GUGLIELMO LIBRI AND THE BRITISH

MUSEUM:

A CASE OF SCANDAL AVERTED

P.ALESSANDRA MACCIONI

I N December 1845 Antonio Panizzi, Keeper of Printed Books in the British Museum,sat down at his desk to answer a letter from his friend, the distinguished professor at theSorbonne and the College de France, Guglielmo Libri. His fellow expatriate, abibliophile of note, had informed him of his intention to sell his valuable collection ofmanuscripts and printed books. Re-reading the letter Panizzi must have considered thevarious possibilities of helping his friend, while at the same time enhancing theMuseum's collections in his care. As far as the purchase of printed books was concerned,he foresaw no problems. To acquire the manuscripts, however, the consent of theTreasury and the Trustees would be necessary - and there was also the certainty ofhaving to deal with the Keeper of Manuscripts, Sir Frederic Madden. The relationshipbetween the two keepers can be characterized as a state of armed peace, which at theslightest provocation might erupt into yet another battle between them.

Some knowledge of the life of Antonio Panizzi (1797-1879)^ is indispensable forunderstanding his relationship with Libri. Panizzi had been trained as a lawyer at theUniversity of Parma. In Modena, at the age of twenty-one, he joined the Subltmi MaestriPerfelli, one of the secret societies devoted to ending the Austrian domination of Italy.Fearing arrest, he went into voluntary exile and published an attack on Duke Francis IVof Modena which earned him a death sentence pronounced in his absence. Penniless andwithout friends he arrived in London, where Ugo Foscolo gave him a letter ofintroduction to William Roscoe, the scholar and political pamphleteer. A commoninterest in liberal politics and Italian literature drew the two together and enabled Panizzito acquire influential friends such as Henry Brougham, the radical Whig. Panizzi's starw as bound to rise. In 1828 he accepted the chair of Italian at the University of London.However, preferring scholarly work to the teaching of first-year students, he was happyto be appointed Extra-Assistant Librarian at the British Museum in 1831. TheDepartment of Printed Books was in such a state that there were ample opportunities foran ambitious and hard-working librarian to make a name for himself This Panizzicertainly did. He found a mere 240,000 volumes and a lack of funds for acquisitions;furthermore, the readers were dissatisfied at the absence of a good catalogue. In 1834 theTrustees suggested that he start working on a replacement. By means of disparagingcomparisons with the book expenditure of minute Italian libraries Panizzi persuaded the

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Trustees to increase the budget of the Department from a few hundred pounds toJCIO,OOO a year. At the same time, however, the grants to the other Departments wereconsiderably reduced, and this did nothing to improve relations between the Keepers ofPrinted Books and Manuscripts.

Frederic Madden (1801-73)*^ was not the most affable of men. Apart from a naturalmelancholy, which was to become more and more pronounced as the years went by, heshared the xenophobia common to most of his fellow countrymen. This blurred his viewof Panizzi, whom he called a 'vile Italian', 'a villain' and, in short, a 'foreigner, one ofthat humbugging ungrateful set, even the best of them.'^ Madden, who had left Oxfordwithout taking his B.A., had become Assistant Keeper of Manuscripts in 1828. Hispersonal life was blighted by the deaths of his first wife and of children from both hismarriages. His scholarly career was more auspicious: he was considered a scholar of someeminence, a rigorous expert on the provenance of manuscript books and the authenticityof autographs, and he foresaw the great possibilities of photography for the study ofmanuscripts."*

Unfortunately, in all but attitude to work. Madden and Panizzi could not have beenmore different. A staunch Tory, Madden wholeheartedly disliked the politics of his Whigcolleague. Nor did he like Panizzi's being continually entertained by Society, when hisown attempts to frequent such circles were doomed by financial constraints and adisagreeable character. Their friction was bound to spark off a continuous series ofincidents. In the summer of 1845, for instance, a dispute broke out over some mapswhich Panizzi claimed to have been part of the library of George III, whereas Maddenindignantly noted in his diary that 'this dog knows as well as I do that a number of theseMSS were never in George IIFs library, but came direct from the Admiralty.'^ Panizziwas not available for comment because he was about to enjoy 'three months vacation(allowed by his friends the Trustees)'.^ That autumn the 'friends' of Panizzi receivednotice from the Treasury that his plans for the funding of the Department of PrintedBooks were to go ahead, while Madden's own funds were cut!'

It was in this atmosphere that Libri's letter reached Panizzi. The two had been friendsever since they had met in Paris in the thirties. Panizzi continually used his position andinfluence to further the cause of Italian unification.^ In Paris, he helped fellow Italianexiles such as Amari, whom he introduced to all his friends and acquaintances, includingLibri. However, Panizzi and Libri must have developed a liking for one another on thebasis not only of their shared politics, but also - and maybe primarily - because of theircommon predilection for bibliography. Although no letters survive which mightelucidate the development of their friendship in its early years, it seems significant thatPanizzi, who had written a satire on the Jesuits as a student, collaborated with Libri onhis Lettres sur le clerge'.^^

As far as Panizzi knew - and, as will be seen, there was much of which he had noknowledge - Guglielmo Libri (1803-69)^' had started his academic career as professorof physics and mathematics at the University of Pisa, and still received a pension asemeritus professor after being excused from teaching at the tender age of twenty-one

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because of bad health. In 1824 he had visited Paris for the first time, meeting politiciansand scientists and being presented at the Institut de France. For a time he had beenlibrarian of the Accademia dei Georgofili in Florence, where he began to study originalsources for a work on the history of science in Italy. Meanwhile he dabbled in Florentinepolitics. His revolutionary convictions, however, first manifested themselves in Paris,where Libri actively took part in the July Revolution of 1830 as a supporter of Guizot,who became Minister first of Education and then of Home Affairs following the fall ofthe Bourbons. Libri was seen fighting in various places in the French capital. His rolein the January 1831 plot to force the Grand Duke of Tuscany to grant a constitutionto his subjects remains unclear,^^ but in February he was advised to leave Tuscany andnot to return without permission. The reason for his exile was to be a source of pride tohim for the rest of his life.

Libri settled in Paris and began a new academic career in his adopted country. In1838, when Panizzi met him, he was teaching science at the College de France and at theSorbonne, where he occupied a set of rooms. He had been naturalized in order to beelected to the Institut. He moved with ease in the circles around Prosper Merimee andGuizot, wearing the Legion d'Honneur and writing on current affairs in leading Frenchperiodicals such as the Revue des Deux Mondes and the Journal des De'bats, while hisscholarly work on the manuscripts of the mathematician Fermat appeared in the Journaldes Savants. The first volume of his Htstoire des Sciences Mathe'matiques en Italieappeared in 1835. Libri had borrowed its motto, 'Italia lacerata, Italia mia!', fromMagalotti. This caused the book to be proscribed by the Austrian rulers of Italy, togetherwith his other works. In the introduction he stressed the importance of the study oforiginal sources; through his research he himself had become one of the leadingconnoisseurs of manuscripts in France, with an interest in manuscripts of all kinds. In1838 he applied unsuccessfully to be appointed Conservateur Adjoint of the Departementdes Manuscrits of the Bibliotheque du Roi. In 1841 the Ministry of Education orderedthe compilation of a Catalogue Ge'ne'ral des Manuscrits des Btbliotheques Publiques desDe'partements^'^ to remedy the chaotic state in which France's literary heritage was kept.Libri took part in the work, visiting many French provincial libraries, and in March 1842he was appointed Inspecteur des Bibliotheques Publiques. He was also a renownedcollector of manuscripts, a familiar figure in Parisian bookshops, known to allbibliophiles for his ceaseless book-hunting.^^

This much Panizzi may have known. What he did not know was that Libri was notonly a bibliographer and a bibliophile, but also a bibliomaniac.^^ His interest inmanuscripts developed as a corollary of genuine scientific pursuits,^^ but he also had aneye for the commercial value of the original documents he discovered and studied.Whenever he entered a disorganized library he could not restrain himself fromappropriating some of its treasures. Consequently, he left a trail of depredation,destruction and substitution in his wake, wherever he visited in his capacity ofInspecteur. In 1842, for instance, he visited Orleans and took advantage of theinadequate descriptions and omissions in Septier's catalogue to remove from the

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Fig. I. Guglielmo Libri, by A. N. Noel. Paris, BN 84 C 123273. 'Phot. Bibl. Nat. Paris

39

f1ot^T1m«^^._qJUK\:,tnf«^

Fi^ 2 An example of a forged ex libris: Libri has chatiged the ex Itbrts of the French monasteryof Fleury into 'Liber Beatae Manae Florentini'. Paris, BN n.a.l. 1597, f- i8iv. ^Phot. Bibl. Nat.

Paris'40

Bibliotheque Municipale a number of manuscripts which had been brought from Fleuryat the time of the French Revolution. An eye-witness account describes the sickly Italianentering the library each morning wrapped in an enormous mantle. During his work hewas left unsupervised and each evening would leave the premises hiding that day's theftsunder his cloak.'^ Back in Paris he would erase the incriminating ex libris from his ill-gotten gains, or change them so as to give them an appearance of Italian origin. Thusthe ex libris of Fleury ' Hie est liber Sancti Benedicti Floriacensis monasterii' became*Hic est liber Sancte ac B. M[ari]e Florentini monasterii';^^ to others notes like 'EstSancti Petri de Perusio' were added.^^ Libri also made use of the professional forgerswho flourished in Paris, employing them, for instance, to provide French unboundmanuscripts with covers of apparently Italian origin.'" "

The sheer volume of binding undertaken for Libri could not but give rise to rumoursabout the provenance of manuscripts collected by the Inspecteur. The first anonymousaccusation was received by the Ministry in 1842."^ More worrying was the accusation ofhaving stolen documents from the Archivio Mediceo at Florence in 1844. This case wasmade public, and although Libri found convincing arguments to plead his innocence, hecould not prevent news of the matter from reaching Paris. In January 1845 the Academiedes Sciences secretly convened to discuss the expulsion of Libri on account of his allegedthefts in Florence. Meanwhile, his conduct in France was being investigated. In 1845Boucly filed a condemnatory report with the Procurateur du Roi. Guizot, whom Librioften advised on matters of state, hushed up the matter, but could not prevent Peruzzi,the Tuscan ambassador in Paris, from hearing about Libri's thefts from the library ofCarpentras and the Bibliotheque de FArsenal of Paris. '

Libri had not been unaware of the steps which were being considered. In 1845 hecommunicated to some of his closer Parisian friends his intention of selling his library.Because of the predominantly French provenance of his manuscripts, he thought itexpedient to offer them for sale abroad. The vagueness of international law on therestitution of stolen property would preclude any effective legal action beyond theFrench border. The British Museum Library, run by his friend Panizzi and con-veniently placed across the Channel, suggested itself as a first choice. Consequently,he turned to Panizzi, who, in December 1845, answered with the desired suggestion thathe sell to the British Museum.'^^ Libri eagerly accepted but, in order to give a reasonableexcuse for his decision to sell, included a story of refused generosity. He wrote that hehad always wanted Italy to have his collection. To this end he had offered it to theMagliabechiana at Florence, to be kept in a room named after him. Continued ill feelingson the part of the Grand Duke posed an obstacle to his offer, and despite dozens ofimploring letters from the Tuscan capital, he had no further wish to continue with thisproposal. He had then offered his collection to the Bibliotheque du Roi at Paris, undersimilar conditions. There the rivalry between the Keepers of Manuscripts and PrintedBooks, both of whom would have had to look after it, made them bury the project. Asa result Libri had decided against donation. In view of his bad health and the certaintythat after his death the books would be sold far below their value, he wanted to sell them

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either in one transaction, or by classes: there had been offers already from Turin andfrom the booksellers Payne and Foss for the classes of ancient (i.e., classical and medievalLatin), French and Provencal manuscripts, the catalogue of which he had already sentto Panizzi. 'Very happily I accept your proposal and your affectionate care for me. I willdeal with great pleasure with the British Museum.'^^ Panizzi was asked to sound outselected colleagues, but otherwise keep the transaction secret, as public knowledge of itmight, in case of failure, prejudice any subsequent attempts to sell the collection. ' I hopeto get as much as will allow me to live comfortably in a clinic in the South, in case mypoor health obliges me to leave Paris.'"^^

For the time being Panizzi decided not to tell Madden about Libri's collection(although he must have been sure, even from the partial descriptions provided so far, thatthe Keeper of Manuscripts would go out of his way to acquire it), but to ask for moredetailed information, and explain the Museum's procedure in requesting money for sucha large purchase. ^ Libri appears to have been less than comfortable at the prospect ofproposals being submitted to the Trustees and the Treasury, and of the delay this wouldentail. In order to bring pressure to bear, he reiterated that he was also considering offersfrom Turin and from Payne. ' As for the catalogue, the summary lists he was sendingwere, in view of his poor health, the only kind he was able to prepare. ^ Under threatof prosecution in France, he obviously felt averse to producing what might possibly bethe conclusive documentary evidence from which to deduce the true provenances of hismanuscripts. In London, however, the prima facie reasons provided by Libri's letterwere accepted without any misgivings.

Although Libri had not supplied any more information on the manuscripts than thatcontained in the first summary lists, Panizzi felt compelled by the urgent tone of theletter to acquaint Madden with Libri's proposal. He, too, accepted the story of theproposed donation to the Magliabechiana without raising an eyebrow. His critical sensewas temporarily dulled by the impact of the lists Panizzi showed him: 'among the ItalianMSS. are no less than fifteen Dantes, one of which is the earliest copy known, beingdated in 1335.' The section of Italian manuscripts 'possesses many beautiful illuminatedMSS. some of which belonged to Lorenzo de Medici and Leo the Tenth; among themis a Julio Clovio, signed by the artist! ...Besides these there are the celebrated Napoleonpapers... In the autographs alone, he is assured he could get at a public sale 90,000 fr.' ®The two Keepers thereupon consulted Josiah Forshall, the Secretary of the Trustees,and decided to ask for more details before putting the matter to the Trustees. Panizziwould act as go-between. The next day Madden perused the lists of Libri's manuscriptsin more detail. Numbers 13, 'a copy of the Pentateuch in Latin, in uncial letters of the3rd cent, with many miniatures, executed by Roman artists, and resembling the style ofthe paintings at Pompeii,' and 17, an Ildephonsus 'believed to be the earliest specimenof Spanish art in existence,' especially excited his acquisitory instincts. ' I t will beimpossible, however, to do anything unless they are first examined, to see that they reallybear out their description in Libri's lists.' ^^

Panizzi meanwhile tried to convince Libri to complete at least his summary list. The

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professor answered that he did not know the exact number of his volumes, having 'bookseverywhere, even behind the bed'.^^ But although he continued to plead ill health, herealized that for this kind of stake he might gamble by sending what was at this stagerequired. Over the next few months a number of 'cataloghetti' reached the BritishMuseum, sent mainly through the French diplomatic courier.^^ The original of this listdoes not survive, but it must have been virtually identical to the list of Libri'smanuscripts published in the eighth Report of the Royal Commission on HistoricalManuscripts, as part of 'The Manuscripts of the Earl of Ashburnham'.^^ Identical, thatis, except for the additions and modifications which were subsequently made byMadden.^* As far as Libri's printed books were concerned, the transaction had by nowcome to a close, for Panizzi estimated that five out of every six of these were alreadypresent in the Department of Printed Books. ^

Libri's correspondence with Panizzi does not make pleasant reading. The convolutedstyle bedevils comprehension and, for modern taste, the reiterated expressions of feelingsof devotion, honour, esteem and (on Libri's part) humble submission, seem overdone.What is to be made of such sentences as 'what I care for is your friendship and esteem,in the name of which - if required - I would burn all my books ten times over!','*^expressed by a bibliomaniac who would not refrain from cheating his closest friends, ifhe thought the slightest profit might result. They talked not only about the transaction,but also of other book sales and their mutual interest in the matter of the Jesuits. It iscurious, however, that Libri hardly ever seemed to waste ink on his Italian politics,whereas the correspondence of Panizzi with other fellow-expatriates is almost exclusivelyconcerned with the nascent Italian nation. Finally, it is remarkable that Libri, whosehealth did not allow him to write one word more than was absolutely necessary for hiscatalogue, constantly repeated long passages of polite yet unsolicited compliments. Onewonders what the overworked Panizzi made of these pages of vacuous praise, but hemanfully continued his role as intermediary.^^

Meanwhile, Madden eagerly awaited each new list of manuscripts. On 30 JanuaryForshall, Madden and Panizzi agreed that, if the price of the collection as a whole wasreasonable, an officer of the British Museum would inspect the manuscripts in Paris priorto purchase. Madden began to take a personal interest, and went so far as to embark onLibri's Histoire des sciences matbe'matiques en Italie,^^ remarking, 'the Professor's work,in spite of his liberal opinions, is a very valuable one.' ** The collection of manuscripts,lists of which continued to be sent from the Sorbonne, also appeared valuable even if thecontents of those in the first lists seemed much more valuable than those in subsequentlists. Madden was disappointed with the scientific manuscripts, 'many of very recentdate and little value', and did not think that the Italian autograph manuscripts wouldfetch much in Britain, 'although M. Libri estimates them so highly'."*" Yet the memoryof the Dantes, Giulio Clovio, the Pentateuch and the Ildephonsus had already made uphis mind about the whole of the collection.

While new lists continued to arrive. Madden and Panizzi started to wonder when theflood of descriptions would finally end. On 13 March they decided to ask how many

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manuscripts still had to be detailed, and what the prices for the various classes were likelyto be. Libri merely replied by sending more lists, and waited until 26 March beforecommitting himself to a price, a matter to which our disinterested scholar had not yetgiven much thought. Altogether, fr. 250,000 would be acceptable for the manuscriptsand autographs,^' a figure which Madden calculated to be the exact equivalent ofXio,ooo.^* By now the time was ripe to approach the Trustees, and to this end anexplanatory letter in French was asked of Libri and duly sent.*"* On 6 April the last ofthe lists finally arrived. Madden could set to work writing his report. The final askingprice of JC 10,000 for the entire collection he considered to be 'a large sum, and more thanI had expected; however, I shall do what I can to secure the Collection."*' During thefollowing weeks Madden analysed Libri's manuscripts and took notes from the lists.When he had finished the draft of his paper for the Trustees, he and Forshall agreed tohave a few copies printed for private use. This would save time, 'as otherwise it couldbe impossible to get it copied several times over, without much delay and when done,nobody would read it, as they could do, if in a printed form.'*^ The final proofs of thepaper were duly prepared for the next meeting of the Trustees on Saturday, 25 April,and on Thursday Madden informed Sir Robert Inglis about the matter, 'who at onceoffered to see Sir R. Peel in the course of the day on the subject of Libri's MSS. andobtain, if possible, a positive answer.'"*' At the meeting on Saturday Inglis told the otherTrustees about 'a very large and extraordinary collection of MSS. at Paris, which, it wasunderstood, the proprietor was willing to dispose of to the British Government,'*^ andthat Sir Robert Peel appeared willing to consider the matter, if the Treasury wereofficially approached. Madden's paper was produced, the Keeper of Manuscripts wassummoned, and the matter was discussed at length. It was resolved that Madden,accompanied by his assistant John Holmes, should go to Paris as soon as possible toexamine the Libri manuscripts. Madden 'subsequently saw Mr Panizzi, who expressedhis opinion, that it would be necessary to write first to Mr Libri to inform him of thestep taken.'^"

Unfortunately, Madden omitted to give Panizzi a copy of his printed paper. Panizziwrote to Libri in the terms he had decided with Madden, and Libri naturally agreed toMadden's inspection of his collection.'^" However, when Panizzi heard about the printedpaper on 28 April he felt deceived, hurt and furious. He started a letter to Libri, givinghis version of the events; he expressed his deep grief at how things were done behindhis back, and assured Libri that he would, of course, have told him about the printedreport, had he known of its existence. Now, he solemnly washed his hands of the matter,while hoping to keep his friend's esteem. After the meeting of the Trustees on 25 April,of which he had not been informed, he had been assured that everything had been donewith prudence, and that the owner of the collection had not been named. Because heunderstood that the decision was going to be favourable to Libri, he had kept his peace.But when it turned out that the owner was described as 'professor at Paris, member ofthe Institut, native of Florence and author of a history of mathematical sciences inItaly,'•''* in what obviously amounted to a complete identification - and all this in z printed

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paper - he became convinced that his colleagues were knowingly doing wrong. He feltabsolved of having broken his word of honour: 'as far as the Museum is concerned, thislesson will make sure that I will never more get involved in something which is not myofficial duty.'^^ The same day, however. Madden and Forshall told him that the fact theyhad not shown him the paper had been a mere oversight, for which they were very sorry.They explained that printing the paper had been necessary in order to obtain theattention of the Government, and that it had been entirely confidential. Appeased bythese words Panizzi wrote a postscript in which he told Libri to disregard the letter itself(one wonders why the letter was ever sent). He then added a second postscript, tellingLibri to continue with the transaction as if nothing had happened, and on 4 May mailedhis long effusion, together with a copy of the printed paper, to Paris. ^ It isunderstandable that Panizzi felt hurt at not having been informed of the meeting, sinceit had been he with whom Libri had corresponded. On the other hand, his knowledgeboth of the workloads of his fellow officers in the Museum and of the procedure forrequesting large sums of money, which necessitated reports written for the Trustees,might have tempered his displeasure. The main reason for his tantrum possibly was theadjective ' printed \ which suggested that Madden's report was of a nature quite differentfrom a confidential communication. The state of permanent tension between the Keepersmight also account for Madden's oversight: his otherwise invariably meticulous journaldoes not carry any sign of embarrassment in correcting his omission. Whatever themutual irritation, following the meeting of the Trustees Panizzi had to leave the reins inthe hands of Madden.

On 6 May, a party composed of Sir Frederic Madden, his wife, his sister-in-law, andHolmes, disembarked at Boulogne in splendid weather. After crossing the ChannelMadden's mood, as appears from his Journal, changed dramatically. The pain in his legof which he had complained was temporarily forgotten; the journey, the sights andbibliographical attractions of Paris contributed to a feeling of serene happiness. Theclouds of xenophobia which obscured his perception of foreigners temporarily broke,allowing him to see several fields of culture in which the British could actually learn fromthe French!' '* The party occupied an attractive suite of rooms overlooking the Tuileries,and Madden and Holmes looked forward with eager anticipation to their first visit toLibri. On Monday 11 May, they set off on foot for the professor's apartment at theSorbonne.

M. Libri... received us very courteously. Iti his external appearance he seemed as if he had neverused soap and water or a brush. The room, in which we were introduced, was not more than about16 feet wide, but filled with manuscripts on shelves up to the ceiling. The windows had doublesashes and a fire of coal and coke burnt in the grate, the heat of which, added to the smell of thepiles of vellum around, was so unsufferable, that I gasped for breath. M. Libri perceived theinconvenience we suffered and opened one of the windows, but it was easy to see that a breathof air was disagreeable to him, and his ears were stuffed with cotton, as if to prevent him feelingsensible of it! M. Libri is a rather corpulent person, of good humoured but broad features, andreminding me somewhat of the portraits of Magliabecchi. After the first complimetits had passed,

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Fig. J. A miniature from the Pentateuch leaves stolen by Libri from Tours, subsequently knownas the Ashburnham Pentateuch. Paris, BN n.a.l. 2334, f. 5or. ''Phot. Bibl. Nat. Paris'

he placed in my hands the copy of my printed Report, which was sent to him (in my opinion veryunjustifiably,) by Mr Panizzi. We had the catalogue of the MSS. with us, and set to workimmediately, but the task of examining the MSS. was one of great fatigue. They were only partiallyarranged from want of space in the room, and M. Libri remained in the room the whole time,standing close by us, so that we were unable to make any remarks on the state of the MSS., withouthis hearing them. He understands English very well, but only speaks it a little.^^

The interior in which they were to work for the next few weeks was in stark contrast withthe glorious weather outside: stuffy, dusty and dirty, like the books they were supposedto examine.

The books are so dirty in his room, that when we leave off, the condition of our hands and clothesis dreadful. A clothes-brush remedies the latter, but for the former, we have no resource, but ashallow pudding-dish (I speak literally) of white ware, brought us by Mr Libri's dirty servant,accompanied by a small allowance of water, and a beastly rag for a towel! This may give somenotion of the mode in which the Professor lives, as he looks on, while we dip our fingers in thedish, and appears to think nothing more can be required l'*

The first thing they did when Libri left them alone in his 'miserable furnace of awas to throw open the windows.^^

On his first visit the insalubrious surroundings must have vanished from Madden'sconsciousness the moment he finally set eyes on the Pentateuch and the Ildephonsus hehad been longing to see and touch. When his professional equilibrium had re-establisheditself. Madden and his assistant set to work, examining each manuscript in turn,comparing any observations with Libri's lists, and taking note of the discrepancies. Thiswork proved very tiresome. 'Had the collection been arranged according to the numbers,or anything like a reference-list placed in our hands, we could have made much greaterprogress, but we are obliged for the most part, to hunt for each volume ourselves on theshelves, and even mount the ladders to get them down. This is a most fatiguing task.'^^On the evening of the second day of work. Madden started to make an index to Libri'slists, " for which the professor had never had time. That same day, Libri talked aboutthe provenance of his manuscripts, mentioning among others St Peter of Perugia.Already Madden had made up his mind: 'there can be no doubt of the value of theCollection as a whole and it is entirely a question of price.'^^

The tedium of the work was offset by the pleasure of dealing with a large number ofvaluable and interesting manuscripts, which the Museum might soon acquire. Of course,it was to be expected that there were some disappointments due to over-enthusiastic ordefective descriptions in Libri's lists. But there were certain discrepancies which, thoughtrivial in themselves, when taken together were to make Madden feel uneasy about Libri.Firstly, there was the Dante manuscript of 1335: ' I have some doubt about thegenuineness of the date 1335 as applying to the MS. since some lines of rubrics are erasedjust above the date, which might have referred to something else.'*^^ Then, there was thematter of a letter of Petrarch, which was missing: Libri 'had himself 5 fw it, but couldnot now find it, and it must have been mislaid.'^^ Suspicion also surrounded the

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Napoleon papers, about the early history of which Libri had been very eloquent, but on'how they came into his hands, or what he paid for them, he never uttered a syllable. Heassured me however... that the Papers remained exactly in the same state in which [theyhad been] received.'**"* As for the manuscript executed in 1520 and, according to Libri,illuminated by Giulio Clovio, Madden found that 'the name is a mere daub and notworth JC5'.*•'' The fact that Holmes and Madden found many manuscripts andautographs of which they had never received any description, although 'we are in treatyfor the entire collection, of which M. Libri was well aware',^^ may have been explicablein view of its disorderly state; the two officers simply added provisional numbers to thesemanuscripts.**^

Despite these difficulties, Libri certainly was not wrong when he wrote an optimisticletter to his friend Panizzi: all the manuscripts were examined by Holmes and Madden,'who in this work have shown much intelligence and politeness. It seems to me that theywholeheartedly wish the transaction to be settled with reciprocal satisfaction.'^^ Besides,Libri was confident that Panizzi's authority would sway the Trustees in favour of thepurchase. On 20 May Madden had indeed written a report to the Trustees recommendingthe purchase, concluding that he

cannot hesitate to express his conviction, that the acquisition of this collection would on allaccounts be most desirable, and contribute greatly to the European reputation of the Departmentof Manuscripts of the British Museum. In some respects this Collection is certainly unrivalled,nor is it probable, nor even possible, that another of equal interest in some classes, can again beoffered for

The Trustees, meeting the next Saturday, decided to ask Madden to return as soon ashe had 'ascertained the extent of the Collections, so as to be able in the event of its [sic]being purchased to identify the Manuscripts.''" They also informed Sir Robert Peel andthe Chancellor of the Exchequer about the progress being made by Madden.

The stay in Paris now drew to a close. On 27 May Madden received, withoutapparently realizing it, some evidence as to the recent provenance of Libri's manuscripts.

M. Libri shewed us a valuable MS. of the 9th century he had discovered in the library at Albi,containing the earliest map of the World yet known, of which he presented Mr Holmes and myselfwith a facsimile. When he visited Albi, this valuable volume was lying in a corner, covered withdirt, and he might have purchased (!) it for the sum of 20 francs! So much for the state of someof the provincial libraries of France. Pretty much on a par with our own cathedral libraries.'*

Madden's overall opinion was favourable:

in regard to our personal intercourse with M. Libri, no one could behave more courteously andwith a greater wish to oblige; and there was an appearance of bonhomie in the features andconversation of this gentleman that completely won me over. I know that it was his interest tobe civil to me, because he was playing for a stake of 10,000 £, yet there appeared so much opennessof manner about him, that I felt inclined to credit his word implicitly, and in my Report to theTrustees I spoke in handsome terms of his fairness, and my confidence in his integrity.'^

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However, he started to hear some discordant notes. For instance, in 1845 the BritishMuseum had purchased the 'Jerusalem Psalter' from Payne and Foss, which they hadbought from Libri for ;£i8o: 'yet when Mr. Holmes, with his usual babbling andinconsiderate way of talking, spoke to M. Libri of our purchase (not recollecting that M.Libri had been a partner in the affair) the latter maintained his usual expression ofcountenance, and without saying one syllable of his own share in the business, merelyasked what we paid to Payne and Foss for the book.'^'' Before leaving the apartment atthe Sorbonne for the last time. Madden could not resist looking once more at the mainobject of his desire: ' I examined again leaf by leaf the Pentateuch in uncial letters, thegreat gem of the Collection, and made a list of the miniatures in it."'* When the party leftParis on 30 May, Madden could look back on a few weeks well spent. Libri had provedto be a pleasant host, who had gone so far as to obtain the two officers invitations to areception at Guizot's and to a literary dinner, and had introduced them to the librariansof the Bibliotheque du Roi. But, most important of all, the manuscripts had proved tobe of exceptional value, and it seemed inconceivable that anything could now stand inthe way of their being purchased for the British Museum.^^

Back in London, Madden and Forshall spent several days valuing the manuscripts onthe basis of Madden's notes. They agreed that the collection must be worth at leastj( 9ooo. But then, on 3 June, the bookseller Rodd called. They acquainted him with theirscoop, a collection of manuscripts, the likes of which would never be on sale again in theirlifetime. Their enthusiasm was cut short by Rodd who, to their surprise, knew Libri verywell,

having frequently had dealings with him, and learned when at Paris a great deal respecting hishistory His account of Libri rather surprised and staggered me. Rodd asserts, that so far fromnot being a marchand de livres, a bouquiniste, which M. Libri so anxiously repudiated in his lettersto myself, that he was notoriously a dealer both in books and MSS., a fact that was known to everyhookseller in Paris! His character for probity was very problematical, and Rodd did not hesitateto say, that he had heard it repeated more than once, that Libri was suspected to have stolen aportion of the MSS. he possessed.'^

Madden now started to feel decidedly apprehensive about Libri but, he noted, 'althoughI begin to suspect that M. Libri is a scoundrel, I do none the less desire to secure hisCollection for the Museum, if it can be accomplished fairly.'^^ It was decided torecommend to the Trustees a request for £9000, and Madden wrote a report ' to bepresented at the next meeting of the Trustees, on Saturday 6 June. On that day Madden,even before the Trustees summoned him, wrote a letter of guarded optimism to Libri,concluding that 'it would be a subject of much congratulation to myself, to have yourentire Collection preserved in the Department under my care.'^^ The Trustees, at least,did not disappoint Madden; they directed Forshall to write to the Lords of the Treasuryand 'request their Lordships' sanction to an offer of ^£9000 for this Collection'.^"

As far as the purchase was concerned, the matter was now out of Madden's hands. Hehad been unable to convince Sir Robert Inglis to call once again on Peel: 'the Lords of

49

the Treasury must therefore do as they please.'^^ No doubt some extra pressure on thePrime Minister, as First Lord of the Treasury, might have been beneficial to thetransaction; but Madden had resigned himself some time ago to the idea that theTrustees did not really know what manuscripts were. Only the day before he had lookedover his reports for 1839 to find that he had unsuccessfully recommended the purchasefor a modest sum of the Pucci collection, which now formed part of Libri's manuscripts.' What fools our Trustees are! ' " Their lack of understanding also appeared when, on oneoccasion. Madden was summoned into their presence and 'they asked, as usual, severalschool-boy questions as to the value of the MSS. from Payne and Foss, one of which was,Horn I know the papers in these volumes to be genuine (Lord A[shburnham]), a questionwhich only a fool would ask, and no man with a grain of sense, would condescend toanswer.'^^ In the present transaction, however, the Trustees seemed to have behavedreasonably well. Libri, meanwhile, was anxiously keeping silent on the matter. In a letterof introduction to Panizzi on behalf of a French scholar he refrained from mentioningthe topic of his manuscripts.^* Panizzi, apparently, was waiting too; but in August, whenhe became convinced of the transaction's success, he wrote a letter announcing theimpending favourable conclusion to the protracted negotiations. Libri answered in hisusual style. He excused himself verbosely for his long silence by reminding his friendthat he had had meanwhile to deal with Madden, and smothered Panizzi in praise. ' I wassure that, when opportunity knocked, you would grab that moment to help the goodoutcome of the transaction: as you can see, I was right.'^^

The outcome, however, was still uncertain. Uncertainties, too, were accumulatingwith respect to the vendor's reputation. On 17 June Asher, a Berlin bookseller, called onMadden to discuss some manuscripts. The conversation turned towards Libri, andAsher confirmed all 'reports of him mentioned by Rodd, and stated most positively thatLibri was notoriously a dealer both in books and MSS.'^^ Asher said that he did notbelieve that Libri had given as much as /;8oo for the Napoleon papers, although hehimself would gladly have given that sum for them. ' I feel uncomfortable about M. Librifrom what I have heard. There is something wrong about him, and he has evidentlytried, with the help of his friend M. Panizzi, to make a dupe of me. Still, there can beno doubt about the value of his MSS.'^^ Worse was to come. On 23 June Madden metPayne at an auction and heard about a sale of autographs by Libri 'so late as April last!I was perfectly staggered by such an assertion, for it was at that very time M. Libri waswriting to the Museum to negotiate for the purchase of his entire collection, and wasaware that I intended coming to Paris for that purpose.'^^ Seeing Madden's surprise,Payne promised to send him the catalogue. Payne had also spoken to Libri himself, whohad assured him that no price had been stipulated for the collection as yet - which wasan obvious falsehood. Libri furthermore turned out to have deceived Madden as to theprice he had paid for an important collection of manuscripts. 'So much for M. Libri'shonor and veractty\ I now believe him to be a great rogue. [I] saw Mr Forshall on myreturn, and informed him of what I had heard relative to M. Libri. Before anything canbe done, we must first know the decision of the Treasury respecting the purchase of the

** Closer examination of the auction catalogue revealed that hundreds ofautograph letters which constituted part of the transaction with the Museum had beenup for sale. Not even the Napoleon papers had been spared!

And it is to this fellow, that M. Panizzi (whom I believe to be as bad as the other) insisted ontransmitting my privately printed report on the Collection, intended only for the perusal of SirRob. Peel, and two or three of the Trustees...I am weary of writing about this man. I believeall foreigners alike dishonest in money matters, but in so grave an affair as the sale of a Collectionfor 10,000 £ one could have expected a greater share of good faith than usual to have been kept. **

By now the evidence of Libri's dishonesty had become so compelling that, Pentateuchor no, after two tormenting days Madden decided to see Forshall and tell him the truenature of the Sorbonne professor. The secretary counselled prudence, thinking it betternot to utter a word to the Trustees, and to await the Treasury's answer. ^

The very next day, 26 June, news broke that Peel was to resign, an event whichpresaged a period of political uncertainty and might well bode ill for the transaction.Indeed, on 28 August the Treasury wrote to the Trustees that 'considering the unequalcharacter of the Collection of Manuscripts offered for sale by Professor Libri, and thelarge appropriations which have lately been authorized for the different branches of theMuseum, the Lords Commissioners could not feel that they would be justified insanctioning the payment of as large a sum as £9,000 for the Collection in question.'^'^Forshall informed Madden, who was on holiday, by letter. In his Journal there is not asign of emotion about the outcome.^^ Panizzi was very sorry at failing his friend, but hecould write, ' I did all that was humanly possible, not for you, but for the Museum.'^*Libri was grateful and warm in his answer:

Please believe that your recommendation oi keeping my love for you always is redundant, for I donot know any other man for whom I feel more affection and esteem than I feel for you. The scarcesuccess obtained by your affectionate attention makes it even more valuable to my eyes, for itshows all the difficulties against which you have not hesitated to fight for my sake. ^

There is not one word of the disillusion which would have been natural after Panizzi'soptimistic letter of the previous week.

For Madden, the matter now might have been closed. There was no need to divulgehis knowledge about Libri to the Trustees, because the Treasury had answered in thenegative. Yet, despite his conviction he had been dealing with a scoundrel and - quiteprobably - a thief, he nevertheless did not want to renounce the collection as easily asthat. Maybe the fact that Libri's shady dealings had taken place abroad, helped to offsetany moral scruples he might have felt. ^ In any case, when Foss showed him a letterwhich his partner Payne had received from Libri, proposing to send some manuscriptsto London to be sold. Madden jumped at the opportunity thus offered to reopen thenegotiations. Payne and Foss were willing to comply for a percentage. On 18 SeptemberMadden wrote a report for the meeting of the Trustees on the following day. In it, heput a very strong case for resuming the transaction, emphasizing that opportunities tobuy collections such as these occurred very rarely:

51

Sir F. Madden begs to remind the Trustees, that the European fame of the Museum Library restsupon its collection of MSS. so generously bestowed on the nation by Sir John Cotton, andafterwards augmented by the wisdom of the Government in the purchase of the Sloane, Harleianand other collections. It is not too much to assert, that the pecuniary value of the HarleianCollection alone has increased tenfold since it was acquired. It should appear therefore to be butreasonable, that every opportunity should be embraced of increasing the riches of the Departmentto which the literature not only of our own country but of Europe is so materially indebted.How incomplete would be the history of the Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman period, withoutthe aid of the invaluable volumes in the Cotton library? And how meagre would our knowledgeof French literature become in the 12th and 13th centuries, deprived of the information suppliedby the Harleian MSS.''

The Treasury had initially refused. Madden continued, on two grounds: firstly, thatLibri's collection was of'unequal character', but

every collection of MSS. must necessarily be so, from the difficulty in procuring them, and thenumber of years required to form any collection of moderate extent. But it so happens, that inthose branches of literature which it was M. Libri's particular object to illustrate, namely earlypalaeography, the history of Science, the progress of the Italian language and the literary historyof the 16th and 17th centuries, this Collection is unusually rich, so much so indeed, that no publiclibrary can, in some respects, compete with it.®

As for the second, financial, objection, this 'ought not to prevent the acquirement of amass of knowledge, the possession of which could soon and amply repay the outlay.'^^Madden wished the Trustees to avail themselves of this new opportunity to ask theTreasury for the modest sum of ;£6,6oo for the collection. The Trustees acceptedMadden's arguments, and felt they might approach the Treasury once more. **** Althoughthe Treasury proved willing to give /J6,ooo,^"^ Foss received a letter from Libri in whichhe refused to take anything less than ( 9,000. 'He at the same time tells Mr Payne, thathe had heard from a private but sure source (no doubt his friend M. Panizzi, who thusunwarrantably betrays the interests of the Museum) that the sum of 9000 £ was asked ofthe Treasury by the Trustees, which sum he probably should have accepted. There isan end of the business therefore for the present.'^"^ The transaction with the Museumherewith came to a close, but both Madden and Panizzi were to continue to follow theexploits of the Sorbonne professor and the destiny of his collection with intense interest.

John Holmes, Madden's assistant, now chose to act. On 24 November he wrote toLibri to suggest that, as the transaction with the Museum by now was known to havefoundered hopelessly, he would like to show Lord Ashburnham Libri's lists, since forAshburnham money was no object. 'All this is secret even from our friend Panizzi.' "^^The lists, however, had not been returned to Libri, who therefore wrote to Panizzi,Madden and Forshall with the demand that they be placed in Holmes's hands, so thathe might return them.*""* To his great friend Panizzi he explained that Holmes wishedto make some notes prior to sending the lists back. Madden, who had the lists, of whichhe had made a copy for the use of his Department, " gave them to Holmes as requested

52

and wrote a short letter to Libri to acquaint him with the fact.*"^ Holmes succeededwhere the British Museum had failed. *'' On 23 March 1847 Payne and Foss called onMadden,

and to my great surprise, informed me that M. Libri had actually sold his entire collection ofMSS. to Lord Ashburnham for 8000 £ and that the MSS. were in England... I confess, I amastonished that Lord A. has been induced for the sale of a few volumes to lay out so large a sum;but I suppose (probably guided by the advice of Mr. Holmes) that he expects to reimbursehimself a large portion of the outlay by the sale of those MSS. he does not keep. I feel whollyindifferent now to the Collection. M. Libri has already broken up and destroyed the integrity ofthe Autograph collection, and after Lord A. has picked out the early Latin MSS., the Dantes andthe few illuminated volumes, I do not choose to come forward as a purchaser of the refuse. A shorttime probably will disclose a httle more of this matter, which has been kept a profound secret.***

But the transaction had not been so profound a secret to Panizzi, who had got wind ofit on 6 March at the latest and advised Libri not to miss this golden opportunity.**'^ InMay, Panizzi actually wrote that he had himself helped promote the success of theAshburnham purchase.**** It is puzzling that Panizzi still acted as though he were notaware of Libri's true colours. Holmes's behaviour is equally surprising, for Madden hadtold him expressly about Libri's removing items from the autographs offered to theMuseum as soon as he had found out about this in June 1846. ^^

Whatever the reasons, all the protagonists had to examine their consciences afreshwhen, in the aftermath of the Revolution of February 1848, reports appeared about whatwas soon to become the 'affaire Libri'. The accusations against the professor had laindormant for several years, but on 4 February 1848 Boucly sent his report to the ministryof justice.*^^ Although Libri was protected by his close association with the PrimeMinister, Guizot, and the report was shelved, he felt it expedient to prepare for a suddendeparture. The outbreak of revolutionary fervour in February covered his departure forEngland, escorting the daughters of Guizot and a number of crates containing some ofthe finer manuscripts and printed books from his gigantic collection. Libri was helpedby Panizzi to settle in London, and was soon to be seen frequenting the British Museum.

The news from Paris was followed with interest in London. Madden, who after all hadonce met Guizot at a reception, read the papers at his club, and on 10 March heard fromRodd that 'it seems, that M. Libri, the friend and secret agent of Guizot, has beencompelled to fly and is at present in London.'^^^ On 19 March the 'Rapport Boucly' waspublished in the Moniteur Universel. The story was copied by other papers in Paris, suchas La Presse, and in London. On 22 March Madden visited the bookseller Boone aboutsome manuscripts, and was shown a copy of La Presse with the report of Libri's thefts.Upon reading it, he found that

the circumstances stated are so confirmatory of the reports mentioned to myself in 1846 and hisdishonourable conduct towards myself in regard to the sale of his Collection, renders him, in myeyes, a person of such very doubtful integrity, that I shall, as a matter of duty, bring the matterbefore the Trustees. I borrowed La Presse for that purpose. M. Libri has been for the last week

53

fiwxurr? mifms.mK. refbuc fle

Inlcs. om VYo vptb • tmcmenipro dm> • intercede pro dcuoto fcmt-neo f i ^ . fmnam; crmf tuu letumm

cddnanr Tuum noin 'mtgo xt^i fcmp tniwAi im

ter caftiflFinU/- om T intercede ^ cf d j vxS patroamif' uirno^ dns

4. The Melissenda Psalter (Madden's 'Jerusalem Psalter'), formerly owned by Libri andacquired by the British Museum in 1845. Eg. MS. 1139, f. 202v

54

a constant visitor at the Museum, and as a particular friend of Mr. Panizzi, is allowed a seat inthe King's Library."^

Sir Henry Ellis, the Principal Librarian, had read the story in the Morning Chronicle,which made a reference to the 'Jerusalem Psalter', acquired by the Museum in 1845.Swallowing this last bit of information. Madden dashed to check whether thismanuscript, too, had been stolen by the Italian scoundrel. To his relief, he found enoughmarks of provenance to convince him that he could not be accused of having acted as afence. ' I wish M. Libri may be as well able to clear himself from the other charges,'^^^he wryly noted. The next day, Thursday, a special meeting of the Trustees wasconvened, to which Madden was summoned to vent his complaint against Libri'spresence on the premises. After the session, the Trustees saw 'Mr Panizzi, who hadgiven them such explanations, that they were perfectly satisfied. M. Libri is therefore tohave access to the Museum collections without restriction. ...Very well! I, at least, havedone my duty. I shall ever have the same opinion of M. Libri. That he is a liar, and adishonourable man. Whether he is a thief zho, perhaps time will shew.' *^

Reports continued to be published. ^ In England it became clear to some that Libriwas seen more often in the company of Panizzi than was good for the latter's reputation.The diarist Crabb Robinson wrote to Madden that 'norice had better be sent to thepolice station that an Italian thief is a frequent visitor at the Brit. Mus. and a great friendof Panizzi. I will end his Company.'**^ He suggested that it should be made public thatPanizzi was 'connected intimately with that Italian ogre Libri - if you will give me someparticulars about P. I think I can gently get it into the Morning Chronicle ... to hang... theBoy your enemy.'^^^ Panizzi, who was growing slightly uneasy at having to let hisfriendship with Libri prevail over his reputation, sent discreet letters to variousacquaintances in France, to find out more about the allegations. Some of theseacquaintances had, in fact, already started wridng to Panizzi about the affair.*^^

Libri, for his part, prepared a reply to the 'Rapport Boucly' which appeared inMay,*^^ and continued his activities as a dealer in England.^-^ The affair, however, wasonly just beginning. In it, Panizzi and Madden found themselves on opposite sides.Whereas Panizzi, despite the insistent warnings of well-informed friends, continued(together with such eminent individuals as Guizot and Merimee) to defend Libri,*^^Madden meticulously collected all the pamphlets he could lay his hands on, only to beconfirmed time and time again in what he had known since June 1846. In August 1850

he obtained a copy of the 'Acte d'Accusation contre Libri-Carucci'. He read it andremained

firmly convinced that he is a thief znd a scoundrel, a fit friend for the friend at the Museum, whopledged himself to the Trustees for the honesty of this villain. I think it impossible for anyunprejudiced man to read this pamphlet and not be convinced that Libri is a crafty knave, and stoleboth MSS. and books... When I add my own knowledge of this man's dishonourable dealingswith myself and his repeated falsehoods, I cannot and have not a shadow of doubt, that thecharges made against him are true. 124

55

He did not go, as is sometimes claimed, as far as putting the departmental copy of Libri'slists at the disposal of the French authorities,^^^ but he did go over his Journal for 1846and made a large number of marginal additions, modifying his earlier opinions aboutboth collection and collector.

With hindsight we know that Madden's judgment was fully justified. Nevertheless,the actions of Libri, Panizzi, Holmes, and also of Madden himself, leave much to beexplained. Madden, though convinced of Libri's dishonesty as early as the summer of1846, was not averse to enhancing the collections in his care through buying suspectbooks - as long as the matter did not become public. Holmes seemed willing to be anaccessory to theft through acdng as intermediary between Libri and the unsuspectingLord Ashburnham. Panizzi may have felt protective towards Libri at the beginning, butcan we really believe that, unlike Madden, he was totally unaware of Libri'smalpractices} In the absence of further documents one would not like to pronouncejudgment on these officers of the British Museum. The only person in our story aboutwhose character one can be certain is Libri, who has deservedly been reproached bygenerations of librarians with being the greatest book thief ever. 126

1 Cf. Louis Fagan, The Life of Sir AnthonyPanizzi, K.C.B., 2 vols. (London, 1880).Edward Miller, That Noble Cabinet: a historyof the British Museum (London, 1973), passim;Prince of Librarians (London, 1967); and'Antonio Panizzi and the British Museum',British Library Journal, v (1979), pp- I^I7-

2 The Journal of Madden [hereafter MJ], cover-ing the years 1819-73, survives in 43 vols. asOxford, Bodleian Library, MSS. Eng.hist.c.140-182. Extracts are printed by kind per-mission of the Bodleian Library. A facsimile iskept at the British Library, Dept. of MSS.(Facs *ioi2). Cf on Madden, R. W. and G. P.Ackerman, Str Frederic Madden, a BiographicalSketch and Bibliography (New York andLondon, 1979) and A. Bell, 'The Journal of SirFrederic Madden, 1852', The Library, 5thseries, xxix (1974), pp. 405-21, the besttreatment of Madden's Journal to date. Cf. alsoM. Borrie, 'Panizzi and Madden', BritishLibrary Journal, v (1979), PP- 19-36.

3 Cf. Bell, 'The Journal of Madden', p. 408, whoeites examples from Madden's Journal whichmight be augmented virtually ad infinitum.That Madden was not alone in his view ofPanizzi as a foreigner is shown, e.g., by theEdinburgh Review for Oct. 1850, pp. 373-4 ^Panizzi was apparently initially considered 'a

kind of Italian ogre placed in the Library of theMuseum to maintain foreign refinementsagainst " English common sense" \ Cf A.Panizzi, Passages in my Official life (London,1871), p. 25.

4 Cf. Ackerman, Sir Frederic Madden, pp. 20-1.5 MJ, 17 June 1845.6 Ibid.7 Cf Miller, That Noble Cabinet, p. 162.8 Cf. M. R. D. Foot, 'Gladstone and Panizzi',

British Library Journal, v (1979), pp. 48-56. In1847 the two were to start collaboration onBritish foreign policy regarding Italy. Panizzilikewise had the ear of Palmerston and Clar-endon (cf. Miller, Prince of Librarians, passim).

9 G. Caprin, Vesule fortunato - Antonio Panizzi(Florence, 1946), p. 158. Amari (1810-89) waslater to become Minister of Finance of Naples.

10 See G. Libri, Lettres sur le Clerge', et sur laliberte' d'enseignement (Paris, 1844); Caprin,Vesule fortunato, p. 168; Miller, Prince ofLibrarians, p. 34. Panizzi had been sent toprison for forty days on account of thispeccadillo.

11 Guglielmo Libri deserves a full biography. Foran introduction to his life, see W. Staudacher,'Guglielmo Libri. Die Geschiehte eines Biblio-thekdiebes', Lihri. International Library Re-view, ii (1952), pp. 55-87; H. De la Fontaine

Verwey, ' De boekendief en de detective:Guglielmo Libri en Leopold Delisle', Biblio-theekleven, xxxviii (1953), pp. 169-81; G.Fumagalli, Cuglielmo Libri (Florence, 1963)and B. McCrimmon, 'The Libri Case\ Journalof Library' History, i (1966), pp. 7-32. Cf alsothe literature mentioned below, n. 125.

12 Cf. C. Francovic, Albori socialisti nel Risorgi-mento. Contributo allo studio delle societa segrete(1776-1835) (Florence, 1962), pp. 142-3,178-9, and E. Michel, Maestri e scolari dell'Universita di Pisa nel Risorgimento Nazionale{1815-1870} (Florence, 1949), pp. 64-7.Unfortunately, neither of these authors is clearon Libri's part in the unsuccessful plot.

13 Catalogue Ceneral des Manuscrits des Biblio-theques Publiques des De'partements, QuartoSeries, 7 vols. (Paris, 1849-85).

14 Cf P. Lacroix, 'Catalogue des manuscritsacquis par Guillaume Libri pendant son sejouren France, avec des notes du collecteur'.Bibliophile Beige, vii-ix (1872-4).

15 On the adventurous career of his father, Giorgio(1781-1835), hardly a good example, cf.Staudacher, 'Die Geschichte', pp. 56-7 andFumagalh, Libri^ pp. 5-14: 'Vita di GiorgioLibri'.

16 E. Pellegrin, 'Fragmenta et membra disiecta',Codicologica, iii (1980), p. 85, reprinted in E.Pellegrin, Bibliotheques Retrouve'es. Manuscrits,Bibliotheques et Bibliophiles du Moyen Age et dela Renaissance (Paris, 1988), p. 356, exaggerateswhen she opposes 'les chercheurs et savantsdont la passion pour les vieux textes faisenttaire les scrupules, et les vulgaires voleurs,aventuriers comme Jean Aymon et Libri, musseulement par I'appat du gain.' On JeanAymon, cf. C. E. Wright, Fontes Harleiani(London, 1972), p. 401.

17 L. Delisle, 'A Monsieur J. Loiseleur', Bulletinde la Societe arche'ologique et historique derOrle'anais, viii (1883-6), pp. 313-16.

18 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. n.a.l. 1597(Libri 92), f. 181 v and passim.

19 B.N., MSS. n.a.l. 1598 (Libri 9), f 24V and1599 (Libri 11), f 39V.

20 CL, e.g., B.N., MS. n.a.l. 1598 (Libri 9), 24folios taken from Orleans, Bibliotheque Muni-Cipale, MS. 154 (131), bound up by Libri inwooden boards, covered with leather. Cf. L.Delisle, Catalogue des manuscrits Libri et Barrois(Paris, 1888), pp. 31-3-

21 Cf. C. Pitollet, 'Libri-Carucci et la Biblio-theque de Carpentras d'apres des documentsinedits', Annales de la faculte' de lettres deBordeaux et des Universite's du Midi. BulletinItalien, x (1910), pp. 249-64, T,i(y~ZS-

22 Letter of Simone Peruzzi, 5 Dec. 1845, ed. byFumagalli, Libri, p. 148, without source ref-erence. Cf. ibid., p. 70.

23 Cf. Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 29 Dec. 1845 (Add.MS. 36715, ff. 249-50), in answer to a (lost)letter of Panizzi.

24 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 3 Jan. 1846 (Add. MS.36715, ff. 254-63, f. 261V).

2Z, Ibid., f. 263r.26 Panizzi to Libri, London, 9 Jan. 1846 (B.N.,

MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff. i(ibis[-ifiter]).27 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 15 Jan. 1846 (Add. MS.

36715, ff. 265-74), Libri did in fact treat withTurin. In this letter he included a letter fromGazzera (cf. Panizzi to Libri, London, 22 Jan.1846 (B.N., MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff. 18-19)). Thelists communicated to Panizzi were also sentto Payne (cf. Payne to Libri, Boulogne-sur-Mer, 16 Feb. 1846 (B.N., MS. n.a.f. 3260,f. 60)).

28 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 15 Jan. 1846 (Add. MS.36715, ff. 265-74).

29 MJ, 19 Jan. 1846.30 Ibid., 20 Jan. 1846.31 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 19 Jan. 1846 (Add. MS.

36715, ff. 275-83, f 277r).32 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 22 Jan. 1846 (Add. WS.

36715, ff. 284-7), 24 Jan. 1846 (ibid., ff. 288-9),28 Jan. 1846 (ibid., ff. 290-3), 2 Feb. 1846 (ibid.,ff 294-5), 2 Feb. 1846 (ibid., ff 296-7), 5 Feb.1846 (ibid., f 298), 8 Feb. 1846 (ibid., f 299), 14Feb. 1846 (ibid., ff. 303-4), 19 Feb. 1846 (ibid.,f. 305), 28 Feb. 1846 (ibid., ff. 307-8), 18 Mar.1846 (ibid., f 326), 26 Mar. 1846 (ibid., f. 332),4 Apr. 1846 (ibid., ff. 315-16) and Panizzi toLibri, London 22 Jan. 1846 (B.N., MS. n.a.f.3260, ff. 18-19), 30 Jan. 1846 (ibid., ff. 21-2),21 Feb. 1846 (ibid., f. 24), 13 Mar. 1846 (ibid.,ff. 26-7), 27 Apr. 1846 (Add. MS. 36715,f 317)-

33 Eighth Report of the Royal Commission onHistorical Manuscripts. Appendix. - (Part III)(London, 1881). A copy in manuscript, not inLibri's hand, is B.N., MS. n.a.f 3260.

34 Cf below n. 67.35 Panizzi to Libri, London, 22 Jan. 1846 (B.N.,

MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff. 18-19). Cf. MJ, 19 Jan.

57

1846, and Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 24 Jan. 1846(Add. MS. 36715, ff. 288-9).

36 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 24 Jan. 1846 (ibid., f289V).

37 There seems to have been some irritationbetween Madden and Panizzi, leading Panizzito suggest to Libri, on 21 Feb. 1846, that hedeal directly with Madden from now on,because 'chi non mi vuole non mi merita'(B.N., MS. n.a.f 3260, f 24V); any doubt thatPanizzi acted for his own benefit and not forthat ot the Museum was impossible to sustain.Fortunately, this was only a temporary hiccup.

38 MJ, 30 Jan. 1846.39 Ibid. 3 Feb. 1846.40 Ibid. II Feb. 1846.41 Panizzi to Libri, London, 13 Mar. 1846 (B.N.,

MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff. 26-7), on the basis of amemo (Add. MS. 36715, f 318).

42 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 26 Mar. 1846 (Add.MS. 36715, ff. 332-3)-

43 J^J* I Apr. 1846. Incidentally, this is exactlythe sum whicb Panizzi had asked for thepurchases of the Department of Printed Booksfor the next ten years. 'The Trustees haveapplied to the Treasury, for this large sum,...and the Treasury have nearly or quite grantedit!!!' (Ibid., 29 Jan. 1846.)

44 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 4 Apr. 1846 (Add. MS.36715, ff. 315-16). The 'letter in French' is lost(cf. Panizzi to Libri, London, 27 Apr. 1846(Add. MS. 36715, f 317), where it ismentioned); apparently it was not presented tothe Trustees on 25 Apr. 1846 (cf. London,British Museum, Archives of the Trustees,Committee, vol. xxii, pp. bSHgff). Extracts fromtheir archives are printed by kind permission ofthe Trustees of the British Museum.

45 MJ, 6 Apr. 1846.46 Ibid. 17 Apr. 1846. This printed paper can be

found neither among the Reports of Officers inthe archives of the B.M., nor among Libri'spapers, now at the B.N., Paris.

47 MJ, 23 Apr. 1846.48 B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Committee,

vol. xxii, p. 6891.49 MJ, 25 Apr. 1846.50 Panizzi to Libri, London, 27 Apr. 1846 (Add.

MS. 36715, f 317) and Libri to Madden, Paris,2 May 1846 (Eg. MS. 2844, ff. 123-4). Cf alsoLibri to Panizzi, Paris, 30 Apr. 1846 (Add. MS.367151 ff- 320-1).

51 Panizzi to Libri, London, 4 May 1846 (B.N.,MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff. 29-31). Libri replied uponreceipt of the letter (Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 6May 1846 (Add. MS. 36715, ff. 322-3)).

52 Ibid., f. 3ir.53 Madden wrote in his Journal, 28 Apr. 1846;

'this is rather a strong measure, and I do notapprove of it, but M. Panizzi considers itnecessary to let M. Libri understand clearlywhat has been done respecting his Collection ofMSS.'

54 Madden, Journal, 24 May 1846, comments onthe Louvre: ' why should not England havesomething of this kind? It is disgraceful tothink how hundreds of thousands are lavishedaway, whilst to promote art and literature, thereis not a ministry which cares to give a hoot. Atthe old Queen Dowager's death, her pensionalone of 100,000 per annum, could amplysuffice to form a National Collection, but whowould have spirit to propose such a thing? Yetnobody feels the Queen Dowager's pension aburthen!!'

55 Ibid., II May 1846.56 Ibid., 12 May 1846.57 Ibid., 27 May 1846.58 Ibid., 14 May 1846.59 Ibid., 13 May 1846. Cf also Libri to Panizzi,

Paris, 21 May 1846, in which it is stated that 'Ihave worked for six or seven hours a day,almost always having to keep standing on theladder looking for the books they wished toexamine' (Add. MS. 36715, ff. 328-31, f.328V). One tends to believe that this was themain reason for Libri's taking his leave as soonas he had ascertained the two visitors were bonafide scholars.

60 MJ, 12 May 1846.61 Ibid.62 Ibid., 13 May 1846.63 Ibid., 16 May 1846.64 Ibid., 19 May 1846.65 Ibid., note added to 5 Mar. 1846.66 Ibid., 27 May 1846.67 Madden's numbers were left unchanged, and

appear in the catalogue published by theHistorical Manuscripts Commission.

68 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 21 May 1846 (Add. MS.36715, ff. 328-31, f 33or); in this same letterPanizzi's influence on the Trustees and theconsequent emphasis on printed books ismentioned twice.

69 B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Officers'Reports, vol. xxxvi; cf. also MJ, 20 May 1846.

70 B.M., Archives of the Trustees, GeneralMeeting, vol. vii, p. 1831.

71 MJ, 27 May 1846.72 Ibid.73 Ibid.74 Ibid.75 Libri, on the contrary, did not feel quite as

secure as Madden, and was not so sure he haddispelled all ideas of his being a mere dealer. Ina letter to Madden, Paris, 30 May 1846 (Eg.MS. 2844, ff. 130-1, f. i3ir), written just afterMadden's departure from Paris, he stated: 'jene suis pas un marchand et je desire. Monsieur,ne pas etre traite comme tel.' If he had talkedmoney, it was because Panizzi had asked him tostipulate a price for his collection; if Madden'svaluation concerning some manuscripts were tobe different, Libri would listen to his advice.

76 MJ, 3 June 1846.77 Ibid.78 Cf. B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Officers'

Reports, vol. xxxvi, report of Madden dated 5June 1846. The report repeated the one of 20May 1846, sent from Paris, the only additionbeing a caveat about the fact that, in thevaluation of so large a collection, one mustalways expect some latitude.

79 Madden to Libri, London, 6 June 1846 (B.N.,MS. n.a.f 3260, ff. 35-6, f 35r). The draft withcorrections, some of which may have beenprompted by his recently acquired knowledgeof Libri's character, survives as Eg. MS. 2844,ff- U5~7i f- ^35- Holmes, too, wrote a note ofthanks on the same day (B.N., MS. n.a.f 3260,

ff- 32-4)-80 B.M., Archives of the Trustees, General

Meeting, vol. vii, p. 1842. With this letterEorshall was to send copies of Madden's reportsof 20 May and 5 June 1846, and of the printedpaper.

81 MJ, II June 1846.82 Ibid., 10 June 1846.83 Ibid., 10 Oct. 1846. Madden did not like the

'servility' of the Trustees when, confrontedwith a dubious letter given by Prince Albert,they closed their eyes to his expert opinion thatit was, if not a forgery, a bad copy and certainlynot an original (cf. ibid., 27 June 1846).Madden's report to the Trustees of 18 Sept.1846 (B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Officers'

Reports, vol. xxxvii) states that: 'only oneCollection of MSS. has been purchased by theGovernment during the last twenty years,namely that of the late Bishop Butler, for whichthe low sum of 2200 £ was given, and whichwould certainly sell at present for double thatsum.' On the Trustees' attitude to purchases ofmanuscripts, cf. also A. Bell, 'Madden'sJournal', pp. 411-12.

84 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 9 June 1846 (Add. MS.36715, ff. 337-8).

85 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 24 Aug. 1846 (Add. MS.36715, ff. 340-1, f 34OV), in answer to a letterof Panizzi, London, 22 Aug. [1846] (B.N., MS.n.a.f 3260, f 38).

86 MJ, 17 June 1846.87 Ibid.88 Ibid., 23 June 1846. Further corroboration

concerning Libri's double-dealing in auto-graphs was to come the next year (cf ibid., 17Mar. 1847).

8g Ibid., 23 June 1846.90 Ibid. Madden was no longer surprised when, in

July, an Italian count offered some letterswhich came from Salvi, another Italian book-thief, who was known to have been dealing withLibri. The count gave Madden a (spurious)account of Libri's early life and of the deeds ofhis scoundrel father (cf. ibid., 9 July 1846).

91 Ibid., 25 June 1846.92 B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Committee,

vol. xxii, p. 6976, meeting of the Trustees of 5Sept. 1846.

93 MJ, 30 Aug. 1846.94 Panizzi to Libri, London, 29 Aug. [1846]

(B.N., MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff, 40-1).95 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 31 Aug. 1846 (Add. MS.

36715, ff. 342-3, f. 342r).96 However, at the same time Madden had to deal

with the accusation that in 1843 the Museumhad acquired books stolen by J. O. Halliwellfrom Trinity College, Cambridge, and refusedany arguments put forward on behalf ofTrinity, grumbling about juridical niceties.'And this is English lamV (MJ, 24 June 1846).

97 B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Officers'Reports, vol. xxxvi, 18 Sept. 1846.

98 Ibid.99 Ibid.

100 B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Committee,vol. xxii, pp. 6996-8.

101 MJ, 26 Sept. 1846.

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102 Ibid., 28 Sept. 1846. Panizzi, from his side,considered Madden suspicious of everybody,and accused him of having gossiped badlya[!;ainst Libri and himself, 'as if we were incollusion to deceive the British Museum'(Panizzi to Libri, London, 17 May [1847], inB.N., MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff 43-4, f. 43V).

103 Holmes to Libri, London, 24 Nov. 1846 (ibid.,ff. 45-6, f 46r).

104 Libri to Panizzi, Paris, 7 Dec. 1846 (Add. MS.^6715, ff. 359-60). Libri to Madden, Paris, 8D e c ' 1846 (Eg. MS. 2844, f 193). Libri toForshall, Paris, 8 Dec. 1846 (cf B.M., Archivesof the Trustees, Committee, vol. xxii, p. 7096).

105 MJ, 9 Oct. 1S46.106 Madden to Libri, London, 10 Dec. 1846 (B.N.,

MS. n.a.f 3260, f 47); cf. MJ, 11 Dec. 1846.Cf. also Holmes to Libri, London, 14 Dec.1846 (B.N., MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff. 67-8).

107 The transaction between Libri and LordAshburnham will be dealt with elsewhere.Ashburnham was to continue collecting manu-scripts, acquiring in 1849 the equally dubiouscollection of Joseph Barrois, and the Stowemanuscripts, bought from the Duke ofBuckingham's estate (cf L. Delisle/Les manu-scrits du comte d'Ashburnham. Rapport a M.le Ministre de l'lnstruction Publique et desBeaux-Arts', Joiinui! o_ff]ciel, 2 July 1883).Madden was financially outclassed by thisamateur rival, and resented this on manyoccasions (cf A. Bell, 'Journal of Madden', pp.410-11).

108 MJ, 21, Mar. 1847.109 Panizzi to Libri, London, [6 Mar. 1847] (B.N.,

MS. n.a.f. 3260, ff. 74-6).n o Panizzi to Libri, London, 17 May [1847] (ibid.,

ff- 43-4)-111 MJ, 25 June 1846.112 Cf. below, nn. 114, 121.113 MJ, 10 Mar. 1848 (cf. also 26 and 27 Feb.

1848).114 Ibid., 22 Mar. 1848.115 Ibid. Madden was about to make a concept

description of the 'Jerusalem Psalter' for theLisl of Addition!; for the year 1845 (cf MJ, 27Mar. 1848).

116 Ibid., 23 Mar. 1848. The Trustees decided notto mention the matter in their minutes, andeven returned Madden's report to him. Indeed,

in B.M., Archives of the Trustees, Committee,vol. xxiii, pp. 7489-94, not a drop of ink waswasted on the matter.

117 Cf. The Times, 24 and 27 Mar. 1848, and TheSt James Chronicle of 24 Mar. 1848.

118 H. C. Robinson to Madden, London, 24 Mar.1848 (Eg. MS. 2488, ff 347-8).

iig Ibid.120 Cf, e.g., Sumner to Panizzi, Paris, 25 Mar.

1848 (Add. MS. 36715, ff. 444-5), CharlesLenormant to Panizzi, Paris, i Apr. 1848 (ibid.,ff. 446-7) and Barthes to Panizzi, Paris, 12 Apr.1848 (ibid., f. 450).

121 MJ, 27 May 1848.122 Rodd to Madden, 14 Aug. 1848 (Eg. MS. 2488,

ff. 369-70). Libri also acted as agent on behalfof Guizot for the English translations of hisworks. Cf 'Memoranda of agreements' be-tween Bentley and Libri in Add. MSS. 46616,46617.

123 Guizot to Panizzi, i Dec. 1849 (L. Fagan, TheLife of Sir Anthony Panizzi, vol. i, p. 196). Cf,on the correspondence between Panizzi andMerimee, A. C. Brodhurst, 'A Side-Light onPanizzi in the Letters of Prosper Merimee',British Library Journal, v (i979)i PP- 57-75-

124 MJ, 19 Aug. 1850. Madden remained assteadfast as ever after reading Libri's answer tothe ' Acte d'accusation' (cf ibid., 8 Sept. 1850).

125 There seems to be no word of it in his Journal,whereas under 19 Aug. 1850 he accuses Libri ofdishonesty in having stated that he hadpossessed only one copy, for if that copy wasnow in the hands of Ashburnham, it wasunclear where the copy used by the Frenchauthorities had come from: 'of course Lord A.would retain the Catalogue sent to him and theone referred to by the Experts at Paris musthave been found with Libri's papers in hisapartments.' A. N. L. Munby, 'The Earl andthe Thief: Lord Ashburnham and CountLibri', Harvard Library Bulletin, xvii (1969), p.17, apparently forgot to investigate the gra-tuitous allegations of Lord Ashburnham, thesole source for this unjust imputation.

126 I would like to thank C. Bristow of ChurchillCollege, Cambridge, for his invaluable care incorrecting and ameliorating the author'sEnglish.

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