pion.

Hackler, Darrene. 2000. Industrial location in the information age: Ananalysis of information-technology-intensive industry. In Cities inthe telecommunications age, O. Wheeler, Yuko Aoyama, and BarneyWarf, eds. New York: Routledge.

Hajer, M., and W. Zonneveld. 2000. Spatial planning in the networksociety: Rethinking the principles of planning in the Netherlands.European Planning Studies 8, 3: 337-55.

Hall, Peter. 2002. Out of control? Urban development in the age ofvirtualization and globalization. Paper presented at theEuropäishes Forum Alpbach, communication and networks con-ference, August 15-31, Alpbach, Tyrol, Austria. Retrieved fromhttp://www.alpbach.org/deutsch/forum2002/vortraege/hall.pdf.

. 1997. Modelling the post-industrial city. Futures 29, 4/5:311-22.

Hall, Peter, and Ann Markusen. 1985. Silicon landscapes. Boston: Allenand Unwin.

Hall, Peter, and Paschal Preston. 1988. The carrier wave: New informa-tion technology and the geography of innovation, 1846-2003. London:Unwin Hyman.

Handy, Susan L., and Patricia L. Mokhtarian. 1996. The future oftelecommuting. Futures 28, 3: 227-40.

Hanson, Susan. 2000. Reconceptualizing accessibility. In Informationspace and cyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and David C. Hodge, eds.New York: Springer.

Harvey, David. 1990. The condition of postmodernity. Oxford, UK andCambridge, MA: Blackwell.

Hawley, Amos H. 1986. Human ecology: A theoretical essay. Chicago:University of Chicago Press.

Henton, Doug, and Kim Walesh. 1998. Linking the New Economy tothe livable community. A report to the James Irvine Foundation.




San Francisco: The James Irvine Foundation. Retrieved from http://www.irvine.org/pdfs/LinkingtheNewEconomy.pdf.

Hepworth, Mark, and Ken Ducatel. 1992. Transport in the informationage: Wheels and wires. London: Belhaven.

Hirschorn, Joel S. 2000. Growing pains: Quality of life in the new economy.Washington, DC: National Governors’ Association. Retrieved fromhttp://www.nga.org/cda/files/GROWINGPAINS.pdf.

Janelle, Donald C., and David C. Hodge, eds. 2000. Information spaceand cyberspace. New York: Springer.

Johnson, Nicolas. 1968. Urban man and the communications revolu-tion. Nation’s Cities 6 (July): 1-9.

Kasarda, John D. 2000. New logistics technologies and infrastructure forthe digital economy. Chapel Hill: Kenan Institute of Private Enter-prise, University of North Carolina. Retrieved from http://in3.dem.ist.utl.pt/downloads/cur2000/papers/S19P01.pdf.

King, Anthony D. 1990. Global cities: Post-imperialism and the interna-tionalization of London. London: Routledge.

Kling, Rob, Spencer Olin, and Mark Poster, eds. 1995. PostsuburbanCalifornia: The transformation of Orange County since World War II.Berkeley: University of California Press.

Knox, Paul. 1991. The restless urban landscape: Economic andsociocultural change and the transformation of metropolitan Wash-ington, D.C. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 81:181-209.

Kotkin, Joel, 2000. The new geography: How the digital revolution isreshaping the American landscape. New York: Random House.

Krugman, Paul. 1996. The self-organizing economy. Cambridge, MA:Blackwell.

Lefebvre, Henri. 1991. The production of space. Oxford, UK: BasilBlackwell.

Markusen, Ann, and Vicky Gwiasda. 1994. Multipolarity and the lay-ering of functions in world cities: New York City’s struggle to stayon top. Journal of Urban and Regional Research 18, 2: 167-94.

Medda, Fracesca, Peter Nijkamp, and P. Rietveld. 1999. Urban indus-trial relocation: The theory of edge cities. Environment and PlanningB: Planning and Design 26, 5: 751-61.

Mitchell, William J. 2000. E-Topia. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.Moayer, Alan J. 1977. Urban growth and the development of the tele-

phone: Some relationships at the turn of the century. In The socialhistory of the telephone, Ithiel de Sola Pool, ed. Cambridge, MA: MITPress.

Mokhtarian, Patricia L. 1998. A synthetic approach to estimating theimpacts of telecommuting on travel. Urban Studies 35, 2: 215-41.

. 1996. The information highway: Just because we’re on itdoesn’t mean we know where we’re going. World Transport Policyand Practice 2, 1/2: 24-28.

Mokhtarian, Patricia L., and Ilan Salomon. 1996. Modeling the choiceof telecommuting: Identifying the choice set and estimating binarychoice models for technology-based alternatives. Environment andPlanning A 28: 1877-94.

Muldawer, Paul. 2000. The New Economy towns. The Town Paper 3, 1(December). Retrieved from http://www.tndtownpaper.com/Volume3/new_economy_towns.htm.

National Town Builders Association. 2001. New Economy towns.Retrieved from http://www.ntba.net/.

Nijkamp, Peter, Gerard Pepping, and David Banister. 1996. Telematicsand transport behavior. Berlin: Springer.

Niles, John S. 2001. Technology and transportation: The dynamic relation-ship. Seattle, WA: Discovery Institute. Retrieved from http://www.discovery.org/articleFiles/PDFs/NilesTelecomReport.pdf.

. 1996. Considering telecommunications for all trip types in ametropolitan region’s transportation model. Paper presented at theUrban Design, Telecommuting and Travel Forecasting Conference,

October 27-30, Williamsburg, VA. In Summary, recommendations andcompendium of papers, Lisa G. Day, ed. Washington, DC: U.S. Depart-ment of Transportation and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency(FHWA-PD-98-027).

. 1994. Beyond telecommuting: A new paradigm for the effect of tele-communications on travel. Washington, DC: U.S. Department ofEnergy, Office of Energy Research and Office of Scientific Com-puting (DOE/ER-0626).

Occelli, Sylvie. 2000. Revisiting the concept of accessibility: Somecomments and research questions. In Information space andcyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and David C. Hodge, eds. New York:Springer.

Office of Technology Assessment. 1995. The technological reshaping ofmetropolitan America. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office(OTA- ETI-643).

O’Kelly, Morton E., and Tony H. Grubesic. 2002. Backbone topology,access, and the commercial Internet, 1997-2000. Environment andPlanning B: Planning and Design 29, 4: 533-52.

One Thousand Friends of Wisconsin. 2002. New communities for a NewEconomy: Land use strategies to excel in the new digital world. Madison,WI: One Thousand Friends of Wisconsin and Urban Land Institute.Retrieved from http://www.1kfriends.org/new_economy.shtml.

Salomon, Ilan. 1998. Technological change and social forecasting: Thecase of telecommuting as travel substitute. Transportation ResearchPart C: 17-45.

. 1996a. Telecommunications and the “death of distance”:Some implications for transport and urban areas. Paper presentedat the Urban Design, Telecommuting and Travel Forecasting Con-ference, October 27-30, Williamsburg, VA. In Summary, recommen-dations and compendium of papers, Lisa G. Day, ed. Washington, DC:U.S. Department of Transportation and U.S. Environmental Protec-tion Agency (FHWA-PD-98-027).

. 1996b. Telecommunications, cities, and technological oppor-tunism. Annals of Regional Science 30, 1: 75-90.

Sassen, Saskia. 2001. Impacts of information technologies on urbaneconomies and politics. Paper presented at the Doubling DublinConference, November 8, Dublin, Ireland. Retrieved from http://www.dublinpact.ie/conferencedetails/ConferenceReview/speakers/saskiasassenITandCities/ssITandCities1.html.

. 1994. Cities in a world economy. Thousand Oaks, CA: PineForge Press.

. 1991. The global city: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press.

Scott, Lauren M. 2000. Evaluating intra-metropolitan accessibility inthe information age: Operational issues, objectives, and implemen-tation. In Information space and cyberspace, Donald G. Janelle andDavid C. Hodge, eds. New York: Springer.

Shen, Qing. 2000. New telecommunications and residential locationflexibility. Environment and Planning A 32, 8: 1445-63.

. 1999. Transportation, telecommunications and the changinggeography of opportunity. Urban Geography 20, 4: 334-55.

Sohn, Jungyul. 2002. Information technology in the 1990s: More foot-loose or more location-bound? Paper presented at the Associationof Collegiate Schools of Planning Conference, November 21-24,Baltimore, MD.

Soja, Edward D. 1998. Digital communities, simcities, and thehyperreality of everyday life. The Getty Research Institute for theHistory of Art and the Humanities, Transarchitectures: Visions ofDigital Community Symposium, June 5-6, Los Angeles. Retrievedfrom http://www.members.labridge.com/lacn/trans/soja2.html.

Storper, Michael. 1997. The regional world. New York: Guilford.Townsend, Anthony M. 2001.The Internet and the rise of the new net-

work cities, 1969-1999. Environment and Planning B: Planning andDesign 28, 1: 39-58.




VII. ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Theoretical Traditions

1. DECONCENTRATION SCHOOL

001. Berry, Brian. 1973. The human consequences of urbanization.London: Macmillan.

Influenced by Daniel Bell’s (1973) formulation of thepostindustrial1 society, Berry compares nineteenth- andtwentieth-century urbanization and emphasizes the role ofinnovations in transportation and communications in theshift to decentralized polycentric urban forms during thepost–World War II era. Describing American twentieth-century urbanization, the author refers to (1) the rise of apostindustrial economy, (2) the increasing interactionbetween social and spatial mobility, (3) the growth of thehousing industry, and (4) emerging electronic communica-tions. The latter, according to Berry, compresses time andspace, substitutes for face-to-face interaction, and is amajor factor shaping the growth of the quaternary sector1

and decentralized settlement patterns. New technologies,the author remarks, dissolve the core-oriented city in timeand space and create what some refer to as an urban civili-zation without cities.

002. Fishman, Robert. 1990. America’s new city: Megalopolisunbound. Wilson Quarterly 14, 1: 25-45.

Fishman traces the historical evolution of cities from tradi-tional central cities to America’s “new cities.” He statesthat the basic unit of the new city is the growth corridorand argues that the new city lacks a dominant single coreand definable boundaries: it contains a multitude of partialcenters, a somewhat unified cluster of commerce andretail, and the convergence of major highways. The authormentions that the rapid pace and immense scale of devel-opment threaten the natural environment of regions.Fishman comments that the essential element of the newcity is that it is based on time, rather than space.

003. Gottman, Jean. 1991. The dynamics of city networks inan expanding world. Ekistics 350 (September/October):277-81.

Considered to have coined the concept of megalopolis in1961, Jean Gottman reviews the factors that explaininterurban networks and give rise to megalopolises andglobal networks of cities. He emphasizes two sets of fac-tors: (1) the inheritance of the past and the systems of tradeand (2) political and/or diplomatic relations, functionalspecialization, and cultural exchanges between cities thatinformation technologies and particularly telecommuni-cations have helped intensify. Gottman emphasizes theintensification of face-to-face information exchanges,rather than the substitution effects that telecommunicationnetworks generate.

004. . 1977. Megalopolis and antipolis: The telephoneand the structure of the city. In The social history of the tele-phone, Ithiel de Sola Pool, ed. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Gottman examines whether the telephone aids in the for-mation of vast “megalopolitan” cities or whether it leads tosettlement dispersal and the dissolution of compact“white-collar” cities: the “antipolitan” hypothesis. Afterexamining some of telephone history, he acknowledgesthat the telephone has permitted the geographic separa-tion of the office from warehousing and shipping activi-ties, making production functions (tertiary activities) morefootloose. However, he concludes that its overall influenceon settlement patterns does not support a simplisticantipolitan view and that instead, the telephone has facili-tated complex megalopolitan structures with importantoffice concentrations in skyscrapers and central businessdistricts (quaternary activities). However, Gottmanacknowledges that the telephone has also contributed toan antipolitan tendency related to what he terms“transhumance,” or the increasing trend of people to movefrequently between two or more places of residence. Thisnew nomadism, Gottman speculates, which could weakenthe political structure of cites, could not be possible with-out the linkages provided by telecommunications.

005. Hall, Peter. 2002. Out of control? Urban development inthe age of virtualization and globalization. Paper pre-sented at the Europäishes Forum Alpbach, Communica-tion and Networks Conference, August 15-31, Alpbach,Tyrol, Austria. Retrieved from http://www.alpbach.org/deutsch/forum2002/vortraege/hall.pdf.

Hall contests the death-of-distance claims typically associ-ated with IT and telecommunications and reasserts the“glue” of agglomeration related to four service industriesconcentrated in global cities (finance and business, gov-ernment command and control, culture and entertain-ment, and tourism). He calls for a new theory of locationthat takes into account globalization, the shift to an infor-mational service economy, and the emergence of tradingblocs like the European Union. Hall combines an informa-tion-age adjusted version of central-place theory andglobal-city theory and arrives at a new archetypal urbanform consisting of

1. A traditional business core, developing around aport or similar nodal location from the origins of thecity; much rebuilt, but retaining traditional streetpatterns and old buildings (City of London,Châtelet, Downtown, Marunouchi/Otemachi);

2. Asecondary business core, developed in the twenti-eth century in the former high-class residential area(West End, Paris-XVI, Midtown, Akasaki/Rippongi); here are now found certain types ofoffice activities (especially headquarters) and enter-tainment/cultural activities;

3. A tertiary business core (‘inner edge city’), devel-oped since 1960 in an urban regeneration zone atsome distance from the primary and secondarycores (La Défense, Canary Wharf, World FinancialCenter, Shinjuku, Potsdamer Platz); these containlarge concentrations of new offices and, sometimes,entertainment;




4. An outer ‘edge city’ generally around or on themajor axis toward the airport (London’s ‘WesternSector’, Roissy, Kista-E4 Corridor, Amsterdam-Zuid);

5. Outermost ‘edge cities,’ either planned new townsor expansions of existing towns which haveattracted large-scale ‘back office’ concentrations(Croydon, Reading, Cergy-Pontoise, Omiya,Kawasaki, Greenwich CN);

6. Specialised concentrations of activity requiringlarge amounts of space and attracting large num-bers of people, especially leisure or business tour-ists (stadiums, arenas, conference and exhibitioncentres, theme parks); these are commonly on edge-city sites, sometimes produced as part of urbanregeneration or land reclamation schemes (Green-wich Dome, Disneyland Paris, Tokyo Waterfront).”(p. 15)

Hall concludes with a discussion of the new urban polar-ization and socioeconomic spatial segregation accompa-nying the emerging urban form of the new informational1

economy in Western European cities.

006. . 1997. Modeling the post-industrial city. Futures29, 4/5: 311-22.

The emerging postindustrial city, as defined by Hall, is (1)globalized—anchored in a global network of cities inwhich it seeks new markets and also competes for jobs, (2)tertiarized and quaternarized—economically dependenton the tertiary and quaternary sectors1 of advanced ser-vices (e.g., banking and finance, producer services,1 tour-ism), (3) informationalized1—using information as a factorof production, and (4) polycentric—characterized by thedeconcentration of certain jobs and residences. Hall recog-nizes the dual existence of opposing forces shapingpostindustrial urbanization: the concentration of certainactivities and institutions (e.g., corporate headquarters,banking and finance, the media, and intergovernmentalinstitutions) in a few world cities and the simultaneousintraurban and interurban decentralization of populationand other activities (e.g., logistical management, back-office processing). He contends that telecommunicationshave played a major role in facilitating this process andthat existing urban and transportation models, which arebased on the concept of highest and best land use and thetraditional monocentric city, are ill suited to describe andexplain the organization of the postindustrial city. Theauthor calls for the development of new urban models thattake into account the global nature of the informationaleconomy.

007. Hackler, Darrene. 2000. Industrial location in the informa-tion age: An analysis of information-technology-intensiveindustry. In Cities in the telecommunications age, O. Wheeler,Yuko Aoyama, and Barney Warf, eds. New York:Routledge.

Hackler presents a study on how information technology(IT) affects industry location. Using employment andestablishment data for the United States and a select num-ber of states and counties, the study attempts to discernthe degree of footlooseness and decentralization in IT-intensive manufacturing industries. The data analysisreveals that second-tier cities (e.g., Phoenix and the TwinCities) account for greater proportions of IT-intensivemanufacturing establishments. The analysis also reveals apattern of intrametropolitan decentralization away fromurban cores, with growth in outer counties. The authorsuggests that given these trends, regional economic devel-opment policies may be more successful in attracting IT-intensive firms.

008. Hawley, Amos H. 1986. Human ecology: A theoretical essay.Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Considered the father of modern human ecology, AmosHawley in this theoretical essay defines technology as theinstrumental aspect of culture. Building on the legacy ofclassical human ecology, he sees technological change aspart of the process of societies’ organizational adaptationto changes in the natural environment. Spatial and tempo-ral expansions of human settlements respond to techno-logical change. As the locus of change shifts from transpor-tation to telecommunications, two opposing systemicprocesses arise. Instant communications facilitatedeconcentration of operations while simultaneously fos-tering a process of centralization of control functions.Under the effect of instantaneous communications, sitevalues tend to homogenize over a region, anddeconcentration tends to increase with reduction in mobil-ity costs (p. 100). Hawley asserts that since spatial patternsare manifestations of organizational patterns, the latterpatterns will also be influenced by changes in transporta-tion and telecommunications. He therefore posits that tele-communications bring about concentrative and decon-centrative transformations at the levels of organizationsand settlements.

009. Mitchell, William J. 2000. E-Topia. Cambridge, MA: MITPress.

Mitchell explores several loosely threaded themes regard-ing software, telematics,1 and computers as part of the newdigital network of cities. He discusses information ageeffects on homes, neighborhoods, and workplaces, as wellas the emergence of a “new economy of presence.” The lat-ter, according to Mitchell, will enable a new social con-struction of place and urban form, which he calls e-topias or“lean, green cities that work smarter not harder” (p. 147)under the following principles:

Dematerialization: substitution and/or reduction of phys-ical space for electronic space, for example, the substitu-tion of bank branches for automated teller machines.

Demobilization: substitution of physical commuting fortelecommuting by road pricing and live/work neigh-




borhoods, which results in polycentric cities compris-ing compact, multifunctional, pedestrian-scale neigh-borhoods interconnected by efficient transportationand telecommunications.

Mass customization: interconnection of transportationcompanies, enabling auto rentals to be managed asfleets and available for just-in-time delivery.

Intelligent operation: intelligent systems controlling thedistribution of scarce consumable resources, for exam-ple, water, fuel, and electric power.

Soft transformation: adaptation of existing building andhousing stock to accommodate the new telecommuni-cations infrastructure.

2. RESTRUCTURING SCHOOL

010. Castells, Manuel. 1996. The rise of the network society. Cam-bridge, MA: Blackwell.

In this volume, Castells constructs the conceptual founda-tions of his theory of the informational mode of developmentbased on the emergence of a new information technology(IT) paradigm. Geographically speaking, this paradigm ispresent in many spheres of human and economic organi-zation. At the world level, a new informational-globaleconomy has emerged for the first time, organized on atwenty-four-hour, real-time, planetary scale via the net-working power of multinational firms operating withinthe new international division of labor.1 The new para-digm has created a fundamental transformation in theorganization of production, with the dual emergence offlexible organizations and flex-workers (e.g., self-employed and temp workers). At the city level, these phe-nomena have exacerbated income and spatial inequalities.The informational city is not a place but a process dominatedby the logic of the space of flows. Castells defines the space offlows as the new spatial logic of a network society shapedby activities taking place in noncontiguous cities (space ofplaces) but dynamically linked through technological infra-structures. Following this logic, the global city is not aplace but a process linking production and consumption ofadvanced services. Similarly, new industrial space is orga-nized around manufacturing flows articulated withinglobal industrial networks. American edge cities are but apartial manifestation of this process, whose spatial formalso includes decaying inner cites and obsolete suburbs.Megacities are a new informational spatial form becausethey “are centers of economic, technological and socialdynamism, in their countries and on a global scale” (p.409). They are centers of cultural and political innovation,as well as the key connecting points of informational infra-structures, such as the Internet.

011. Dunford, Michael, and Grigoris Kafkalas, eds. 1992. Citiesand regions in the new Europe. London: Belhaven.

Dunford and Kafkalas examine regional and urbanchanges in Europe as a result of the European Union’sneoliberal policies of competition and market-led develop-ment. They include changes associated with different

models of market capitalism and the dual process of glob-alization and localization with concomitantdeconcentration and decentralization effects on economicactivity. Several contributing authors subscribe to the the-sis that local devolution of state power has increased thepower of global capital over space. Others assert that newproductive strategies involving labor organization andmanagement style (e.g., just-in-time, Japanese lean pro-duction or Toyotism1) have led to a new geography of pro-duction, which combines new forms of spatial decentral-ization of operations with centralization of control. Thecreation of new high-tech centers or technopoles1 isanother European regional development strategy based onpartnerships between government agencies, firms, andR&D groups. However, these strategies favor locations onmajor computer and telecommunications networks andnear-major intermodal infrastructures. This results inincreased regional inequality and greater intraurban socialpolarization. The book also offers a series of policy recom-mendations for the 1990s.

012. Frey, William. 1993. The new urban revival in the UnitedStates. Urban Studies 30, 4/5: 741-74.

Based on 1990 census data, Frey identifies three majordimensions characterizing American urban growth in the1980s and in subsequent decades. The first is the newurban revival associated with industrial restructuring,favoring cities engaged in the new knowledge economy,but bypassing rural and old industrial places. The secondis the expanding growth of minority populations, and thethird is the continued outward spread of population andbusinesses from the historical central cities alreadydetected in the 1970s. The study offers “period,” “regionalrestructuring,” and “deconcentration” explanations ofthese growth trends. Period explanations focus on uniqueeconomic and demographic factors occurring during the1980s. Restructuring explanations associated withpostindustrialization1 and deindustrialization theoriesforecast the growth and decline of areas as they transitionto the new global knowledge economy, spearheaded bymultinational corporations and new communication tech-nologies. Deconcentration perspectives emphasize thelocation preferences of firms and consumers freed fromgeographic limitations by new technologies. On the basisof an analysis of demographic change in metropolitan andnonmetropolitan areas, Frey concludes that temporal andspatial patterns of national urban growth and decline pointto the influence of telecommunications on employmentopportunities and on the continued importance of subur-ban expansion, and that these trends are better explainedby the restructuring and period perspectives.

013. Graham, Stephen, and Simon Marvin. 1996. Telecommuni-cations and the city. London: Routledge.

Graham and Marvin review four conceptual approachesthat explain and describe the role of technology in society:technological determinism, utopianism, political econ-omy, and social construction of technology. They use the




latter two as a conceptual framework to answer the ques-tion of how urban place and electronic space are sociallyconstructed within a capitalist political economy. Theauthors emphasize the importance of cities as electronichubs in telematics1 and telecommunications networks.They discuss strong techno-economic synergies among cit-ies as well as the social and institutional struggles for con-trol over urban places and electronic spaces. They identifya vertiginous change to pro-market regulatory telecom-munications regimes as a manifestation of this struggle,which has ushered new waves of economic restructuring.For Graham and Marvin, economic restructuring andtelematics-based globalization have increased social andspatial polarization within cities, fractured territorial com-munities into a multiplicity of digitally networked com-munities of interest that span the globe, and radicallyreshaped the physical form of advanced industrial cities.Some of the most important urban manifestations of eco-nomic restructuring and telematics1 that the authors dis-cuss are an increase in polycentric cities and the simulta-neous decentralization and reconcentration effects onurban economic activities; the transformation of urbangovernance from universal access to individualistic, pri-vatized, flexible delivery organizations; and new urbanpolicies geared toward competitively positioning individ-ual cities within regional and international networks ofcities.

014. Guillespie, Michael. 1992. Communications technologiesand the future of the city. In Sustainable development and ur-ban form, M. J. Breheny, ed. London: Pion.

Contrary to Brian Berry’s (1973) contention that telecom-munications will dissolve the core-oriented city and createan urban civilization without cities, Guillespie shows thatmarket-driven systems of regulation and specialized tele-communications networks are enhancing the nodality ofcities, as in the case of European teleports.1 He acknowl-edges, however, the decentralizing effects associated withback-office relocation and teleworking, which run counterto the compact city proposed for energy efficiencies. Healso stresses the travel-generating effect of informationtechnologies, such as advanced logistics that involve morefrequent just-in-time deliveries. In summary, the manifes-tation of reconcentration or deconcentration and travelsubstitution or generation effects of communications tech-nologies will depend largely on the social, political, andregulatory environments in which they are used.

015. Henry, Nick, and Doreen Massey. 1995. Competitivetime-space in high technology. Geoforum 26, 1: 49-64.

This study of high-technology workers (scientists andengineers) in Cambridge, United Kingdom, documentstheir extreme work pattern space and time flexibility. Itargues that the competitive success of high-tech industriesin an information age, characterized by time-space com-pression and the “time is money” motto, relies heavily onthe time-space flexibility of knowledge workers. These

elite workers put up with extreme time-pressure demandsassociated with extended working hours to meet projectdeadlines, frequent overseas trips to meet with clients orother scientists, and often twenty-four-hour on-call avail-ability for the client. The authors highlight the competitiveenvironment between companies and employees in aglobal competitive economy. Putting the customer firstbecomes the engine behind organizational and personalsuccess, predicated on the prioritization of paid laborabove all else in life. Although the monetary and personalrewards for elite workers may be adequate trade-offs, thetime-space flexibility demands on workers reverberate farbeyond this group.

016. Hepworth, Mark, and Ken Ducatel. 1992. Transport in theinformation age: Wheels and wires. London: Belhaven.

The general purpose of this book is to raise awareness ofthe transportation revolution facilitated by informationtechnologies and to highlight the need to rethink roadtransportation policy. The authors point to a powerfultechnology-supply push and the political and economicfactors driving this revolution. Intelligent highways, smartcars, road pricing, the mobile office, and new freight logis-tics are examples of new transportation developments.The authors analyze the effects of this transportation revo-lution in England, where producer services1 are decentral-ized to the periphery and rural towns are growing whilecities engage in beggar-thy-neighbor economic policies tocompete for new IT jobs. To solve the problems of cities,which have become intolerable places to live or work, theauthors suggest that mass transit must become responsiveto a greater diversity of travel patterns and to modalchoices forced by new urban forms. They also maintainthat road transport informatics (RTI) will become the req-uisite infrastructure of the European information city ofthe new millennium.

017. Sassen, Saskia. 1994. Cities in a world economy. ThousandOaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.

Acentral thesis of this book is that the shift to a global econ-omy has renewed the importance of certain strategic citiesas global centers of command and control. These cities areglobal cities—the nerve centers of the global economy andthe key sites for new telecommunications infrastructuresand leading postindustrial1 activities (i.e., advanced pro-ducer services1 and finance). Information technologieshave made possible the decentralization and dispersal ofmanufacturing activities and, simultaneously, the contin-ued concentration of their corporate control in global cit-ies. In addition to transnational corporate cultures, globalcities concentrate immigrant economies that supply theservice and production labor necessary to supportadvanced economic activities. Global cities such as Tokyo,New York, and London relate to one another via digitallynetworked processes akin to international productionchains. Financial and producer-service1 networks havealso linked large dynamic cities of the developed and




developing worlds. In the new urban economy, edge citiesare a new urban form of digitally based centrality, which isdifferent from typical residential expansions in that newcommercial and office space developments respond to thelocational decisions of national and multinational firms.

018. Scott, Allen. 1988. Metropolis: From the division of labor tourban form. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Scott challenges postindustrial1 theorists arguing that theshift to a service economy must be understood in terms ofits relationship to industrial production. Recognizing thesaliency of innovations in microelectronics and telecom-munications, he develops a theory of new industrial spaceresulting from firms’ strategic control of internal transac-tion costs through their externalization to subcontractingfirms. The highly vertically integrated firm of the massproduction era disintegrates into new spatially proximalclusters of flexible networks of high-tech subcontractors.The more high-tech or knowledge-intensive the subcon-tracted operations, the denser the web of linkages and theconcentration or agglomeration of these smaller firms. Onthe other hand, standardized activities are spatially dis-persed to the urban periphery. He applies his theory to casestudies of the printed circuit, animated film, and dressindustries of Los Angeles as well as to the high-tech districtof Orange County, California.

019. Storper, Michael. 1997. The regional world. New York:Guildford.

Storper offers a reworked three-legged theoretical frame-work of technology, organizations, and territories forunderstanding the persistence of economies of proximity(agglomeration) in the age of globalization. He contendsthat contemporary capitalism has developed new intelli-gent and reflexive megacapacities facilitated by informa-tion technology and telecommunications practices thatfeed back information to participants in radically newways (p. 30). Based on this new capacity, capitalism hasevolved into a “learning economy” in which actors (firms,cities, regions, and nations) compete on the basis of newnonstandardizable knowledge (the scarce factor). Storperpoints to two spatial tendencies of the “learning economy.”The first, understood as agglomerative, is reflexive andunderscores proximity as a means to decrease the risk anduncertainty associated with complex organizational rela-tions. The second, understood as deagglomerative,involves less intellectual or reflexive activities. It corre-sponds to routine operations based on standardizedknowledge that decentralize to urban peripheries. Theratio of the two trends is a measure of the urban versusperi-urban growth of a city. Storper finds the nature of thecity in the age of globalization as theorized by post-Fordist,global-city, and informational perspectives to be uncon-vincingly mechanistic. He posits that cities are simulta-neously pulled in both global and local and/or territorialdirections by the reflexive actions of producers and con-sumers and that empirical research should be oriented to

identify for each city the “what” and “how” of purposefulreflexive economic action.

II. EMERGING THEMES

A. New Urban Forms: Informational, Post-Fordist,Postindustrial, or Global-City Formation

020. Amirahmadi, Hooshang, and Chris Wallace. 1995. Infor-mation technology, the organization of production, and re-gional development. Environment and Planning A 27: 1745-75.

The perspective proffered by the authors can be inter-preted as a bridge between the two conceptual schools dis-cussed in this bibliography. In addition to conceptualizinginformation technology (IT) as a process that compressesspace and time (deconcentration school), the authors alsodefine IT as a means of production that alters the organiza-tion of production (restructuring school). This dual con-ceptualization of IT unifies the two technospatial tenden-cies of centralization and decentralization of productionwith the organizational tendencies of integration and dis-integration. Spatial decentralization tends to disengageproduction stages from a central hub, whereas centraliza-tion aggregates production stages in a central hub. On theother hand, organizational disintegration restructures thehub into new self-sufficient fragments, whereas organiza-tional integration restructures the central hub into a newwhole. Amirahmadi and Wallace contend that the processattributes of IT tend to stimulate regional disintegration ofproduction, rather than regional decentralization (as in thecase of decentralized branches). Industries are disintegrat-ing because of globalization and other competitive pres-sures; however, firms that are taking advantage of IT as aproductive force are simultaneously reintegrating func-tions in intelligent distributed networks. The competitive-ness of these networks is largely based on sophisticatedhuman-capital and flexible-production labor processes.1

The authors call for public policies that (1) promote afford-able universal access to high-skill training and IT infra-structure, (2) equalize integration opportunities for allfirms, and (3) support effective antitrust laws to preventworld oligopolies.

021. Belussi, Fiorenza. 2000. Towards the post-Fordist econ-omy: Emerging organizational models. International Jour-nal of Technology Management 32, 1/2: 20-43.

The article’s central premise is that post-Fordism is anorganizational paradigm that is not amenable to empiricaltesting. The article discusses the sociotechnical changesimplied by the post-Fordist paradigm in terms of four gen-eral conceptual domains: labor regulation, organization ofproduction, organizational models for firms, and socialand spatial implications. The discussion is couched withina comparative analysis of the main lines of change from theFordist to the post-Fordist paradigm. The author posits aprocess of complex coevolution and hybridization in this




transition that is not resulting in a singular post-Fordistform but rather a variety of forms characterized by differ-ent organizational models of the firm and dynamic changeand adaptation to local contexts. Regarding spatial impli-cations, the article endorses Castells’s (1996b) notion of thespace of flows and the rise of the network society. A newglobalized form of firm organization has emerged in whichnations and localities are brought together for the first timethrough complex networks of international subcontract-ing and transnational and globalized producers.

022. Fathy, Tarik A. 1991. Telecity: Information technology and itsimpact on city form. New York: Praeger.

This book conceptualizes the “telecity” as a new urbanform of the information technology (IT) revolution. It is ageographic landscape where a critical portion of the popu-lation interacts through telecommunication networks andwhere telemediated work, recreation, and services pre-dominate. Written in the late 1980s, the book foreshadowsthe emergence of an online economy of teleservices,teleworking, and telerecreation delocalized from placeand requiring psychological neighborhoods capable ofconnecting the various networks of virtual and physicalinteraction. The book reviews a wide array of literatureabout information technology according to three city-formperspectives (physicalist, economist, and sociologist) andreports on the findings of a Delphi study designed to vali-date the author’s conceptual formulation. Results of thestudy stress the importance of IT-spurred transformationsin individual, organizational, and social behaviors. Theacceptance of teleactivities by firms and public agenciesconfirm certain characteristics of the telecity, whereas thedecentralization of businesses and residences remains themajor urban trend.

023. Godfrey, Brian J. 1995. Restructuring and decentraliza-tion in a world city. The Geographical Review 85, 4: 436-58.

The author conducts a case study of the New York Cityconsolidated metropolitan statistical area (CMSA) to iden-tify the effects of economic restructuring and metropolitandeconcentration. New York City epitomizes the concept ofthe informational city: its thriving economic sectors com-prise transnational services such as corporate manage-ment, banking and finance, telecommunications, researchand development, producer services,1 and internationaltourism. The space economy of New York City comprisesthe polarization of wealth and the deconcentration of peo-ple and jobs to high-amenity, lower-priced suburbs. Eco-nomic restructuring, coupled with massive immigration,have created a two-tiered economy: a top tier of financialand business services that require labor with higher educa-tion and advanced skills and a lower tier of informal eco-nomic activities. Studies have shown a steady dispersal ofwealth to the metropolitan periphery and a central concen-tration of poverty. The metropolitan periphery featuresautonomous postsuburban edge cities. These edge cities,although retaining transit links to Manhattan, are increas-

ingly dependent on peripheral automobile linkages thatbypass Manhattan.

024. King, Anthony D. 1990. Global cities: Post-imperialism andthe internationalization of London. London: Routledge.

King provides a comprehensive review of global-city ideasand paradigms, with an emphasis on the built environ-ment. The book links world city formation and colonialurban development in India and ends with a historicalanalysis of London as a world city.

025. Moss, Mitchell L., and Anthony M. Townsend. 2000. Howtelecommunications systems are transforming urbanspaces. In Cities in the telecommunications age, James O.Wheeler, Yuko Aoyama, and Barney Warf, eds. New York:Routledge.

The authors contend that telecommunications are chang-ing the spatial organization of activities within cities byincreasing the number and type of interactions betweenpeople, firms, technical systems, and the environment.They suggest that telecommunications are eroding the dis-tinction between home and the workplace, changing officedesign and function, and transforming airplanes and auto-mobiles into extensions of the workplace. The authorsidentify the following impacts of telecommunications onthe workplace: construction of new buildings withadvanced telecommunications infrastructure, an empha-sis on interior office design that promotes human interac-tion, the increasing use of flexible work arrangements, andthe deconcentration of routine and retail financial services.They also identify the following impacts of telecommuni-cations in the home: the transition of traditional homes to“work-and-live space,” the standardization of telecommu-nications infrastructure in new housing stock, and elec-tronic home delivery of public services that once took placeexclusively in public buildings (e.g., schools, libraries, andprisons). Telecommunications are also transforming thecharacter of public spaces by changing the nature of enter-tainment, commercial services, and even street crime.

026. O’Kelly, Morton E., and Tony H. Grubesic. 2002. Back-bone topology, access, and the commercial Internet, 1997-2000. Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design 29, 4:533-52.

The authors examine the spatial organization of commer-cial Internet backbones by exploring the evolution of thetelecommunications industry and empirically analyzingthe topology of the U.S. commercial Internet. They alsoexamine levels of city accessibility. Their findings showthat the “Big 7” cites (Chicago, Washington, Atlanta, LosAngeles, New York, San Francisco, and Dallas) remaindominant with respect to commercial Internet backboneaccess. However, second- and third-tier cities are strongcompetitors climbing up the hierarchy of city Internetaccessibility. Their findings suggest that edge cities are sig-nificantly attracting infrastructure development andInternet activity and that metropolitan statistical area(MSA)/consolidated metropolitan statistical area (CMSA)




aggregate accessibility scores reflect a regional pattern ofboth suburban and exurban development.

027. Sassen, Saskia. 2001. Impacts of information technologieson urban economies and politics. Paper presented at theDoubling Dublin Conference, November 8. Retrievedfrom http://www.dublinpact.ie/conferencedetails/ConferenceReview/speakers/saskiasassenITandCities/ssITandCities1.html.

Economic globalization and telecommunications havefacilitated the coupling of international cross-boarder net-works and physical places (i.e., cities) where vast amountsof resources converge. Although this is not a new condi-tion, information technologies have contributed to theintensity, complexity, and global span of the networks and“the extent to which significant portions of economies arenow dematerialized and digitalized and hence can travelat great speeds through these networks” (p. 1). Thus, whatmay be physically observable in cities is only a partialaccount of what goes on in them, as virtual and physicalnetworks interact. Sassen discusses implications of IT forcities in terms of

1. The importance in urban “centrality” of knowledge-based social infrastructure that can support theknowledge demands of digital networks (e.g.,advanced producer services1).

2. New patterns of dispersion and concentrationresponding to three types of firms: (1) dispersingfirms with highly routinizable operations, typicallylocating in exurban or rural locales; (2) deeply glob-alized firms that outsource headquarters functionsto highly specialized service firms, mostly found incentral business districts of large cities, edge cities,and other urban nodes; and (3) the network of spe-cialized service firms that receive the outsourcedheadquarters functions.

3. In addition, there is a transterritorial “center”resulting from intense economic transactions in thenetwork of global cities, and hence, in these cross-boundary networks, local and global economiessimultaneously affect each other. Sassen argues thatthe cross-border network of global cities has per-mitted a new form of global politics as minority anddisadvantaged neighborhoods have gained accessto digital networks and are able to transform theirplaces into “microenvironments with global span.”

028. Warren, Robert. 1989. Telematics and urban life: Thequestions of gender, class and urban form—Rejoinder toJohn P. Frendreis. Journal of Urban Affairs 11, 4: 339-46.

This article examines the effects of telematics1 on the inter-nal and spatial organization of firms on a global scale. Theauthor states that telematics have played a key role in cre-ating a new international division of labor1 (NIDL). War-ren notes that in the NIDL, headquarters are centralized ina few world cities, whereas production is spatially dis-persed to other areas; that is, skilled white-collar and blue-collar tasks remain in core regions, whereas unskilled rou-

tine tasks are shifted to the periphery. He states that theeffects of IT on a space economy include increasinginequality, because it is biased against low-skilled womenand minorities. The author refers to previous research forexamples of how telematics have already influenced urbanform and development.

1. DISSENTING VIEWS

029. Beyers, William B. 2000. Cyberspace or human space:Wither cities in the age of telecommunications? In Cities inthe telecommunications age, James O. Wheeler, YukoAoyama, and Barney Warf, eds. New York: Routledge.

On the basis of a survey of New Economy small busi-nesses, Beyers finds little fit between his data and theoriesfrom the Berkeley and California schools of industrial eco-nomics and geography that, according to the author, arebased on manufacturing and the trading of manufacturedcommodities. Beyers alleges that New Economy enter-prises specialize in niches different and independent frommanufacturing, the evolving geography of the New Econ-omy is shared by urban and rural communities, and thenew geography is not dominated by large metropolitancenters. The New Economy firms are exercising a higherfreedom of location than their old-economy counterparts,and those choosing an urban location are doing it on thebasis of convenient access to airports and highways,whereas those choosing exurban and rural locales aredoing it for quality-of-life reasons. In addition to anexurbanizing trend among these establishments, thisstudy suggests strong synergies between their mode ofoperation, travel, and urban form. On one hand, thesefirms depend on a host of electronic, courier, and door-to-door delivery services as well as small-business supportservices (e.g., Kinko’s), whereas on the other, the need forface-to-face interaction with clients requires extensiveintra- and interregional air and ground travel.

030. Frendreis, John P. 1989. The information revolution andurban life. Journal of Urban Affairs 11, 4: 327-37.

Frendreis examines the potential effects of the increaseduse of telematics1 on urban life. He considers the concept offlexiplace (dividing work time between home and office)more likely than pure teleworking. He also considersunlikely the emergence of the information city as a newurban form. The author suggests that the major structuralimplication of the information revolution will be nucleicspecialization, where different centers (e.g., for financial,research, and data entry) develop within metropolitanareas. Frendreis concludes that the immediate effect of theinformation revolution will be on how people spend theirtime, rather than where.

031. Kirsch, Scott. 1995. The incredible shrinking world? Tech-nology and the production of space. Environment andPlanning D: Society and Space 13: 529-55.

The author theorizes on the social relations of technologyand technological change using the ideas of HenriLefebvre’s (1991) social production of space as a trinity of




conceived, perceived, and lived space. Kirsch rejectsCastells’s (1989) space of flows and network society andDavid Harvey’s (1990) metaphor of the “shrinking world”used to describe the geographies of high-speed produc-tion, exchange, and consumption resulting from advancesin telecommunications, transportation, and informationtechnology. His criticism is based on the notion thatalthough the “shrinking world” metaphor illuminatesglobal and local spatial relationships, it obscures the pro-cess of space construction and representation in everydaylife1 and the “increasing technical means through which itis produced” (p. 529). In addition to the global dimensionof new space-time connections, Kirsch emphasizes the roleof technology in the domination of conceived space(designed space) over lived space (experienced space).Under Kirsch’s broad notion of technology as a capitalistsocioeconomic system of production, new urban forms areengendered at each new technological turn (e.g., from shipto railroad transportation or from telegraph to telephone),and these spatial forms must be understood as both ideo-logical and material time-space transformations.

032. Markusen, Ann, and Vicky Gwiasda. 1994. Multipolarityand the layering of functions in world cities: New YorkCity’s struggle to stay on top. Journal of Urban and RegionalResearch 18, 2: 167-94.

Markusen and Gwiasda challenge the global-city perspec-tive and contend that although New York is the center offinancial activities such as banking and securities, it lackssuperiority in advanced producer services1 such as publicrelations, computing, and data processing. Themultipolarity of the American urban system makes NewYork different from other world cities such as London andTokyo. The impact of national economics and the educa-tional political and cultural setup of each city determinetheir role in the international scene.

033. Nelson, Joel I., and David Cooperman. 1998. Out of uto-pia: The paradox of postindustrialization. The SociologicalQuarterly 39: 583-96.

Nelson and Cooperman argue that many social problemsin postmodern society are a consequence of innovations ininformation technology (IT). They contend thatpostindustrial theorists have neglected the destabilizingeffects of innovations on organizations and markets.According to the authors, flexible networks of competitorsdecrease the capacity to predict the actions of others, whichincreases organizational risk and uncertainty. Innovationsin IT also contribute to existing social inequalities becausethe high costs of IT applications benefit the techno-elite.Nelson and Cooperman conclude that postindustrial1

technology introduces no net gain in managing socialproblems because it presents the paradox of increased riskand increased control.

034. Offner, Jean-Marc. 2000. “Territorial deregulation”: Localauthorities at risk from technical networks. InternationalJournal of Urban and Regional Research 24, 1: 165-82.

The author questions Castells’s (1996b) concept of a net-work society and argues that Castells’s definition of a net-work is “minimalist and all-encompassing” that “preventsany differential analysis of the performance of public ser-vices” (p. 166). The article also criticizes the way in whichplanners use models to simplify the relationships betweennetworks and territories and calls them paradoxical“myths.” Such myths include the notion that networks willlead to an end to territory and that networks create dualspaces composed of those located on the network andthose who are not. It suggests that proximity can no longerbe understood as solely the geographic distance from onelocation to another but must also consider the characteris-tics of the network that connects them. The final sectionconsiders the political implications of the relationshipsbetween networks and territories. Offner suggests theneed for a historic compromise between services andregions in which local authorities retain the capacity forpolicy making in urban planning and regionaldevelopment.

035. Townsend, Anthony M. 2001. The Internet and the rise ofthe new network cities, 1969-1999. Environment andPlanning B: Planning and Design 28, 1: 39-58.

Townsend challenges the urban dissolution thesis as wellas the global-city perspective and argues that rather thansimple urban centralization or decentralization predictedby these perspectives, Internet technology has enabledmany cities to become highly specialized global informa-tion producers. In this new urban network, a broad varietyof local structures for supporting high-level informationanalysis and production can successfully market these ser-vices on a global scale. On the basis of a study of geo-graphic diffusion of Internet activity and infrastructure inthe United States between 1969 and 1999, he calls for amore sophisticated theoretical framework to understandthe future coevolution of cities and telecommunicationsnetworks.

2. PRODUCER SERVICES

036. Coffey, William J. 2000. The geographies of producer ser-vices. Urban Geography 21, 2: 170-83.

This is a progress report of the past fifteen years of pro-ducer services1 research in international and Americancontexts. The author states that producer services areincreasingly shaping the international division of labor.1

The highest-order services and most strategic functionstypically remain in the most developed countries, whereasmany back-office functions are increasingly decentralizedto less developed countries (e.g., accounting and softwareservices to India, data processing to the Philippines andCaribbean, insurance activities to Ireland) (p. 177). Withrespect to intrametropolitan geography, the authorreviews the literature of producer services decentraliza-tion in the United States associated with the edge-city phe-nomenon. There are several factors affecting the relocationof producer services outside the central business district(CBD), such as site attributes (e.g., accessibility for clients,




land cost, or rental prices) and the need for building spacethat can accommodate the information technology (IT)needs of the firm. Older buildings in the CBD are oftenjudged too difficult or costly to retrofit for IT networks,thus prompting many producer services firms to locate inmore modern buildings in inner and outer suburbs (e.g.,Wall Street financial firms relocating to MidtownManhattan, whereas advertising firms on Madison Ave-nue and in Midtown are relocating to less expensivedistricts).

037. Coffey, William J., and Antoine S. Bailly. 1992. Producerservices and systems of flexible production. Urban Studies29, 6: 857-68.

Coffey and Bailly examine the spatial implications of flexi-ble production on producer services,1 which is a neglectedaspect in the literature on flexible production. Flexible pro-duction is the organizational paradigm of the post-Fordistsystem and is characterized by the vertical disintegrationof firms. Producer services are defined as intermediate-demand functions that serve as inputs into the productionof goods and other services. Flexible production systems,coupled with the increasing informational needs of firms,have led to the rapid growth of producer services. Ana-lyzing data on producer service employment in Canada,the authors find that, interregionally, producer servicesremain concentrated in large metropolitan areas, whereasintraregionally, they are geographically clustered in thecentral business district. However, some producer ser-vices, such as routine back-office functions, tend to belocated in the suburbs of major cities.

038. Moulaert, Frank. 1995. Information technology consul-tancy firms: Economies of agglomeration from a wide-areaperspective. Urban Studies 32, 1: 105-23.

The author examines the functional division of labor andthe spatial organization of a sample of information tech-nology consultancy (ITC) firms. He finds that ITC firmsoverwhelmingly concentrate within top-tier global cities.By concentrating in these world cities, ITC firms takeadvantage of urban economies such as education andtraining (presence of quality universities and technicalschools), professional networking (presence of headquar-ters and professional associations for ITC professionalsand client firm managers), the public sector (access to high-level decision makers), and the scientific and cultural envi-ronment (science and technology parks, conference facili-ties). In addition to taking advantage of economies ofurban agglomeration, ITC firms organize in spatial net-works with other ITC firms. The author also finds that ITCfirms tend to not pay attention to lower-tier cities. Instead,to expand their markets, they go to the top of the urbanhierarchy in new countries (e.g., Asia and Eastern Europe)or promote new product niche markets in their existingnetworks.

039. Warf, Barney. 1995. Telecommunications and the chang-ing geographies of knowledge transmission in the latetwentieth century. Urban Studies 32: 361-78.

Warf declares this article to be an ambitious overview ofthe development, spatial dynamics, and economic conse-quences of international telecommunications as both anoutcome and cause of the growth of a global service econ-omy. He reviews a variety of international telecommunica-tions systems (teleports,1 Internet) as part of the mode ofinformation, and world cities, offshore banking, and theglobalization of back offices as geographic manifestationsof a globalized service economy. Wharf concludes that con-trary to simplistic expectations that telecommunicationswould obliterate space, they simultaneously reflect andreconfigure new capitalist space economies technicallyarticulated in information technology networks.

B. Economic, Spatial, and Travel Synergies

1. SPATIAL AND TRAVEL SYNERGIES

040. Batten, David F. 1995. Network cities: Creative urban ag-glomerations for the 21st century. Urban Studies 32, 2: 313-27.

Batten discusses the emergence of network cities systems,which arise when two or more cities with complementaryfunctions forge horizontal linkages along transportationand communications corridors. Recent evidence suggeststhat network cities may feature greater diversity and cre-ativity, with less congestion and more locational freedomthan monocentric cities of comparable size. The authorsuggests that the cooperative mechanisms among networkcities may resemble interfirm networks premised on reci-procity, knowledge exchange, and the economic model ofdifferentiated products. Batten analyzes the distinct char-acteristics and comparative advantages of network citiesthrough two network city case studies in Holland andJapan.

041. Castells, Manuel. 1996. Megacities and the end of urbancivilization. (The past is too small to inhabit). New Perspec-tives Quarterly 13, 3: 12-15.

Castells contends that the disaggregation of labor and therise of virtual business networks characteristic of the infor-mational paradigm have several sociospatial and urbanform effects, including (1) the rise of flex-timers (self-employed and part-time workers); (2) the spread of mobileoffices; (3) teleshopping and increased frequency of homedelivery services; (4) telecommuting; (5) intelligent rout-ing, dispatching, and order tracking; (6) telemedicine; (7)distance learning; and (8) renewed importance of localplace. Castells endorses the view of simultaneous forces ofdispersal and concentration. However, the first five effectsresult in increased travel demand, mobility, and potentialtraffic congestion. Castells argues that a renewed impor-tance of place will ensue, but in a fractured way because“people will shuttle among [many different] places withincreasing mobility, precisely because of newly acquiredlooseness of working arrangements, schedules and socialnetworking. As time becomes more flexible, placesbecome more singular and are sought for their singularity”(p. 14).




042. Cervero, Robert. 1998. The transit metropolis. Washington,DC: Island Press.

Cervero recognizes the dual forces of concentration anddispersal embedded in the economic restructuring of theinformation age. He cautions that telecommunications,intelligent-car, and smart-road technologies may furtherencourage automobile reliance, and thus, dispersed cities.On the basis of twelve case studies of successful transit cit-ies from around the world, he concludes that cities thatadopt policies to harmonize their development patternswith transit will be better equipped to deal with the mobil-ity demands and sustainable development imperatives ofthe new millennium.

043. Clark, William A. V., and Marianne Kuijpers-Linde. 1994.Commuting in restructuring urban regions. Urban Studies31, 3: 465-83.

The authors analyze the impacts of the spatialdeconcentration of large urban areas on commuting andcongestion. They examine trends in the spatial form ofurban areas through case studies of Randstad, Hollandand Southern California. The authors conclude that urbanforms are shifting toward polycentric structures. They alsofind that increasing affluence and greater automobiledependence in these polycentric cities will increase con-gestion, at least in the short term. The authors suggest thatthe “commuting paradox” of shorter commutes andincreasing congestion is a function of urban spatial restruc-turing. They find little reason to think that transport pric-ing policy or planning interventions will reduce automo-bile dependence, given past experience and currenttrends.

044. Giuliano, Genevieve. 1998. Information technology, workpatterns and intra-metropolitan location: A case study. Ur-ban Studies 35, 7: 1077-95.

The author examines how IT-related changes in the struc-ture of the workplace and the organization of work mayaffect commuting patterns and metropolitan form. Thestudy uses the 1990 Public Use Micro Sample data from theLos Angeles region and finds that the characteristics offull-time and part-time contingent workers1 agree with thenotion of a gender-divided labor force but that the residen-tial distribution of this labor force does not reveal a clear-cut pattern. Full-time contingent workers are found in thesuburbs and inside the central cities in areas identified ashigh-technology centers, but less so in areas with fewercultural and environmental amenities. Self-employed full-time workers have shorter commutes than other contin-gent workers do. However, full-time not self-employedworkers have the longest commutes. Since the commutedoes not capture the travel effects of information technol-ogy, the author presents the results as suggestive ratherthan conclusive.

045. Shen, Qing. 2000. New telecommunications and residen-tial location flexibility. Environment and Planning A 32, 8:1445-63.

Shen simulates transportation substitution effects onurban structure associated with telecommunicationsusage in a hypothetical metropolitan area. This workassumes that telecommunications enhance households’residential location flexibility inasmuch as they reduce thenumber of requisite trips, increase the speed of spatialinteraction, or both. It uses three telecommunications/travel substitution scenarios and concludes that, given thedurability of existing urban spatial structure, residentiallocation flexibility does not change significantly at lowsubstitution levels. However, the article underscores thelimited residential location flexibility of transit-dependenthouseholds, especially of disadvantaged households con-centrated in the central city. It concludes that additionalresidential location flexibility could translate into moreunregulated urban sprawl or enhance planners’ ability toguide urban growth to desired locations.

046. . 1999. Transportation, telecommunications andthe changing geography of opportunity. Urban Geography20, 4: 334-55.

In this study, the author models the spatial and socialimpacts of telecommunications in terms of changes inaccessibility. Accessibility, the essential element in thegeography of opportunity, is defined as a measure of thestrength and extent of spatial relationships betweenopportunity seekers and relevant opportunities. Theauthor identifies four spatial changes associated with tele-communications: (1) increasing speed of access, (2) adecentralized distribution of jobs and services, (3) a decen-tralized distribution of population, and (4) central city/periphery industrial restructuring. The author finds thatthe level of accessibility for people who have telecommu-nications capabilities will increase and decrease for thosewho do not. He suggests that transportation and telecom-munications options are more important than geographiclocation in affecting accessibility to economic opportunity.Without policy interventions, the author claims the infor-mation age will exacerbate social inequalities for transit-dependent, central-city residents who lack telecommuni-cations capabilities (i.e., low-income and minoritygroups). Results from the application of the model to datafrom the Boston metropolitan area show a strong interde-pendence between telecommunications and automobileaccessibility, which weakens the position of the central cityvis-à-vis that of the suburbs in the geography ofopportunity.

2. TELECOMMUTING AND TELEWORK

047. Feitelson, Eran, and Ilan Salomon. 2000. The implicationsof differential network flexibility for spatial structures.Transportation Research Part A 34: 459-79.

In this article, the authors examine the importance thatflexibility of transportation and telecommunications net-works have on the location patterns of households, indus-try, and the public sector. They discuss the growth of our“network society” and define network flexibility.Although flexibility of networks in a multinetwork envi-




ronment (e.g., surface, rail, air, and telecommunications) isa significant factor determining the organization of space,Feitelson and Salomon conclude that counter to expecta-tions, the spatial effects of telecommunications—presum-ably the most flexible network—may not be that signifi-cant. Instead, they suggest that location decisions seem tobe constrained by the least flexible network (air transport)and that past deconcentration effects resulting from flexi-bility in roads and telecommunications networks may beslowed down by limits in network capacity. This will resultin agglomeration economies emerging at nodes of the newnetworks. The authors also note that existing networks arebecoming increasingly congested and suggest two likelyresponses from firms and households. The first consists ofbehavioral changes and relocation to the most accessiblesites vis-à-vis the most relevant networks, whereas the sec-ond implies a shift to the use of telecommunications as asubstitute for travel.

048. Giuliano, Genevieve. 1996. Keynote address. Paper pre-sented at the Urban Design, Telecommuting and TravelForecasting Conference, October 27-30, Williamsburg, VA.In Summary, recommendations and compendium of papers, LisaG. Day, ed. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Transpor-tation and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (FHWA-PD-98-027).

Giuliano observes that people are willing to drive long dis-tances in order to live in lower-density areas, whereastelecommuting rates remain low and there are few exam-ples of profitable telecommuting centers. She argues thatthe weakening of the linkage between home and workindicates that amenities will play a much greater role inlocational choices. She concludes that the implementationof telecommuting has been limited by social and organiza-tional constraints, not by technology.

049. Handy, Susan L., and Patricia L. Mokhtarian. 1996. Thefuture of telecommuting. Futures 28, 3: 227-40.

The authors identify the following supply-side issues thataffect the opportunity to telecommute: (1) growth in“telecommutable” jobs, (2) the capabilities and cost of tech-nology, (3) the rise of a globalized economy, and (4)changes in the corporate climate. The demand-side issuesthey discuss include (1) sociodemographic trends, such assingle-parent households and an aging population; (2)time pressures; (3) congestion; and (4) stress. The authorssuggest that government policy can influence both supply-side issues and demand-side issues to facilitatetelecommuting. They point to the need for further researchon telecommuting trends and impacts.

050. Mokhtarian, Patricia L. 1998. Asynthetic approach to esti-mating the impacts of telecommuting on travel. UrbanStudies 35, 2: 215-41.

This article examines the current state of knowledge inforecasting the demand for telecommuting and the result-ing transportation impacts. The base case of the modelused (conservative estimate) suggests that 6.1 percent of

the workforce may be currently telecommuting, 1.2 daysper week on average, with the result that 1.5 percent of theworkforce may be telecommuting on any given day. Netreduction of vehicle miles traveled (VMT) is likely no morethan 1 percent of total household travel. The author deter-mines that due to counteracting forces, aggregate travelimpacts of telecommuting will remain flat (potentiallyeven declining) well into the future, even if the amount oftelecommuting increases significantly. Mokhtarian sug-gests that a bundle of transportation demand management(TDM) strategies, which include telecommuting, may col-lectively have a noticeable impact on congestion. She sug-gests further research on the travel impact of increasingnumbers of home-based businesses and of mobile workersin the workforce. Mokhtarian presents the results of a pre-vious unpublished study that found that home-basedbusiness workers have higher daily total, work-related,and drive-alone trip rates than other workers, but withlower aggregate travel time.

051. . 1996. The information highway: Just becausewe’re on it doesn’t mean we know where we’re going.World Transport Policy and Practice 2, 1/2: 24-28.

Mokhtarian examines the optimism surrounding the riseof modern telecommunications. She discusses the conven-tional wisdom regarding the urban impacts of telecommu-nications technology and cautions the reader against beingoveroptimistic about its implications for society.Mokhtarian offers examples of the transportation, geo-graphic, and economic influences of telecommunications,examining the claims that (1) telecommunications willreduce congestion and improve air quality, (2) telecommu-nications will make location irrelevant, and (3) telecom-munications will stimulate economic development. Sheconcludes that although telecommunications technologydefinitely has an impact, it is often misunderstood or exag-gerated. She concludes by offering ideas for further studyas well as reiterating her belief that technology is inher-ently neutral and its impact should be assessedrealistically.

052. Mokhtarian, Patricia L., Susan L. Handy, and IlanSalomon. 1995. Methodological issues in the estimation ofthe travel , energy and air quality impacts oftelecommuting. Transportation Research A 29, 4: 283-302.

The authors analyze the findings from eighttelecommuting pilot programs. Travel impact analysisreveals a substantial net reduction in travel of 26.3 vehiclemiles saved per telecommuting occasion. Other travelimpacts evaluated include temporal and spatial changes innonwork trips. The authors also analyze the estimatedenergy savings and air quality impacts of some of the pilotprograms. They conclude that the long-term role oftelecommuting as an energy-and-air-pollution-reducingpolicy will probably be less important than its role as acongestion-reducing policy. There are, however, method-ological issues in the evaluation of aggregate impacts oftelecommuting, based on the data obtained from these




pilot programs. Early adopters of telecommuting areunrepresentative of the general population in terms ofcommute distance and probably in other significant waysas well. They suggest that future aggregate transportationimpacts of telecommuting may be smaller than what thesedata indicate.

053. Mokhtarian, Patricia L., and Ilan Salomon. 1997.Modeling the desire to telecommute: The importance of at-titudinal factors in behavioral models. Transportation Re-search A 31, 1: 35-50.

In this article, the authors study the individual decision totelecommute using survey data from 628 employees of thecity of San Diego. They hypothesize a set of drives and con-straints and analyze the impacts of these factors on thepreference for telecommuting. In the final model, the vari-ables representing the drives of work, family, independ-ence and leisure, and travel have a significant effect on thepreference for telecommuting. Variables from the con-straint groups of job suitability, social or professional inter-action, household interaction, and benefit of commutingare also significant. Mokhtarian and Salomon concludethat in the preference model for telecommuting, attitudi-nal measures are more important than sociodemographicmeasures. They suggest that the conceptual gap betweenpreference for telecommuting and the choice totelecommute can be attributed to external constraints.They also suggest that further study into the choice totelecommute may provide better directions for policyintervention.

054. . 1996. Modeling the choice of telecommuting:Identifying the choice set and estimating binary choicemodels for technology-based alternatives. Environmentand Planning A 28: 1877-94.

Drawing on their previous work and noting the wide gapbetween preference for telecommuting and actualtelecommuting, the authors develop binary logit models oftelecommuting adoption. The 1992 study sample consistsof 628 survey responses from employees of the city of SanDiego. The analysis revealed that only about 16 percent ofthe full sample truly have a choice to telecommute; ofthose, 91 percent prefer to telecommute, whereas 69 per-cent actually do. Correcting for self-selection bias, thesetwo proportions’ lower bounds were estimated to be 46percent and 35 percent, respectively. The analysis also indi-cated that variables relating to work and travel motiva-tions, awareness, manager support, job suitability, technol-ogy, and discipline constraints have a significant impact onthe choice to telecommute. Mokhtarian and Salomonemphasize the importance of behavioral models in fore-casting future trends in telecommuting adoption and sug-gest further research into the dynamic aspects of the adop-tion process.

055. Niles, John S. 2001. Technology and transportation: The dy-namic relationship. Seattle, Washington: Discovery Institute.

Retrieved from http://www.discovery.org/articleFiles/PDFs/NilesTelecomReport.pdf.

Drawing from previous research, John Niles reports find-ings about the impact of telecommunications on transpor-tation related to travel substitution, stimulation, and modi-fication. He argues that telecommunications influence thelocations of households; businesses; regional retail; andultimately the volume, timing, mode, and other character-istics of travel. In terms of interaction with land use andmode choice, Niles suggests that telecommunications’interaction effects with travel are inherently biased towardurban dispersion. He makes this claim on the basis ofobservations about telecommuters living farther awaythan noncommuters; wireless phones making commutingmore acceptable; intelligent transportation systems’ (ITS)increasing road capacity that benefits automobile-orienteddevelopment patterns; IT and telecommunications facili-tating the emergence of power centers and regional retailneeding large tracks of land in suburban and exurban sites;wireless communications working better in low-densitythan high-rise, high-density environments; digital com-munications encouraging long-distance travel; and thetendency for just-in-time logistics to locate near airports.The report concludes with policy and ITS recommenda-tions as well a future research concerning telecommunica-tion deployment and transportation policy in the Cascadiaregion.

056. . 1996. Considering telecommunications for all triptypes in a metropolitan region’s transportation model. Pa-per presented at the Urban Design, Telecommuting andTravel Forecasting Conference, October 27-30, Williams-burg, VA. In Summary, recommendations and compendium ofpapers, Lisa G. Day, ed. Washington, DC: U.S. Departmentof Transportation and U.S. Environmental ProtectionAgency (FHWA-PD-98-027).

John Niles presents three approaches for modeling tele-communications (and assessing its travel impacts) withinthe four-step model used by metropolitan planningorganizations.

057. . 1994. Beyond telecommuting: A new paradigm for theeffect of telecommunications on travel. Washington, DC: U.S.Department of Energy, Office of Energy Research and Of-fice of Scientific Computing (DOE/ER-0626).

The author dispels the belief that telecommuting substi-tutes for travel by identifying the synergistic effects of tele-communications and transportation that stimulate moretravel. The travel-generating effects of telecommutinginclude (1) increased economic growth; (2) geographicdecentralization facilitated by telecommunications; (3)real-time dispatch and response systems, such as just-in-time logistics, home and overnight delivery, and tempo-rary employment services; (4) new economic activities inrural areas supported by digital switching and fiber opticnetworks; (5) wireless telephone systems that increase pro-ductivity while traveling; and (6) efficiencies obtained




through the use of intelligent systems in air and groundtransportation networks. The author calls for a new para-digm for information technologies and travel that goesbeyond telecommuting and encompasses a completeunderstanding of how new information technologiesinteract with transportation infrastructures.

058. Olszewski, Piotr, and Patricia Mokhtarian. 1994.Telecommuting frequency and impacts for state of Califor-nia employees. Technological Forecasting and Social Change45: 275-86.

The State of California Telecommuting Pilot Project tookplace from 1988 to 1990. Panel surveys of 160 employeesfrom 14 state agencies conducted as part of the pilot projectproduced an extensive database on demographic charac-teristics, travel behavior, office activities, and attitudes oftelecommuters and control group members. The authors’analysis of the survey data reveals insight into the fre-quency of home-based telecommuting and its effect on jobactivities and the use of office technologies. Some key find-ings are that participants telecommuted about six days permonth on average and that long work trips or the presenceof children in the household had no statistical significanteffect on frequency of telecommuting. There was also nosignificant impact of age or gender on the frequency oftelecommuting. Telecommuting frequency was highest forinformation professionals and lowest among policy, engi-neering, and financial employee groups.

059. Salomon, Ilan. 1998. Technological change and socialforecasting: The case of telecommuting as travel substitute.Transportation Research Part C: 17-45.

This article is a critical assessment of forecasting studies oftelecommuting. It discusses methodological and concep-tual issues that explain overoptimistic forecasts oftelecommuting. It argues for the explanatory power ofchoice models and their use in the study of technologyadoption behavior by individuals and institutions.

060. . 1996a. Telecommunications and the “death ofdistance”: Some implications for transport and urban ar-eas. Paper presented at the Urban Design, Telecommutingand Travel Forecasting Conference, October 27-30,Williamsburg, VA. In Summary, recommendations and com-pendium of papers, Lisa G. Day, ed. Washington, DC: U.S.Department of Transportation and U.S. EnvironmentalProtection Agency (FHWA-PD-98-027).

Salomon discusses the impacts of telecommunications onurban form. He predicts that the benefits and costs of tele-communications are likely to be diverse. He also predictsthat centrality and agglomeration economies will continueto play a major role in locational decisions and contendsthat telecommunications will have only a marginal effecton urban form because locational decisions are deter-mined by the least flexible elements of the spatial network(e.g., airports). The author argues that the current employ-ment structure in the United States suggests less substitu-tion of travel, as most occupations are still location

dependent. Therefore, the relationship between transpor-tation and telecommunications technologies is one ofcomplementarity rather than of substitution.

061. . 1996b. Telecommunications, cities, and techno-logical opportunism. Annals of Regional Science 30, 1: 75-90.

The author examines the expectations regarding urbanchange since the advent of the “information age” and therise of telecommunications. He distinguishes between pro-cesses of change that alter the structure of a city and thosethat alter the functions of cities. He examines the concen-tration/decentralization debate and concludes that tele-communications have no deterministic effect on city struc-ture and that city structure is primarily affected by theneed for physical transportation. He does acknowledgethat telecommunications allow for greater flexibility inlocation decisions and that telecommunications have facil-itated the rise of global cities. Salomon concludes that theeffects of telecommunications are not usually the result ofdeterministic policy approaches but mostly the result ofopportunities seized by individual agents.

062. . 1986. Telecommunications and travel relation-ships: A review. Transportation Research A 20, 3: 223-38.

This article reviews the research on the relationshipbetween telecommunication and transportation. Salomonidentifies in the literature three main hypothesized rela-tionships between telecommunications and transporta-tion: substitution, enhancement, and complementarityand asserts that there is some evidence to support each oneof them. He notes that the predominance of the substitu-tion hypothesis results from the profitable intersection oftechnology producers’ interests and transportation plan-ners’ search for alternative solutions to congestion and pol-lution. The article suggests that the relationship betweentelecommunication and transportation is not unidirec-tional and cautiously concludes that telecommunicationswill modify, rather than reduce, overall travel patterns.

063. Stanek, David M., and Patricia L. Mokhtarian. 1998. De-veloping models of preference for home-based and center-based telecommuting: Findings and forecasts. Technologi-cal Forecasting and Social Change 57: 53-74.

Using survey data collected from the NeighborhoodTelecenters Project (NTP) in California, the authorsdevelop binary-logit models of preference for home-basedand center-based telecommuting. In developing thesemodels, the authors use attitudinal factor scores (culledfrom a previously published study), travel variables, andsociodemographic variables. Five significant explanatoryvariables have a positive effect on the preference totelecommute from a center: (1) personal benefits at thetelecenter, (2) number of overtime hours worked in twoweeks, (3) presence of children less than six years of age inthe household, (4) suitability of job for center-basedtelecommuting, and (5) age of the respondent. The prefer-ence to telecommute from home is positively affected by(1) job frustration, (2) work ethic at home, (3) the presence




of children less than two years of age in the household, and(4) suitability of job for home-based telecommuting. Theauthors speculate that in the short term, the growth ofcenter-based telecommuting will be slow. Potential long-term viability exists, however, with the development ofalternative uses of telecenter facilities and the trendtoward nonterritorial office arrangements.

064. Weijers, Thea, Rob Meijer, and Erno Spoelman. 1992.Telework remains “made to measure.” Futures 24 (Decem-ber): 1048-55.

This study defines telework as “work that, as a result of theapplication of information and communication technol-ogy, is separated from the location of the employer for atleast 20% of working hours” (p. 1049). Telework is onecomponent of an increasingly flexible set of workingarrangements undertaken by two sets of workers: well-educated professionals for whom telework is a step towardentrepreneurship and lesser-educated workers for whomtelework is a step away from unemployment. The DutchMinistry of Transport and Public Works conducted a short-term telework experiment, which produced the followingresults: reduction of vehicle miles traveled (VMT) and amore even distribution of VMT throughout the day, butfew substitution effects (e.g., a family member driving thenow available car). Methodological problems and lack ofrelevant tracking data by firms (e.g., productivity andturnover rates) prevented the authors from conducting acost-benefit analysis of telework. They suggest that tostimulate large-scale teleworking, policy must encourage awide variety of telework options.

a) Home-Based Working

065. Chamberland, Denys. 1996. Housing and communitiesfor a changing workforce. Paper presented at the UrbanDesign, Telecommuting and Travel Forecasting Confer-ence, October 27-30, Williamsburg, VA. In Summary, recom-mendations and compendium of papers, Lisa G. Day, ed. Wash-ington, DC: U.S. Department of Transportation and U.S.Environmental Protection Agency (FHWA-PD-98-027).

The author offers examples of the Canadian experiencewith telecommuting and evidence that suggests home-based employment is an important and growing sector inthe Canadian labor market (e.g., home-based businessesoutnumber telecommuters 3-1). Chamberland states thattelework1 and home-based employment will require adap-tations in housing stock and design to accommodate homeworkers and concludes that innovation is required inhome designs and land use plans to “unleash the potentialfor telework and home-based employment” (p. 66).

066. Edwards, Linda N., and Elizabeth Field-Hendrey. 1996.Home-based workers: Data from the 1990 census of popu-lation. Monthly Labor Review 118 (November): 26-34.

The authors use the Public Use Microdata Sample of the1990 census and find home-based workers are more likelythan on-site workers to be self-employed, reside in rural

areas, work nonstandard hours, be women, be white, andwork in a service-oriented occupation. The data also showthat the flexibility of home-based work is not withouttrade-offs: the average hourly wages of home-based work-ers of either sex are below those of on-site workers.

067. Heck, Ramona K. Z., Alma J. Owen, and Barbara R. Rowe,eds. 1995. Home-based employment and family life. Westport,CT: Auburn House.

This book reports the major findings of a nine-stateresearch study on the demographic characteristics ofhome-based workers and the economic and social aspectsof home-based work. The sample data reveal that the typi-cal home-based worker is a forty-four-year-old man who ismarried with children, has 13.9 years of education, and is ahomeowner who has lived in a town with a populationgreater than 2,500 for an average of 19.8 years. A majorityof home-based workers were satisfied with their quality oflife but less satisfied with the adequacy of their incomes.The authors also analyze the occupational distribution ofhome-based workers, their gross and net incomes, andfamily structures. They find that home-based work has apositive economic impact on the local community, in termsof tax revenues, local consumption, and incomegeneration.

068. Olson, Margrethe H. 1989. Organizational barriers to pro-fessional telework. In Homework: Historical and contempo-rary perspectives on paid labor at home, Eileen Boris andCynthia R. Daniels, eds. Urbana: University of IllinoisPress.

Olson contends that, based on existing research, it cannotbe predicted whether telework1 will become a prevalentform of work organization in the future. She suggests thattelework is not technologically driven but a function oforganizational and economic forces. She suggests that cur-rent corporate culture and managerial philosophy are notconducive to telework. Employee visibility, the value ofemployee time over output, and the place-based commit-ment to an organization are all factors contributing to theprevalence of on-site employment.

069. Pratt, Joanne H. 1987. Methodological problems in sur-veying the home-based workforce. Technological Fore-casting and Social Change 31: 49-60.

In this study, the author finds that estimates of the numberof home-based workers vary from 8 percent to 23 percentof the workforce. Pratt argues that the current trends thatfavor home-based work include new computer-relatedjobs, more credibility for traditional home occupations,increased demand for nontraditional work hours, and themoonlighting path of new business formation. Pratt iden-tifies methodological challenges in surveying home-basedworkers, which include definitional problems, changingpopulation, undercounts of the segments of the home-based workforce, and possible high nonresponse rates.Pratt states that American society has not decided whetherhome-based work should be encouraged. To that end,




more accurate and detailed research is needed about thehome-based workforce. The author also presents a concep-tual model for measurement of the home-based workforce.

3. LOGISTICS RESEARCH

070. Chow, Garland, Trevor D. Heaver, and Lennart E.Henriksson. 1995. Strategy, structure and performance: Aframework for logistics research. Logistics and Transporta-tion Review 31, 4: 285-308.

This article proposes a framework for the structural prop-erties of logistics organizations. The authors define thefour properties of organizational structure: centralization,span of control, scope, and formalization. The authors con-tend that the proposed definitions and framework shouldassist research on performance-maximizing logistics orga-nization in the new expanded IT environment. They alsounderscore the importance of logistics systems in enablingthe integration of decision making across organizations.

071. Golob, Thomas F., and Amelia C. Regan. 2000. Impacts ofinformation technology on personal travel and commer-cial vehicle operations: Research challenges and opportu-nities. Transportation Research Part C 9: 87-121.

The authors conduct a literature review of studies of IT,travel behavior, and technology adoption in commercialvehicle operations and identify impacts of IT on personaltravel and commercial vehicle operations. They also dis-cuss needs for new data and future research. Of particularsignificance are the effects of IT on shipper, carrier, andfirm behavior, and the growth of third party logistics. Theyargue that planners and travel researchers are ignoring ITimpacts (particularly those of the Internet) at their ownrisk and claim that not since the emergence of the automo-bile has transportation been so profoundly affected as withthe current logistics and IT revolution.

072. Harrington, Lisa. 2000. Supply chain execution in theInternet era. Transportation and Distribution 41 (January):36-40.

The article describes the changing nature of business in theInternet economy. Four guiding principles are presentedas essential to designing a supply chain strategy that meetse-business requirements. These are the following: (1) Totalconnectivity with the trading community is the end game,(2) velocity is the yardstick for performance, (3) flexibilityequals opportunity, and (4) service sets companies apartfrom the competition. The author then argues that SupplyChain Execution (SCE) software can be used to followthese principles. Warehouse management systems are oneapplication of SCE and, as warehouses are at the core of abusiness supply chain, are important in ensuring overallsuccess.

073. Kasarda, John D. 2000. New logistics technologies and infra-structure for the digital economy. Chapel Hill, NC: Kenan In-stitute of Private Enterprise, University of North Carolina.Retrieved from http://in3.dem.ist.utl.pt/downloads/cur2000/papers/S19P01.PDF.

The rules of industrial and regional development are beingshaped by new business-to-consumer and business-to-business e-commerce strategies emphasizing informationmanagement and supply chain networks. Modern logis-tics technologies and aviation-based networks are thebasis of many firms competing in global markets. Firmsand countries positioning international airports as logisticdrivers of development are seeking industrial advantage.“These airports are generating spatial concentrations ofaviation-linked commercial activities that are leading to anew urban form—the aerotropolis” (p. 1). The author dis-cusses the factors behind this new form of developmentand provides international examples of emergingaerotropoli.

074. Richardson, Helen L. 2000. Virtually connected. Transpor-tation and Distribution 41 (March): 39-44.

Richardson presents real-time information sharing as anessential component in the success of a business. Techno-logical innovation has enabled companies to structurestreamlined supply chains that promptly provide the con-sumer with details regarding a purchase. This informationflow transparency raises efficiency and productivity inincreasingly competitive markets. By integrating their sys-tems with suppliers, companies can reduce the need formaintaining warehouses and can have the customer’sorder shipped directly. The author discusses constraintsand opportunities for shippers and suppliers related tourban location and distance to transportation hubs.

075. Rodrigue, Jean-Paul. 1999. Globalization and the syn-chronization of transport terminals. Journal of Transport Ge-ography 7: 255-61.

Rodrigue argues that the current space/time collapse ismainly the result of the synchronization of transport termi-nals. He attributes this transformation to transportationderegulation, the promotion of intermodal integration,and post-Fordist production systems characterized byjust-in-time production and distribution systems. He pro-vides empirical evidence from the strategies of freight andair transport companies.

076. Spalding, Jan O. 1998. Transportation industry takes theright-of-way in the supply chain. IIE Solutions 24: 24-28.

This article explains the role that transportation plays inthe supply chain. Spalding states that the distribution pro-cess, coupled with warehousing, has gained new respect aslogistics management. She argues that in total supplychain management, information technology is criticalbecause information is a substitute for inventory. Theauthor states that similar to just-in-time manufacturing,“lean logistics” is the new model of delivery and that infor-mation technology is its key component.

4. INTELLIGENT TRAFFIC MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS

077. Krawcyzk, Thomas. 1994. Outsmarting traffic jams. Tech-nology Review 97, 2: 14.




This article reviews a new technology aimed at easingurban traffic congestion. This “smart transportation” tech-nology hopes to mitigate the externalities of increasingtraffic congestion by warning drivers of potential prob-lems and directing them to alternate routes.

078. Levy, Dawn. 1997. Getting smarter about transportation.American City and County 112, 4: 28-29.

Increased mobility demand and safe, efficient travel havebecome major transportation issues challenging U.S. com-munities. This article argues that the flexibility afforded tostates, cities, and localities by funding sources such as theIntermodal Surface Transportation and Efficiency Act are cru-cial for the successful management of these problems.Intelligent transportation systems constitute one impor-tant strategy that can contribute to the solution of the prob-lem. They combine computer, communication, and infor-mation technologies in an effort to ease traffic congestion,improve roadway safety, and streamline the movement offreight.

079. Nelessen, Anton C. 1996. The computer commuter:Neighborhood transit for the 21st century. Paper presentedat the Urban Design, Telecommuting and Travel Fore-casting Conference, October 27-30, Williamsburg, VA. InSummary, recommendations and compendium of papers, LisaG. Day, ed. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Transpor-tation and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (FHWA-PD-98-027).

Nelessen suggests that suburbanites may be ready for achange if transit provides options, convenience, access,reduced traffic-related stress, and cost savings. He pro-poses neighborhood transit (NT) as an alternative trans-portation concept for suburbs. The NT system featuressmall buses (suitable for suburban streets) that would putservice within walking distance of 100 percent of all originsand destinations, regardless of density and a point-to-point, on-demand computer system (integrating GlobalPositioning Systems and Geographic Information Sys-tems). He suggests that NT could potentially provide sub-stantial cost savings over automobile use and conventionalfixed-route transit.

080. Nijkamp, Peter, Gerard Pepping, and David Banister.1996. Telematics and transport behavior. Berlin: Springer.

The purpose of transport telematics1 is to improve the per-formance of the transportation sector via a variety of tech-nologies. Through better information, the authors antici-pate that travelers will change their behavior in positiveways. They test this assumption by analyzing the results ofa variety of European case studies, analyzing travel behav-ior and telematics in three transportation capacities: traveland traffic information systems, public transport informa-tion systems, and freight and fleet management. Some oftheir key conclusions are the following:

1. Travel behavior depends on a wide range of vari-ables, and it is difficult to predict the conditionsunder which traveler response might change.

2. Travel decisions are based on time minimization,the preference for less congestion, and the need foron-time arrival at one’s destination.

3. Familiarity with, and knowledge of, the road sys-tem or the public transport network are key deter-minants of the willingness to change travelbehavior.

4. Telematics have been more positively received bythe young and the employed, because their overalltravel time and travel time uncertainty can bereduced.

The authors call for further research to bridge the gapbetween transport telematics capabilities and useracceptability.

081. Ouwersloot, Hans, Peter Nijkamp, and Gerard Pepping.1997. Advanced telematics for travel decisions: Aquantita-tive analysis of the Stopwatch project in Southampton. En-vironment and Planning A 29: 1003-16.

In this article, the authors use a theoretical model to ana-lyze the effects of telematics1 technology on public trans-portation use. The authors examine the Stopwatch project,which uses a real-time information system for bus users.Bus stops are equipped with electronic signs that provideminute-by-minute information about arrival and/ordeparture times, delays, and service disruptions. Twoincentives for telematics-facilitated modal change are pre-sented: reduction of uncertainty at the bus stop and theimproved optimality of bus choice at stop. The empiricalanalysis supports the theoretical model and suggests thatthe effect of uncertainty reduction is the most importantfactor in encouraging transit use. The model predicts aver-age users and people with intermediate time preferenceswill profit most from information technologies.

082. Ouwersloot, Hans, Peter Nijkamp, and Gerard Pepping.1996. Telematics and freight transport: A Dutch case study.Environment and Planning B 23: 595-606.

Based on a 1994 survey of telematics1 adoption by Dutchfreighters, the authors find that there is a growing demandfor these technologies, their adoption follows classical dif-fusion patterns, and automatic vehicle location systemsare used only in combination with mobile telecommunica-tions technologies.

083. Van Zanten, Nathalie, Peter Nijkamp, and GerardPepping. 1994. Behavioural responses to improved infor-mation supply and demand management in transport: Amethodological approach illustrated by a case study inBarcelona. European Spatial Research and Policy 1, 2: 43-59.

Advanced transport telematics1 (ATT) is regarded as apotential technological solution to the problems of an auto-mobile society: inefficient road use, traffic accidents, andpollution. The range of ATT technologies includes trafficcontrol applications and travel demand management. Theauthors present an analytic framework for assessing theimpacts of ATT at three levels: strategic (systemwide




impacts), market potential (user acceptability and marketpenetration), and market response (cost of technology,extent of diffusion, and user behavior). Using this frame-work, the authors analyze an ATT pilot project that wasconducted in Barcelona during the 1992 Olympic Games.The pilot project showed modest overall results despite afairly good public acceptance of the technology, somereduction in the demand for parking, and evidence ofroute and destination choice shifts that may have reducedcongestion.

C. Accessibility Issues in Spatial Science

084. Couclelis, Helen. 2000. From sustainable transportationto sustainable accessibility: Can we avoid a new tragedy ofthe commons? In Information space and cyberspace, Donald G.Janelle and David C. Hodge, eds. New York: Springer.

Couclelis states that sustainable accessibility is central tothe concept of sustainable transportation. Rather than thedeath of distance, the information age brings about the dis-integration of activity. This is the main thesis of this chap-ter, together with the proposition that activity must now beunderstood as a distributed space-time process involvingphysical mobility, digital contacts, electronic interconnec-tions, and physical action. “Place” is as a multidimensionalconcept, which in the information age raises difficultissues regarding the meaning of territory, community, andidentity. Couclelis defines accessibility and discusses thetragedy of the commons applied to transportation net-works. She suggests that in the future, congestion mayresult in a self-adjusting mechanism, whereby policies thatdiscourage travel and increase the utility of telecontactswill likely result in information technology and telecom-munications substituting for travel. However, she warnsthat in the information age, the assumed overall higherphysical accessibility attributed to the European model ofthe compact, mixed-use, transit-served city may discour-age this type of travel substitution, as individuals mayhave less incentive to substitute virtual for physical inter-action and thus continue to overwhelm the transportationsystem’s capacity. In sum, Couclelis contends that plan-ners in the information age have less control than ever overwhat activities take place where and when and that theyshould strive to ensure sustainable accessibility ratherthan to uncritically keep up with mobility demands.

085. Couclelis, Helen, and Arthur Getis. 2000. Conceptual-izing and measuring accessibility within physical and vir-tual spaces. In Information Space and Cyberspace, Donald G.Janelle and David C. Hodge, eds. New York: Springer.

The meaning of accessibility itself is changing. Accessibil-ity in physical space is now being complemented by acces-sibility in virtual space, and this radically transformsnotions of accessibility traditionally defined in only spatialterms. Definitional problems of accessibility have tradi-tionally limited the effectiveness of accessibility measuresand inhibited their successful application in planning,while the information age’s sociotechnical developmentsfurther complicate these conceptual challenges. The chal-

lenges relate to differences in geography and location, inthe socioeconomic groups that have access to the technol-ogy permitting virtual access, and the ability to substitutevirtual for physical access. New spatial relations in theinformation age challenge old assumptions about accessi-bility and physical proximity and the correlation betweenplace and function. Addressing these challenges willrequire new conceptualizations “that can handle thedynamic interconnectedness of physical, functional, andvirtual relations over space, as well as the infinite capacityof individuals and societies to both adapt and to modifythe everchanging contexts of their interactions” (p. 20).

086. Hanson, Susan. 2000. Reconceptualizing accessibility. InInformation space and cyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and Da-vid C. Hodge, eds. New York: Springer.

Susan Hanson reviews previrtual concepts and measuresof accessibility and points to omissions regarding the roleof information in these traditional approaches, whichneglect social, cultural, and information age dimensions ofaccessibility. In the case of access to paid employment,social and cultural capital shape people’s access to oppor-tunities. Thus, in an information age, information technol-ogies interact with place-based information networksbased on face-to-face interaction to influence, often inunequal ways, the degree of access that people have toinformation about jobs and to the jobs themselves. Hansoncalls for information age accessibility measures to recog-nize the role that social networks play in determiningaccess.

087. Janelle, Donald C., and David C. Hodge. 2000. Informa-tion, place and accessibility. In Information space andcyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and David C. Hodge, eds.New York: Springer.

Editors Janelle and Hodge introduce the major themes ofthe book, stressing the structural linkages between infor-mation resources, physical space, and cyberspace arisingin the information age. These linkages, the authors con-tend, require new time-space models that combine bothvirtual and physical space. Spatial technologies, whichintegrate transportation, communications, and informa-tion technologies, and the changes in accessibility they arebringing about, are a central topic of the book, whose over-all intent is to help reconceptualize, measure, represent,and map the new geographies of accessibility.

088. Moss, Mitchell L., and Anthony M. Townsend. 2000. Therole of city in cyberspace: Understanding regional varia-tions in Internet accessibility. In Information space andcyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and David C. Hodge, eds.New York: Springer.

Moss and Townsend’s research suggests that a handful ofcities and regions dominate Internet development. Theyclaim that there is an emerging complex interurban com-munications network of virtual hubs and pathways con-necting major metropolitan regions in the United States.This emerging structure, according to Moss and




Townsend, goes far beyond Castells’s (1996b) “informa-tional mode of development.” They measure Internetdevelopment in terms of (1) number of computers con-nected to the Internet (host counts), (2) Internet domainname system (domain counts), and (3) capacity and geog-raphy of the national Internet backbone (backbone capac-ity). They conclude that deferring Internet development tothe market has resulted in an inequitable distribution ofaccess among cities and metropolitan areas.

089. Occelli, Sylvie. 2000. Revisiting the concept of accessibil-ity: Some comments and research questions. In Informationspace and cyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and David C.Hodge, eds. New York: Springer.

In this work, the author seeks to identify the essentials ofaccessibility that new information technologies (NIT) haveaffected. The article stresses the “junction role” of accessi-bility as bridging the spatiotemporal and spatiofunctionaldimensions of urban systems. It contends that NIT funda-mentally change the notion of accessibility from a propertyof cities that individuals and organizations take advantageof (geography of opportunity) to a resource that citiesmake available. It offers a metatypology of urban evolu-tion from the preindustrial to the Fordist and the post-Fordist city in terms of the increasing complexity of citiestogether with that of accessibility as concept and measure.The author raises a set of questions related to the post-Fordist city with its growing demand for mobility andcommunication, and the impacts that such interaction mayhave on sustainability and quality of life. Accessibilitychanges resulting from growth in the post-Fordist cityneed to be assessed and investigated, as well as the multi-ple representations of accessibility held by individuals andpublic officials. Differences in the representation of accessi-bility need to be made explicit and bridged in order toimprove not only overall accessibility but social equity aswell.

090. Panteli, Niki, and Mark R. Dibben. 2001. Revisiting thenature of virtual organizations: Reflections on mobile com-munication systems. Futures 33: 379-91.

The authors distinguish virtual organizations from office-based arrangements in that the former are remote, dis-persed work patterns that do not necessitate proximity.They use mobile telephony to illustrate the virtual workarrangements afforded by new information technologies.Higher degrees of mobility and flexibility have made someorganizations break away from time and space norms andestablished new business models. The new models arebased on human cooperation; virtual organizations act like“topos” for the sharing and flow of information. Drawingon Castells (1996b), the authors argue that virtual organi-zations, due to their spatial and temporal discontinuity, areprocesses characterized by the structural domination ofdigital and transportation networks (space of flows).

091. Scott, Lauren M. 2000. Evaluating intra-metropolitan ac-cessibility in the information age: Operational issues, ob-jectives, and implementation. In Information space and

cyberspace, Donald G. Janelle and David C. Hodge, eds.New York: Springer.

Scott addresses the definitional and operational challengesthat must be met to effectively examine impacts onintrametropolitan accessibility. She outlines an analyticframework based on a level-of-service definition of acces-sibility that draws on Couclelis’s (1997) proximal spaceconstruct as well as on the Getis/Ord Gi statistic.1 Theauthor applies the framework to the study of the greaterLos Angeles region.

D. IT, Telecommunications, Policy, and Planning

092. Cecchini, Arnaldo. 1999. New information and commu-nication technologies and the professions of town and re-gional planners. Computers, Environment and Urban Systems23: 151-72.

The author provides a historical account of the planningprofession and foreshadows a rebirth of urban modelingand forecasting resulting from the effects of IT on the evo-lution of planning theories, tools, and methods of analysis.

093. Florida, Richard. 2000. Competing in the age of talent: En-vironment, amenities and the New Economy. Report pre-pared for the R. K. Mellon Foundation, Heinz Endow-ments, and Sustainable Pittsburgh. January 2000.Retrieved from http://www.heinz.cmu.edu/~florida/pages/new_economy/talent_national.pdf.

Florida reports the key findings of a national study aboutthe role of talent in the New Economy and offers policy rec-ommendations on how to attract and generate high-tech-nology economies. On the basis of an examination of thecharacteristics that make metropolitan regions attractiveto talent and high-tech industries and on results from focusgroups exploring the living and working decision ofknowledge workers, he finds that quality of place (ameni-ties, lifestyle, and environmental quality) plays a centralrole in recruiting and retaining information age econo-mies. He concludes that to successfully compete in the ageof talent, regions must make quality of place a central eco-nomic development strategy.

094. Graham, Stephen. 1995. From urban competition to ur-ban collaboration? The development of interurbantelematics networks. Environment and Planning C: Govern-ment and Policy 13: 503-24.

This article examines the possibilities of combining com-puting and telecommunication technologies to support ashift from competitive to collaborative European urbanpolicy. The author notes that emerging policies stressinterurban cooperation, resource pooling, informationexchange, and mutual commitment to shared goals acrossspatial boundaries. These new policies stress networkorganization as opposed to the old model of market-basedorganization. Graham states that the shift toward urbanentrepreneurialism has been encouraged by globalization,centralization of capital, and the rapid development of cor-porate telematics1 networks that operate as real-time sys-




tems. He concludes that (1) the most common reason forusing interurban telematics is to share information aboutpolicy challenges and to improve the effectiveness ofresource lobbying, and (2) the enabling factors ofinterurban collaborative networks are primarily institu-tional, political, and social, rather than technological. Atbest, the author argues, interurban networks will comple-ment urban competition, not replace it.

095. . 1994a. Networking cities: Telematics in urbanpolicy—A critical review. International Journal of Urban andRegional Research 18, 3: 416-32.

The author reviews the literature on urban telecommuni-cations policy and finds that it is centered on three broadobjectives: using telecommunications to enhance urbaneconomic development, developing telecommunicationsapplications as the basis for new policies of social and com-munity development, and developing interurban collabo-rative arrangements using telematics.1 Graham suggeststhat given their private proprietary nature, globaltelematics networks are socially and spatially biasedaccording to the interests of multinational corporationsand the urban elite.

096. . 1994b. Planning for the telecommunications-based city: Experience and prospects. European Spatial Re-search and Policy 1, 1: 23-41.

The author provides evidence that telematics1 are beingused as policy tools for the following urban objectives:local economic development, ensuring competitivenesswith the global marketplace, improving social and com-munity cohesion, and developing collaborative networkswith other cities. These technologically based initiativesare responses to the economic fragmentation and increas-ing competitiveness that have resulted from globalization.The author presents examples of European cities that haveenacted telematics-based policy. He states that the pres-ence of technology is a necessary, but not sufficient, condi-tion for meeting the new policy objectives and that citiesmust also work to remove institutional barriers tointerfirm and interurban collaboration.

097. Graham, Stephen, and Simon Marvin. 2000. Urban plan-ning and the technological future of cities. In Cities in thetelecommunications age, James O. Wheeler, Yuko Aoyama,and Barney Warf, eds. New York: Routledge.

Graham and Marvin argue that utopianism and technolog-ical determinism, which have dominated the discourse oninformation technology (IT) and urban space, overlook therole of policy makers in shaping desired urban futures. Theauthors identify three emerging styles of “urban telecom-munications planning”: (1) integrated transport and tele-communications strategies, such as teleworking initia-tives, communication corridor strategies, and roadtransport informatics; (2) new media and IT strategies forcommunity networking, local economic development, andthe delivery of public services; and (3) information districtsand urban “televillages” as components of holistic strate-

gies to manage land use, transport, and face-to-face inter-actions in a sustainable fashion. The authors cautionagainst the implementation of fragmented policy pack-ages antithetical to metropolitan-wide public planning.They also raise concern about the social inequality thatarises from differential access to, and quality of, ITsystems.

098. Hajer, Marteen, and Wild Zonneveld. 2000. Spatial plan-ning in the network society: Rethinking the principles ofplanning in the Netherlands. European Planning Studies 8,3: 337-55.

The article offers a critical look at the system of land useplanning in the Netherlands. It argues that both the com-pact city conceptual orientation and institutional practiceof Dutch planning are being eroded by the larger socialforces of the coming “network society.” Among theseforces, a pro-market political culture stands out, whichshortchanges true discursive exchange among societalactors with “end-of pipe” public participation. In addition,the current structure of land use planning is deemed ineptto respond to emerging spatial patterns of production andresidential development. These, the authors contend, arethe result of larger regional forces unleashed by newnational pro-market regimes and the logistics revolution.The authors call for a complete overhaul of the system ofnational spatial planning.

099. Heinonen, Sirkka, Pekka Jokinen, and Jari Kaivo-Oja.2001. The ecological transparency of the information soci-ety. Futures 33: 319-37.

This article provides scenarios and indicators for identify-ing ecological impacts of the information society, particu-larly the ecological footprint of information and communi-cation technologies. It also discusses the potentialcomplementarities between these technologies and sus-tainable development.

100. Helling, Amy, and Patricia L. Mokhtarian. 2001. Workertelecommunication and mobility in transition: Conse-quences for planning. Journal of Planning Literature, 15, 4:511-25.

The authors of this article allege that telecommunicationsare transforming workers’ travel demand and mobilityand that traditional urban spatial models are limited intheir ability to capture this phenomenon. Therefore, plan-ners’ transportation and forecasting models remain unaf-fected by the growing body of knowledge about the “rela-tionships between work-related telecommunications,travel, and work and residence location” (p. 512). Hellingand Mokhtarian sketch a research agenda that will permitto detect the implications that greater worker telecommu-nication and mobility have on planning. The areas ofresearch include (1) employment and land use (e.g., fasterrate of residential decentralization and rapid shifts in worklocations), (2) housing and spatial equity issues (e.g.,increased spatial mismatch and digital divide), and (3)future transportation demand (e.g., potential reductions in




transit demand). They encourage researchers and metro-politan planning organization to join forces in research-ing the long-range effects that telecommunications andmobility-enabled work arrangements have on travel andresidential location behavior.

101. Henton, Doug, and Kim Walesh. 1998. Linking the NewEconomy to the livable community. A Report to the JamesIrvine Foundation. San Francisco: The James Irvine Foun-dation. Retrieved from http://www.irvine.org/pdfs/LinkingtheNewEconomy.pdf.

“The New Economy is about speed, quality, flexibility,knowledge, and networks. It is about applying knowledgeand new ways of doing business to a wide range of prod-ucts and services” (p. 4). The current “knowledge era” ischaracterized by a great variety of firms—from largedecentralized companies to independent contractors, atrend toward the reintegration of home and work, theemergence of the portfolio worker, and a new regionalismbased on a quality of life compatible with knowledgeworkers’ preferences for live-and-work arrangements andenvironmental amenities. The new regionalism is attrac-tive to New Economy firms, which value mobility, high-speed communications, and fast reconfigurable buildings.Furthermore, the New Economy offers a greater potentialfor regional planning, environmental preservation, andresource conservation. Finally, communities and regionsmust rise to the challenge and tap into the New Economy’sleadership and entrepreneurship to learn to grow smarter.

102. Hirschorn, Joel S. 2000. Growing pains: Quality of life in theNew Economy. Washington, DC: National Governors’ As-sociation. Retrieved from http://www.nga.org/cda/files/GROWINGPAINS.pdf.

This report argues that the discourse about sprawl hasmissed the larger issue regarding the importance of qualityof life for the growth and prosperity of communities. Thechallenge in the New Economy is to attain quality growth,which implies the achievement of quality of life for bothsuburban and urban residents. Since knowledge-basedworkers can live anywhere, information technology andother New Economy firms will go to where these workerswant to live. Thus, planning and designing amenity-richcommunities that offer high-quality lifestyles and sense ofplace are essential to attract the talent to successfully com-pete in the New Economy.

103. May, Graham. 1998. New technology and the urban envi-ronment. Futures 30, 9: 887-99.

The author reviews the debate over the impact that infor-mation technology is likely to have on urban areas andoffers a personal account of potential effects on land useand the built environment in the United Kingdom. Mayconcludes that despite much speculation and futuristicforecasting, the cities of the twenty-first century will be likethose of the twentieth century due to the durability of thebuilt environment. Extensive retrofitting of buildingsshould be expected to accommodate postindustrial1 needs

for office and home-based work. The author sides with theconsensus that a more spatially diverse and complex, yetdispersed, urban form is likely to emerge and briefly iden-tifies implications for public policy.

104. Moss, Mitchell L. 1998. Technology and cities. Cityscape: AJournal of Policy Development and Research. 3, 3: 107-28.

This article reviews scholarly research on telecommunica-tions and the city in terms of (1) how communications tech-nologies affect face-to-face activities and the location ofeconomic activity; (2) the role of urban concentration; (3)telecommuting; (4) the Internet and its impact on cities andmetropolitan regions; (5) the impacts of electronic com-merce and new media on urban economic growth; (6) theuse of telecommunications by local government and non-profit organizations to strengthen local communities; and(7) municipal regulatory, planning, and public policy strat-egies for telecommunications. It concludes that the role oftelecommunications in the space economy of cities showsmixed results in terms of centralizing and decentralizingtendencies, but that public policies fostering the develop-ment of advanced communication networks (e.g.,Internet) and competition in the telecommunicationsindustry are necessary for cities to progress economically.

105. Office of Technology Assessment. 1995. The technologicalreshaping of metropolitan America. OTA- ETI-643. Washing-ton, DC: Government Printing Office.

This report examines the urban spatial effects of informa-tion technologies on firms and homes with respect to (1)information-based service industries; (2) goods-relatedindustries (freight transportation, wholesale trade, andmanufacturing); and (3) telecommuting, intelligent trans-portation systems, and advanced telecommunicationsinfrastructure. Its main thesis is that the overall effect ofinformation technologies on metropolitan areas has beenand will continue to be the decentralization of economicactivity and residences, abetted by public subsidies forperi-urban development. It calls for the end of subsidiesfor suburbanization and for economic development poli-cies focused on central cities and inner suburbs to promotepublic-private partnerships for facilitating the mobility ofcore city residents to suburban labor markets.

106. Sanyal, Bishwapriya. 2000. From dirt road to informationsuperhighway: Advanced information technology (AIT)and the future of the urban poor. In Cities in the telecommu-nications age, James O. Wheeler, Yuko Aoyama, and BarneyWarf, eds. New York: Routledge.

Sanyal addresses the potential of advanced informationtechnology (AIT) to help the urban poor. He states thatsocial activists are using AIT to devise new ways of doingold things, such as providing social services. This emerg-ing “techno-enthusiasm” of social activists is a response todeclining government spending for urban poverty and theincreasing difficulty of building solidarity among the cul-turally heterogeneous urban poor. The author contendsthat universal access to AIT is essential for the urban poor




but unlikely to be provided by the market alone. He citesthe following reasons for this market failure: the probabil-ity that technological convergence does not lead to a reduc-tion in costs, the lack of social infrastructure (e.g., goodschools, well-equipped community centers, and educatedindividuals) in poor urban areas, and the almost exclusivefocus of federal government policies on business interestsrather than the needs of the poor. Sanyal identifies five pol-icy elements to ensure universal access to AIT: provision ofsocial and electronic infrastructure, affordable hardware,user-friendly software, education of the poor in the use ofAIT, and the periodic upgrading of equipment and soft-ware to keep pace with advancements. He suggests that apolicy mix of public provision and incentives to privatefirms can respond to all five of these elements.

107. Tonn, Bruce E., and Dennis L. White. 1996. Sustainable so-cieties in the information age. The American Sociologist 27(spring): 102-21.

The authors discuss the benefits of incorporating informa-tion technologies into a social science agenda. Theydescribe the characteristics of sustainable societies andpresent ways in which information technologies and othercomputer-based systems can facilitate the creation of suchsustainable societies. They suggest that in the comingyears, information technology will become indispensableto planning and sustainable development. The authorspresent different types of computer-based systems andoutline their potential roles in the design, implementation,and evaluation of environmental programs.

VIII. AUTHOR INDEX

Amirahmadi, Hooshang, 20Bailly, Antoine S., 37Banister, David, 80Batten, David F., 40Belussi, Fiorenza, 21Berry, Brian, 1Beyers, William B., 29Castells, Manuel, 10, 41Cecchini, Arnaldo, 92Cervero, Robert, 42Chamberland, Denys, 65Chow, Garland, 70Clark, William A. V., 43Coffey, William J., 36, 37Cooperman, David, 33Couclelis, Helen, 84, 85Dibben, Mark R., 90Ducatel, Ken, 15Dunford, Michael, 11Edwards, Linda N., 66Fathy, Tarik A., 22Feitelson, Eran, 47Field-Hendrey, Elizabeth, 66Fishman, Robert, 2

Florida, Richard, 93Frendreis, John P., 30Frey, William, 12Getis, Arthur, 85Giuliano, Genevieve, 44, 48Godfrey, Brian J., 23Golob, Thomas F., 71Gottman, Jean, 3Graham, Stephen, 13, 94, 95, 96, 97Grubesic, Tony H., 26Guillespie, Michael, 14Gwiasda, Vicky, 32Hackler, Darrene, 8Hajer, Marteen, 98Hall, Peter, 5, 6Handy, Susan L., 49, 52Hanson, Susan, 86Harrington, Lisa, 72Hawley, Amos H., 8Heaver, Trevor D., 70Heck, Ramona K. Z., 67Heinonen, Sirkka, 99Helling, Amy, 100Henriksson, Lennart E., 70Henry, Nick, 15Henton, Doug, 101Hepworth, Mark, 16Hirschorn, Joel S., 102Hodge, David C., 87Jannelle, Donald G., 87Jokinen, Pekka, 99Kafkalas, Grigoris, 11Kaivo-Oja, Jari, 99Kasarda, John, 73King, Anthony D., 24Kirsch, Scott, 31Krawcyzk, Thomas, 77Kuijpers-Linde, Marianne, 43Levy, Dawn, 78Markusen, Ann, 32Marvin, Simon, 13, 97Massey, Doreen, 15May, Graham, 103Meijer, Rob, 64Mitchell, William J., 9Mokhtarian, Patricia L., 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 58, 63, 100Moss, Mitchell L., 25, 88, 104Moulaert, Frank, 38Nelessen, Anton C., 79Nelson, Joel I., 33Nijkamp, Peter, 80, 81, 82, 83Niles, John S., 55, 56, 57Occelli, Sylvie, 89Office of Technology Assessment, 105Offner, Jean-Marc, 34O’Kelly, Morton E., 26Olson, Margrethe H., 68Olszewski, Piotr, 58




Ouwersloot, Hans, 81, 82Owen, Alma J., 67Panteli, Niki, 90Pepping, Gerard, 80, 81, 82, 83Pratt, Joanne H., 69Regan, Amelia C., 71Richardson, Helen L., 74Rodrigue, Jean-Paul, 75Rowe, Barbara R., 67Salomon, Ilan, 47 52, 53, 54, 59, 60, 61, 62Sanyal, Bishwapriya, 106Sassen, Saskia, 17, 27Scott, Allen, 18Scott, Lauren, 91Shen, Qing, 45, 46Spalding, Jan O., 76Spoelman, Erno, 64Stanek, David M., 63Storper, Michael, 19Tonn, Bruce E., 107Townsend, Anthony M., 25, 35, 88Van Zanten, Nathalie, 83Walesh, Kim, 101Wallace, Chris, 20Warf, Barney, 39Warren, Robert, 28Weijers, Thea, 64White, Dennis L., 107Zonneveld, Wild, 98

IX. GLOSSARY OF TERMS

Contingent workers refers to flexible work arrange-ments facilitated by the application of information tech-nology to the organization of work. A “contingentworkforce” subsumes part-time, temporary contract,and self-employed workers as well as workers in manyservice occupations.

Everyday life is a concept in cultural studies devel-oped by postwar French sociologists and philosopherscritical of consumerism and of technology’s pervasiverole in the reorganization of modern society. Amongleftist intellectuals, the critique of everyday life repre-sented a deliberate effort to shift analytic focus fromeconomic factors related to production to the study ofconsumer society and its new forms of alienation andoppression. The analysis and critique extends to archi-tecture and urban planning.

Getis/Ord Gi* spatial statistic is a measure of thedegree of spatial clustering of a given variable (X). Itcompares local neighborhood averages with the globalaverage associated with a study region. Gi* scores arepositive if high values of X cluster together and nega-tive if low values of X cluster together. It has been usedin studies of intrametropolitan accessibility and of the

influence of information technology infrastructure onthe location patterns of firms (Scott 2000; Sohn 2002).

Information society describes a society in which thelifestyles and daily practices of the majority of the pop-ulation and organizations are information intensiveand mediated by information technologies.

Information technology (IT) is a term that refers to acollection of technologies used for the creation, storage,retrieval, processing, manipulation, management,exchange, reception, and transmission of informationin several forms (e.g., data, audio, video, images, etc.). Italso includes the combination of telephony and com-puter technology, and the development and use ofhardware and software devices.

Informational/informationalized is the term thatManuel Castells (1996b), an urban planner and sociolo-gist, uses to refer to any sector of the economy, industry,or firm that is part of the New Economy, that is, whosecompetitiveness depends on knowledge and informa-tion production and processing. It also denotes neworganizational forms of production and institutionalactivities made possible by the networking capabilitiesof information technologies and telecommunications.The geographic scope of informationalized activities issimultaneously place based (“space of places”) andglobal (“space of flows”). For instance, financial activi-ties are highly informationalized because (1) they arepart of global networks of firms and organizationslinked via information technology (IT) and telecommu-nication systems, and (2) they rely on the knowledge oflocally based high-tech workers. Informationalizing sec-tors are found in cities of developed and developingcountries, that is, anywhere in the world where produc-tion and institutional activities are organizationally net-worked via IT and telecommunications.

Labor process is a concept in industrial sociology thatrefers to the organization of work. It focuses on the indi-vidual tasks—together with their skill content—thatworkers perform in a specific production process. Theterm also includes the locus of control (management orworker) over the individual’s shop or office work. Thelabor process changes as a result of new technology andnew management methods applied to the organizationof work and production. For example, Henry Ford’s sci-entific management broke down the automobile pro-duction process into its simplest components and taskscarried out by workers. The labor process in this indus-try was highly standardized and routinized.

New international division of labor is a term used inglobalization studies to describe the internationaliza-tion of production facilitated by telecommunications.The term involves global networks of production sitesconnecting both developed and developing countries.These networks are typically coordinated by multina-




tional corporations, who take advantage of the compar-ative labor cost and geographic advantages offered bydifferent countries.

Postindustrial/postindustrialism connotes a shift froma manufacturing-based economy to a service-based econ-omy where science-based knowledge and information-led production are its main growth engines. The con-cept was formulated in the 1970s by the sociologist Dan-iel Bell (1973), who also foresaw that a postindustrialsociety was characterized by the rise of a new technicalelite.

Producer services are specialized and technical activi-ties such as engineering, research and development,industrial marketing, advertising, accounting, andlegal services. These are generally subcontracted by themanufacturing sector.

The quaternary sector of the economy includes indus-tries focused on information retrieval, manipulation,and transmission. Typical quaternary activities includefinance, media, and research and education. The tertiarysector corresponds to a broad range of service-providingindustries (e.g., legal, tourism, beautician, landscapingservices, etc.). The secondary sector includes manufac-turing industries, and the primary sector includesagriculture.

Technopoles are planned high-technology centers orparks created by public-private partnerships betweenuniversities, research institutes, private developers,and high-tech companies. They generally model them-selves after California’s Silicon Valley.

Telematics is the blending of computers and telecom-munications such as in the Internet.

Teleports are telecommunication networks forregional and global broadcasting of TV, radio, video,and data using satellite technology. Modern teleportsare hubs of many telecommunications technologiesincluding Internet backbone, radio, and stream video.They also interphase wireless and fiber optic networks.Teleports are evolving into telecom and server hotels,and presumably information age competitive commu-nities are also teleport sites.

Telework refers to work done at a distance, that is, atlocations different from where it would normally takeplace, usually, but not always, resulting from the use ofinformation technology and telecommunications.Although the term includes telecommuting, they aresometimes used indistinctively.

Toyotism is a term associated with the Japanese auto-mobile industry’s (Toyota) management culture, laborrelations, and system of production.




Information Technology (IT) and Urban Form; An Annotated Bibliography of the Urban Dec on Cent...

Documents

Transcript of Information Technology (IT) and Urban Form; An Annotated Bibliography of the Urban Dec on Cent...