Gene Burse Planning Degree Capstone

Reusing Shopping Centers in

Sprawled Communities: The Frayser Case

A Capstone Project by Gene Charles Burse

The University of Memphis

December 2014

Abstract: This paper considers the trend of urban sprawled development that has led to

increasing amounts of vacant shopping centers and big box stores. The increasing desire

to reuse vacant shopping centers and big box stores sites and the lessons that can be learned

for the community of Frayser (Memphis, TN) are examined. The planning profession

played a significant role in fostering urban sprawl, therefore it should play a critical role in

fixing it.

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Contents

Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………..3

I. Introduction………………………………………………………………..4

a. What is sprawl?................................................................................4

b. History of sprawl……......................................................................5

c. Research Questions and Scope…………………………………….10

II. Literature Review………………………………………………………….15

III. Methodology……………………………………………………………….23

a. What is Case Study Research?…………………………………….23

IV. Case Study Research Findings…………………………………………….28

a. Jackson Medical Mall……………………………………………..28

b. Schaumburg Town Square………………………………………...35

c. Lebanon-Laclede County Library………………………………....41

V. The Frayser Case…………………………………………………………..54

a. History of Frayser………………………………………………….54

b. Frayser Shopping Centers………………………………………….64

VI. Recommendations………………………………………………………….67

VII. Bibliography………………………………………………………………..75

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the faculty, staff, and students at The University of Memphis with

whom I had the pleasure to work with during my tenure in the City and Regional Planning

program.

I would like to thank Dr. Antonio Raciti, Dr. Charles Santo, Dr. Kenneth Reardon, Shep

Wilbun Jr. of the Building Neighborhood Capacity Program in Frayser, and the community

of Frayser for their input and direction in my studies in reusing shopping centers and big

box store sites.

I would like to acknowledge my family, friends and especially my fiancé for patiently

supporting me through this project and my graduate studies- I could not have done it

without them.

I thank God, for without Him nothing would be possible.

Finally, I dedicate this paper to the memory of my mother, Jeanette Louise Burse, for she

inspired my determination to improve the physical environment for all people.

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I. Introduction

What is Sprawl?

Suburban sprawl is the standard for the pattern of growth of physical development

and has served as the standard in America for many years (Andres Duany, 2000). Sprawl

is an idea that was developed by design professionals such as architects, planners, engineers

and was promoted by developers primarily after World War II. The sprawl model of

development is artificial, unlike the traditional neighborhood model which was a more

organic way of development that responded to the needs of people (Andres Duany, 2000).

It is now widely accepted by the design professions that sprawl is an unsustainable system

of development. According to the authors of Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the

Decline of the American Dream, “sprawl is not healthy growth” and that “it is essentially

self-destructive” (Andres, Duany, 2000, p.4).

There are multiple outcomes that are now prevalent after years of studying sprawl

including, the use of large tracts of land, increased traffic problems, financial

unsustainability, increased transportation costs, the exacerbation of social inequity and

isolation. Some of the aforementioned outcomes were not predicted neither were their

impact on cities (Andres Duany, 2000). As cities with deteriorated downtown

neighborhoods attempt to revitalize, inner ring suburbs are experiencing the loss of

residents and businesses to new exurban locations (Andres Duany, 2000).

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History of Sprawl

It is important to understand how sprawl came about. Widespread sprawl

development is a direct result of a multitude of policies. Some of the most significant

policies include Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and Veteran Administration (VA)

loan programs that allowed more than eleven million people to access home mortgages for

new homes following World War II. Mortgages were directed toward new single-family

housing on the urban fringe and outside of cities. In conjunction with the housing boom

that resulted partially due to such policies, the development of the federal interstate system

further enabled sprawl (Andres Duany, 2000). Federal transportation policy at that time

neglected mass transit and focused on trying to make car commuting more affordable and

convenient for citizens moving to sprawling communities (Andres Duany, 2000). Federal

policy simultaneously discouraged the renovation of existing building stock, mixed-use

buildings and other types of urban housing. Many soldiers returning from the war chose

to locate their families is places such as Levittown, considered among the first post-World

War II suburban developments, where homeownership was more affordable than rent in

urban areas (Andres Duany, 2000).

Retail businesses remained in inner city neighborhoods during the initial migration

of people to the urban fringe after World War II, however, it didn’t take long for merchants

to follow their customers to the urban fringe (Andres Duany, 2000). Due to sprawl

development’s focus on homebuilding it became necessary for retail requiring its “own

distinct method of financing and development but also its own locations” (Andres, Duany,

2000, p. 9).

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Retail began being placed on wide high speed collector roads between clusters of

housing in sprawled developments. In response to the new pattern of development,

businesses began pulling back from the street and constructed large freestanding signage.

This new way of clustering retail businesses gave birth to the concept of modern day

shopping centers (Andres, Duany, 2000, p. 9).

The planning profession in America worked to promote sprawl as the cutting edge

in physical development primarily through the use of zoning. During the Industrial

Revolution European cities such as London and Barcelona were filled with factories that

produced smoke which had an adverse impact on quality of life. Planners of the day

advocated for separation of uses such as industrial and residential. This separation of uses,

which later became known as zoning, produced dramatic results. Industrial European cities

which had once largely been considered uninhabitable “were transformed within decades

into national treasures” (Andres, Duany, 2000, p. 9). Life expectancy of city residents

drastically improved and the success was partially attributed to planners.

The planning profession entering the 20th century with success of separating land

uses in Europe and now such an idea being in America, embodied in the City Beautiful

movement, served as the foundation of the planning profession moving into the new

century. Planners were excited to implement the segregation of land uses in America as it

was successful in Europe. Such segregation which was originally applied to incompatible

uses, such as industrial and residential, would now be applied to every use (Andres Duany,

2000). The intertwining of the government’s commitment to the construction of new

homes on the urban fringe and planners’ desire to segregate land uses were supported by a

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“more subtle ethos: the widespread application of management lessons learned during the

Second World War” (Andre, Duany, 2000, p. 10).

In the early part of the 20th century, city planning was viewed as a discipline that

incorporated aesthetics, culture and history yet the profession transformed into a profession

that became more technical partially due to the influence of modernism (Andres Duany,

2000). Over time, the American city was viewed as being reduced to zoning designations

and sprawl.

Physically sprawled communities often lack a sense of place partially due to

homogeneity among physical structures and segregated uses which contribute to a sterile

environment that is not memorable or has lasting value. Many of these communities have

minimal pedestrian activity, less civic identification, and often times an uncoordinated

development of land.

Sprawl has had deteriorating effects on itself. Suburban cities are one of the entities

that suffer economically from the innate inefficiency of a car oriented development pattern.

Municipalities have to provide services to homes that are distant and do not properly cover

the cost to deliver those services with their taxes. Andres and Duany (2000, p.12) describe

a scenario elaborating on this:

One such municipality, the city of Franklin, a

Milwaukee suburb of 25,000, conducted a careful cost

analysis in 1992. It found that a new single-family home

pays less than $5,000 in property taxes but costs the city

more than $10,000 to service. The inefficiency of new

sprawling development had to be covered by a general tax

hike paid by all residents, even those in more efficient older

neighborhoods.

Sprawl also contributes to the polarization of society through economic segregation

with the development of residential enclaves (Andres Duany, 2000). Those that can afford

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to move into suburban communities often do leaving central cities with increasing

concentration of poverty. The growing separation between what Andres and Duany call

the haves and have-nots, may appear to be part of a natural order but federal policy

contributed due to the lack of incentives for various housing types or incomes among the

new construction happening on the urban fringe after World War II. The government did

not allocate resources in an equitable manner and therefore provided means of escape from

cities through highways and very affordable home loans. Outcomes of the social

stratification of sprawled development in conjunction with white flight are still

recognizable today (Andres Duany, 2000).

Today, many communities in cities and suburban communities are facing

deteriorating infrastructure, inadequate services, a limited tax base, lack of jobs and

investment. This is primarily due to declining median income in mature sprawled

communities (Cities N. L., Suburban Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to

Renewal, 2013). Median income usually decreases in mature sprawled communities as

wealthier residents transition to younger and more sprawled communities, sometimes in

exurban areas, and are replaced by residents with lower income (Cities N. L., Suburban

Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to Renewal, 2013). The transition leads

to communities having fewer resources to allocate for maintaining infrastructure, home

improvements, transit, social services and government services (Cities N. L., Suburban

Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to Renewal, 2013)

In America, like Memphis, there is a tendency toward building new sprawled

physical development which leads to an abandonment of older physical development. In

neglecting older infrastructure and older neighborhoods, those impacted by such end up

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neglected as well. We are in need of embracing a more sustainable pattern of growth that

believes every neighborhood is valued (Andres Duany, 2000). The interstate highway

system enabled a massive migration to the urban fringe. Neighborhoods that became

neglected were left with existing infrastructure such as vacant shopping centers and big

box stores that were still valuable and provided opportunities for redevelopment.

Shopping centers and big box stores that are vacant and not maintained contribute

to economic decline, blight and are symbolic of vitality past with job creation and tax

revenue generation. Such properties also represent opportunities that cities and suburban

communities can leverage for investment while simultaneously addressing the needs of the

community. Vacant shopping centers and big box stores along with existing infrastructure

can help increase the quality of life in communities by being redeveloped as affordable

housing, mixed-use developments or converting them into social service centers among a

myriad of options.

According to the National League of Cities, there are different types of shopping

centers that include regional centers, community centers, neighborhood centers and strip

centers (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008). A regional center typically will provide

general merchandise (i.e. apparel) and services in full depth and variety. The primary draw

for regional centers are the combination of anchors, which may be traditional, mass

merchant, discount, or fashion department stores, with numerous fashion oriented specialty

stores. Regional centers typically are enclosed with an inward orientation of the stores

connected by a common hallway- the common mall (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief,

2008). Parking surrounds the regional center, typically on each side of the development.

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Community centers usually provide a wider range of soft goods and apparel. They

also are commonly anchored by supermarkets, drugstores, and department stores (Cities

N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008). The type of tenants that can be found in community

centers include value-oriented big box retailers selling such items as apparel, home

improvement/furnishings, toys, electronics or sporting goods (Cities N. L., City of Practice

Brief, 2008).

The neighborhood center is a design that provides convenience shopping for the

everyday needs of people within the immediate neighborhood (Cities N. L., City of Practice

Brief, 2008). Many neighborhood centers are anchored by a supermarket, while others are

anchored by a drugstore. They also are typically configured as a straight-line strip with no

enclosed walkway or mall area and parking in the front (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief,

2008). Neighborhood centers usually have a canopy or other façade improvement that

provide shade and protection from inclement weather, or to tie the center together.

Strip centers are smaller than neighborhood centers and are typically attached to a

row of at least three retail stores, managed as a coherent retail entity, with onsite parking

in front of the stores (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008). Open canopies may

connect the storefronts, but a strip center does not have enclosed walkways or malls linking

the stores. A strip center may also be configured in a straight line, or have an “L” or “U”

shape (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008).

Research Questions and Scope

This capstone seeks to answer the following: what planning and development tools

are available to encourage the reuse of vacant shopping centers and big box stores,

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particularly in the sprawled community of Frayser (Memphis, TN)? The purpose of this

question is to highlight that such developments in Frayser are valuable and can be reused.

Reuse of such development is critical to getting people in Memphis to rethink continued

urban sprawl development patterns and convince them that it is possible, as well as

financially prudent, to reuse existing infrastructure for new development.

It is an accepted fact by design professionals, such as architects and planners, that

sprawled development is not sustainable. This belief does not appear to be put into practice

in Memphis because sprawled development patterns continue to manifest. Sprawl

increases the stress on current infrastructure systems, drains scarce public resources and

has a significant impact on quality of life in Memphis. It is believed that this capstone can

add to the conversation of sustainable development in Memphis by encouraging the reuse

of vacant shopping centers and big box stores in Memphis. Frayser will serve as the model

for other Memphis neighborhoods on how to reuse vacant shopping centers and big box

stores which will help encourage more sustainable development.

Movement of people plays a significant role in the development of communities.

Neighborhoods often have a cyclical existence beginning with inception, continuing with

investment, then transition to lack of investment, undergo redevelopment and then

hopefully return to a state of investment (Mallach, 2010). This is often the case throughout

communities across America. Generally such neighborhoods are urban and dense having

the capacity to weather such transitions, however, the dynamic appears to be different for

neighborhoods, such as Frayser, that have low residential density and are more physically

spread out (Cities N. L., Suburban Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to

Renewal, 2013).

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A general definition of a

neighborhood with low residential density is

one that has approximately one living unit

per acre of residential land (Virginia, 2013).

Such neighborhoods that are older and part

of central cities, such as Frayser, often

struggle with challenges similar to

neighborhoods that have greater densities.

Central cities continue to face diminishing

resources and the capacity to adequately

service all neighborhoods within their jurisdiction. Some of the more dense neighborhoods

in central cities have advantages and are better equipped to cope with challenges due to

having communal assets such as higher density, smaller areas of infrastructure serving

higher concentrated populations, existing social services infrastructure and physical spatial

patterns more conducive for public and private transportation (Dunham-Jones, 2011).

Many concepts exist, such as New Urbanism, to help mitigate the decline of central

cities but they have been primarily focused on urban neighborhoods that have higher

densities compared to neighborhoods of lower densities. There exist a plethora of

knowledge on redeveloping, revitalizing and re-inhabiting dense inner city neighborhoods.

Research on redevelopment strategies of low density neighborhoods is fairly recent yet

continues to grow. According to Phillips (2000), it is important to note that a significant

portion of America’s population resides in neighborhoods of low densities such as the

urban fringe and in suburban communities. Therefore, such neighborhoods need

Figure 1. Suburban Sprawl (a) vs. Traditional

Neighborhood Design (b)

Source: adapted from Duany and Plater-Zyberk (1992)

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significant attention. These neighborhoods face similar challenges that their more dense

counterparts face but yet lack sufficient coping mechanisms such as social services in the

form of non-profit organizations and government assistance to deal challenges such as

poverty and blight. Low density residential neighborhoods also tend to have insufficient

tax revenue to support the infrastructure of a declining population (Phillips, 2000).

Ellen-Dunham Jones and June Williamson, authors of Retrofitting Suburbia: Urban

Design Solutions for Redesigning Suburbs, provide context to how low density residential

neighborhoods and suburban communities developed. They also provide insight to how

such developments have declined.

According to Jones and Williamson (2010), low density residential neighborhoods

began to increase drastically after World War II. Some of the prototypical low density

residential developments include Levittown, Willingboro and Park Forest. Each of the

three were intended to provide affordable housing, primarily for soldiers returning home

from the war. These “bedroom” communities were primarily comprised of small, single

family houses on streets that had dendritic patterns and were designed around schools and

parks. Such developments also had shopping centers and malls. According to Jones and

Williamson (2010, p. 45):

What can we learn about the future of later, similar

residential communities by studying the current state of the

oldest post-war examples? In the past half century these

communities have matured. Residents have aged and

diversified while population has decreased due to an

increase in the number of households without children.

Willingboro and Park Forrest are now majority African

American. Small, one-story “starter” houses have been

extensively added to and remodeled, especially in the still

racially homogenous Levittown. The retail areas, once cash

cows for public tax coffers, have collapsed. In Willingboro

and Park Forrest, local government assumed ownership of

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dead mall sites and funded long-term redevelopment efforts

geared toward meeting local, rather than regional needs. In

many ways these communities continue to serve their

primary original purpose: the provision of affordable

housing. The value of this role to their regions is likely to

grow but will require continued investment in transit and

retrofitting opportunities.

There is a growing body of knowledge that continues to be developed around

redevelopment of low residential neighborhoods. In this paper I offer a review of relevant

literature and explanation of key findings to provide a foundation for my proposed research

question. First, I will explore the beginnings of sprawled development focusing on the

twentieth century. This includes discussion of how the economy, public policy, public

investment and race played a significant role in the growth of urban sprawl and its decline.

The other part of the review will focus on literature aimed at a discussion regarding

strategies in recent times currently being implemented to stave off further decline in

sprawled communities and transform them into self-sustaining places by encouraging the

reuse of vacant buildings (i.e. big box stores, indoor malls and shopping centers). Lastly,

I will focus on the importance of further research on this topic to advance the conversation

and bring more attention to the reuse of vacant buildings such as shopping centers and big

box stores.

The reuse of vacant buildings such as shopping centers and big box stores is capital

intense in the infant stages of a project. There are a variety of costs involved including

property acquisition, infrastructure improvement, legal fees and bonding that can

significantly increase overall project costs. It has been demonstrated that although such

development is capital intense in the beginning, over time such projects can be beneficial

both financially and socially to the communities in which they are situated (Mallach, 2010).

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The physical environment of Memphis has and continues to develop in a low

density, sprawled manner which may be partially attributed to Memphis lacking a

comprehensive land use plan. Not having a comprehensive plan, a document that guides

physical development, allows for fragmented and unsustainable development to occur.

Often times in Memphis, developers are able to gain approval of their projects without

much resistance from local leaders and bureaucrats regardless of the impact their project

will have on the city. It is believed that this type of unchecked development has adversely

impacted quality of life in Memphis including transportation (both public- inefficient bus

system due to sprawl and private- adverse impact on air quality and fewer resources for

road maintenance), infrastructure, walkability, public safety and economic opportunity.

The reuse of vacant infrastructure such as shopping centers and big box stores in Memphis

can help improve each of the aforementioned quality of life issues in response to the

absence of the City of Memphis having a comprehensive plan and provide long term cost

savings by reducing the expansion of public infrastructure.

II. Literature Review

The late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century ushered in

industrialization in America. Industrialization was a transition from an agrarian economy

to an industrialized economy where the use of technology and standardization was used

greatly for the production of goods and services. People began to leave rural areas and

migrate to cities for employment opportunities with many working in factories. This influx

of workers created demand for housing near employment centers. Employers eventually

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developed housing that was substandard and in many cases not safe for habitation for

employees. Such housing was known as tenement housing.

The vast development of tenement housing created high density neighborhoods,

often referred to as slums, which were unhealthy for people to live in. Over time tenement

housing became closely associated with urban living thereby contributing to a negative

perception of cities along with pollution that stemmed from employment centers such as

factories. From the negative perception of urban living was born a desire to escape from

the ills of cities which would serve as a catalyst for outward population migration. This

outward migration would give birth to a new concept known as the suburb in America.

In the book titled Confronting Suburban Decline: Strategic Planning for

Metropolitan Renewal, authors William Lucy and Davis Phillips provide a brief history on

the development of urban sprawl and its effect on suburban cities and what they call central

cities.

Since the beginning of the early twentieth century, increase in affluence, private

vehicle use, expansion of interstates and abundance of low cost land created opportunities

for urban sprawl. Continued population growth in the United States created an atmosphere

for commercial development such as apartments and other rental units into lower density

residential areas in cities (Phillips et al., 2000, p. 3). According to Lucy, “concerns about

in-migrants, crime, and schools added “push” factors from older neighborhoods to the

“pulls” associated with new neighborhoods” (Phillips et al., 2000, p. 3). Wealthier

populations typically spearheaded the outward migration from central cities into rural

areas.

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This occurred before World War I but was accelerated after World War II. The

relocation of people outside of central cities was driven by many factors including personal

preference, development, policies such as tax deductions and federally insured mortgages

(i.e. Federal Housing Authority) (Phillips et al., 2000, p. 3). Poorer households gravitated

toward the housing that was left behind in central cities. After WWII, suburban

development increased dramatically mainly due to the prevalence of automobiles and

further development of the interstate system.

Affluence continued to increase over time which allowed more people to be able to

afford single family housing. Various institutions both public and private created new

housing opportunities for middle income and upper income people in places on the urban

fringe and outside of cities which provided opportunities for increased outward migration

of people from central cities. Population of inner city communities as well as income of

residents began to decline. The older housing in cities became increasingly inhabited by

poorer people. This predicament was not entirely negative although negative outcomes did

exist. According to Phillips (2000, p. 3):

Older housing also was located where distances to private

services were shorter, and where public transportation and social

services were nearby. Close proximity added the lure of

convenience to cities and older suburbs for low income people. In

some older neighborhoods, concentrations of poor people grew,

so that unemployment, poverty, crime and inadequate preparation

for school sometimes lead to persistent social crisis.

Manufacturing continued to become more decentralized after WWII. During the

1960s, suburban communities experienced a significant increase in employment as

employment within central cities declined. Major employers continued migrating to the

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urban fringe and the suburbs. Retailers followed in pursuit attempting to be located closer

to consumers. Expressways were built around and outside of central cities connecting

suburban communities with central cities. Over time, manufacturing on less expensive

land located near the urban fringe and increase in population in such areas allowed for a

critical mass to develop which the market could serve (Phillips, 2000). Other resulting

development included enclosed shopping malls, shopping centers, office buildings,

industrial parks and hotels. As time passed, commercial development on fringe urban

neighborhoods and suburbs increased. Many fringe communities and suburbs by the 1960s

had begun as subdivisions where residents commuted to central cities primarily for work

(Phillips, 2000). During this decade, most sprawled development had occurred and

continued leading to fewer dense development patterns across the nation according to

Phillips (2000).

The twentieth century also brought with it a period of civil unrest in central cities

that helped to fuel migration toward sprawled communities on the urban fringe and suburbs

(Phillips, 2000). The Civil Rights Movement was gaining momentum as marginalized

groups, mainly African Americans, were advocating for equality in society. For many

years marginalized groups had endured things such as substandard housing with tenement

housing then due to Urban Renewal, a federal program that replaced the slums, they shifted

to subsidized housing which would later become known as housing projects. Many devices

were implemented to maintain segregation by both public and private entities within cities

such as redlining which is the intentional disinvestment by banks, realtors and insurance

companies in neighborhoods (Phillips, 2000). Sprawled communities were homogenized

through redlining and other devices such as discriminatory restrictive covenants and

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exclusionary zoning that prevented people of color from accessing such neighborhoods

(Phillips, 2000). Given the rapid change that urban America was undergoing in the

twentieth century such as the Civil Rights movement, the gradual decline in

industrialization and racial tension caused many people of European descent to leave

central cities in mass and migrate toward the suburbs. This exodus became known as White

Flight (Phillips, 2000).

Over time, sprawled communities on the urban fringe and in first ring suburbs

became less attractive to middle and upper income residents. New physical development

continued to move further away from central cities and eventually away from the original

sprawled communities and suburbs. These communities began to experience decline as

central cities had in previous years and in some instances the decline was more severe for

sprawled communities (Phillips, 2000).

The concept of the American Dream, homeownership on an acre of land with a

white picket fence, also helped to fuel suburbanization especially since government

policies such as the mortgage tax deduction encouraged such behavior (Phillips, 2000). All

of the aforementioned events contributed significantly to increasingly sprawled

development further weakening central cities and in ironic fashion began to threaten

sprawled communities on the urban fringe and in the suburbs.

According to Phillips (2000), 1980 was a pivotal year because the decennial census

from that year showed that a large majority of the metropolitan population lived in suburbs

and when incomes in nearly all suburbs were rising more than incomes of central city

residents. One of the ways in which Phillips (2000) defines suburban decline is by the

falling median income of suburban residents when compared to median regional incomes.

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This is one indicator that such suburbs are not attracting middle income residents as they

once did.

In some cases, incomes of residents in suburbs were declining faster than the

incomes of central city residents. Another reason for the decline in first tier suburbs is that

there is continued development expanding away from central cities into exurban areas

demonstrating continued shifting of population further away from the central city. Exurban

areas are areas, as defined by Phillips (2000), beyond suburban area but are within 50 miles

of a central city that has a population between 500,000 and less than two million and 75

miles for central cities with a population of more than two million.

Phillips (2000, p.180), highlights that race and income are linked in the U.S. Back

in the year 1990 African Americans as a whole had a median family income fifty-eight

percent of the median income of whites. Part of the reason this income gap existed and

persists today is due to structural inequality in American society (Phillips, 2000). Phillips

argues there is a correlation between an increase in African American population in the

suburbs and a decline in median income of residents (Phillips, 2000). It is also stated that

there is a correlation between housing age and median income of suburban areas. Typically

the older a house the less income its resident has and the newer a house, the more money

its resident has (Phillips, 2000).

Over the past couple of decades there has been a concerted effort to restore vitality

to distressed inner city neighborhoods within central cities. Many strategies such as the

growth of neighborhood associations, community development organizations and others

made it their mission to stabilize and help dense inner city communities prosper yet again

(Phillips, 2000). Federal programs such as Section 8 and Hope VI have been implemented

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in an effort to deal with urban decline within distressed neighborhoods that are dense. Ideas

have included de-concentrating poverty by replacing high density subsidized housing with

lower density housing developments (i.e. Hope VI) and allowing those that participate in

subsidized housing (i.e. Section 8) to enter the market in trying to find a home. According

to Mallach (2010, p.217):

States and cities have become notorious for the generosity of

the financial incentives that they offer large corporations to

induce them to relocate. With far less fanfare, nearly all

older cities, and some private institutions, also offer more

modest financial incentives to households to buy a home or

rehabilitate a property in the city or in one or more targeted

neighborhoods. These incentives take many forms, including

property tax abatements, state or local income tax credits,

down payment and closing cost assistance, capital subsidies,

grants, and even equity protection insurance.

The purpose of such assistance is to encourage people to participate in targeted

communities, often having suffered from lack of investment. Such areas have traditionally

been exclusive to dense communities within central cities. These dense communities have

overwhelmingly garnered majority of the attention when dealing with revitalization

strategies for inner city communities.

Scholars in the design professions are recognizing the importance of reusing vacant

spaces such as former big box stores, traditional indoor malls and shopping centers. These

spaces have a significant amount of infrastructure. Many resources were used in the

development of such spaces and now due to various reasons such as market forces as well

as continued sprawl, have left these spaces vacant even though still hold value and are

prime opportunities for redevelopment.

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Design scholars such as Ellen Dunham-Jones and June Williamson, authors of the

Retrofitting Suburbia: Urban Design Solutions for Redesigning Suburbs which highlights

adaptive reuse projects. Dunham-Jones is a licensed architect and a Professor of

Architecture and Urban Design at Georgia Institute of Technology (Georgia Tech) in

Atlanta, Georgia. June Williamson is a faculty member of the Bernard and Anne Spitzer

School of Architecture at the City College of New York in New York City (Dunham-Jones,

2011).

Dunham-Jones and Williamson address many issues in Retrofitting Suburbia. One

area of emphasis is on the adaptive reuse of vacant commercial buildings such as big box

stores and shopping centers. In their book they define the terms suburb and suburban

“primarily in terms of physical form rather than a location or governmental boundaries”

(Jones and Williamson, 2011, p. xxvi). Some of the other descriptions in the book define

suburban form as being dominated by single use, is mostly auto-dependent, involves large

surface parking lots surrounding buildings, roads are organized typically in dendritic

patterns with cul-de-sacs and dead end streets, are of lower density in both population and

building area, and are “predominantly funded by short-term investors in volume such as

publicly traded real estate investment trusts (REITs) and large home builders” (Jones and

Williamson, 2011, p.xxvii). This definition is applicable to Frayser because although

Frayser is not a municipality it does fit Jones and Williamson’s description of the term

suburban in physical form and spatial layout.

Sprawled communities on the urban fringe and in suburban cities have and continue

to suffer from the same challenges as inner city communities but have not received the

same amount of attention. Within the past decade, planners, architects and urban designers

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have begun to focus increasingly on sprawled communities. Ellen Dunham-Jones and June

Williamson are among a group of urban design professionals that are advocating for what

they call the retrofitting of suburbia. According to Williamson (2011) the main strategies

for retrofitting low density residential areas include:

1) Re-inhabitation- adaptive reuse of existing structures for more community-

serving purposes, often as “third places” for social interaction

2) Redevelopment- replacing existing structures and/or building on existing

parking lots, generally with a compact, walkable, connected mix of uses and public spaces

that supports a less auto-dependent and more socially engaged lifestyle.

3) Re-greening- revitalization of natural systems on previously developed land.

This usually means the demolition of existing structures and revitalization of land, as either

parks, community gardens, or reconstructed wetlands. Re-greening is sometimes a phasing

strategy for eventual partial redevelopment.

Some of the examples in Williamson (2011) include the reuse of vacant big box

retail stores and conversions for more communal purposes such as schools; diversification

and modernization of housing stock, including the introduction of higher density types; and

publicly funded and initiated redevelopment of failed retail sites for mixed-use town

centers. One of the noticeable themes of Williamson (2011) is the argument for increased

density and walkability in sprawled communities.

Another focus of the book is centered on case studies that are of large-scale, 40

acres or more. The authors believe that “large scale projects are needed to achieve the

critical mass necessary to induce behavioral change and evolution of the larger

transportation, regulatory, and market systems” (Jones and Williamson, 2011, p. xxvi).

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Jones and Williamson continue by stating they believe that “the zoning codes and land use

practices that produced the conventional suburban form of the twentieth century are simply

too entrenched and pervasive for piecemeal, incremental projects to adequately improve

the sustainable performance of suburbia as a whole” (Jones and Williamson, 2011, p. xxvi).

Many of the case studies in Retrofitting Suburbia are singular projects.

III. Methodology

What Is Case Study Research?

Case Study Research was the methodology used for this capstone. The Case Study

Research method “tries to illuminate a decision or set of decisions: why they were taken,

how they were implemented and with what result” (Yin, 2014, p. 15). This method was

used due to the explanatory nature of my research question- what planning and

development tools are available to encourage the reuse of vacant shopping centers and big

box stores, particularly in the sprawled community of Frayser (Memphis, TN)? Case Study

Research was the most appropriate methodology to use for this capstone because it places

an emphasis on context within each case allowing for deeper understanding of lessons to

be gained. It also helps in identifying clear results from each case and their applicability

to Frayser.

The cases in this capstone center on the redevelopment of shopping centers and big

box store sites in Jackson, MS; Schaumburg, IL; and Lebanon, MO. These cases were

chosen because they were identified in being most relevant to the Frayser case among other

documented shopping centers and big box redevelopment cases. The purpose in

highlighting three cases include: 1) not necessarily seeking direct duplication in project

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execution (Yin, 2014); 2) increase the strength of recommendations by referencing lessons

from multiple cases and 3) to provide contrasting contexts of redevelopment projects

involving shopping center and or big box store sites.

Multiple sources of information were utilized in executing the Case Study Research

methodology. The typology of sources in this capstone include participant-observation,

documentation, archival records and interviews. Specific sources of quantitative data

include Summary File 1 of the 2010 U.S. Census and the 2010 U.S. Census American

Community Survey 5- year estimate. Other sources include books about redevelopment of

shopping centers and big box store sites such as Big Box Reuse and Retrofitting Suburbia.

Project websites, telephone interviews with municipal employees that work in planning

and economic development, news reports and also first-hand participation and observation

all served as useful means in conducting research on the three cases and the Frayser case.

It was discovered that projects regarding the redevelopment of shopping centers

and big box stores sites are scarce and very challenging to find. It is believed that this is

partially attributed to a number of factors including projects being few in number, the topic

becoming of interest in recent years, projects being in progress and the lack of capital to

support such projects.

In recent years, more projects have become completed, however additional study is

needed on this topic. It was discovered that one of the best ways of getting quality cases

was to not set parameters that would be counter-productive or too stringent given that such

projects are not great in number nor well documented. The original intent was to identify

redeveloped shopping centers or big box store sites located in communities that were

similar to Frayser- low in population density, physically spread out, majority population

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being low-income, majority population being African-American and considered an inner-

ring suburban community or an early post World War II community located at the urban

fringe of a city.

Two resources proved very useful in identifying cases for this capstone- Big Box

Reuse by Julia Christensen and the City of Practice Brief by The National League of Cities.

Each source provided a description of projects that were redevelopments of shopping

center and big box store sites. Retrofitting Suburbia by Ellen-Dunham Jones and June

Williamson was a useful resource in providing context of redevelopment sites and is seen

by many to be one of the texts at the forefront of this topic. The book provided general

definitions and descriptions relevant to this capstone. The selected cases were chosen by

additional criteria beyond the standard criteria to include uniqueness to provide a more

distinct contrast between projects and simultaneously identify commonalities between the

cases and Frayser.

The research involved the reuse of shopping center and big box store sites. Selected

cases were converted from commercial uses to more institutional and communal uses. The

identification of appropriate cases was achieved through interrelated steps including

internet-based research, telephone interviews and email correspondence. The National

League of Cities’ Retail Redevelopment- A City of Practice Brief was helpful in identifying

the Jackson Medical Mall and Schaumburg. Big Box Reuse (2008) by Christensen was

useful in identifying the Lebanon-Laclede County Library case. Email and telephone

correspondence was performed to ensure continued use of each case.

The Case Study Research methodology was also used for the Frayser case. The

Frayser case also took into account experiences and resources affiliated with the Building

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Neighborhood Capacity Program (BNCP)- a federally funded planning process with the

goal of assisting distressed communities in building capacity and developing plans to

improve quality of life (communitylift.org). Some of the resources used in researching the

Frayser case include the U.S. Census, Shelby County Assessor, visual survey, community

survey, community workshops and Community LIFT’s Frayser Databook. Some of the

experiences with BNCP allowed for participant-observation with Frayser stakeholders

such as residents, community development organizations, social service organizations and

government officials. The BNCP planning process lasted for twenty-four months and was

instrumental in acquiring information and gaining insight into the Frayser case.

In addition, case studies were selected based on factors some of which were similar

to the Frayser case. Those factors included spatial configuration, physical development,

availability of reuse projects involving shopping center site, race, income and population

density. Availability of reuse projects involving shopping center and big box retail sites

was the most critical factor in researching cases. Sources of data included the U.S. Census,

visual surveys, archival research and the Shelby County Assessor database. Cases in this

paper generally have elements listed in Table 1.

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Table 1 Framework for Redevelopment of Shopping Center or Big Box Store

Source: Author

Source: Author

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IV. Case Research Study Findings Jackson Medical Mall

Jackson, Mississippi, home to the Jackson

Medical Mall, is the capital and largest city in the state

of Mississippi and is located along Yazoo River at the

southern border of the Mississippi Delta region. It is

also one of two county seats for Hinds County, with

Raymond, MS being the other county seat. According

to the U.S. Census, the total population of Jackson is

173,514 people (Summary File 1, U.S. Census, 2010). Like Memphis, the majority of

Jackson’s population is African American being at seventy-nine percent of the total

population. Jackson shares similarities with Memphis some of which include high levels

of poverty and lack of access to adequate

health care facilities. The poverty rate of both

cities is twenty-six percent according to the

2010 U.S. Census. Access to health care

facilities and high poverty served as

inspiration for the development of the Jackson

Medical Mall.

Figure 2. Map of Jackson, MS

Source: Google Maps

Figure 3. Location of Medical Mall in Jackson, MS

Source: jmmf.org

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Figure 4. Jackson Medical Mall

Source: jacksonmedicalmall.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=80&Itemid=55

Figure 5. Aerial of Jackson Medical Mall

Source: jmmf.org

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The Jackson Medical Mall is housed inside of the old Mall of Jackson (Foundation,

2014). The Mall of Jackson commonly referred to as Jackson Mall, opened in 1969 near

the midtown area of the city. At the time of its opening it was considered the largest

enclosed mall within a four-hundred mile radius of Jackson which includes the cities of

New Orleans and Memphis (Foundation, 2014). The mall was a typical suburban style

mall with retail spaces and had department stores such as JC Penny and Gayfers housed

within it. The mall was a single story but consisted of more than 900,000 square feet of

retail space. It enjoyed economic success until a larger mall, Metrocenter Mall, opened in

1978 on the southwest side of the city. The Mall of Jackson struggled to compete and

eventually began to lose ground to Metrocenter Mall (Foundation, 2014).

Jackson Mall evolved into a dying mall during the 1980s as the vacancy rate

increased (Uniteonevoice, 2012). As national retailers left the mall they were replaced by

“mom and pop” businesses such as nail salons and wig shops but these establishments did

not last very long. Toward the end of the 1980s another mall, Northpark Mall located in

Figure 6. Jackson Medical Mall

Source: jmmf.org

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the suburb of Ridgeland, opened. Shortly after Northpark Mall opened, Jackson Mall lost

both of its anchor stores, JC Penny and Gayfers (Uniteonevoice, 2012).

As the 1990s approached, Jackson Mall was completely vacant. The failure of the

shopping mall brought with it the decline of the surrounding midtown area in Jackson

(Foundation, 2014). The median family income of the midtown area at the time was less

than $17,000, its poverty rate was at 41%, and over 16% of residents were unemployed

(Uniteonevoice, 2012).

In 1995, a local doctor by the name of Dr. Aaron Shirley, had an idea on how

Jackson Mall could be redeveloped as an inner city revitalization project (Hansen, What

Can Mississippi Learn From Iran, 2012). Dr. Aaron Shirley, an African-American

pediatrician, assistant professor at the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson,

a midtown resident and former project director for

Mississippi’s largest community health center, had the

idea of the Jackson Mall being converted into a state of

the art ambulatory health care facility providing quality

care for the urban poor of Jackson and serve as an anchor

to bring new vitality to the midtown area.

Dr. Aaron Shirley got the idea for the Jackson

Medical Mall from a visit to the country of Iran (Hansen,

What Can Mississippi Learn From Iran, 2012). In Iran,

he witnessed a health care network called health houses.

Beginning in 1979, Iran established a primary health care

network throughout the country. In rural areas, villages

Figure 7. Dr. Aaron Shirley, Founder of

the Jackson Medical Mall Project

Source: jmmf.org

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contain health houses staffed by community health workers. There is a health house for

every 1,200 Iranians. Health houses serve as the first point of contact with people in rural

areas of Iran. Health houses feed into rural health centers that are staffed by a physician,

health technician and an administrator. Health centers have the capacity to handle complex

health problems beyond the capacity of a health house. There is one health center per 7,000

people. Health centers also focus on community-based nutrition by providing training,

facilities and educational materials for mothers, health workers, and volunteers (Hansen,

What Can Mississippi Learn From Iran, 2012).

The same system is used in Iran’s urban areas. This system of health houses and

health centers is administered through Iran’ Ministry of Health and Medical Education.

This system collaborates with medical schools in each province by providing medical

education and the provision of health services (Levine, 2013). The Chancellor of each

medical school in Iran’s provinces is also in charge of all district health centers and

hospitals. One of the most noticeable aspects of Iran’s system is the fact that eighty-five

percent of the population in rural and deprived regions has access to primary health care

services (Levine, 2013).

When Dr. Shirley returned from his trip to Iran in 1995 he started the Jackson

Medical Mall Foundation (JMMF) with

representation from Tougaloo College,

Jackson State University and the

University of Mississippi Medical Center.

The JMMF set out to promote greater

access to cost effective, high quality health

Figure 8. Jackson Medical Mall Clinic

Source: jacksonmedicalmall.org

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care for central Mississippi; to facilitate integration of human service delivery with health

care delivery; to stimulate economic and community development in the area surrounding

the mall; to utilize health care delivery activities to enhance educational opportunities; and

to build financial strength of the foundation to ensure future reinvestment in the community

(Foundation, 2014).

After JMMF was created, they purchased the vacant Jackson Mall for $2.7 million

dollars with loans backed by the University of Mississippi Medical Center (UMC). Plans

were developed and renovation started in 1996 with the assistance of a $23 million dollar

interim construction loan. The JMMF hired many small and disadvantaged contractors,

including minority subcontractors and vendors. Approximately forty-five percent of all

subcontracts went to minority-owned firms and vendors. It is noteworthy that minority

and women-owned businesses occupy the majority of the retail facilities in the building.

In 1997, the JMMF was able to secure more permanent financing with a tax free $25.2

million dollar bond issue through the Jackson Redevelopment Authority, a $650,000 Hinds

County bond issue, and a $500,000 pledge from the City of Jackson towards reconstruction

of the mall parking lot (Foundation, 2014).

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The first tenants began to occupy spaces in

1997. Some of the mall’s tenants include health care

and social services such as Hinds County Health

Department Clinic, UMC specialty clinics such as

cardiology, obstetrics and gynecology, and oncology as

well as the Mississippi Health Advocacy Program. The

Jackson Medical Mall also incorporates health care

education into its facilities; classes for the University of

Mississippi’s Doctor of Pharmacy program, as well as

UMC’s School of Nursing, have been held within the mall (Foundation, 2014). This unique

arrangement allows interaction with the community, clinics, and social service providers.

The mall functions as a nonprofit organization. A community advisory board made

up of individuals from local neighborhood associations, area businesses, churches and

schools help JMMF to identify and address areas seeking growth and renewal (Foundation,

2014). In addition to providing a comprehensive, multidisciplinary health care facility

serving the urban poor the medical mall is a community place. The mall has a community

meeting room, center stage, and a common area where many community events, ranging

from general meetings, concerts and plays occur.

Figure 9. Public Meeting Space Inside

Medical Mall

Source: jmmf.org

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Figure 10. Banquet Hall

Source: jmmf.org

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Figure 11. Population by Race

Source: U.S. Census 2010 Summary File 1

Figure 12. Poverty

Source: American Community Survey 2007-2011

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Table 2. Framework for Jackson Medical Mall Case

Source: Author

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Schaumburg Town Square

Schaumburg, Illinois is a city in the northeastern part of Illinois, located in Cook

County, the largest county by population in Illinois. It is a suburb located northwest of

Chicago being twenty-eight miles from downtown Chicago. According to the 2010 U.S.

Census, Schaumburg has a population of 74,227 people, is predominantly Caucasian

representing seventy percent of the total population (Summary File 1, U.S. Census, 2010).

Schaumburg was incorporated in 1956 and operates using the council-manager form of

municipal government (Village of Schamburg, 2014). It has primarily been a bedroom

community since World War II. It became one of the fastest growing communities in the

Figure 13. Map of Schaumburg in relation to Chicago

Source: http://search.midamericagrp.com/property_files/flyer_50960.pdf

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U.S. in the 1970s and 1980s (Village of Schamburg, 2014). Unlike other Chicago area

suburbs, Schaumburg did not have a rail line connecting it to Chicago.



Figure 15. Poverty


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Today, Schaumburg is a prospering suburb of Chicago. During the day,

Schaumburg’s “population increases to approximately 150,000 due to people commuting

into the village from other cities. It also has a booming economic climate” according to an

interview with Matt Frank, Assistant Director of Community Development and Economic

Development Manager for the village. According to Frank, the shopping center that

eventually became Town Square was booming in the 1970s going into the 1980s. In the

1980s the shopping center began to decline. After a while the shopping center became

vacant. The property owner allowed the property to fall into decay. The owner was cited

for various code violations due to lack of upkeep on the shopping center. Over time village

Figure 16. Retail at Town Square


Figure 17. Grocery Store at Town Square


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leadership became unhappy with the condition of the center. The village decided to take

the property owner to court for multiple code violations, delinquent property taxes and

safety issues. They eventually were able to condemn and acquire the property through

eminent domain in the 1980s. Even though the village was able to acquire the property

through eminent domain “the government still had to compensate the owner in the form of

$9 million dollars” Frank said. All taxes on the property were settled prior to property

acquisition.

After the village acquired the property, they decided to begin a planning process

headed by The Hitchcock Group, planning consultants, for what the village should do with

the property. Public meetings were held by the planning consultants to get input from

residents and local leaders for what should be done with the old shopping center. After

receiving feedback, it was decided that the best and highest use of the vacant shopping

center would be a town center. This came about due to the desire of village residents

wanting a destination place which Schaumburg lacked at the time since they had not

historically had a downtown or a town center.

The mayor at the time was the most instrumental key player due to his vision and

leadership in striving to convert the old shopping center into an award winning

development, according to Frank. Other key players included multiple regional

developers, planning consultants (The Hitchcock Group) and the Schaumburg Library.

The Schaumburg Library, one of Illinois’ largest libraries attracting more than 1 million

people per year, had been considering building a new library facility (Village of

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Schamburg, 2014). The village knowing the library’s desire, decided to work with the

library.

Figure 18. Aerial View of Town Square Development

Source: bing.com/maps

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In 1989 the village designated 123 acres, 30 of which included the vacant shopping

center property, as a Tax Increment Financing (TIF) district which paid for property

acquisition and infrastructure improvements. The shopping center building was

completely demolished with some of the existing infrastructure remaining and becoming

improved with the development, according to Frank.

Part of the programming for Town Square included a public open space and a pond

to help manage storm water on the site. Other programming include traditional retail,

Native American Museum, Gallery of Architecture and Design, Amphitheater, Clock

Tower and the Schaumburg Public Library (Group, Mid-America Group, 2014).

Institutional uses such as the library, garnered the attention of developers. The

Schaumburg Library is the primary anchor institution for the development and was seen as

more than a library but a destination that could be leveraged within the project. It was

important for the new development to include communal uses generated from a public

planning process.

The village parceled the property in order to bring in a variety of developers in

hopes of enriching the project. Schaumburg Library was the first anchor for the

development which served in successfully attracting other developers and establishments.

The Village of Schaumburg lead the development of Town Square through property

acquisition, parceling of land, recruitment of developers, implementation of the TIF district

and hiring consultants. Schaumburg invested a total of $30 million dollars into the

development and the private sector invested $100 million bring the total investment of the

project to $130 million.

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Today, Town Square stands as an award winning development and a model for

redevelopment of a shopping center site. Town Square is managed by Town Square

Association- a management group consisting of multiple property managers, each of which

are responsible for their respective parcels in the development. One of the benefits for the

property being managed by an association is to mitigate against potential future neglect of

the development.

Table 3. Framework for Schaumburg Town Square Case

Source: Author

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Lebanon-Laclede County Library

Lebanon, Missouri is a small town

located in Laclede County in the south central

Missouri. The town has a population of 14,747

(Summary File 1, U.S. Census, 2010). It is on

Historic Route 66 and is a popular destination

for Route 66 Enthusiasts. Lebanon, MO is

home to the Lebanon-Laclede County Library

and Route 66 Museum.

The Lebanon-Laclede County Library is a public library housed inside of a former

K-Mart building along with a Route 66 museum and a restaurant in the small town of

Lebanon, Missouri. During the 1950s, Laclede County developed a need to have a library

and decided to establish a library district with the first library in the City of Lebanon. One

of the reasons the Lebanon-Laclede County Library project is a relevant case study include

using a public institution (i.e. a library) to be the primary aspect for the reuse of a vacant

shopping center or big box store in a low density area.

Most public library districts in the State of Missouri are independent political

subdivisions lead by a board of directors that are responsible for providing oversight. The

board of directors have the responsibility for planning and setting policy, but also has sole

control of the library’s funding and budget, setting of tax levies, and compliance with laws

and regulations for the library’s operation. The Lebanon-Laclede library is supported by

local taxes and through an affiliated not-for-profit organization called Friends of the

Figure 19. Map of Lebanon, Missouri

Source: google.com/maps

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Library- the library’s fundraising arm. The purpose of Friends of the Library is to support,

raise funds, and advocate for the library.

In contrast to Missouri, public libraries in Memphis are governed in a very different

way when compared to public libraries in Missouri. Libraries in Memphis are part of the

City of Memphis government in the division of Parks and Neighborhoods. Like in Laclede

County, public libraries in Memphis are supported by taxes but the Office of the Mayor is

solely responsible for providing oversight to each public library in Memphis. The

Lebanon-Laclede library enjoys a level of autonomy that is significantly greater than what

libraries in Memphis currently have.



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The original Lebanon-Laclede library building was 4,500 sq. ft. Over time, use of

the library increased and eventually necessitated discussion about a major expansion in the

1980s. “It got to the point where books were stacked floor to ceiling, and they looked like

they were going to tumble down on you at any minute” said Cathy Dame, Library Director

(Christensen, 2008, p. 146).

In 1986, the Lebanon-Laclede Library board

of directors received a charitable gift via the

will of a local resident who was in support of

building a new Lebanon-Laclede County

Library. As discussions of building a new

library continued to grow, land was donated to

assist with development, however the donated

Figure 21. Poverty


Figure 22. Lobby Floor

Source: Christensen, 2008

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land came with a time-sensitive clause. The clause meant that the land had to be used

within a certain amount of time or the gift would be revoked. The intent of the donated

land was to encourage the library’s board of directors to continue progress of the project.

Seed money and donated land both served as early capital for the development of a new

library. The library’s board of directors developed plans for a new library with a modern

design and a green space. The new facility was estimated to cost $6 million which was not

financially viable for the board of directors to undertake. Momentum began to wane for

the project. The clause for the donated land expired due to the library board not taking

action and public support started to decrease. Planning for the new library came to halt as

a result of increased apathy.

After the Christmas season of 1999, the Kmart

store in the City of Lebanon closed for business

permanently leaving a 41,000 sq. ft. vacant building.

Kmart has been in Lebanon for over twenty years but

closed due to internal company overhaul that resulted

in Kmart stores around the country closing. The

building was in a prime location given that it was less

than 1-mile away from the nearest interstate exit,

adjacent to a public school and in the center of town. It also shared a parking lot with a

restaurant and movie theater. The idea of the vacant Kmart building becoming the new

library was first developed in 2002 by a library board member.

Figure 23. Public Art Dedicated to

Project Donors


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Big box retailers, such as K-Mart, typically lease the buildings they inhabit. The

former K-Mart building was owned by two people, one of which donated their ownership

to Laclede County and the library board purchased the remaining share in 2002. The

project seemed to be garnering interest again even though the community was apathetic

given talk about a new library had been ongoing for years. The community was skeptical

about reusing the K-Mart building as the new library for many reasons some of which

include the poor condition of the structure and having been exposed to plans that called for

a new modern library built from the ground up.

The library board engaged Charlie Johnson and Dan True, a local architect and

engineer respectively, and was able to get both to donate their services to the development

of the new library which helped to decrease the financial burden of the project. The

development of the library was gaining momentum again after years of talk and little

action. One of the major challenges for the project was convincing residents that having

the new library inside of the K-Mart building was a good idea, would be aesthetically

pleasing and that the project would come to fruition. The project was led by Cathy Dame,

the library director and designated representative for the library board.

The planning team engaged Sam Allen, a local community organizer and

fundraiser, to begin generating renewed interest among residents which was a challenging

task given the apathy that developed in previous years around the project. Another

challenge was trying to convince Lebanon residents that the library was not going to look

like a K-Mart building and the library project would actually happen. Allen became

successful at generating community interest through community conversations and

marketing the library project as a community effort.

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The planning team quickly realized community ownership was going to be critical

to the success of the project. Allen stated that “we have found that people get really excited

about helping with a project that will improve the quality of their lives, when they can

actually see the results of their own efforts” (Christensen, 2008, p.151). Allen was able to

advertise that each contribution to the project would be physically recognized in the

building in the form of plaques, statues or something similar as well as help residents

understand that the library would improve the quality of life in Lebanon. People also

became convinced that the new library would not look like a Kmart building. The strategy

worked very well. Fundraising for the project grew, a sense of community pride and

ownership among residents was beginning to be fostered.

Over time, local media supported the library project which helped to increase

financial contributions to the project. “When I speak at conventions or to community

organizations about fundraising, the first question I ask my audience is: who is the editor

of your local newspaper, and who runs your local radio station” library director Dame said

(Christensen, 2008, p. 152). The local media played a significant role in fostering a sense

of pride, solidarity and enthusiasm within residents of Lebanon around the library project.

The planning team decided to design the exterior of the building first. Johnson

stated that:

our first priority was to get the community behind us. They had

been waiting so long for the new library and people were still apprehensive

that the thing was going to happen at the Kmart site, even with all the

publicity that Sam had gotten going. We had to start right away with the

outside so that they could see that something was happening. It was crucial

for them to see that the library was not going to look like an old Kmart.

Once we had the façade inplace, people really did understand that we were

no longer wasting everyone’s time, and that changes were afoot. And the

building looked great, so perceptions began to change.

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Conceptually, the very idea of what a library could- or should- be

was very maleable to the team at this point in the design process, since

nobody involved had ever been to a library in a big box before. This

structure needed to be heavily reimagined to make a fluid transition to its

new use, allowing designers to rethink what a library is meant to do and

what the institution is meant to be, beyond acting as a stockpile of books

and media sources. New precedents were about to be set, and as long as

they were forward-thinking enough to reconceptualize the Kmart building,

the library board was open to expanding the very idea of what a library is

suppose to be (Christensen, 2008, pp. 152-153).

Dame, the library director, was

approached with the idea of incorporating a

musuem dedicated to Historic Route 66

within the library project. The City of

Lebanon is near Historic Route 66, some of

which is now Interstate 44. Route 66 was

developed in 1926 and was no longer part of the

national state highway system in 1985. Historic

Route 66 is considered to be the “Mother Road of

America” and was once considered “America’s

Figure 24. Main Entrance


Figure 24. Floor of Route 66 Museum


Figure 25. Route 66 Museum Restaurant


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Main Street”. The nostalgia surrounding the legendary road eventually gave birth to a

tourist industry that cities and towns near the historic highway could take advantage of. It

was suggested that a Route 66 history museum could share the Kmart building with the

library which would incorporate a tourist attraction and a local theme into the new library

which could provide a stream of revenue for the library. The museum would not only be

an income generator for the library but could also bring additional business to the City of

Lebanon.

Dame got the planning team to visit a Route 66 Museum in Clinton, OK in order to

further explore the concept of a Route 66 History Museum. Later, the planning team would

discover that museums dedicated to Route 66 were increasing in number along the historic

highway. It was important for the team to figure out how the museum in Lebanon would

be different than the other Route 66 museums that existed.

“The fact that we were a museum merging

with a library made the structure of our setup

different than any other Route 66 Museum”

according to a member of the planning team

(Christensen, 2008, p. 158). It was decided that

since the relationship between the new library and

the Route 66 history museum would be syhmbiotic

that it only made sense for museum to have an extensive “thorough library about Route 66

Figure 26. Route 66 Museum


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lore and history” (Christensen, 2008, p. 158) which would lead to crossover clientele

between both insitutions.

“Many libraries are becoming what we

call ‘destination libraries’” according to Dame

(Christensen, 2008, p. 159). She was speaking

in regard to the decision to merge the library

and history museum. “Destination libraries

draw people into the structure for reasons

beyond just checking out books, and usually

they involve some sort of money-making venture to sustain th library”, says Dame

(Christensen, 2008, p. 159).

Many destination libraries have a

theme whether they be permanent or

temporary and they have book stores or cafes

included in them. Destination libraries give

people more reasons to extend their visit by

participating in activities or patronizing the

bookstore or café inside. The integration of

the library within a commercial space is an exploration beyond physical reuse of the big

box seeing how it serves as an example of capitalism blending with a public institution.

“Libraries simply do not receive enough money to survive on their own these days. They

need income” says Dame (Christensen, 2008, p. 159).

Figure 27. Route 66 Museum


Figure 28. Signage for Lebanon-Laclede County

Library


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Once architectural drawings of the project were complete, Dame staged a public

groundbreaking of the new library. She brought in a pile of dirt and gave all in attendance

hard hats, even though no ground was actually being broken, The event was to demonstrate

to the community that the project continued to move forward and show that milestones

were being reached with the renovation. “We had no ground to break, since the actual dirt

had long been covered by the Kmart building! But in order to inspire community

excitement, we created these events that got people inside of the building, so that they could

actually begin to visualize what was about to happen” (Christensen, 2008, p. 162). The

planning team held tours of the renovation everyday of the week. Tour participants were

viewed as potential donors to the project. The planning team gave tours to approximately

five thousand people during while construction was still ongoing.

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Overall, the project was able to raise a total of $2 million in local donations not

factoring inkind donations of labor some of which was two years worth of labor. A local

interior designer also donated her services. All donors are celebrated throughout the

project in many forms including hand-carved bookmarks with gold nametags, on plaques

in library meeting rooms and the hand-carved tree relief decorated with golden leaves

among other mediums of public recognition.

Figure 29. Floor plan of Lebanon-Laclede Library


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The library moving into the big box provided an opportunity to rethink the library

and reconceptualize how it plays a role in the community. The library and its associated

entities such as the Route 66 Museum and the café have made the old Kmart building both

a destination but more importantly a center of the community. “The fabric of the

monolithic structure itself is being reconceptualized, as the human tendency to connect

activities and patterns comes together under one giant roof. The space in this giant building

is creating not only a supersized library but also a textured community center, with many

destinations dwelling together simultaneously” (Christensen, 2008, p. 169) This case study

is another example that demonstrates how adaptive reuse of commercial developments

such as shopping centers and big box stores are becoming more common in the United

States.

Figure 30. Stack area of Lebanon-Laclede County Library


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Table 4. Framework for Lebanon-Laclede County Library


Figure 31. Children’s reading area


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V. The Frayser Case

This chapter will provide background information about the North Memphis

community of Frayser. Some of the information will include the history of Frayser, census

data showing demographics and will provide descriptions of Frayser’s physical

environment including zoning. It is important that a synopsis of Frayser is provided in

order to make connections with the case studies mentioned in this document. Such

connections will be crucial for making recommendations on how Frayser can develop a

strategy for the reuse of its vacant shopping centers.

History of Frayser?

The area known as Frayser began as a suburban town built around the Illinois

Central Railroad in the middle of the nineteenth century. Frayser was a passenger railroad

stop between Memphis and Covington, Tennessee. Like many other developing

communities of its time, Frayser developed around a railroad depot known as Frayser

Station (LIFT, 2013).

By the late 1870s, Frayser was lightly populated with small farms and the summer

homes of wealthy Memphians. The town was named in honor of Dr. J.W. Frayser– a

medical doctor and wealthy Memphian (LIFT, 2013). Historically, the boundaries of

Frayser have been the Loosahatchie River to the north, Mississippi River to the west, Wolf

River to the south and the Illinois Central Railroad to the east. As the twentieth century

came it brought increasing use of the automobile and decline in passenger traffic on the

railroad. Eventually, the area around Frayser Station became commonly referred to as

Frayser.

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Commercial and industrial development caused a significant growth in Frayser’s

population in the middle of the twentieth century. Large manufacturing employers such as

International Harvester and Firestone located to North Memphis and provided jobs for

many Frayser residents. Shopping centers in subdivisions such as Rugby Hills were being

developed to accommodate the growing demand for retail throughout Frayser. In 1958,

Frayser was annexed by the City of Memphis (LIFT, 2013). Frayser continued to grow

throughout the 1950s and 1960s, largely in response to the need for an industrial workforce.

New schools and shopping centers were built to accommodate its growing population.

Frayser began experiencing population decline due to difficult economic times that

began in the early 1980s after International Harvester, a manufacturing company,

eliminated nearly 1,500 jobs (LIFT, 2013). In the mid-1980s, International Harvester

discharged the rest of its employees and closed permanently. The loss of Firestone occurred

around the same time and added further economic damage to Frayser. This propelled an

exodus of white working class people to leave Frayser causing population decline in the

area. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Frayser transitioned from a predominantly

Caucasian, middle class neighborhood to a more racially diverse and economically

distressed neighborhood. Frayser is now considered one of the most economically

disadvantaged and highest crime-rated neighborhoods in of Memphis along with being one

of the least dense neighborhoods in Memphis.

Frayser consists of census tracts 99, 100, 101.1, 101.2, 102.2, and 103. According

to the 2010 U.S. Census, Frayser has a total population of 40,871. The population is

generally evenly distributed by age, with children under the age of five (almost 10% of

total) and adults aged 75 and older being outliers, as evidenced by Appendix 2. Teens ages

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15-19 make up almost 10% of the total population of Frayser (U.S. Census, 2010, Summary

File 1).

The neighborhood is predominately African American at 84 percent, with the

Caucasian population being the next largest race at just under 13 percent. Frayser was once

a predominantly Caucasian neighborhood (U.S. Census, 2010, Summary File 1). The racial

makeup of Frayser began to change as jobs were decreasing due to economic conditions in

the 1980s. Working class Caucasians began leaving and the African American population

began to grow. The Latino community is approximately 2.39 percent of the total population

of Frayser.

Some Memphis neighborhoods are considered food deserts. According to the

USDA, a food desert is a census tract (small subdivision of a county that usually contains

between 1,000 and 8,000 people but generally averages around 4,000 people) with a

substantial number or share of residents with low levels of access to retail outlets selling

healthy and affordable foods. Census tracts qualify as food deserts if they meet low-income

and low-access thresholds. According to the United States Department of Agriculture

(USDA), an area with a poverty rate of 20 percent or greater, or a median family income

at or below 80 percent of the statewide or metropolitan area median family income is

considered low income (LIFT, 2013).

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Figure 33. Poverty


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An area with 500 persons and/or at least 33 percent of the population lives more

than 1 mile from a supermarket or large grocery store is considered to have low access

according to the USDA (LIFT, 2013). Easy access to fresh, healthy, and affordable food is

vital to the success of a community. In recent years, Memphis has seen the development of

farmer’s markets bringing healthy and fresh food to communities that are food insecure.

Farmer’s markets help to fill a void that supermarkets have traditionally occupied.

According to the Shelby County Health Department (SCHD), some of the leading

causes of death in Frayser include cancer, heart disease, Alzheimer’s disease and

cerebrovascular disease (LIFT, 2013). Frayser has the highest rate of infant mortality and

teen pregnancy in Shelby County. Many factors contribute to infant mortality including

life-style choices, poor nutrition, poverty, domestic violence, access to medical care, birth

defects and substance abuse. Some of the health agencies that are located in Frayser

include Christ Community Health Services (primary care), Mahan House (mental health),

Midsouth Health and Rehabilitation (nursing home), Frayser Millington Mental Health

(Mental Health) and Guardian Group (Mental Health).

Frayser is 15.75 square miles and has 40,871 residents (LIFT, 2013). The Frayser

community has a total of nine recreational parks to serve residents. These parks include

neighborhood parks, parks connected to community centers and large parks. Many Frayser

parks have amenities such as walking trails, playground equipment, pavilions and

basketball courts. Frayser has a history of gangs running the parks making them unsafe to

use. Some parks do not have accurate signs that display the correct name of the park.

The mission of community centers in Memphis is to provide a safe and honest

environment that offers a wide variety of programs and services which meet the identified

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needs of the community. Community centers are a safe place for all ages to meet new

friends, socialize, learn new skills, keep fit, and stay healthy. Each community center

provides classes, programs and events in 5 core areas 1– health fitness, and wellness

services and programs; 2– Educational development and training services; 3– Cultural arts

programming; 4– Dance and musical expression; 5– Character building and social

development (LIFT, 2013). They also provide summer day camp; a gymnasium, game

room, art studio, kitchen and meeting rooms; supervised youth team sports; time for free

play; holiday events. These two centers offer aquatics; homework help; outdoor athletic

fields, walking trails, and playgrounds; partnerships with organization such as boy scouts,

girl scouts, AARP, and neighborhood associations. All community centers are available

for family reunions, banquets, wedding receptions, business meetings and more (LIFT,

2013).

With both failing elementary and high schools in the area, Frayser has relatively

low educational attainment. According to the 2010 American Community Survey, of the

population 18 and over, 28.9% lack a high school diploma (LIFT, 2013). Just over 20%

have completed some college or obtained an associate’s degree, and 2.6% have a bachelor’s

degree or higher. Forty percent of residents of the age of 18 have a high school diploma

(LIFT, 2013).

In January of 2010 the Tennessee legislature enacted the Tennessee First to the Top

Act– the most sweeping education law passed in Tennessee in over two decades (LIFT,

2013). Among the most notable components of this new, bi-partisan legislation was the

creation of The Achievement School District (ASD), a wholly new division of the State’s

Department of Education. The ASD is a key component of Tennessee’s strategy to address

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the persistently poor performance of many of its schools. The ASD has the ability to take

over and operate persistently poor performing schools across the state.

Currently, schools slated to enter the ASD will operate under three types of

governance structures, comprising a “portfolio” approach (LIFT, 2013). The ASD’s

relationship with schools will differ, depending on the governing arrangement. The three

governing arrangements are Direct-run Schools, Local Education Agency (LEA) Contract

School, or charter school.

The Tennessee Department of Education realized the problems facing the Frayser

community and were determined to improve the educational achievement in the

community, see Appendix 3. In 2012, the state announced that the newly minted

Achievement School District (ASD) would take over several low performing schools in

the Memphis area. The ASD targets schools that have been historically in the lowest 5%

of achievement standards within the city. The ASD is currently operating three schools in

the Frayser area: Corning Elementary, Frayser Elementary, and Westside Middle (LIFT,

2013).

Within the neighborhood boundaries, Frayser has eleven elementary schools. Eight

of the eleven elementary schools are classified as high priority schools—meaning they

have not met Tennessee’s Department of Education standards for two years (LIFT, 2013).

From the eleven different elementary schools, students are able to attend three different

middle schools. Frayser students attend two high schools: Frayser High and Trezevant

High.

Frayser is currently served by one public library, Frayser Branch Library. The

library is within 1-mile of a small sector of the community. The library is located off of

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Watkins at 3712 Argonne Street. It offers the largest collection of Christian fiction and

Auto Repair manuals in the Memphis Public Library System (LIFT, 2013). Listings of

community organizations and special functions in the area can be found at the library. Their

collection also includes many home-schooling materials and parent-teacher materials.

They have a meeting room that seats 30 people that can be used by non-profit organizations.

The library also advertises events that take place in the Frayser community. The library

includes 10 computers with internet access and offers copying services. The City of

Memphis is currently planning to build a new library in Frayser.

Figure 34. Frayser Branch Public Library

Source: Community LIFT Frayser Data Book

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Frayser has a lot of land, more than

fifteen square miles, with approximately half

being vacant or blighted. A significant amount

of that land is due to blighted properties (LIFT,

2013). Urban blight is the deterioration and

decay of buildings and older areas of a city due

to neglect, crime, or lack of economic support.

Since the International Harvester plant closed in

the 1980s and many people began moving out

blight was on the increase. Many of the people

that moved away were homeowners. The homeowners that left were not replaced

predominantly by renters. The combination of fewer homeowners and lack of economic

investment have led to more properties becoming blighted and serving as places of criminal

activity (LIFT, 2013).

Figure 35. Map of Vacant Land in Frayser


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Frayser Shopping Centers

Frayser is home to three shopping centers: Northgate Shopping Center, Frayser

Plaza and Frayser Village Plaza. Northgate fits the community shopping center typology-

provides soft goods and apparel, commonly anchored by supermarkets, drugstores and

department stores. It is the oldest of Frayser’s shopping centers having been established in

Figure 36. Map and Aerial Image of Northgate Shopping Center

Sources: Shelby County Assessor and Bing.com/maps

Figure 37. Vacancy

Source: Author

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1955 on more than seventeen acres of land and in a collection of buildings totaling 185,697

sq. ft. It is located at the intersection of Highway 51 and Whitney Avenue within the

western quadrant of Frayser. Northgate is currently forty-three percent vacant. Some of

the tenants include value oriented and mom and pop retail akin to the type of commercial

activity that is part of the second and third generation wave of retail in a shopping center.

Figure 38. Map and Aerial Image of Frayser Plaza Shopping Center


Figure 39. Vacancy

Source: Author

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Frayser Plaza, the second oldest shopping center in Frayser was built in 1965 on

more than eleven acres of land in a 107,305 sq. ft. building (Assessor, 2014). This shopping

center fits the neighborhood shopping center typology- convenience shopping for everyday

needs within immediate neighborhood, typically configured as a straight-line strip with

parking in front, along with a canopy at the entrance of establishments. Frayser Plaza

currently has a vacancy rate of twenty-six percent. Like Northgate, Frayser Plaza has value

oriented and mom and pop retail.

Figure 40. Map and Aerial Image of Frayser Village Plaza


Figure 41. Vacancy

Source: Author

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Frayser Village Plaza is the youngest shopping center in Frasyer having been built

in phases from 1968-1972 on 17 acres in buildings totaling 149,661 sq. ft. (Assessor, 2014).

This center, like Northgate, fits the community shopping center typology. One of the

significant differences between Frayser Village Plaza and Northgate is the type of tenants

each have. Tenants of Frayser Village Plaza consist primarily of national retailers such as

Kroger and Ashley Stewart among others, whereas Northgate only has one national retailer

as a tenant. Another key difference between the two shopping centers is their respective

vacancy rate with Frayser Village Plaza not having any vacancies. Shopping centers in

Frayser are partially vacant and overtime vacancy will likely increase. It is believed that a

plan for reusing shopping centers in Frayser should be developed before such facilities

become vacant and begin to have a negative impact on the community.

VI. Recommendations

The capstone began with research questions that can now be addressed after

completion of the case study research in the form of recommendations for the Frayser case.

The research questions were 1) what economic tools are currently available to encourage

the reuse of vacant shopping centers in Memphis and 2) how can vacant shopping centers

in Frayser be reused? The purpose of these questions is to demonstrate that vacant

shopping center sites in Frayser are valuable and can be reused. The reuse of such sites is

critical to getting people in Memphis to rethink continued urban sprawl development

patterns and convince them that it is possible to reuse existing infrastructure for new

development.

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The developments in each case began with a grand vision. The Jackson Medical

Mall case began with the vision of providing a state of the art ambulatory health care

facility providing quality care for the urban poor and serve as an anchor to bring new

vitality to the midtown area of Jackson, MS. The Schaumburg Town Square case began

first with a desire to deal with a shopping center that fell into decay but later transformed

into developing a destination place, akin to a downtown, for local residents to gather. The

Lebanon-Laclede County case began with the vision of building a new library that could

adequately serve residents and operate as a community gathering space.

In each case we saw a public institution or nonprofit organization lead

redevelopment efforts for the reuse of vacant shopping center and big box store sites. The

Jackson Medical Mall case was led by the University of Mississippi Medical Center. The

Schaumburg Town Square case was led by the mayor of Schaumburg Township. The

Lebanon- Laclede County Library case was led by the board of directors of the local library

(nonprofit) with the library director serving as the point person. Each institution began the

process of redevelopment with relatively significant resources that were leveraged to attain

additional capital for their respective reuse project. Public participation and community

ownership were critical to success in each case.

The Lebanon-Laclede Library County and Schaumburg cases used the need of

expanding the existing local library as a catalyst for redevelopment. In the Schaumburg

case, the need to build a new Schaumburg Library, which attracts more than one million

visitors annually, fueled interest of reusing the shopping center site (mainly the

infrastructure) among developers. The Lebanon-Laclede County Library case

demonstrated a reconceptualization of a library by introducing a revenue generating

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component in the form of the Route 66 Museum and special Route 66 library collection-

the only of its kind in the country.

Frayser, like both cases involving developing a new library, currently has a library

that is in need of major expansion due to increased use and addition of new materials

according to Dean Moore, The Frayser Branch Library Manager. There have been

discussions regarding the City of Memphis building a new library branch in Frayser. Some

of the discussion has been around the idea of a new Frayser library branch being part of

the Frayser Town Center concept- a plan that originated from the Mid-South Regional

Greenprint planning process in 2014. The Frayser Town Center concept is similar to the

Schaumburg Town Square case in developing a communal space, akin to a downtown,

using existing infrastructure at one of the shopping centers in Frayser.

There is opportunity for Frayser to capitalize on the need and likelihood of getting

a new library built as a tool to reuse one of the existing shopping center sites- Northgate,

Frayser Plaza or Frayser Village Plaza. There are other redevelopment efforts currently in

process throughout Memphis that involve the reuse of shopping center sites such as Raleigh

Springs Mall and Southbrook Mall. Projects involving those sites have requested

assistance from local government which in the Schaumburg case proved to be instrumental

in preparing the site to become developable.

Findings from this capstone have significant implications for city planning. One,

is that vacant shopping center sites can accommodate alternative uses, such institutional,

civic and sometimes commercial uses. The aforementioned case studies are relatively

successful examples of development alternatives for underutilized shopping center sites.

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The hope of this research is to draw further attention to creative ways of reusing large-scale

buildings whether they be malls, big-box stores and shopping centers.

Another implication for city planning is that planners need to be aware that adaptive

reuse projects of shopping center and big box store sites, which have existing infrastructure,

can be used as an economic development tool. The Lebanon-Laclede County Library was

able to effectively leverage the Route 66 Museum as an income generator for the library

and increase tourism in the City of Lebanon by capitalizing on its proximity to Historic

Route 66. The increase in tourists to the museum, who probably would not ordinarily visit

Lebanon, now will likely patronize other establishments in the city as a direct result of the

Route 66 Museum. The new Schaumburg Library site attracted developers primarily due

to the high volume of visitors the library receives annually.

A third implication for city planning is that there are design and/or structural

characteristics that can easily be incorporated into commercial building practices that will

allow for future building use flexibility. This can happen if local communities demand

more from commercial development through planning, design and regulatory strategies.

Memphis has begun to do this through the use of zoning overlay districts that are created

to maintain and or develop a certain character of a community’s physical environment.

Every shopping center site should not be repurposed. The size and configuration

of many shopping center sites will prevent consideration for anything other than

commercial uses in the future. The aforementioned case studies demonstrate that former

shopping center sites can be reused in many ways.

It is important to note that the population of Frayser may not be able to support, as

it currently is not able to, multiple shopping center developments but may be able to support

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one development of an existing shopping center. The other shopping center sites may be

best served through re-greening- demolishing existing structures and replaced with parks,

community gardens or reconstructed wetlands. Further research is needed to explore the

feasibility of implementing a re-greening strategy for shopping center sites in Frayser.

Frayser will need an entity to lead the redevelopment of one of the shopping center

sites in Frayser. Such an undertaking could be driven by a private entity but may lack

community-wide support and discover garnering financial public assistance will be more

challenging compared to a public institution or a nonprofit leading the effort. Based upon

the cases in this paper, it is recommended that nonprofit organization, such as a community

development organization, lead in reusing one of the shopping center site in Frayser.

Local government currently lacks the capacity to oversee such as development,

however it is becoming more common in Memphis for nonprofit organizations to engage

in physical development. The nonprofit organizations in Memphis that are engaged in

physical development typically develop single and multifamily housing with some

beginning to expand into commercial development. The nonprofit that would lead a

shopping center redevelopment effort in Frayser should generate community support for

such a project.

Each case demonstrated that significant resources are needed to redevelop a former

shopping center or big box store site. The cases reflected resources that were varied

ranging from cash, bonds, tax increment financing, loans and in-kind donations. The

Schaumburg case was the most capital intense primarily due to the original shopping center

being completely demolished with only the infrastructure (i.e. underground plumbing,

electrical infrastructure, and storm water management system) being used for the new

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project. More than $100 million was used for the project with local government investing

more than $30 million by using cash, bonds and tax increment financing as tools to make

the project more desirable and therefore developable.

The Jackson Medical Mall case was also capital intense requiring more than $50

million which was the total project cost including making improvements the existing Mall

of Jackson (i.e. roof repairs). The capital in that case was in the form of loans bonds and

cash. Part of the reason the Jackson Medical Mall was capital intense was due to the facility

being adapted for medical and healthcare purposes and being adequately equipped to

operate as an ambulatory facility. The Lebanon-Laclede County Library case provides the

most applicable path for Frayser in redevelopment. This case was the least capital intense,

however the project benefitted greatly from resources such as in-kind donations from local

professionals, donated property and strong community support through many small

financial contributions. The old Kmart building in Lebanon was not in need of significant

improvements, unlike the Jackson Mall, therefore greatly reducing the overall cost of the

project.

A shopping center redevelopment in Frayser would more than likely incur a total

project cost in excess of $2 million. Frayser does appear to have strong organizations and

community leaders that appear to be supportive of community development and would

probably support redeveloping one of the shopping centers. One of the immediate steps

the community can take in beginning to redevelop one of the current shopping centers is

by consulting with some of the existing community development nonprofit organizations

in Frayser to gauge their interest in overseeing the development of such a project. Another

step would include engaging the City of Memphis in its desire to replace the current Frayser

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library with a new library and looking into the possibility of allowing the new library to be

a part of the shopping center redevelopment. It is recommended that Northgate Shopping

Center or Frayser Plaza be selected as the site for redevelopment. These two shopping

centers are probably best positioned for redevelopment. Frayser Village Plaza currently

does not have any vacancies unlike the other two sites. Frayser Plaza appears to be the

best positioned site for a number of reasons. One, it is located in the geographic center of

Frayser, is within walking distance of multiple schools, neighborhoods, churches and some

restaurants. Similar to the Lebanon-Laclede Library case, the Frayser community can seek

out professional services from designers and possibly some contractors to assist with the

project. Design professionals are often required to periodically provide services free of

charge in as part of maintaining licensure.

Overall, the Frayser community has significant potential in realizing the

redevelopment of shopping centers and seeing them as places thriving with vitality once

again by learning from the aforementioned cases. The upfront cost may be very substantial,

however in doing so will provide significant savings over time by using existing

infrastructure for new development instead of continuing urban sprawl which in not

sustainable over time.

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Table 5. Framework for Frayser Recommendations

Source: Author

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Appendix 1

Phone interview and email correspondence with Matt Frank, Assistant Director of

Community Development/ Economic Development Manager for the Village of

Schaumburg, Illinois on 2/12/14 and 2/13/14.

The following were questions asked of Mr. Frank via email and by phone interview.

1. What actors were involved in the development of Village Square?

2. What was the goal of the project?

3. How was the project accomplished?

4. What was the project schedule?

5. Why was the project proposed?

The following is a transcript of Mr. Frank’s responses via email and by phone interview:

“Town Square is a new community center that occupies 30 acres of land in the Village of

Schaumburg, Illinois. When complete, Town Square will have more than 320,000 square

feet of development consisting of a public library, food store, restaurants, retail shops,

offices, and a museum of architecture and design. In addition, there are 3.5 acres of

public open space, including a centrally-located plaza with pond, amphitheater, and a

landmark clock tower.

The Town Square Redevelopment site was originally developed as a shopping center in

1970. The center fell into disuse during the 1980s. Village leadership was unhappy with

the condition of the center and designated 123 acres in 1989 as a Tax Increment Finance

District. Redevelopment of Town Square was included in the required TIF Plan. Village

officials worked with the owner of the center to create a specific redevelopment scheme.

By 1994, nothing new had been built so Village officials condemned the property using

TIF funding to finance acquisition and development of the property.

Schaumburg changed its approach from planning and building a shopping center to

creating a community center. The revised Town Square plan would be a mix of public

and private activity. The Village hired a design team to help develop a master plan and

detailed landscape and streetscape plans.

Once acquired, the Village and the lead developer proceeded to improve the site

according to the master plan and the terms of a redevelopment agreement. The first

building, Dominick’s Finer Foods, opened in 1996 and was followed soon thereafter by

two retail buildings. In the following years, a library, video store, bank, ice cream shop,

and restaurant were developed.

Town Square is a pedestrian friendly site with decorative pathways, year-round

landscaping, waterfalls, fountains, and a reflective pond. Now there are year-round

programs of special events for the community including concerts, story-telling, farmer

markets, Christ Kindles Market, and theatrical performances. Schaumburg continues to

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follow its master plan for Town Square and work with its partners in creating a

community center.”

Appendix 2

Distribution by Age

Source: U.S. Census, 2010, Summary File 1

Distribution by Age

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Appendix 3

Appendix 4

School Performance


Memphis Annexation Map

Source: http://www.smartcitymemphis.com/2013/09/a-healthy-downtown-is-key-to-a-

strong-community/

Gene Burse Planning Degree Capstone

Documents

Transcript of Gene Burse Planning Degree Capstone