The Excavations at Wijnaldum Reports on Frisia in Roman and Medieval Times, Volume 1J.C. Besteman, J.M. Bos, D.A. Gerrets, H.A. Heidinga & J. de Koning.A.A. Balkema, Rotterdam/ Brookfield. 1999

Conclusions

D.A. Gerrets

In his introductory outline of the Wijnaldum-Tjitsma excavation within the widerperspective of current research taking place on political centralization in early medievalFrisia, Heidinga refers to the Helgö excavations in central Sweden and the differentopinions among archaeologists about the economic basis, the socio-political andideological context and on the place of the site on the evolutionary ladder (proto-urban ornot).1 Reviewing these opinions Kristina Lamm stated: 'So I am convinced that we shallnever reach a definite conclusion on the question what Helgö really was and we mustsimply accept, that however rich the material, archaeological evidence cannot give a truepicture of life at that time.2

The excavations at Wijnaldum-Tjitsma also gave rise to different opinions amongarchaeologists about the significance of the site and they will probably do so in the future.But what picture do we get when we fit all the jigsaw pieces together? First we have toconclude that the outer pieces of the puzzle are missing as we have only excavatedslightly more than seven percent of the whole terp. Furthermore, many pieces are missingdue to site formation processes and erosion, while also part of the material is still understudy.3 But as we will see much can already be said about the life of the inhabitants ofWijnaldum-Tjitsma. And certainly, the Wijnaldum-Tjitsma excavations have contributedto a better understanding among the archaeologists involved in the project, of the societyof which it formed part. The excavations started as an independent project, but finallyappeared to be a starting point for new archaeological research into the Dark Ages ofFrisia.

In these conclusions the present information provided by the contributors will be sum-marized and evaluated, after which an attempt will be made to draw some preliminaryconclusions on the nature of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma. What do the facts tell us compared withthe expectations we had of the site as expressed in Heidinga's contribution?

1. The landscape

In the beginning was the landscape, in this particular case a relatively recent and verydynamic one. The history of the settlement and the possibilities of its habitants were verymuch connected with the landscape, so knowledge of its development, which is providedby Peter Vos in his contribution, is indispensable for understanding Wijnaldum.

Vos points out that the salt marshes in Westergo started to expand over the sandy tidal flatdeposits from ca 1000 BC onwards. The first colonists moved into the salt marsh about700 BC in the southernmost part of Westergo where no salt-marsh ridges occur and where

1. Heidinga (this volume)2. Lamm (1988, p. 98).3. Especially the large amount of animal bones is now being studied by Kristin Bosma (Groningen Institute of

Archaeology), which will probably reveal more about the character of the site. The final analysis of the me-dieval pottery can still slightly alter the chronological framework.

a settlement pattern of scattered terps came into being. At this time small local riversbelonging to the Boorne system and draining the hinterland of southern Friesland dis-charged into a funnel-shaped estuarine-like, tidal basin in the centre of present-dayWestergo. Gradually this remnant of the former mouth of the Boorne river silted up, dueto high energetic circumstances in the North Sea. During storms sandy material waseroded from channels and tidal flat areas further to the north and transported to the salt-marsh hinterland. Because the environment of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma was protected by theformer Grienderwaard, this western part of Westergo silted up to a lesser extent and to alower level than the eastern part. The hinterland will have drained mainly via this westerndepression.

After 600 BC the first salt-marsh ridges were formed, because sand was deposited alongthe margins of the salt-marsh and along creeks. These rather small and low salt-marshridges are one of the most characteristic morphological features in Westergo. The terpsare located on these natural elevations. Each time a new salt-marsh ridge developed, newterp settlements were founded on this ridge. About 300 BC the former Boorne estuary hadsilted up to such an extent that the first terp settlements were founded in the former mouthof the estuary and during the following centuries a linear settlement pattern developed.

During the 1st century AD the erosion of the Grienderwaard caused increasedsedimentation during storms in the western tidal basin and the formation of a sandy capridge started along the whole western part of Westergo. At this time a lower marsh haddeveloped in the environment of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma, which was suitable for grazingcattle, but not yet for founding permanent settlements. In the next century, when the capridge in the north gradually closed and the salt-marsh had developed into a middle marsh,the ridge of Wijnaldum-Voorrijp and further to the east the ridge of Dongjum-Ried-Berlikum were occupied.

Of particular interest is the changing system of gullies and streams, not only because ofthe drainage of the region but also because they largely determined communication. Dueto filling up of the channels in Westergo after the late-Roman Period, the hinterland southof Westergo started to drain via the Middelzee and Marne systems. With the continuousrise in sea-level rise, tidal action penetrated these systems, possibly enhanced by artificialdrainage. At the end of the 9th century the Middelzee system rapidly expanded and in the10th century reached as far inland as Sneek where it made contact with the Marne system.

The Ried must have been one of the main tidal channels of the western depression innorthern Westergo in the early Roman Period. According to Vos the ridge on which thecluster of terps at Wijnaldum is situated should be considered as a levee of this Ried tidalchannel and not as a levee along the seaward margin of the salt-marsh. At the time thatthe terp settlement was founded, Wijnaldum-Tjitsma could probably still be reached byboat. It is not clear whether the Ried was still navigable after AD 250, when a large capridge completely blocked off the western depression. Vos does not want to exclude thepossibility that the Ried was kept navigable artificially. The main part of Westergo,however, then drained via the Middelzee and the Marne tidal systems.

Let us now turn to the landscape where Wijnaldum was to be founded. It is generallyassumed that middle marshes could be exploited as such when people thought the timewas right, but this was not the case here. The first human activity at the site starts with theconstruction of a dike-like structure. The structure cannot be dated precisely because nodatable finds were discovered, but it must have been constructed shortly before the oldestoccupation phase which started about AD 175. Recent excavations at Dongjum-Heringarevealed a similar dike-like structure protecting small agricultural fields against the sea.4

4. Bazelmans et al. (1998).

Closer inspection of the documented sections at Wijnaldum-Tjitsma showed that the dike-like structure here also served to protect an agricultural field. Contrary to Dongjum, atWijnaldum several storm layers covering the partly eroded construction phases of thestructure show that it was sufficient protection against normal high waters, but that it wasnot high enough to protect against the few extreme storm surges.

It has often been assumed that the North Sea littoral of the northern Netherlands wasabandoned in the Late Roman Period because of the Dunkirk II transgression phase.5 Noevidence could be found, however, for the supposed cyclicity of the Dunkirktransgression phases in the research area. The saltmarshes in Westergo show a continuousexpansion (regressive trend), whereas other areas show contemporaneous marineinundations (transgressive trend). According to Vos the coastal evolution in the northernNetherlands has to be considered a long-term marine infilling process of the Pleistocenevalley systems which was a consequence of the Holocene rise in sea-level.

What did the landscape actually look like, which plants were growing in it and howusable was it for man, in view of the impact of occasional floods? Questions which areanswered in contributions of Groenman-van Waateringe and Pals.After the arrival of the first inhabitants, the site was situated in a brackish marshyenvironment which was, as shown by diatom research, not flooded frequently any more.The surrounding salt-marsh was well drained by tidal creeks. The high salinity of the soil,however, made it impossible for trees to grow. As Pals has indicated, the natural grasslandof the middle marsh was pre-eminently suited for grazing. The presence of plant remainswhich are characteristic of gradients ranging from high salt-marsh to low salt-marsh andfor a brackish and even fresh-water environment show the differentiation of this in manyother respects very homogeneous landscape.

2. Settlement development

The biography of the main subject of this book, the settlement (in fact, initially we areprobably dealing with two settlements which grew together), as described in thecontribution of Gerrets and De Koning, is especially focused on terp building phases,changing settlement patterns and on building traditions. It is, so to speak, the scene ofhuman activities which will be dealt with later on.

In the second half of the 2nd century the settlement started with the construction of oneand perhaps two house-terps on the site. Pottery suggests that the founders of thesettlement came from within the region, probably from the more southern terp rowbetween Midlum and Herbayum. Surveying on the neighbouring fields suggest that morecontemporaneous house-terps were situated at short distance from each other in theunexcavated part of the terp. Apparently, there was still a threat from the sea at this stageof the occupation, as a building was constructed on a 1.25-m-high platform, while asecond lower extension of this platform served as an activity area for e.g. copper working.The erection of buildings with a wooden, roof-supporting construction on an elevatedplatform is characteristic of settlements of the Roman Period in the terp-region. 6

After a demographic peak in the 2nd/3rd centuries, most terps in the Westergo regionwere abandoned during the 2nd half of the 3rd century. According to Taayke, the smallnumber of terps with Eddelak pottery, which is characteristic of the latter part of the 3rdcentury, are an indication for the demographic decline in the region.7 Wijnaldum-Tjitsma

5. E.g. Boersma (1988, p. 77) and Waterbolk (1979, p.17).6. Van Es (1968, p. 57).7. Taayke (pers. comm.).

belongs to the few settlements where habitation continued until the end of the 3rd or thebeginning of the 4th century.8 At the same time the number of inhabitants in the regiondecreased to a level where they become almost invisible archaeologically. Only few findssuggest that Westergo was not completely abandoned.9

The abandonment of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma for some generations can be derived from theradiocarbon datings, the almost complete absence of finds from the 4th/early 5th century,the discontinuity in the development of indigenous handmade pottery and other categoriesof material culture, the change in settlement lay-out, the change in house buildingtradition and the introduction of sunken huts at the site.

Immediately after the site was re-occupied habitation expanded and the different house-terps grew together quickly to form one big terp. House plans from this period are bestpreserved compared with house remains from later occupation phases. The mainbuildings lack any visible remains of a wooden roof-supporting construction. The roofwas probably supported by the massive sod walls. Besides the relatively small N-Sorientated main buildings were some E-W orientated sunken huts. Due to erosion it ishard to say how many main buildings were standing contemporaneously on the excavatedsite but it will probably have been a maximum of five.

At the later post-Roman stages of the settlement the threat from the sea became less as nointentional heightening of any significance of the terp occurred any more and activityareas regularly extended across the outer limits of the terp. The pollen evidence showsthat the environmental conditions towards the Carolingian Period definitely seem to havechanged towards a more fresh-water environment.10 Heightening occurred in the earlyMiddle Ages more as the result of occupation itself e.g. by garbage-dumping, levelling ofhouse remains etc.

The northern limit of the settlement remained at the same place rather constantly.Occupation gradually expanded in a southerly direction (away from the sea). About 500the occupation will have moved temporarily to an adjacent part of the terp, when most ofthe excavated area was in use as an agricultural field. The first indications for the re-introduction of three-aisled buildings with roof supporting poles date about 700. With theintroduction of wooden poles, the thickness of the sod walls decreased, while constructiveelements dating in the 8th century suggest that the roof-supporting function of the wallswas gradually taken over by these poles. Regarding the number of wells dating to theCarolingian Period the number of buildings must have increased considerably, but due toerosion only small parts have been preserved.

3. The significance of agrarian production

In a society with a low degree of specialization it may be expected that each settlement,whatever its status, was involved somehow in agriculture. However, this does not meanthat every household was. As we will see, the small part of Wijnaldum that was excavatedmay provide a deviant picture. As the animal bones of Wijnaldum are still under study, itis hard to say whether animal husbandry, which is generally so important in the salt-marsh area, played an important role within the Tjitsma settlement. This means that wehave to rely on indirect evidence here.

8. See also Erdrich & Sablerolles (this volume).9. e.g. Van Es (1968, p. 89), Taayke (1988, p. 59; 1992, pp 191-192) and Knol (1993, p. 110).10. Groenman-van Waateringe (this volume).

The number of buildings that can be reconstructed is very small, considering the totalnumber of buildings that must have stood on the terp. But all the remarkable features ofthe three-aisled longhouses which are so characteristic of the coastal plain of the northernNetherlands and North Germany, such as cattle boxes in the byre and the pavement in thecentral aisle of the byre with ditches on either side for the dung were completely absent atTjitsma. Dung was found only in a very small number of features. The clearest indicationfor animal husbandry is the possible drinking place, found at the outer limits of the terp,dating in Period IV (550-650), which was filled up with dung at a later stage. Very smallnumbers of imprints of cows were observed but certainly not as many as at e.g. Elisenhof,where large numbers of imprints of cows showed that cows followed fixed routes to andfrom the stable. 11

According to Groenman-van Waateringe, the low percentage of Plantago lanceolata(ribwort plantain) in the pollen diagrams cannot be regarded as an indication that animalhusbandry was of no importance because this species germinates poorly and withdifficulty in compacted soils. Perhaps the analysis of the animal bone can show whetherwe are dealing with a consumer or producer site at Tjitsma..12

More can be said about tillage. As the recent excavation at the terp settlement ofDongjum has shown the agricultural fields in the Middle Roman Period (ca AD 175-300)located on the salt-marsh were surrounded by small dikes and this also seemed to be thecase at Wijnaldum-Tjitsma although not recognized as such in the field. At Wijnaldum-Tjitsma these agricultural fields were threatened by extreme high water during stormsurges. This perhaps explains the complete dominance of barley (Hordeum vulgare),which is more salt resistant. The presence of a second dike, contemporaneous with theRoman settlement, suggests that agricultural fields were still located on the natural salt-marsh, surrounded by small dikes. The small platforms on which the main buildingstogether with wells and metal working activities were located probably did not offerenough space for agricultural activities on a substantial scale.

As Pals shows, macroscopic remains of plants of economic importance show morevariation during the Migration Period (Period III A/B, ca 425-550) compared with thepreceding Middle Roman Period. Agricultural fields are now located on the terp itself.About 500 a large surface of the excavated part of the terp was in use for agriculturalproduction. Also in later periods smaller plots on the terp were in use as agriculturalfields. There were no indications that in the early Middle Ages agriculture extendedbeyond the borders of the terp. The presence of a few small granaries indicates thepresence of storage facilities, but does not necessarily say anything about agriculturalproduction on the site. As Groenman-van Waateringe points out in her contribution, wehave to be careful with the interpretation of the analysis of pollen due to preservationcircumstances. The pollen analysis, however, shows that cultural indicators are low,suggesting that no important agricultural production took place on or in the immediateenvironment of the terp. It is not until the last stage of the occupation during Period VIIIthat a considerable increase of cultural indicators seems to occur. At least it is clear thatrye (Secale cereale) was never cultivated at Tjitsma. The small number of pollen from ryefound at Tjitsma can be regarded as an indication for the import of rye from elsewhere.

Although the pollen analysis seems to suggest that no agriculture of any importance tookplace, the number of chaff remains of barley like rachis internodes, culm nodes andoccasional awn fragments can be regarded as an indication for local cultivation andprocessing of this crop, which would have been sown in spring. Perhaps the fact that the

11. Bantelmann (1975, p. 55 and figs 38,1; 38,2 and 38,3).12. Carver has suggested that differences between producer and consumer sites and sites with a subsistence

economy can be observed in the spectra of animal bones (Carver 1994, pp 3-5). See also note 3.

agricultural fields were located on the terp also explains the presence of spike let forks ofemmer wheat (Triticum dicoccum), as this cereal is not especially suited for cultivation inthe salt-marsh. Besides barley and perhaps emmer wheat also celtic beans (Vicia faba var.minor), field peas (Pisum Sativum) and flax (Linum usitatissimum) will have beencultivated.

4. Craft production

A supposed central place should produce ample evidence of craft production andWijnaldum-Tjitsma indeed did so. The presence of small-scale craft production andespecially metal-working from the beginning of the settlement is remarkable.13 In theRoman Period both iron and copper are worked, but the importance of copper workingseems to decrease in favour of iron working during the Early Middle Ages. Copper alloysare transported in the shape of ingots to the site, but scrap was also gathered especially inthe Roman Period. We have the impression that copper working is a much more commonfeature in the region than we thought. According to amateurs looking for metal objectswith a metal-detector, melted pieces of lead, melted pieces of copper and other remains ofsmelting are regularly found. However, their value is not always estimated correctly andthey are often kept with other scrap-finds. When we asked for them, they say that thesekind of finds can be found almost everywhere in the region. It is remarkable that pieces ofmoulds, which are so characteristic of large production sites like Ribe and Birka arenearly absent, compared with the number of other remains related to copper working.

From the Migration Period onwards, remains of small-scale craft production likespinning, weaving, bone- and antler-working, gold- and silver-working and glass- andpossibly amber bead-production are represented, but at a much smaller scale than at thelarge production sites mentioned earlier.14 As Henderson points out in his contribution,working of opaque yellow glass could be confirmed by chemical analysis, addingWijnaldum-Tjitsma to the few sites in Northwest Europe with primary evidence for glassworking. This probably does not mean that it did not occur at other sites, but this categoryof finds was probably not discovered before, because of the excavation methods used.This underlines the importance, for reasons of comparability, of excavation methods justas water screen sieving and systematic metal detection, together with the need for agrowing awareness among archaeologists, for this category of finds.

The sod buildings as excavated at Tjitsma are often associated with crafts and craftproduction.15 The importance of craft production decreases after 650. Only iron is stillworked on a small scale.

5. Careful use of resources

It was also observed at Tjitsma that especially during the Roman Period and theMigration Period scrap metal was collected to be re-used for the production of new metalobjects. The reuse of older material was a widespread phenomenon as has been generallyrecognized. Its implication for the archaeological interpretation of artefact distributionpatterns and chronology, however, are not yet fully understood. The stratigraphicallycollected data from Tjitsma clearly show the traps into which we can fall without suchcontextual information of high quality.

13. Tulp (1996) and next volume.14. Hal1ici (1997, and next volume), Tulp (next volume) and Sablerolles (this volume).15. Bantelmann (1975, 139ft) Van Heeringen et al. (1995, p. 133) and Schmid (1994, 246ft)

Secondary reuse especially of Roman artefacts such as copper money, Roman militaria,terra siglllata sherds, glass vessel fragments and fragments of tiles, is a striking featurewithin the settlement.16 Careful stratigraphical analysis made it clear that many Romanobjects (not all of them) were not dug up by later human activities on the site, but musthave been brought to the settlement at a (sometimes much) later stage. This conclusion isunderlined by several glass and copper finds from the 1st and first half of the 2nd century,when the site was not yet inhabited.The finds from Wijnaldum also show what at least some of the material was used for.Terra sigillata was transformed into a pendant and playing discs, one fragment wasprobably used for needlework, while two other fragments had rounded off edges.17 Twolate-Merovingian spindle whorls were made of Roman tiles.18 Henderson also indicates inhis contribution that there is increasing evi-dence from chemical analysis for the recy-cling of Roman glass in the production of early-medieval glass beads.

Although there is some indication for the use of Roman copper money for remelting,most other Roman coins from an early medieval context are not found in relation withmetal working activities. Van der Vin justly stresses in his contribution, that the Romancoins must have had a special meaning within Germanic society because they were pre-served for decades and sometimes even for centuries without disappearing into themelting pot. This was not only the case with silver coins but also with copper money. It ispossible that they were still in use as coins.19 The need for smaller denominations isreflected in the presence of halved and quartered coins.

It is interesting to see that not all objects from the Roman Period were collected at a post-Roman date. In his contribution Erdrich shows that a distinction must be made betweenfinds of Germanic origin and finds of Roman origin.20 Many of the Roman finds werebadly damaged by cutting or hacking. This is in contrast with the Germanic finds, whichshowed only traces of normal wear. A similar observation is made by Galestin, whoshows how Roman tiles and part of the Roman imported pottery were brought to the sitein the early Middle Ages, while many sherds of the terra nigra-like pottery were found ina Roman context. She assumes that this latter category of wheel thrown pottery has anorigin outside the limes in Germania Magna.

The analysis of charcoal shows that much construction wood was re-used as firewood.21

The great number of rivets from the Migration Period and the early Middle Ages found atTjitsma shows that this will at least partly have been wreckage.22 Dung will probably alsohave been used for heating. This can very well be explained by the almost completeabsence of trees in this salt-marsh landscape. Altogether we get the impression that the in-habitants were very economical in the use of the available resources.

6. Wijnaldum-Tjitsma and its contacts with the outside world

It was suggested in Heidinga's contribution that the people of Wijnaldum belonged to amaritime society, not only having contacts by ship with neighbouring 'nuclear regions',but also with peoples living beyond more remote horizons. What is the evidence? Thoughno ships or harbour installations were found, dozens of clench nails were discovered,which shows that there was a close relation with the sea. The amount of imported

16. See the contributions of Van der Vin, Erdrich, V olkers & Sablerolles (this volume).17. Volkers (this volume).18. See the contributions of Volkers & Galestin (this volume).19. See also Van der Vin (this volume).20. Erdrich (this volume).21. See Stuijts (next volume).22. Reinders & Neef (next volume).

wheelthrown pottery and the number of glass vessel fragments does not say much aboutthe social status of the terp inhabitants at Wijnaldum, but it does tell us something aboutits participation in international networks of communication. During the 6th/7th centurywheelthrown pottery forms about 70% of the total amount of pottery. For the southernpart of the Netherlands these numbers are not unusual, but for the northern part of theNetherlands these numbers are very high. Wheelthrown pottery in the province ofDrenthe is almost completely absent during the same period. Also many other finds showthat intensive contacts were maintained with the Anglo-Scandinavian world, especiallyEngland, and with the Middle Rhine area.

Apart from pottery other finds also show that Wijnaldum-Tjitsma formed part of aninternational network of long-distance trade. Chemical analysis has shown that at leastone, but probably two Carolingian beads found at Tjitsma must have been produced inIslamic workshops. Also an Arab dirhem of Harun al Rashid transformed into a ornamentis evidence for indirect contacts with the Arabian world. These finds probably reachedFrisia via Russia and Scandinavia as was recently shown by the find of the Westerkliefhoard.23

The amount of imported pottery had already decreased in the second half of the 7thcentury and began to increase again in the second half of the 8th century, but it neverreached the same numbers as in the 6th/7th century, although the latter development canalso be explained by the success of the Kugeltopf. It is interesting to note that vesselglass, which originated almost exclusively from the Rhineland, decreases in numberduring the (second half of the) 6th century to reach a low during the 7th century afterwhich it increases again during the 8th century, reaching a 'peak' during the (first half ofthe) 9th century.24

Apart from pottery, the raw materials for the production of red garnet and other preciousjewellery, copper alloys, iron, tin and lead used for the production of clothing accessories,tools, weapons, utensils for personal body care, glass in the form of a tessera and glassrod fragments for the production of beads, etc. also refer to intensive exchange of goodsand perhaps even trading contacts.Groenman-van Waateringe suggests that the somewhat higher proportion of rye pollen(secale) in the Carolingian samples may point to the import of rye in the form of grains.25

7 Burial and other ritual practices

The part of the Wijnaldum community beyond the boundary of the final rite de passage isless famillar to us than the world of the living. Information on funeral or other practices iseven more scarce. No burials of adults from the Roman Period are found at Wijnaldum-Tjitsma.26 This is a characteristic phenomenon for the terp region and Knol has posed thehypothesis that cremation without an archaeologically visible context was the rule at thattime.27 He assumed that in the beginning of the 5th century a dramatic change in burialcustoms took place when a mixed burial practice with cremations and inhumations informal cemeteries is introduced. At Wijnaldum-Tjitsma only one cremation burialcontaining two persons, namely a child and an adult, dating in the early 5th century wasexcavated. Both individuals were probably wrapped in skins when they were cremated.An inhumation of a 18/19-year-old woman was initially dated in the second half of the6th century, but in her contribution Sablerolles proposes a somewhat earlier date in the

23. Besteman (1997).24. Sablerolles (this volume).25. Groenman-Van Waateringe (this volume).26. All human remains and their context are discussed by Cuijpers et al. (this volume).27. Knol (1993, pp 155/156) and Cuijpers et al. (this volume).

second half of the 5th century.That both burials were excavated at a considerable distance from each other seems tocontradict the earlier mentioned formal cemetery, which is characteristic of the. terp regi-on in the early Middle Ages. This can be explained, however, by the location of theexcavated trenches. Both burials were excavated near the limits of the excavation innatural saltmarsh deposits, south of the contemporary settlement. It is very well possiblethat other burials can be excavated in this part of the terp, but since the settlementexpanded over this part of the salt-marsh during the later habitation phases, many cubicmetres of soil will have to be excavated first.All together five newborn infants were excavated, one of which was a building sacrifice.All these infant burials come from a settlement context. It is still difficult to distinguishmale from female neonates or infants on morphological characteristics. The sex of theWijnaldum infants, however, could be determined by DNA-analysis showing that two in-fants were female and three were male.28 It is hard to establish whether the children diednaturally or were killed instantly. As Cuijpers et al. describe in their contribution, infan-ticide was widespread among human populations. These infants were mostly buriedbetween the houses. Killing of an unwanted child took place before the child wasconsidered to be fully 'human'. From the Lex Frisionum, we learn that the Frisians did notconsider an infant a human being until it had been nursed.

One of the infant burials must be mentioned separately. It was excavated immediatelybeneath the ploughing zone where features are hardly readable, which makes the contextsomewhat uncertain. In the immediate environment two horse foetuses were excavatedtogether with 17 rim fragments of completely 'new' pots (almost exclusively pots of theAlzey 32/33 type). All rim sherds belonging to different pots, were lying together in asmall pit and were never used as cooking pots, which is generally the case with thesekinds of pots. It seems that these pots were ritually destroyed. All finds can be dated inthe 5th century.

8. The major issues

Two major issues are to be discussed: the discontinuity of habitation at Tjitsma, whichalso raises the question of the origin of the inhabitants of the second occupation, and thesocio-political importance of the site, especially in the early Middle Ages. It is obviousthat these issues can only be dealt with in a wider regional and supra-regional perspective.As we will see, the recolonization in the 5th century heralded Wijnaldum's heyday, inwhich also traffic overseas and international exchange (of which the evidence isdescribed above) was intensified.

9. Continuity or discontinuity in the occupation of the terp region: a hot debate in Dutch archaeology

As we have seen, Wijnaldum was abandoned for some generations during the 4th-early5th century and the situation on the terp changed with the arrival of new inhabitants.Wijnaldum was not an exception in the terp region. The question of what happened inFrisia during the Migration Period belongs to the most hotly debated issues in thearchaeological research of the terp-region.29 The then curator of the Frisian Museum,Boeles, already supposed in 1906 that an invasion of Angles and Saxons had taken place

28. Colson et al. (this volume).29. e.g. Boeles (1951) and Sipma (1953). Bazelmans (in press a) recently made a study of the debate

regarding continuity or discontinuity in the occupation of the terp region.

in the coastal region of the Northern Netherlands on their way to England.30 He came tohis conclusion because of the sudden appearance of cruciform brooches and Anglo-Saxonpottery in certain terp layers. The close philological relationship between Old English andOld Frisian was seen by him as a confirmation that Frisia was involved in the Anglo-Saxon expansion to the West. 31

The first person to criticize the idea of an extensive Anglo-Saxon migration was thehistorian Gosses who argued in 1929 that the dispersal of a material culture with Anglo-Saxon characteristics could very well be explained by acculturation.32 Gosses wasremarkably modem in his criticism of the way archaeologists explained changes in mate-rial culture by the migration of whole populations. The debate culminated in 1953 afterthe publication of the second edition of Boeles' Fries/and tot de 11e eeuw in 1951 wherehe reconfirmed his hypothesis of an Anglo-Saxon invasion.33 Acculturation of Anglo-Saxon material culture together with the continuity of the Frisian tribal name from theRoman Period into the early Middle Ages were the most important arguments of Boeles'opponents to refute his migration hypothesis.

In the 1960s and 1970s migrationist models were generally criticized and most Dutcharchaeologists became convinced of long-term continuity. The demographic decline ofthe late 3rd and 4th century was now generally explained by the Late Roman Dunkirk II-transgression, when a rise in sea level made the possibilities for habitation in the terp re-gion less favourable.34

Critical analysis of the archaeological data, however, made it clear that Wijnaldum-Tjitsma was abandoned at least for some generations, but there was no single piece ofevidence that environmental deterioration was the reason for abandonment. The exca-vation showed no indication whatsoever for extraordinary sedimentation. The sur-rounding saltmarsh at Wijnaldum was already too high to be seriously threatened by thesea or by a rising groundwater table, while the sea shore was protected by the newlydeveloping cap ridge.

We do not know where the people living on the site went to nor why they left. So far notraces have been found for Frisians elsewhere in Northwest Europe during the mid-/late-Roman Period, except for the Housestead Ware found near Hadrian's Wall in England, butthis 'Frisian' pottery must probably be explained by the presence of Frisian auxiliaryforces in the Roman army. Some historians assumed that (some of) the Frisians migratedsouth and integrated in Frankish society, because Constantius Chlorus meets Frisii andChamavii in the central river area or at the mouth of the river Scheldt.35

We have pointed out before that the lay-out of the settlement changed together with thetradition in house construction and the appearance of sunken huts. We know from else-where in the coastal region of the northern Netherlands that burial customs changed alsofrom Brandgruben to a mixed burial custom of inhumation and cremation after which theburnt bones were buried with the additional gifts in jars. From then on cremations and in-humations are buried in formal cemeteries.36 Recently Blok pointed out that also from theangle of place-names discontinuity is most likely for the Frisian coastal region.37

30. Boeles (1906), Boeles has repeated his opinion several times: e.g. 1927 and 1951.31. Boeles followed Siebs (1889).32. Gosses (1929, 1936), see also Bazclmans (in press a).33. Boeles (1951, 207 ft)34. See also note 5 and the contribution of Peter Vos (this volume).35. See e.g. De Boone (1954, p. 17).36. Knol (1993, p. 156).37. Blok (1996, 25ft).

10. The origin of the new inhabitants

It is still difficult to say where the new inhabitants of Wijnaldum- Tjitsma came from. Thenew material culture they brought with them, shows an origin in the eastern North Searegion. Decorated pottery shows many similarities with pottery from the Elbe- WeserDreieck, but there are metal finds showing that there are influences from southernScandinavia.38

During the excavation we still believed that the analysis of mtDNA could help to answerthe question whether migration or acculturation had taken place at Wijnaldum, and ifmigration occurred, where the immigrants came from. Recent developments is this branchof science, however, made it clear that the differences in mtDNA between populations inNorthwest Europe are not as great as expected at the time, making this kind. of high reso-lution migration studies much more difficult to envisage.39

The origin of the new inhabitants of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma and the Westergo region is thesubject of further study at the moment.40

11. Socio-political importance of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma and its inhabitants

The main research problem to be answered with the excavation of Wijnaldum-Tjitsmawas the meaning of the settlement within the historical perspective of the socio-politica1and economic growth of early medieval Frisia.41 It will be clear that this question is noteasily answered. As already stated, we have excavated slightly more than 7 percent of thepresent terp. Furthermore, the site is very much affected by erosion and site formationprocesses.

We are also dealing with a research bias. Crafts like metal-working have only receivedthe attention they deserve during the last decade. Previously, we sometimes have seenmentioned in excavation reports that crucibles are found, but the other remains of theproduction process have generally been neglected. Now that archaeologists are becomingmore aware of the importance of the traces of crafts-production, traces of e.g. copperworking are showing up at many sites in the Netherlands and abroad.

There is also a problem of comparability. At the Tjitsma excavation some new methodswere introduced in terp research, such as water-screen sieving and systematic metal-detection, producing large numbers of finds, which were previously almost unknown inthe region. And here we touch upon the more general problem that it is still hard to sayanything about the meaning of the settlement within its regional context, because moresystematic research in Westergo has only just started. Nevertheless, the excavations at theTjitsma terp have provided us with important new information about the settlement, itsinhabitants and their material culture.The indication that the main occupation of the inhabitants of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma wascraft production and the apparent secondary importance of agricultural production is inremarkable contrast with most excavated terp settlements.

38. Taayke (next volume) and Nicolay (1998, and in prep.).39. Richards (this volume) and note 1.40. Westergo is one of the regions of early medieval Frisia, which is being studied at the moment in the scope

of a project financed by the Dutch Foundation for Scientific Research (NWO) with the title 'The relationshipbetween landscape/land use and the process of sociopolitical centralization in Frisia (3rd-9th century AD).

41. See Heidinga (this volume).

Perhaps the presence of crafts as such and the scale of production at Tjitsma is not soextraordinary, but the variety of crafts represented is remarkable. Especially the indica-tions for the presence of a gold- and silversmith as evidenced by finds like gold and silverdrops, silver ingots, a fragment of a crucible with gold inclusions, touchstones with goldtraces, a small hammer, a punch, weights, fragments of balances, etc. show that Wijnal-dum-Tjitsma was not an ordinary rural settlement.42 That also the most precious redgarnet jewellery belonged to the products of this goldsmith is shown by the find of a die,meant for making the cross hatched gold foil under the garnets and the find of a smallfragment of unworked garnet.43 The circulation of gold in early medieval society was somuch interwoven with the foundation of political power of the ruling elite, that the gold-and silversmith must have worked under its direct patronage.

Schoneveld and Zijlstra have pointed out that the disc-on-bow brooch from Wijnaldummust be regarded as a symbol of power due to the materials which were used in its pro-duction and the symbolic content of its decoration, which is embedded in Germanic ritualcosmology. Because of the similarities between the Wijnaldum brooch and jewellery fromthe royal ship burial at Sutton Hoo and some other graves with a royal signature, they as-sume that the woman who owned this brooch belonged to the leading aristocracy withinFrisian society. The Wijnaldum brooch, like many other pieces of precious jewellery fromthe littoral of the northern Netherlands, reflects characteristics which are regarded astypically Frisian, suggesting that they were produced in workshops within the regionitself.44 This shows that Frisian jewellery was not produced for exchange in internationalnetworks but that it must probably be regarded as a category of goods which were inalie-nable.45 It was handed down from one generation to the next and the longer it remainedwithin the possessions of an aristocratic family, the more it's worth increased. As pointedout before, there are good reasons to believe that the disc-on-bow brooch from Wijnal-dum may have belonged to the regalia of a royal family and as such it will have belongedto the category of inalienable goods.

The date of production is still a matter of discussion. Schoneveld and Zijlstra propose forart-historical reasons a date at the end of the first half of the 7th century, while Nijboerand Van Reekum suggest a date at the beginning of the 7th century because of the highgold content.46 Recently, they received support from Nicolay, who pleaded on stylisticgrounds for a date at the end of the 6th or in the first two decades of the 7th century.47

The find of additional pieces of the large disc-on-bow brooch on the terp by amateurarchaeologists with a metal-detector and during the excavation confirm that the fibulaoriginates from Wijnaldum-Tjitsma. But what does this piece of jewellery, related withthe highest elite or even royalty in society, mean? All finds come from the ploughingzone, distributed over a large area of ca 600 m , and do not clarify its presence. No gravewas excavated indicating that somebody with a higher status was buried here, neither didwe excavate buildings indicating that the owner of the brooch lived here. Nijboer and VanReekum suggest that the brooch was found at Tjitsma because it was in possession of thelocal gold- and silver smith for reuse or repair.48 Regarding the die and the raw red garnetthis may have been the same goldsmith who had made this disc-on-bow brooch. Themissing central disc of the brooch may have been re-used for a new piece of jewellery ormay not yet have been excavated.

42. Caroline Tulp (next volume). A second small hammer from Tjitsma is in the private collection of J. Zijlstra,Leeuwarden

43. Kars & Kars (next volume).44. Mazzo Karras (1985, 170 ff.) and Nicolay (1998, and in prep.).45. Bazelmans (1996, and in press b).46. Schoneveld & Zijlstra (this volume) and Nijboer & Van Reekum (this volume).47. Nicolay (1998, p. 42).48. Nijboer & Van Reekum (this volume).

Considering the degree of re-use of raw materials at Tjitsma, the small number of goldfinds reflect only a small proportion of the amount of gold that will have circulated withinthe settlement. Thus it seems reasonable to assume that a small number of craftsmen wereliving within the excavated area who were affiliated with a high ranking elite. This closerelationship to the highest elite is perhaps also reflected by the find of a fragment of ashoe with a raised heel tongue. Unfortunately, the context of the find is uncertain as thecontents of the well, from which it originates, covers almost the complete early MiddleAges. According to Groenman-Van Waateringe, however, the origin of this shoe mustprobably be sought among the clerical elite from Ireland or more generally the BritishIsles.49 Therefore this shoe perhaps reflects a diplomatic gift from a British missionary toa member of the Frisian aristocracy. This would mean that the shoe, or what remained ofit, arrived about a century after the presumed heyday of the terp settlement.

Also other finds like brooches, fragments of glass vessels, horse-gear, weaponry,excavated burials of humans and animals etc. suggest that it was not the highestaristocracy itself who was living here, but people who belonged to their clientèle. We arereferring here to evidence from the excavated area, but we have to keep in mind that thesettlement as a whole was much larger. Probably not only the 11.2 ha of the Tjitsma terpbelonged to it, but also the other terps of the Wijnaldum cluster. Therefore, it is quite wellpossible that the residence of this aristocracy must be sought on the unexcavated part ofthe Tjitsma terp or on one of the other terps. In his contribution Pol underlines the specialimportance of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma and its immediate environment when he discusses therelatively large number of golden tremisses from Wijnaldum, compared with other sites inFriesland. Regarding the number of sceattas and silver denarii from the late 7th and firsthalf of the 8th century found at Wijnaldum this special position of Wijnaldum appeared tobe maintained well into the 8th century.

Prosperity in the 6th/7th century is not confined to the Wijnaldum cluster of terps. EggeKnol has shown that, regarding the number of gold- and silver finds, Westergo was therichest region in the North Sea littoral of the northern Netherlands during this period.Dorestad and Utrecht are generally regarded by archaeologists and historians as thepolitical centres of early medieval Frisia. We should not forget, however, that at themoment that the first Frankish written sources shed some light on Dark Age Frisia,competition of Frisians and Franks is focusing on the control over the central river area.The excavation at Wijnaldum- Tjitsma, together with Egge Knol's study, suggest thatprocesses of political centralization were already going on further to the north in a periodwhen the Frankish authors paid no attention to the northern Netherlands.50

It seems likely that the significance of Wijnaldum decreased with the Frankish conquestof this part of Frisia after the battle at the Boorne river in 734, when Charles the Hammerdefeated the Frisian duke Bubo and his army. Exactly when the number of people livingat Wijnaldum-Tjitsma reached its maximum in the second half of the 8th and 9th century,the general impoverishment of Central Frisia as reflected by the rapid decrease of thenumber of coins in circulation also seemed to have affected the former prosperity ofTjitsma's inhabitants. According to Knol, precious metal finds and imported pottery aremore evenly distributed over the whole coastal area of the northern Netherlands in theCarolingian Period.51 This development seems to be reflected in changes taking place atWijnaldum-Tjitsma. The possible return of the three-aisled long-house could be anindication for the increasing importance of cattle breeding. Metal working which was soobviously present during the preceding centuries becomes less important. AlsoSablerolles states that in contrast with the preceding periods no luxury glasses arerepresented among the Carolingian glass finds from Wijnaldum-Tjitsma. She suggests

49. Groenman-van Waateringe (this volume).50. Knol (1993, pp 218-243).51. Knol (1993, pp 238 and 243).

that during the late Merovingian/Carolingian Period a change in Germanic drinkingceremonies takes place when beer is replaced by wine which also becomes available for'commoners' in society.52 This appears to be underlined by the find of two wooden barrels,generally used for the transportation of wine, in wells on the Wijnaldum-Tjitsma terp.

Summarizing it can be said that the excavated settlement area at Wijnaldum-Tjitsmaprobably did not distinguish itself from other terp settlements in the North Sea littoral ofthe Netherlands in the mid-Roman Period. It developed into a more specialized settlementafter the arrival of new immigrants in the 5th century. Craft production and especiallymetal working were the most important activities of the inhabitants of the excavated partof the settlement until the middle of the 8th century. As many of the objects related withthe production of precious jewellery are coming from undefinable, sometimes evensecondary contexts it is hard to say exactly when goldsmiths were active on the terp. Ifwe take the waste material from other metal working activities such as copper and iron,with which some of the objects are related, as an indication the late 6th/early 7th centurywas probably the period that goldsmithing was of greatest importance. This is also theperiod in which the majority of the Frisian gold finds must be dated. The importance ofcraft production seems to decline somewhere in the middle of the 8th century, when Frisiahad been conquered by the Franks. Together with the decrease of craft production, thefirst indications of an increasing importance of agricultural activities on the site wereexcavated.

12. Future research

During the excavations at Wijnaldum we became more and more aware of the need forfurther research in Westergo and in Frisia in the Early Middle Ages. The excavationsshould not be seen as an aim in itself, but as a new starting point. It was unique for Dutcharchaeology that three of the main archaeological institutions active in the North Sealittoral and the central river area decided to join forces in the Frisia project.53 Part of theproject is to continue research in Westergo to get a better understanding of Wijnaldum-Tjitsma in its regional context.

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