FREE IDIOTS

An enquiry into educational decision-making processes and student life at the

Indian Institute of Technology of Madras

Master Thesis for Cultural Anthropology and Sociology of Non-Western Societies (July 2014)

University of Amsterdam Author: Dylan John Henebury

Student number: 5897955

E-mail: djhenebury@hotmail.com

Word count: 22.527

Supervisor: dhr. dr. G.A. (Gerben) Moerman

Reviewed by: dhr. prof. dr. M.A.F. (Mario) Rutten & mw. dr. Y.M. (Yolanda) van Ede

Acknowledgements

I am very much indebted to a large number of people who have supported me from the moment

of my research proposal on through my fieldwork period until the final day on which I presented

this thesis. I would first of all like to thank Gerben Moerman, for continuous support and an

ever-positive attitude towards my research, especially in my moments of doubt. I thank Ram

Bragadish and his family for introducing me to Chennai and being the kindest of hosts. Many

thanks also to Ravi, Safeer, Sett, Spring (Sai Sanketh), Rohith and Jyothika for having me in

their company throughout my fieldwork and for all help with collecting data. Thanks to

Franziska Lindhout, for introducing me to this wonderful group of students. Finally, I would

like to thank my parents and my girlfriend for their continuous patience and support while I was

writing this thesis.

Thank you so much!

pg. i

Contents

Acronyms iv.

‘Man, I think you’ll like it here!’ 1

Chapter I: Introduction to the Research 2

1.1 Research Inspiration and Research Question 3

1.2 Fieldwork & Methodology 5

1.3 Setting 8

1.4 Motivation for Research 10

Chapter II: Theoretical Framework 11

2.1 Foucault’s Conceptualisation of Discourse 12

2.2 Critical Discourse Analysis 13

2.3 Discursive Resonance Model 15

Chapter III: Education in India 17

3.1 Introduction 18

3.2 History of Higher Education in India 19

3.2.1 Education until 1970 19

3.2.2 Education: 1970 – 2000 21

3.2.3 Education: 2000 Onwards 23

3.3 The Contours of a Discourse 25

3.4 The Current Education System 26

3.4.1 Current Format of Education 26

3.4.2 Shadow Education 29

3.4.3 Visible Evidence of a Dominant Discourse 30

3.5 Conclusions 32

pg. ii

Chapter IV: Parental Involvement 33

4.1 Introduction 34

4.2 Parental Motivation 35

4.2.1 The Pursuit of Settling in Life 35

4.2.2 Gender Differences 36

4.3 Parental Involvement 38

4.3.1 Parental Decisions 38

4.3.2 Parental Strategies: Showing the Right Path 40

4.4 Conclusions 47

Chapter V: Life at the IITM 49

5.1 Introduction 50

5.2 Comparing Mentalities: ICE vs. IITM 50

5.3 The Experience of Student Life 55

5.4 Conclusions 61

Chapter VI: Free Idiots 63

6.1 Conclusion 64

6.5 Suggestions for Further Research 67

REFERENCES 68

pg. iii

Acronyms

CGPA Cumulative Grade Point Average

EDP Educational Decision-making processes

EPL English Premier League

GER General Enrolment Ratio

ICE Imperial College of Engineering (from the movie 3 Idiots)

IIT(M) Indian Institute of Technology (Madras)

JEE Joint Entrance Examination

MHRD Ministry of Human Resource Development

PROBE Public Report on Basic Education

SSA Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (Education for all project)

IITM departments:

BIO Biotechnology

CE Civil Engineering

CH.E Chemical Engineering

CS Computer Science and Engineering

EE Electrical Engineering

EP Engineering Physics

HUM Humanities and Social Sciences

ME Mechanical Engineering

MME Metallurgical and Materials Engineering

OE Ocean Engineering

pg. iv

‘Man, I think you’ll like it here’ (June 16th, 2013)

It’s 5 o’clock on a Sunday afternoon in Chennai. This is my first day of fieldwork in the sunny

capital of the South-Indian state of Tamil Nadu. Not wanting to waste time, I decide to dial a few

phone numbers from my hotel to make an appointment with some students from the IITM

(Indian Institute of Madras), who seemed to be eager to meet with me. Two hours later, I find

myself sitting on the terrace of Cozee restaurant next to Elliot’s beach. The cup of chai standing

in front of me appears to be heating up rather than cooling down.

A rickshaw comes to a halt in front of the restaurant and two youngsters step out. One is

wearing a Chelsea football jersey, the other a Manchester United jersey. Both of them are

smoking a cigarette. As they turn to pay the driver, I get up to introduce myself. ‘Hey guys, so

here I am. Thanks for meeting me here. You must be Aarav1,’ I say to the guy in the Chelsea

shirt, ‘and so you must be Vivaan’ basing my statement on their respective Facebook pages. It

turns out they swapped jerseys for the day. After a few cups of chai, the ice is broken, molten

more likely, and the three of us set out on our first excursion, many other excursions would

follow in the next three months. Since my research was to take place at IITM, Aarav and Vivaan

decided to show me the IITM campus grounds.

A rickshaw takes us to one of the back gates. The guard is sleeping in his booth and we

enter unnoticed. I marvel at the jungle-like compound that we walk into and at the fact that the

guys tell me we have to wait for a bus to ‘really take us inside.’ It is the holidays now, so buses

are less frequent and the campus is relatively quiet. Through the windows of the perfectly typical

yellow school bus I see enormous unidentified buildings passing by. The bus stops at a round-a-

bout and we get off. ‘This is “GC” or “Gajendra Circle”, remember this place because you’ll be

back here often,’ Aarav tells me. ‘For now, let’s go to Sangam, there won’t be anyone there now.

We can chill out there.’

A couple of minutes later I am sitting on an open field, smoking a joint for the first time

in a year, listening to Led Zeppelin’s “Stairway to Heaven”, playing from a smartphone.

‘Participant observation’, I tell myself when I exhale the smoke. Aarav catches my facial

expression and says: ‘Man, I think you’ll like it here. There are a bunch of crazy people there

that would love to meet a guy from Amsterdam. We’re gonna show you a good time.’

1 To ensure anonymity, these are not the original names; instead I have used popular Indian names.

pg. 1

Chapter I

Introduction to the Research

Rancho: Make your passion your profession, and work will become a game.

pg. 2

1.1 Research Inspiration and Research Question

This research was conducted at the IITM (Indian Institute of Technology Madras) in the town of

Chennai, formerly known as Madras. For a period of three months I lived amongst the students

of this prestigious higher education institute – famous, in particular, for its engineering courses –

to do research on educational decision-making processes2 (from here on: EDP) and student life.

During my first visit to India I spoke with quite a large number of students, many of

whom, I realized, were pursuing a degree in either engineering or medicine. Frequently, what

started as a casual greeting on the train, in a bar or in a restaurant, turned into long conversations

about various aspects of life. A recurring theme of interest for students appeared to be

professional career opportunities in the Netherlands. They were disappointed when I told them I

had no clue as to the availability of jobs for engineers in the Dutch labour market. Instead, I told

them I was far more concerned with figuring out what I wanted to study when I went home. This

remark raised eyebrows, as if to say ‘shouldn’t you base your educational decision on the jobs

that are available in your country?’

Three years later, after successfully completing a bachelor degree in Cultural

Anthropology, I visited India for the second time. With the financial crisis at its peak and my

entry to the labour market closer at hand, my worry-free attitude had faded somewhat. My

seniors at university had finished their anthropological degrees and were clearly struggling to

find a job. I was beginning to doubt my own career choices, even though I had enjoyed studying

anthropology very much.

In the year before my second visit to India, an extremely popular Bollywood movie

called 3 Idiots was released. I did not know it then, but it was to become the main source of

inspiration for my master research. Given my previous encounters with Indian students and my

personal doubts with regards to my career choices, I was intrigued by Rancho’s point of view in

3 Idiots (see quote on previous page).

One day, while I was lying on a beach in Goa, drinking a cold Kingfisher beer and

contemplating my future, I was approached by a group of Indian sociology students. They

studied at the University of Mumbai and had driven to Goa for the weekend. We sat around a fire

on the beach all night and talked. At a certain point I asked them to give their opinion of the 3

2 I use the term “educational decision” to refer to a chosen higher education discipline. Anthropology, for example, was my educational decision. By “educational decision-making process” (EDP) I refer to the process of choosing such a discipline.

pg. 3

Idiots movie. Although they agreed that it was a good movie,

they also argued that it wrongly represented student life in

India, by overemphasizing the misfortune of some students.

One of the students summed up everyone’s opinion by

saying: ‘It’s good, in that it addresses the pressure points of

our society and our education system, and bad, because it is

overly negative and full of typical Bollywood exaggerations

and heroism.’

A year and a half later, I am flying to India for a third time.

Having decided to continue my academic career in

anthropology, despite still having doubts about my future

career, I set out to answer the following research question:

How do IITM students narrate about parental involvement

on EDPs and how do they narrate about their student life?

From 3 Idiots I deducted three interconnected hypotheses

that I wanted to investigate. It is noteworthy to mention that,

in the movie, these hypotheses are portrayed as indisputable

facts. The first hypothesis holds that:

1. The dominant discourse in the field of higher

education in India holds that professional courses

are better than liberal courses.

The filmmakers show that most people in India associate

professional courses, in particular engineering and medicine,

with economic prosperity and status. Because of these

features, the filmmaker argue, engineering and medicine are

the most highly valued academic disciplines, particularly

3 Idiots Rancho, Farhan and Raju are three friends at the Imperial College of Engineering in Delhi. The free-spirited Rancho is passionate about machines, whereas his to friends are not so much. Farhan would much rather study wildlife photography, but his father will not allow this. Raju is extremely afraid of failure, because his family have high expectations of his career. While Rancho gets the highest grades, despite his lack of studying discipline, Farhan and Raju consistently have below average grades. Misguided by the harsh words of principle Virus, who despises Rancho, Farhan and Raju eventually blame their friend for providing too much distraction. Rancho, however, tries to convince them that it is not due to their lack of effort, but due to a lack of interest (in Farhan’s case) and too much parental pressure (in both Farhan and Raju’s case). Rancho blames Indian society, especially the parent generation, for overvaluing professional education, particularly medicine and engineering, and he accuses the Indian education system of promoting a competitive rat-race that literally drives students to the edge. Finally, Rancho is able to convince his friends of his point of view. Farhan confronts his parents and, with Rancho’s help, he starts studying wildlife photography. Raju eventually gets a decent corporate job, after he miraculously survives his attempt at suicide which completely changes his perspective of life. Rancho becomes one of the world’s leading engineers.

pg. 4

amongst parents. The second hypothesis, therefore, is closely related to the first:

2. Indian parents are highly involved in their children’s’ education and their involvement is

in line with the dominant discourse.

With regards to EDPs of IITM students, it is expected that parents were highly involved in these

and that their involvement was dedicated to directing their child towards an engineering course at

an IIT. Finally, the third hypothesis deducted from 3 Idiots correlates with both the first and

second hypothesis and holds that:

3. Students experience student life as unpleasant, because they are under pressure of the

competitive atmosphere of education and continuous parental monitoring.

According to the filmmakers, the dominant discourse creates a very competitive educational

atmosphere in the institutes that offer the commonly preferred courses; engineering and

medicine. Since parents are also deemed to be “under the spell” of the dominant discourse, they

are seen to push students to study very hard, to keep ahead of the competition. Because of this,

the filmmakers argue, students have absolutely no time for entertainment and thus tend to dislike

student life.

1.2 Fieldwork & methodology

The findings presented in this thesis are based on three months of anthropological fieldwork,

from the 14th of June until the 11th of September, 2013. The academic year at the IITM started on

the first day of August but, fortunately for me, most students returned from their parental homes

two weeks prior to the start of the semester. For the first month of my research period, however,

there were few IITM students around. I had, however, anticipated this gap in the research period

and, with the help of Ms. Lindhout, a German language professor at the IITM, I had made

contact with some Chennai based IITM students through Facebook, prior to my arrival.

Once I set foot in Chennai, I immediately made contact with one of those students,

Aarav, who had been so kind as to provide his mobile phone number. Though at first I found it

hard to call him on a daily basis, since he was one of the few contacts I had in Chennai and I felt

pg. 5

I might be invading on his privacy, he soon made it clear to me that he enjoyed the company and

we hung out together for an entire month, until the IITM students started to return. During this

month he introduced me to his family and many of his high school friends. Due to the heat of the

days we would generally hang out in the evenings, go back home very late at night and sleep

until afternoon. I remember how I usually had my breakfast around 2 p.m. and how this changed

once the semester got underway.

I had decided to start off my research in a very casual manner, not wanting to frighten

anybody with too many questions. I had a feeling that, because it was summer holidays, Aarav

and his friends felt no urge to talk much about education and were more into enjoying their free

time and showing me around. Not wanting to disturb the pleasure of their holidays, I decided to

simply go along with most things they did. Just occasionally I would enquire about IITM or

education in India in general. Sometimes these enquiries led to interesting conversations and

information which I later incorporated in my interviews with IITM students.

Just two weeks before the start of the semester, many students were returning to the

campus and, once again, Aarav introduced me to quite a few of them. I familiarized myself with

this new group and started to hang out with them on the campus. We could spend many hours a

day sitting in hostel rooms, playing cards and listening to music. After just a few days of doing

this I decided to interview my newly acquired friends. These preliminary interviews were open-

ended and often turned into long conversations, due to the fact that I had become quite close with

these students. With the help of these open-ended interviews I was able to make a list of topical

questions for later interviews.

It was during these preliminary interviews, also, that I decided not to elaborate on the

topics of class and caste in my interviews. The first thing I noticed in these interviews were that

the students, all belonging to the same group of friends, belonged to very different castes and

even classes; yet, they did not even know this themselves. The statement ‘we are all IIT-ians’,

made by a very bright humanities student, seemed to sum up the situation, which is not to say

that class and caste do not matter at all in the educational career of Indian students.

There was also a pragmatic aspect to my decision not to expand on the issues of class and

caste. I realized that to be able to research whether, and to what extent, class and caste mattered

for EDP’s or students’ experience of student life, I needed to have better access to the

pg. 6

households from where these students hailed. Unfortunately, however, the parents of most IITM

students lived far from Chennai.

At first, it was feared that this problem might also interfere with my examination of the

second hypothesis. However, since I was investigating the involvement of parents on the EDP’s

of students, I felt confident that this information could just as well be extracted from student

accounts. One thing I did to get a better grip on parental involvement was to include questions

about primary and secondary school, another was to ask about parental involvement in the

educational career of brothers and sisters of the IITM students.

As the semester started, however, I realized that the first week was far too hectic for any

interviewing to take place. Besides, this was a week in which participant observation presented

itself as the perfect method for gathering data. I went to several gatherings for newly arrived

students and sat in the campus food courts observing the interactions between parents (who had

come to IITM for the day)3 and students. Occasionally I would be joined here by senior students

who would laugh and make jokes about the so-called “freshies” (new students).

Getting into the second week of the semester I started doing semi-structured interviews

on a daily basis. I asked my newly-acquired friends to introduce me to a random selection of

students and not just to their friends. With their help I managed to interview 19 male students

and 7 female students. I usually interviewed male students in their hostel rooms, because this is

where they seemed most comfortable. I was not allowed to enter the girls’ hostels and so I

interviewed them under the “wisdom tree” outside the library or at Café Coffee Day, depending

on what they preferred.

Most students appeared to be quite eloquent and willing to answer questions. There were

a few students, however, who found it hard to answer questions with more than just a “yes” or a

“no”. I would try to comfort these students by telling them a little more about myself and my

own education. On two occasions I realized that, in spite of their approval, my recording device

appeared to be making the student anxious. In these cases I offered to place the device out of

sight or switch it of entirely.

When I was not interviewing, I frequently took part in games of badminton or football in

the hostels, despite having difficulties with the heat. I found that this kind of participant

3 The IITM had set up a rather full schedule for the day, which meant that it was near impossible to talk with these parents. Besides, just like their sons and daughters, they appeared to be occupied with the unfamiliar surroundings.

pg. 7

observation was most rewarding, since, by participating in sports, I was able to present myself as

a fellow student, rather than a researcher. With this identity of student, or age-mate, a sense of

equality was established, which made students feel more at ease in my presence. In order to

retain this identity, I hardly ever made notes during the day; instead I tried to remember the most

significant events and comments of the day and wrote these in my journal at night, in the privacy

of my hotel room.

The various methods of data collection (through interviews, casual talks, participation in

student activities and by observing student life, as well as the overall climate of education –

embedded, for example, in regional and national newspaper items, public advertisement and

websites like Facebook and Quora) allowed me to cross-examine and triangulate my findings in

the field and thereafter. The interviews with Chennai based educational professionals, Sudha

Sudeep and Padma Chandramouli, proved to be particularly helpful in this respect.

1.3 Setting

The IITM is ranked 7th best university in India (The Times of India: 05-03-2013) and occupies an

area of 2.5 km² that was once part of the Guindy National Park in the centre of Chennai. It was

established in 1959 and it has sixteen different academic departments; namely, Aerospace

Engineering, Applied Mechanics, Biotechnology, Chemical Engineering, Chemistry, Civil

Engineering, Computer Science and Engineering, Electrical Engineering, Engineering Design,

Humanities and Social Sciences, Management Studies, Mathematics, Mechanical Engineering,

Metallurgical and Materials Engineering, Ocean Engineering and Physics.

The campus grounds are overgrown by a lush green forest and endangered animal

species, like the blackbuck deer, wander freely amongst the students. The area is split into four

zones: a nature zone, a residential zone (for staff), a hostel zone (for students) and an academic

zone. (See map next page) IITM has approximately 8000 students divided over 13 hostels. The

residential area houses 550 faculties and 1250 other staff members and their families. Other

noteworthy buildings on the IITM grounds include: nearly 100 laboratories, a few shopping

centres, a hospital, a swimming pool, an open air theatre, 3 restaurants, 2 primary schools, 3

temples, 3 bank branches, food shops, a gym, a swimming pool, cricket, football, hockey tennis

and badminton stadiums.

pg. 8

Surrounding the campus grounds are the neighbourhoods of Tharamani, Thiruvanmiyur,

Adyar, Velachery and the Guindy National Park. Tharamani is the area closest to the hostel zone

and is often flooded with IIT students during the semesters. Tharamani is home to a wide variety

of small shops and restaurants catering to the needs of students. There are cheaply priced road-

side restaurants and juice bars, but also a huge indoor fast-food plaza that has McDonalds,

Subway, Pizza Hut and a few Indian chain restaurants. After spending two weeks in a hostel

quite far away from IITM, I decided to move to Tharamani, where I stayed in a hotel just outside

the gates of IITM for the rest of my fieldwork period.

Although I spent most of

my time on and around the

campus grounds, I sometimes

shared a rickshaw with student to

get to the beach or a cinema

complex in the city centre. For

my personal errands outside of

Tharamani, I had rented a

scooter. This proved to be quite

useful for interviews with

professionals, whom I would

generally meet at their working

place.

Nevertheless, the most

noteworthy locations of my

fieldwork are all within the

campus walls; the boys hostel

area, were I interviewed male

students and spent a lot of time

observing and participating in

student life. The “wisdom tree”

Map of the Campus Grounds

pg. 9

and CCD coffee parlour, next to the library and girls’ hostels, were I interviewed female

students. Last but certainly not least, I spent a lot of time in secluded spots on the campus, where

students engaged in activities that required a certain amount of secrecy.

1.4 Motivation for Research

As was mentioned earlier, the movie 3 Idiots and my countless encounters with engineering

students in India accounted for my personal motivation to do this research. I wanted to put

myself in a position from where I would be able to give an ethnographic account of student life

at a prestigious Indian institute for higher education. Secondly, I wanted the research to shed

light on the popularity of engineering courses in India. To be able to do so, I sought the help of

various approaches to discourse analysis (see theoretical framework) and I decided to add the

concept of educational decision-making processes to the heart of my research question.

As a result, I have been able to draw a number of careful conclusions about the field of

higher education in India, which add to – and can be used as a springboard for future research in

the areas of discourse analysis, family studies, studies on education and shadow education and

perhaps even psychological studies with regards to pressure and stress experienced by students.

pg. 10

Chapter II

Theoretical Framework

pg. 11

2.1 Foucault’s Conceptualisation of Discourse

In the next chapter I will be examining the higher education discourse that emerges from the

storyline in 3 Idiots. In the chapters after that, I will be looking whether that same discourse has

an effect on students’ EDPs and/or on the way students experience student life. Before I do so,

however, it is necessary to conceptualise the term “discourse”, which has been used by so many

scholar in at least as many ways.

Certainly the most influential definition of discourse is the one offered by Michel

Foucault, though most modern-day discourse analysts tend to diverge from his definition.

(Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002: 13) Foucault defines discourse as follows:

We shall call discourse a group of statements in so far as they belong to the same discursive formation

[…Discourse] is made up of a limited number of statements for which a group of conditions of existence can be

defined. Discourse in this sense is not an ideal, timeless form […] it is, from beginning to end, historical – a

fragment of history […] posing its own limits, its divisions, its transformations, the specific modes of its

temporality. (Foucault, 1972: 172 in: Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002: 12)

Clearly embedded in this definition of discourse is the notion of power, with which Foucault was

primarily concerned. It is power that determines which statements will be considered as

meaningful and which statements will be discarded as false. (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002: 13)

The rather vague concept of power in discourse becomes slightly more tangible when Foucault

explains power as inextricably bound to knowledge. In other words, then, it is knowledge that

determines what is to be considered as true and false. According to the rules of mathematics, 2 +

2 = 4. Anyone who would attempt to argue that 2 + 2 = 5 would be considered ignorant or even

foolish. Just as the equation 2 + 2 = 4 is backed by mathematics, so are statements backed by

respective regimes of knowledge/power. Any statement that contradicts this knowledge/power

regime will be discarded as meaningless.

Discourse, according to the first part of Foucault’s conceptualisation, appears to be

relatively static. However, in the next sentence of the definition, Foucault describes discourse as

a fragment of time, which implies a certain degree of fluidity. The apparent contradiction in

Foucault’s definition of discourse is explained by his definition of power as ‘…a productive

network which runs through the whole social body….’ (Foucault, 1980: 119 in: Jørgensen &

Phillips, 2002: 13) Power stimulates the production of new knowledge, which is then again

pg. 12

incorporated into the power regime, thereby reproducing or changing the amount of meaningful

statements that make up the discourse. This is an ongoing circular process, albeit a relatively

slow one. According to Foucault, then, there can be only one discourse, one set of statements,

per historical period, but this set of statements may/will change along with the progression of

knowledge.

While most discourse scholars adhere to Foucault’s definition of ‘…discourses as

relatively rule-bound sets of statements which impose limits on what gives meaning...,’

(Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002: 13) they do not agree with Foucault’s tendency to identify only one

discourse per historical period. Instead, the majority of contemporary discourse analysts argue

that multiple discourses can and do exist side by side; often struggling for the right to define

truth. (Ibid.:13)

2.2 Critical Discourse Analysis

In the late 1980’s, Norman Fairclough spearheaded an approach to discourse analysis which

became known as “critical discourse analysis” (CDA). Rather confusingly, Fairclough uses the

term discourse in three different ways: (1) discourse-as-semiosis, (2) discourse-as-discursive-

practise and (3) discourse-as-social-practice. (Blommaert & Bulcean, 2000) The former refers

simply to the acts of meaning-making, or semiosis. ‘Semiosis includes all forms of meaning-

making – visual images and body language as well as verbal [spoken and written] language.’

(Fairclough, 2001: 234) Semiosis occurs in various forms, or “genres” (Ibid.: 235), such as

casual conversations, interviews, advertisements, that are dependent on the context in which

semiosis takes place. For example, the interaction between a butcher and his client is unlikely to

take the form of an interview, just as an interviewer is unlikely to wear a blood-stained apron.

The simple acts of wearing an apron and asking only questions, thus, give meaning to a

particular social activity.

Discourse-as-discursive-practice refers to the production, circulation, distribution and

consumption of text. The catholic discourse, for example, is circulated by means of the catholic

Bible and speeches by the Pope and other important catholic figures. It is then consumed by

many people all over the world, who then reproduce this texts, or parts of it, to give meaning to

the social context in which they are situated. Analysis of discursive practices, according to CDA,

should focus ‘… on how authors of text draw on already existing discourses [read: discourse-as-

pg. 13

text] and genres to create a text, and on how receivers of texts also apply available discourses

and genres in the consumption and interpretation of the texts.’ (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2006: 69)

Finally, discourse-as-social-practice refers to discourse as social activity. Discourse-as-

social-practice is seen to be in a dialectical relationship with other social practices; discourse is

both socially constitutive as well as socially conditioned. Consider the following example of the

family:

The relationship between parents and children is partly discursively constituted […], but, at the same time, the

family is an institution with concrete practices, pre-existing relationships and identities. These practices,

relationships and identities were originally discursively constituted, but have become sedimented in institutions

and non-discursive practices. (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2006: 62)

The interconnectedness of social practices constitutes a social order or, to use a term coined by

Pierre Bourdieu, a field (see Bourdieu & Wacquant 1996: 94ff.); that is ‘… a relatively

autonomous social domain obeying a specific social logic.’ (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2001: 72)

Contrary to what Foucault believed, Fairclough argues that within each field one may encounter

several discourses, each of them struggling for power. Revealing the “order of discourse” of a

specific field – determining which discourse is dominant and which discourses are inferior –

constitutes an important aspect of CDA. (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999: 114) The fact that

multiple discourses can exist within a specific field amounts to a constant state of hegemonic

struggle. Marginal, oppositional and alternative discourses have the potential to eventually

overthrow the hegemonic order of discourse, which is what interested Fairclough most of all. 4

In this research, I examine whether it is true that the dominant discourse in the field of

higher education in India is one that favours professional education over liberal education (see

the first hypothesis in chapter I). In the following chapter I will examine whether such a

discourse could have been socially constituted in the first place, by looking at the history of the

field of higher education, and I will check whether such a discourse continues to be circulated. In

4 Fairclough’s CDA has a highly political agenda. Very much in line with the Marxist tradition, Fairclough argues that the CDA approach should be used, particularly, to reveal hegemonic discourses that maintain unequal power relations in a given society. The ultimate aim of CDA, according to Fairclough, is to speed up processes of social change, so that power relations may become more balanced. By contrast, my research has no political agenda. I am merely interested in the effects orders of discourse may have on educational decision-making processes and students’ experiences of student-life. My use of CDA, then, may well be called NDA (N for neutral) as opposed to CDA (C for critical).

pg. 14

the fourth and fifth chapter, I will discuss how parents and students relate to the order of

discourse.

2.3 Discursive Resonance Model

In an interesting research paper on people’s perspectives of noise pollution caused by flight

traffic, Christian Bröer (2006) presents his “discursive resonance model”. He finds that the

rhetoric of the dominant political discourse regarding noise pollution often “resonates” in the

way people voice their own opinion of noise pollution. He distinguishes between three ways in

which people may relate to a dominant discourse; by having (1) a consonant voice, (2) a

dissonant voice or (3) an autonomous (or non-resonating) voice. (Ibid.: 55)

People who have a consonant voice more or less copy the rhetoric of the dominant

discourse to frame their personal opinion. In the Netherlands, to stick to Bröer’s own research,

the policy for flight traffic takes noise pollution into consideration, by . However, it also has to

take into consideration the fact that Schiphol airport is very important for the Dutch economy. As

a result, the adopted policy is aimed at planning noise pollution. The policy determines how

many decibels an aeroplane may produce, or how many planes are allowed to fly into Schiphol

airport on a daily basis. Consequently, Bröer argues that consonant people accepted noise

pollution as a necessary evil, but complained when they thought the limits of the policy had been

breached.

Dissonant voices, on the other hand, partially reflect and, at the same time partially

counter the dominant discourse. Generally, dissonant voices use the rhetoric of the dominant

discourse to point out what aspect of that discourse they oppose or disagree with. They enlarge

certain aspects of the discourse to nullify other aspects. Dissonant people living around Schiphol,

for example, argued that the benefits of having a modern airport in the vicinity easily outweighed

the disadvantages caused by flight traffic. Furthermore, they cast aside complaints of noise

pollution, arguing that these were exaggerated complaints.

Autonomous or non-resonant voices neither reflect nor counter the dominant discourse.

Instead, they argue in their own terms or relate to an altogether different discourse. Some people,

for example, argued that noise pollution resembled violence, because it damaged one’s hearing

abilities. Another, rather unique, autonomous perspective was given by a man who complained

about being reminded of the war.

pg. 15

In this research I will occasionally make use of Bröer’s model to indicate how people relate to

the dominant discourse in the field of higher education in India.

pg. 16

Chapter III

Education in India

Farhan: Since birth, all I’ve heard is ‘life is a race.’

Raju: … And if you don’t run the race quickly, someone might jump in front of you.

Rancho: Son of a bitch! Even to be born, 300 million sperm had to run a race.

Raju: 5:15 pm, I was born.

Farhan: 5:16 pm, my father said: ‘My son is going to be an engineer.’

pg. 17

3.1 Introduction

In the movie 3 Idiots it soon becomes apparent that, within the field of higher education in India,

there is a tendency to view certain professional courses, especially medicine and engineering, as

superior to other courses. We see how Farhan’s father looks down upon his son’s interest in

wildlife photography and, instead, tries to encourage him to keep pursuing his career in

engineering. The primary driving forces behind the stories in 3 Idiots appear to be financial

security, which seems hardly surprising in a country where poverty is never far away, and the

respective status of a particular course.

The leverage of these driving forces is apparently so intense (at least this is how it is

portrayed in 3 Idiots) that students are bound for such professional courses from the moment of

birth, as the anecdote on the previous page goes to show. According to the filmmakers, this

supposedly widespread and rigorous attitude is the cause of a fierce competition within the

higher education system; a so-called “rat-race” to which many Indian students, apparently,

succumb.

Rancho, the hero character in 3 Idiots, appears to be the only student to recognize the

extremity of this mind-set. He propagates an entirely different approach to education. He argues

that students should pick a course that they find interesting. By doing so, Rancho argues,

students will (a) enjoy studying, which might improve their grades, and (b) they will find time

for leisurely activities, which will improve their overall state of mind and their experience of

student life.

The two different mind-sets presented in 3 Idiots can easily be described as two

conflicting discourses within the “order of discourse” of higher education. (Fairclough, 2001:

235) The former, which advocates that the “sensible” educational decision is a professional

course, like engineering or medicine, appears to be dominant, whereas the latter, advocating that

one should choose an academic discipline according to one’s interests, is portrayed as unique

(belonging only to Rancho). Nevertheless, Rancho’s power to imprint his view of life onto his

friends suggests that his mind-set, this unique discourse, has the potential to change the

hegemonic order of discourse.

pg. 18

Instead of going deeper into the conflict of discourses that is portrayed in 3 Idiots, in this chapter

I will examine whether the dominant discourse, as mentioned above, actually exists in

contemporary India. If so, how does it function?

To answer this question, we must briefly return to Fairclough’s conceptualisation of

‘discourse’ as a form of social practice that is both constituted by other social practices and

constitutive of other social practices. In this chapter, I will focus on the former, that is the

socially constituted elements of discourse, by looking at some major historical events and

policies in the field of higher education in India. I will turn to the constitutive power of

discourses in later chapters.

3.2 History of Higher Education in India

3.2.1 Education until 1970

Historically, education in India was a concern of the elite (Cheney, 2005). The knowledge of

reading and writing was a privilege of the highest caste Indians, the Brahmin caste, which

consisted mainly of Hindu priests. To other castes this knowledge was less meaningful and

therefore most of the Indian population was illiterate.

When the British colonized India they ‘… reinforced the pre-existing elitist tendencies by

tying entrance and advancement in government service to academic education.’ (Ibid.: 1) As a

result, Brahmin caste people were able to take up relatively powerful positions in the colonial

political system. Although a few other high castes were quick to realize the connection between

education and increased power, the majority of the population remained illiterate.

When India became independent from the British, in 1947, it ‘… inherited a legacy of

large-scale illiteracy and lack of proper provision for education.’ (Kingdon, 2007: 171) The

drafters of the new Indian constitution, spearheaded by Dr. Ambedkar, who himself belonged to

one of the lowest castes in India, decreed that, by 1960, education should be free and compulsory

to every child up to fourteen years of age. Despite the goodwill of Dr. Ambedkar and his

consortium, this goal remained elusive, as universal education still hasn’t been achieved today.

(See PROBE team, 1999; Cheney, 2005; Kingdon, 2007)

Despite the overall agreement that education should become more accessible in India,

Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, who was to become the first Prime Minister of India,

quarrelled over the mode of development that post-colonial India should embark upon. (Francis,

pg. 19

2011: 299-230) Gandhi, hailed for his politics of non-violence, was unable to convince the

people of India that traditional arts and craftsmanship ought to be maintained and developed for

the benefit of the nation. Nehru, on the other hand, much in the spirit of his time, was devoted to

science and technological advancement. (Francis, 2011: 300) He insisted that:

It is science alone that can solve the problems of hunger and poverty, of insanitation and illiteracy, of

superstition and deadening custom and tradition, of vast resources running to waste, of a rich country inhabited

by starving people […]. Who indeed could afford to ignore science today? At every turn we have to seek its aid

[...] the future belongs to science and those who make friends with science (Ram 1961: 564f, in Francis, 2011).

Not surprisingly, therefore, Nehru was a great proponent of the establishment of the IITs, which

happened shortly after independence. The first Indian Institute of Technology was established in

1950. Following a report by the Sarkar Committee, an institute for technological higher

education, based on the example of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), was

founded at Kharagpur in 1950, on the spot of the former Hijli Detention Camp. Jawaharlal

Nehru, who had by then become Prime Minister of India, held a famous convocation speech here

in 1956 in which he proclaimed, once again, that he saw technological advancement, particularly

in the field of engineering, as the way forward for India:

Here in the place of that Hijli Detention Camp stands this fine monument of India to-day representing India’s

urges, India’s future in the making. This picture seems to me symbolical of the changes that are coming to India.

[…] we wish to solve our problems in India, that is to say, we want to advance in the technological sphere and

the scientific sphere rapidly. […] the time has now come when the Engineer plays an infinitely greater role than

anybody else. […] We are building up a new India and the administrator who is completely ignorant of

engineering does not help much in administering. He cannot understand this new domain. You will find in a

country technologically developed, how Engineers and Scientists play a far more important role even outside

their sphere of Engineering and Science. That is right and that is bound to happen in India.

(P.M. Jawaharlal Nehru, 1956. Source: http://www.scholarsavenue.org/news/convocation-address-by-shri-

jawaharlal-nehru-at-the-first-annual-convocation-held-on-21st-april-1956/)

Although the field of engineering, at the time, was still relatively small, Nehru continued by

stating that his government would make sure that jobs would be provided for these highly skilled

engineers and for future engineers to come:

pg. 20

[…T]he proper course should be for our big enterprises, either run directly by Government or indirectly as

corporations, which are all the time hankering after Engineers and the like, to keep in touch with such Institutes

all the time, to tell the Institute-we want this type of trained person or other so that even before the person has

finished his course here, he has practically been allotted to a special job elsewhere […] There is going to be no

lack, in India, of trained people having opportunities of doing worthwhile work. (Ibid.)

Establishing the link between education, modernity and financial security through job

availability was one of the ways in which the government tried to promote higher education.

However, due to a lack of access to education at the primary level, the enrolment ratio for higher

education remained quite low. In spite of this fact, in 1961, the government declared the IITs to

be Institutes of National Importance and deemed them worthy of a substantially large proportion

of the government’s budget for education.

3.2.2 Education: 1970 – 2000

The period of 1970 – 2000 is marked by two historical events that greatly affected (higher)

education in India; alterations in the government’s “reservation policy” and, later, India’s

economic liberalization in the 1990s.

‘“Reservation”, also sometimes denoted as “affirmative action” or “positive

discriminations”, refers to a policy or program, of giving certain preferences to certain groups

(usually under-represented groups) over the other.’ (Laskar, 2010: 29) Until 1980, the

reservation policy in India dictated that HE colleges and institutions should reserve 22.5% of

their seats for members of the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST), who

represented the most disadvantaged groups in Indian society. (Weiskopf, 2003) In 1980,

however, following a report by the Mandal commission, it was decreed that another group,

known as the ‘Other Backward Castes’ (OBC) should be represented in the reservation policy.

(de Zwart, 2000) For most colleges, certainly those controlled by the government, this meant that

an additional 27% of admission seats had to be reserved, taking the total percentage of seats

reserved for certain underprivileged groups up to 49.5%. Whether these amendments in the

reservation policy had a positive or negative effect on India’s education system remains

uncertain. ‘There have been costs (in terms of loss of efficiency) and benefits (in serving equity

objectives) of this policy; however equity-efficiency trade-off has rarely been empirically

studied.’ (Agarwal, 2006: 95) It seems likely, however, that the reservation policy played a

pg. 21

significant role in increasing the general enrolment ratio (GER) for higher education in the

1980s. (See fig. 2)

Although the alterations in the reservation policy may have had an effect on the GER for

higher education in the 1980s, it is clearly overshadowed by the events of the 1990s, as the graph

clearly shows. (See graph)5 At the beginning of this decade, the Indian government was faced

with a looming financial crisis and, as a result, was forced to initiate a set of economic reforms in

order to receive financial support from international lending agencies. (Rao, 2008: 48)

Reductions on tariffs and

duties on imported goods

provided and incentive for

foreign companies to

investigate the potential of the

Indian market. Furthermore,

industries which were

previously owned and run by

the state, like the banking and

investment sector, were

opened up to the private

sector. (Lukose, 2005)

These reforms resulted in an enormous increase in jobs throughout India, especially in the

technological sector. (Ahmed & Devarajan, 2007 in Rao, 2008: 49) More important, however,

was the fact that multinational companies used different employment tactics than the traditional

state- and family run companies. Instead of taking family ties as the most important measure for

employment, these companies employed workers on basis of merit. As such, they were

particularly interested in the highly skilled, yet comparatively cheap, labourers that India had to

offer. (Rao, 2008)

As a result of these economic reforms, the Indian middle class started to expand rapidly.

These middle and higher income groups were quick to realize the connection between education

and job opportunities and higher salaries. Now that they had more money to spare, they were

5 This graph by Agarwal is simply used to show that both enrolment and the number of institutions expanded rapidly since independence. I do not intend to argue that there is, or is not, a relation between the two.

Growth of Institutions an Enrolment in Higher Education

pg. 22

willing and able to pay higher tuition fees, in return for better quality education. Entrepreneurs,

in turn, recognized that higher education was turning into a viable market. ‘The state –

[incapable of coping with the rising demands for education alone] – was left with no alternative

but to allow the entry of private enterprise in the area of higher education.’ (Agarwal, 2006: 8)

This marked the beginning of a period in which new private colleges and institutions shot

up like mushrooms. These colleges recognized the demand for professionally trained workers

and started to offer professional courses, such as engineering, medicine and management, rather

than undergraduate programs in arts, science and commerce. ‘During this period, very few

universities and colleges were set up by the government sector and fewer still were also brought

within the ambit of government funding.’ (Ibid.) As a consequence, the newly found higher

education institutions were either aided by state governments or relied solely on tuition fees.

The IITs, on the other hand, continued to receive large amounts of government funding due to

their status as Institutes of National Importance. Another IIT was established t Guwahati in 1994,

following student protests at not having an IIT in the vicinity. With specialized courses in

engineering already firmly established at these institutions, IIT graduates were among the first to

be employed by multinational companies.

3.2.3 Education: 2000 Onwards

Since the economic reforms of the nineties, the Indian education apparatus has been growing

rapidly. With regards to primary education, a number of researches suggest that India is getting

closer and closer to attaining universal elementary education. (See PROBE-team, 1999; Cheney,

2005; Kingdon, 2007) The Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD), the governing

body for matters concerning education in India, similarly portrays these statistics; the GER

reaching over 100% and school drop-out rates

decreasing. (See table)

In part, these encouraging statistics are the

result of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) - the

education for all movement – which, though

set up in 1993, did not become fully

operational until 2001. Its main goal was the

construction of new primary and secondary Statistics of the MHRD

pg. 23

schools, as access to education appeared to be the main obstacle preventing universal education.

UNESCO reports:

During 1990-91 to 2004-05, the number of primary schools increased from 0.56 million to 0.77 million.

However, the annual average growth rate of primary schools was 1.31% from 1990-91 to 2000-01 and it

increased to 4.7% during 2000-01 to 2004-05. Similarly, the annual average growth rate of upper primary

schools was 3.14% during 1990-91 to 2000-01 and it increased to 7.43% during 2000-01 to 2004-05. This

increase in number of primary and upper primary schools may be attributed to the launching of Sarva Shiksha

Abhiyan in the country. (UNESCO, 2008: 32)

As for higher education, the number of colleges and institutions also continued to grow at a rapid

pace, in spite of the fact that the central government offered little or no funding. (see table) A

noteworthy trend of the past decade is the growing number of degree-granting colleges and

universities. (Agarwal, 2006) Many private colleges sought to get degree-granting powers

through state-legislature, in order to attract more students.

Furthermore, the number of IITs went from six in 1994, to sixteen in 2012, to cope with the

annually increasing amount of applications. However, as we will see in the next section of this

chapter, the number of applicants still far exceeds the number of seats available in the IITs and,

as a result, the admission rate is decreasing every year.

Growth of Professional Higher Education Institutions pg. 24

3.3 The Contours of a Discourse

The previous outline of India’s higher education history allows us to reassess the possibility that

a discourse, such as the one portrayed in 3 Idiots, can exist in India. First of all, we have seen

that the Indian education system, both elementary and higher education, underwent periods of

rapid growth, particularly in the last three decades. These expansions were the result of growing

demands and improvements in the accessibility of education – partially due to the reservation

policy and the actual establishment of educational facilities by SSA and other governmental

projects.

Secondly, as far as higher education goes, we have seen a continuous prominence of

technological and professional education in India. Science and technological advancement were

put forward as the main driving forces that would lead India into modernity. From independence

onwards, the Indian government has put its prestigious IITs on a pedestal, giving them much

more funding than other institutions of higher education. Then, as a result of the economic

reforms and the concomitant demand for workers specifically trained in just these branches,

technological and professional education received another major boost in the 1990s. According

to Agarwal, this trend is not unique to India:

The growth of professional higher education follows similar trends elsewhere in the world. Higher education

system, these days, is no longer dominated by the arts and the sciences. Now these core subjects are covered by

layers of professional education: first, by the liberal professions; then by technical professions, principally the

many branches of engineering and the technical sciences that accompanied the successive waves of

industrialization including the latest wave of the information sciences; followed by the caring professions which

were stimulated by the growth of the welfare state and the most recent by the new upsurge in enterprise

professions, centered upon, management, and accountancy. The intellectual effects of the shift from liberal

education to professional training have often been observed, but their cumulative effects may only become

decisive now in re-shaping higher education. (Agarwal, 2006: 48)

Based on these findings, we may safely assume that the 3 Idiots discourse exists. In the next

section, I will briefly describe the current format of elementary education in India, to see if a

preference for technological and professional education is still discernible in the education

apparatus. Furthermore, to conclude this chapter, I will take a quick glance at education in the

Indian media, since the media tend to have a profound impact on public discourses. (See for

example: Bell, 1994)

pg. 25

3.4 The Current Education System

3.4.1 Current Format of Education

Education in India starts with primary school, when a child is at the age of 5 or 6. Depending on

the location, there may be a choice of schools. Similar to higher education, India has private,

private-aided and public primary schools. In accordance with the constitution, the public schools

are funded by the government and require no tuition fees. ‘Quality of state-run schools ranges

from top-notch to abysmal.’ (Cheney, 2005: 4) Private and private-aided primary schools, on the

other hand, do charge tuition fees and are generally known to maintain higher standards of

education. Not surprisingly, this three-tiered school system gives rise to an unequal distribution,

since a relatively large proportion of Indian families cannot afford to pay tuition fees.

Consequently, private aided schools cater primarily to children of middle class families and

private schools, boasting air conditioning and English-medium instruction, cater to the elite.

(Ibid.: 8-9)

Students complete five years of primary school before continuing on to “upper primary school” at the age of 11

or 12. It is at this stage that most schools, at least those that follow the national curriculum outline, will begin

teaching science and technology, as well as social sciences and arts. (Cheney, 2005: 5)

The next step is from primary to secondary school, which happens when a student is around

fourteen years of age. Secondary school, similar to primary school, is also divided into lower and

upper secondary school. Lower secondary school is rounded up with a first real examination at

the end of the 10th grade. The results of this examination may determine the student’s entry to a

particular upper secondary school, as some schools have cut-off marks for admission. (Cheney,

2005: 8)

The Format of Education in India

pg. 26

Lower Primary School

(Class 1-5, Age 6-11)

Upper Primary

(Class 6-8, Age 11-

14)

Lower Secondary (Class 9-10, Age 14-16)

Higher Secondary (Class 11-12, Age 16-18)

Higher Education

In a similar vein, the outcome of the 10th grade exam, may determine what stream a student is

eligible for.6 In upper secondary school students have to choose a stream, a set of courses, in

which they wish to continue. There are three streams to choose between: science, commerce and

humanities. ‘The most prestigious stream (which also has the highest cut-off in terms of marks

required in the grade 10 exams) is the science stream, the second is commerce, and the third is

humanities (arts).’ (Cheney, 2005: 8)

According to one IITM student: ‘… all the smart kids go for the science stream, the less

smart ones do commerce or humanities.’ (Int. 16, ♂, ME) Most other students that I interviewed

agreed with this statement, though there was one who thought it needed some refinement:

Yes, a lot of class toppers go for the science stream. It’s common perception that science is for the smart kids,

but usually they are simply better at science. They would probably suck at humanities, because they aimed at just

one thing… [science stream], they may even have some extra tuition for it. (Int. 12, ♂, EP)

Clearly, both statements attest to a general association between science and intelligence, that is

evident in the education system. As a direct consequence of this common belief, the Arts and

Commerce streams are regarded as inferior; they are for the less intelligent students. This

perception is also pronounced in 3 idiots when Virus, the principle of the ICE, mockingly tells

Rancho: ‘If you prefer simple language join an Arts and Commerce college.’

Although being classified as intelligent can, in itself be a reason to opt for the science

stream, it turns out there are more practical reasons to go for science, as was pointed out to me

by another student:

First of all, to get into an engineering programme at an IIT you have to do science in school. So if you did

humanities or commerce you can forget about that, but the other way round this is not the case. If you do the

science stream, you can still decide to go to an Arts college if you want. (Int. 22, ♂, OE)

Choosing humanities or commerce apparently diminishes the options for higher education, while

choosing science leaves all options open. Based on this fact, we could argue that the idea of the

science stream being the most sensible option is embedded in the education system itself.

6 I exercise some caution here, because many students I spoke with argued that the results of the 10th grade exam should not be overrated. According to them, a student can always apply for any stream he or she wishes to pursue, just not at every school.

pg. 27

Padma Chandramouli, a Chennai-based professional who organises exchange

programmes between German and Indian universities, further explained to me that: ‘… the

science stream is, in fact, so immensely popular that many upper secondary schools do not even

offer commerce, let alone humanities.’ (Int. 27, ♀, Professional) One of the reasons these schools

do this, according to Chandramouli, is to be able to boast of a complete dedication to the science

stream. ‘This may not matter so much to the students, but to some parents it is seen as very

important. [The schools know] [t]hey will be willing to pay more for it.’ (Int. 27, ♀,

Professional)

After two years of upper secondary school, each stream is concluded by a set of final exams in

12th grade. These exams, once again, are based on the respective state or national boards of

education. The results of these examinations are extremely important for students who wish to

continue their education. ‘Well known colleges specify cut-off marks for admission in various

courses of study, which may sometimes be extremely high (over 90% marks not being

uncommon.’ (Cheney, 2005: 9) Top-notch colleges and universities, like the IITs go even

further, requiring their students to pass an entrance examination.

The top students wanting to pursue professional school (medical, engineering, law) sit for additional school-

based entrance exams to determine their admissions into these specific programs. Most science stream students

try to get into the engineering or medical colleges as these have the most prestige within India. For the commerce

line, students typically try to get admissions into a commerce, accounting, business or technology program of

study. Most students in the humanities stream aim to enter the arts colleges. (Cheney, 2005: 9)

As one would expect given these conditions, the competition at the end of 12th grade is rather

fierce. IIT-JEE, the entrance examination for admissions into one of the sixteen IITs provides the

best example of this competition. Last year over 500,000 students sat for JEE competing for a

total of 9,885 seats spread out over the 16 IITs. (The Hindu, 2013)7 This makes for an admission

rate of less than 2% (by comparison, Harvard College in the US has an acceptance rate of around

8%). (Cheney, 2005)

7 http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Hyderabad/9885-seats-available-in-17-iits-results-on-june-23/article4834329.ece

pg. 28

3.4.2 Shadow Education

In the light of this competition, educational entrepreneurs once again found a gap in the market.

Since upper secondary schools busy themselves with following the curriculum set out by the

state or national boards of education, they spend less time preparing students for entrance

examinations. As a result, a shadow education industry, known locally as the “coaching classes”,

began to develop, that resembles the juku’s and hagwon’s of Japan and Korea, respectively (see:

Frost, 1991; Lee & Larson, 1999; Dawson 2010). While, private or extra-curricular tuitions were,

in itself, not a new phenomenon in India, the rationale behind it has changed over time:

Originally tuitions were meant for students who were lagging behind in the syllabus due to sickness, change of

school, change of Education Boards, or other factors. But over time, as admission to various professional

colleges has become more competitive and sought after, tuitions have become a normal pursuit for adolescents.

(Verma et al., 2002: 501)

Indeed, nearly all of my friends and interviewees at IITM had gone through at least one year of

coaching classes that specifically trained them to “crack” (pass) JEE. Some of them had to move

far away from their parental homes to be “coached” at one of the countries most renowned

coaching centers in Kota, Rajasthan or in Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh.

Often, the preparation for the JEE begins as early as primary school. It culminates in the final year of secondary

school that includes up to six hours of training and homework at the JEE coaching schools, in addition to regular

school classes. The nature of teaching in the coaching centers is intensive and demands that students distance

themselves from a normal adolescent life. (Varma & Kapur, 2009: 707)

In an article in The Hindu (2005)8, prof. S.S. Murphy, affiliated to IIT Delhi, estimates the

annual cumulative turnover of the coaching industry for JEE at around 1,000 crores (~125

million euro), totally spent by parents. According to Murphy’s estimates, this is ten times more

than the annual expenditure of an IIT and he wrote this article in 2005. Since then, 9 extra IITs

have been established and the number of applicants has tripled.

8 http://www.hindu.com/edu/2005/01/25/stories/2005012500140300.htm

pg. 29

3.4.3 Visible Evidence of a Dominant Discourse

Anyone who has lived in India for an extensive period of time

and has read the newspapers, knows that in the months of April

till June, local, regional and national newspapers thrive off

stories concerning education, in particular about the bountiful

and competitive examinations. Miracle stories about 12 year old

kids passing JEE, for example, become a recurring theme.

Coaching centres also use this period to place full-page

advertisements in newspapers, in which they congratulate their

latest batch of successful JEE students. (See next page) These

advertisements and miracle stories reproduce and circulate the

idea that these students are intelligent (maintain the tradition of

excellence), successful and even content (Many smiling faces of

success). Such advertisements or miracle stories are hardly ever

seen to be about students of arts or commerce. By linking the

popular professional courses to notions of excellence and

success, the newspapers strengthen the previously mentioned

discourse.

It is not just in the newspapers, however, that this discourse is reproduced and circulated.

Universities offering professional courses like engineering and medicine publicly promote their

courses by advertising placement rates (the amount of students that get employed upon

completing their education) and packages (the salary these newly employed students were

offered). They do so on their websites, in newspapers, but also frequently on billboards along the

highways and in the city. (see next page)

The content and the amount visible evidence of a discourse that favours professional

education over other forms of education, not only reveals that this discourse should be

considered the dominant discourse in India, but simultaneously gives an example of the extent to

which it is being produced, reproduced, circulated and consumed as a discursive practice.

Newspaper article

pg. 30

Newspaper Advertisements for Coaching Centres

Roadside Advertisement for Technical University

pg. 31

3.5 Conclusions

By examining a number of historical events in the field of education in India, in the first section

of this chapter, we established that the existence of a discourse that favours professional courses

was likely. Professional higher education – particularly the technological courses – was

promoted by the Indian government from the moment of India’s independence. Technological

advancement would lead India to modernity and self-reliance, which, after decades of colonial

rule, were high on the political agenda. The establishment of the IITs and their subsequent

nomination as Institutes of National Importance stands testimony to this trend.

With the additional funding that these institutes received they were able to maintain high

standards of education. The skills and credentials of students from these institutes were

recognized worldwide, particularly after the Indian government was forced to initiate economic

reforms in the 1990s. The meritocratic approach to recruiting employees, together with the

overall increase in job opportunities, prompted an unprecedented demand for education at all

levels. As for higher education, the Indian government was unable to keep up with the demand

for professional education and eventually allowed private entrepreneurs to enter the domain of

higher education.

As we have seen, this trend still continues today. A clear favouritism for subjects related

to science is noticeable in the Indian education system, particularly at the secondary stage. The

best students almost inevitably go for the science stream in school, which is a necessary

prerequisite to be able to apply for a seat in India’s prestigious institutes of higher education,

such as the IITs. Because of this trend, science students are often perceived as smarter than their

commerce or humanities counterparts.

However, it is in the shadows of the current education system, India’s coaching class

industry, that the preference for professional education and the associated prestigious institutes

becomes most visible. Countless numbers of students are enrolled in extra-curricular coaching

classes to prepare for the highly competitive entrance examinations. Finally, the media also have

their share in spreading what can easily be defined as the dominant discourse in the field of

higher education in India.

pg. 32

Chapter IV

Parental Involvement

Farhan wants to become a wildlife photographer instead of an engineer:

Farhan: Rancho has a simple belief – make your passion your profession, then work will become

play.

Farhan’s father: What’ll you earn in that jungle?

Farhan: A small stipend, but I’ll learn a lot.

Farhan’s father: Five years from now, when you see your friends buying cars and homes, you’ll

curse yourself.

Farhan: Life as an engineer will bring only frustration. Then I’ll curse you… I’d rather curse

myself, dad.

Farhan’s father: The world will laugh!

(Excerpt taken from 3 Idiots)

pg. 33

4.1 Introduction

In the previous chapter we saw how certain historical events and policies affected the field of

higher education in India and how they formed the contours of a discourse that favours the

professional courses over the liberal courses. In the following chapter we will examine how the

dominant discourse becomes visible in the EDPs of Indian students.

Once again, I will align my research with a hypothesis deducted from the 3 Idiots movie,

namely that Indian parents are highly involved in their children’s education. As the anecdote on

the previous page goes to show, the filmmakers argue that parents have an important role to play

in the EDP of their children. What’s more, they suggest that parental involvement often happens

along the lines of the dominant discourse; sometimes taking on rather pressurizing forms, which

may work negatively on a student’s future experience of higher education. The latter proposition

will be further examined in the next chapter. In this chapter, I will first examine parental

motivations for children’s education and, secondly, I will investigate how parents try to influence

their children’s educational careers from primary school onwards. Furthermore, we will see

whether parental behaviour, with respect to EDPs, is consonant, dissonant or autonomous in

relation to the previously described dominant discourse.

Strangely, very little appears to have been written about how parents are involved in their

children’s education. Most researches that address the issue of children’s education tend to have

a different primary focus, like the mother-father power equation within the household (Baral,

Das and Dash, 1999: 57-82), differences between single- and dual-income families (Shukla,

1987) and stress (Verma et al., 2002; Rao, 2008). There are, however, plenty studies conducted

with western samples which suggest that parents tend to have a rather strong influence on their

children’s education. (For example: Eccles et al., 1990; Jodl et al., 2001; Brooks, 2003; Davis-

Kean, 2005)

The findings presented in this chapter are primarily based on accounts given by IITM

students, since most of their parents live far removed from the IIT. Not surprisingly, it soon

became apparent that parental involvement was highest in the final years leading up to higher

education; as a result, the majority of my interview questions were focused on parental

involvement in secondary school.

pg. 34

4.2 Parental Motivation

4.2.1 The Pursuit of Settling in Life

Before we examine the ways in which parents influence the EDP of students, it is important to

understand why parents want to educate their children in the first place. Instead of beating

around the bush, I decided to straightforwardly ask this question in my interviews with IITM

students. While some students replied by giving a personal account, most students described an

approach to education which they believed was typical for Indian parents. The terms “security”

and “to settle in life” were often coined in these comments. One student, conveniently, used both

in one sentence: ‘… many Indian parents believe that security through education is the first step

to settling in life.’ (Int. 25, ♀, CH.E) Sumathi Rajesh, head of the anthropology department at the

University of Madras, recognized the phrase “to settle in life” and explained what it meant:

Just like the Americans have their “pursuit of happiness”, you could say that Indians have the “pursuit to settle in

life”. And there you see the difference also: the former is a rather luxurious approach, whereas the Indian way is

more a survivalist’s point of view. The appropriate order of life, according to this lifestyle, is more or less,

education, marriage and then a stable job to provide for the family. Once this has been achieved, a person has

“settled in life.” (Int. 28, ♀, Professional)

In other words, parents hope that education will help their children find a spouse and a job that

generates enough income to provide for the family. The survivalist lifestyle – demonstrated also

by the word “security”, which, in this sense, basically means “freedom from poverty” – is hardly

surprising in a country where poverty is never far away. As one student put it: ‘The parent

generation in India are risk-averters.’ (Int. 5, ♂, ME)

We have seen that the employment opportunities and salary for trained professionals

increased enormously since the economic reforms of the nineties. As a result of this, the

professional courses, most notably the engineering branches, are considered to be the most

“secure” options for higher education. ‘These are the courses that have “scope”; meaning a wide

range of job opportunities, often with high salaries.’ (Int. 5, ♂, ME) The fact that these courses

are, by nature, geared towards a specific line of work, further helps to establish this belief.

Another student also pointed this out:

pg. 35

People consider engineering and medicine as only safe jobs. Most of the parent’s generation, who lived in an era

when having a safe job meant more than pursuing your passions and interests. And I mean they are still in that

mentality for most of the time. Means, having a safe and secure job is important, living your passions and dreams

is a secondary thought, I mean your survival is at stake here in India… (Int. 18, ♂, MME)

Consequently, we see that parental motivation for education is often parallel with the dominant

discourse. The professional courses are deemed to have the capacity to provide a secure future –

a better chance at settling in life – than liberal courses.

4.2.2 Gender Differences

One cannot examine parental motivation for education in India without addressing the topic of

gender. Indian family structure is, by and large, patriarchal or, to be more precise, patrilineal and

patrilocal. Patrilineal means that ‘[t]ransmission of [family] membership and/or resources takes

place unilineally through the father’s lineage.’ (Eriksen, 1995: 97) Patrilocality means that a

couple will reside at the man’s home after marriage. (Das Gupta et al., 2003: 160) A large-scale

research in India, carried out by the PROBE-team (1999)9, suggests that these aspects of

patriarchal family structure in India tend to have a strong impact on parent’s motivation for the

education of their children. (See graph)

We see, for example, that

the reasons why parents want to

educate their sons are very

economically oriented, whereas for

girls being able to write letters and

keep accounts is deemed to be most

important. These differences may

be explained by looking at the

traditional differences between the

roles and responsibilities of men

and women within the patriarchal family.

9 PROBE: Public Report on Basic Education (1999). This survey was carried out by various researchers and covered all schooling facilities and a sample of 1376 households, in 234 randomly-selected villages of 5 densely populated states in India.

Probe Report Graph

pg. 36

While the male’s responsibility as a husband and father is to ensure that his family’s financial and living needs

are met, the woman’s role is to support the male, by ensuring that things are running smoothly within the home:

this involves managing household chores, taking care of the children and ensuring that her husband’s needs are

met. (Kandiyoti, 1988 in Manirajah, 2013: 5)

Simply put, from a parent’s point of view, it appears to make more sense to invest in son’s

education, since it will be up to the sons to look after the parents as they grow older. Daughters,

on the other hand, will get married and live with their husband’s family, after which the girl’s

relationship with her parents becomes quite distant. The latter was one of the reasons why

parents wanted their daughter to be able to write letters, so that they would be able to

communicate with them over long distances. (PROBE, 1999: 21-22).

The gender difference in patriarchal families is also likely to be the cause of gender

division in the higher education programmes in India. The most recent governmental report on

higher education shows that B.A. programmes (Bachelor of Arts) are far more popular amongst

female students than B.Tech programmes (Bachelor of Technology). (MHRD report, 2013: 13)

The division is even more striking for the IITs, where the ratio of male to female students is

around 10:1. (Ram, 2013)10 Karuna Chanana explains why this is the case:

[F]or a majority of young women in the academia higher education is not linked to careers. This is the reason

why women join arts and humanities because they are cheaper, softer, and shorter than the professional courses.

(Chanana, 2004: 25)

Sudha Sudeep, a Chennai-based professional who organizes and manages student exchanges

between India and the Netherlands elaborated:

‘The girl is not going to be the breadwinner, so she does anything, it’s fine. She does something in fashion; she

does something in hotel [management]. Tomorrow she is not going to be the one supporting the family. […] To

a large extent they simply want to get a degree. (Int. 29, ♀, Professional)

Interestingly, however, Chanana (2004) also notes that, although girls still form a minority in

professional education, their numbers have been growing in recent years. She argues that:

10 http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/IITs-a-guy-thing/articleshow/28079599.cms

pg. 37

The daughters of city based professional parents, especially if they do not have brothers, have really undergone a

sea change in their socialization. The parents are giving the best education to their daughters and expect them to

be independent and follow careers. This revolution in values contrasts with those values which dominated prior

to the nineties, i.e. education and its linkage to the job market early on in life, was only for those men who

needed jobs and was certainly not for women. In this changed situation, the priorities of women have also

changed. They too want professional education and are, therefore, entering the so called masculine disciplines.11

(Ibid.: 18-19)

In another recent research on higher education in India, Rao finds that: ‘… there did not appear

to be any significant gender differences in terms of the educational and professional expectations

of the students and their parents.’ (2008: 194)

In accordance with these researches, the accounts given by IITM students in this research

gave little reason to believe that parents treated the educational careers of male students

differently from those of female students. While this may have been a blind spot, since I was not

able to interview the parents themselves directly, the fact that the accounts given by male and

female students about their EDP’s, and parental involvement therein, were rather comparable,

seems to imply that for these students and their parents gender hardly mattered.

4.3. Parental Involvement

4.3.1 Parental Decisions

When I spoke to IITM students about the influence of parents on their educational careers, most

of them would talk about the final years of elementary education (upper secondary school), in

which parental involvement is clearly at its most intense. However, parents have to make

decisions about the educational path of their children long before this time. Indeed, until 1960, it

was up to the parents to decide whether they would send their child to school at all. Many poor

households relied on the income of child labour, for example, and so sending a child to school

meant taking a big risk. ‘It has been observed that when the variability of household income

increased […], children’s school attendance declined.’ (Grootaert and Kanbur, 1995: 194)

Much has changed since then and India appears to be well underway to achieving

universal education, as we saw in the previous chapter. For modern-day Indian parents,

11 Commerce, engineering and law. (see Chanana, 2004)

pg. 38

therefore, it is not so much a question of whether to send their children to school, but a question

of which school to send them to. Private schools tend to be better than public schools, but they

are not accessible to every family. Private schools usually have high tuition fees, making them

accessible to middle and high class families only. (Cheney, 2005) Furthermore, Muralidharan

and Kremer estimated that around ‘… 28% of the population of rural India has access to fee-

charging private schools in the same village.’ (2006: 3) While they argue that this constitutes an

enormous expansion in the number of private schools in India, it also goes to show that

approximately 72% of the population in rural India does not have access to private schools in the

village.

Nevertheless, most parents, according to Muralidharan and Kremer, find that private

schooling has two major advantages over public schooling: (1) they start teaching English at an

early stage or have English-medium instruction and (2) there is usually less teacher absenteeism.

(2006: 13) It is easy to see why these aspects of private education, in particular the first one,

would appeal to parents with high expectations of their children’s educational and professional

career. The following quote explains this:

[P]rofessional courses (like engineering, medicine, etc.) continue to be in English at all levels. The optionality of

medium gave rise to two streams of students, those with the English medium having a definite advantage over

the regional language medium students, both in employment and in postgraduate education. Students from a

regional language medium have found it difficult to switch over to English at the postgraduate level, Therefore,

instead of becoming an advantage, the regional language medium, in almost all cases, became a handicap to

those who had opted for it. (Krishnamurti, 1990: 19)

At the IITs, for example, English-medium instruction is also used. Thus, parent who hope or

expect that their child will gain admission to an IIT, might be tempted to send him or her to a

private school with English-medium instruction. This may partially explain why sixteen out of

twenty-two interviewed IITM students went to a private primary school.

One IITM student explained that his parents had deliberately sought out a private primary

school that paid extra attention to its science related courses, at the cost of the other courses:

… These subjects [social sciences and history] were taught really bad. You basically had to remember dates,

that’s all. Science and math was much better, because the teachers had a lot more experience. That school was

known for it. (Int. 19, ♂, CE)

pg. 39

Most parents will know that a certain amount of proficiency in science-related subjects is

required to stand a chance in the competition for admission to prestigious courses and/or

institutes. Therefore, parents may think it wise to send their child to a private primary school that

excels in science education. As was mentioned by Padma Chandramouli in the previous chapter,

similar decisions are made with regards to secondary education.

What is important to note about the parental involvement that we have discussed in this

paragraph, is that it involves decisions that are made by the parents before the child reaches an

age at which he or she will have any grip on his or her academic future; hence the remark by

Farhan and Raju that they were destined to become engineers from the moment they were born

(see page 17). We will now turn to parental involvement at a later stage in a student’s career.

4.3.2 Parental Strategies: Showing the Right Path

This paragraph deals with the patterns of behaviour, or strategies, that parents used to influence

the EDP’s of their children. Once again, the strategies presented here have been deducted from

student accounts. However, the mentioned parental strategies pertain to a period in time in which

students were confronted with making a decision for themselves; unlike in primary school, when

decisions were generally made by the parents.

As we have seen earlier, secondary school hosts a number of important examinations and

decisions, which may, to a certain degree, determine a student’s academic future. These come at

a time when the student, aged between 14 and 18 years, becomes somewhat more independent.

Most IITM students still vividly remembered secondary school and their accounts of parental

involvement for this period were much richer than for primary school.

In an attempt to organize the parental strategies mentioned by IITM students, I came

across a very interesting research by Rao (2008), who explored the prevalence of stress and

distress amongst students of the twelfth grade in India. In doing so, Rao also looked at the ways

in which parental involvement in children’s education could be seen as a source of stress. He

distinguishes between five different forms of parental involvement: (1) indicating parental

expectations, (2) comparing the student to others, (3) controlling the study environment, (4)

pressurizing the student and (5) supporting the student. Rao finds that out of these five categories

pg. 40

‘… only parental pressure and parental comparison were, in some cases, described as a source of

distress.’ (Ibid.: 173)

Although Rao’s categorization was put together to identify ways in which parental

involvement may be the cause of adolescent stress, rather than to show how they are involved in

EDPs, his analysis proved to be quite useful for this research. One strategy in particular, which

Rao identifies as “showing the right path”, described as one way in which parents indicate their

expectations of a child’s educational career, was very evident in the accounts given by IITM

students. As a matter of fact, while most of the other categories of parental involvement that Rao

identifies were also recognized, they appeared to be merely extensions of “right path” strategies.

For example, some parents used supportive strategies to show the right path, while others applied

pressure to show the right path.

With “showing the right path” strategies Rao refers to all actions undertaken by parents to

lead a student towards a specific career. In line with the dominant discourse on education that

was described in chapter III, Rao finds that ‘[t]he sensible path […] was usually a traditional

career field, like engineering or medicine…’ (Ibid.: 145). However, I found that the right path

could refer to three things: (1) the stream in upper secondary school, (2) the academic

programme in higher education, or (3) the institution (which in this case is the IITM) or any

combination of these. In the following section of this paragraph I will present a number of

comments by IITM students that show different parental approaches to showing the right path;

starting with a few comments by humanities students.

What do your parents actually think of humanities?12

Okay, I’ll tell you. When I was going to join eleventh standard, you have to go meet the principle to like sign

whatever you’re going to do, so then she [principle] was very happy that I was going to take humanities, because

there were not many students at all. In front of her I was to sign, my mom was like “… think before you sign,

you can still change to science!” Till the last second, when I was sure I was going to sign humanities, till the last

second my mom was forcing me to take science. (Int. 1, ♂, HUM)

This mother was clearly trying to convince her son that the science stream constitutes a more

sensible choice than the humanities stream, despite the fact that he had already made up his

mind. From the way this student describes his mother’s persistence – till the last second – we

12 The use of bold letters indicates that I am talking.

pg. 41

may assume that she had tried to convince him on numerous earlier occasions. The use of the

word “forcing” also indicates a certain amount of parental pressure.

Nevertheless, this student decided not to pay any heed to his mother’s desires and stuck to his

initial plan of studying humanities. Interestingly, this student went on to describe why he had

gone against the will of his parents:

If I took science, even if I’m really bad at it, they would still make sure that I’d do well, they know everything

about science, they’ve studied the same thing so then they’ll spoon-feed me, they’ll get tuition, they’ll get people

to teach me. Like in tenth standard they used to get teachers to come home and teach me because I was bad at

science, so then I didn’t want that again, I wanted to be on my own, so that’s why I took that [humanities]. (Int.

1, ♂, HUM)

The quote above gives an example of what Rao refers to as “guidance” strategies, whereby

parents attempt to influence their children’s studying habits. By offering help to improve science

stream skills, parents may try to guide their child towards science stream and possibly a career in

engineering, or some other “secure” programme. It is noteworthy to mention, however, that, in

this case, the prospect of parental guidance motivated this student to do exactly the opposite of

what his parents appeared to be aiming for.

Returning to “showing the right path” strategies, it was found that almost all parents of

humanities students disliked the fact that their son or daughter had opted for the science stream

in upper secondary school. Such contempt for this stream is not very surprising, since opting for

the humanities stream, or the commerce stream for that matter, generally rules out a career in the

commonly preferred professional programs, such as engineering. Furthermore, most of the

higher education disciplines that these streams are associated with, do not comply with parents’

initial motivation for education. In other words they are not associated with financial security

and they are not believed to accommodate the pursuit of settling in life. See the following quote

by another humanities student, for example:

Did your parents actually want you to do something else than humanities or…?

Euh, they did think it would be more secure for a future job if I had done science. When I went home [after

signing up for humanities] my mom was like you can still change to science if you want. I was like no

Mom I like this. (Int. 2, ♂, HUM)

pg. 42

Surprisingly, the only exception to this parental stream preference was also found in an interview

with a humanities student:

I had made up my mind to take up science, but what happened is: when my dad said that if I take up science [I

have to do] all that coaching bogus and stuff. So I was like, I won’t get time for myself. So he... I wasn’t

interested in commerce at all so he said either you take humanities and if you’re taking science you have to keep

in mind that you have to work really hard. So when my dad researched about this course [humanities at IITM],

he told me about it and I was interested in it. (Int. 7, ♀, HUM)

We have seen earlier that parental motivation for girl’s education may be burdened by the fact

that the girl is not going to be the breadwinner. It is possible that, based on this traditional

disposition, the father of this girl decided that it was not in his own interest to spend money on

his daughter’s education; the costs of coaching classes, for example, are known to be quite high.

However, based on the fact that this girl spoke rather fondly of her dad and on the fact that he

left the final decision up to her, I believe that he acted out of a genuine concern for his daughter’s

wellbeing. Also, judging by the girl’s sentiments towards coaching bogus and not having time for

herself, it indeed appears unlikely that she would have fared well in the rather competitive

science stream.

Although the career path of the humanities students mentioned above (with the exception of the

last one) did not go exactly as the parents had planned it, it became clear that they still had some

influence over their eventual choice to go to IITM. “Showing the right path” strategies in some

cases meant leading the student to IITM, rather than a specific stream or programme.

I took humanities [as a stream in secondary school] and then [applied for] IIT because my dad just told me to

take the entrance [exam] and I cleared it. That was very hard to get so I took it. (Int. 1, ♂, HUM)

The same student, who had so openly rebelled against his mother’s wish that he follow the

science stream, eventually applied for IITM and got admitted. In doing so, it is likely that he will

have appeased his parents to some extent, since the IITs are considered to be amongst the most

prestigious institutes for higher education in India. This was certainly true for the relatives of one

other humanities student:

pg. 43

So what did your parents think about humanities?

Euh, they didn’t mind so much… but my other relatives, they didn’t like it.

Do you know why they didn’t like it?

Euh, no, I mean, maybe they are more conservative or such, but they also didn’t mind so much anymore when I

told them about that I was going to IITM. (Int. 14, ♂, HUM)

Amongst the engineers, who obviously chose the science stream in school, parental right path

strategies was also centred on IITs and on specific programmes, but not so much on the choice of

stream. Their parents did not appear to have contested their choice of the science stream, which,

keeping the dominant discourse in mind, is hardly surprising.

The following quote by a female computer science student shows one way in which

parents may lead their child to IIT, which was very common amongst engineering students.

What my parents told me was ok, these two years [in coaching class] you’re gonna work hard, but after that

you’re going to feel happy that you did it. I achieved something so you can sacrifice your eh…

...these two years…?

Yeah and your entertainment or…

And do you still feel that it was all worth it?

Yeah, of course it was worth it. If I hadn’t done that I obviously wouldn’t be here, so… (Int. 11, ♀, CS)

Sending a child to coaching classes for JEE is perhaps the easiest and the most unambiguous way

for parents to indicate their expectations and to show the right path. After all, it hardly makes

sense not to go for an engineering programme at an IIT after one has completed a year or two of

training for JEE, as the following comment also reveals:

My parents told me to take coaching classes for JEE. I remember it. […] Actually I was much more into physics

in school. But in the end I cracked JEE and you don’t really leave a seat in IIT. So I opted for engineering and I

start a minor in physics, like from this year. (Int. 24, ♂, EE)

In the previous comment by the female CS student we also see how the parents sketch a prospect

of a bright future and a sense of achievement, which would supposedly be the result of the

pg. 44

student following the advice of the parents. The following comment is a similar example, only in

this case it is admission to an IIT which is being openly associated a bright future

My parents told me about IIT. […] The thing my dad told me was: “once you get in IIT your life is good”, that is

what he told me at the time.

And then you were like I have to do that?

Yeah, let’s try. (Int. 9, ♀, BIO)

This feature of portraying a bright future is also evident in “parental wish-fulfilment” strategies,

which serve as a subcategory of Rao’s category of parental expectations. (2008: 151)

In this category, parents who did not succeed in a professional aspect of their life appeared to

project their desires upon their children. Sometimes their lack of success related to something

they attempted, but failed, to achieve, and in others it is related to something that they did not

have the opportunity to pursue. (Ibid.)

Only one account, by a female chemical engineering student, touched upon this particular

strategy:

How did you come to know about this place [IITM]?

Euh, my Mom. I got to know through my mum. So basically she wanted to do what I am doing, but it was

already too late. Like, she was already married at that time. And... so, yeah, she got to know what it was [like to

be] a student and all, so she was like ‘at least my kids shouldn’t suffer what I [suffered]...’ (Int. 25, ♀, CH.E)

What was rather surprising to me, during my research, was that very few engineering students

spoke of parental pressure, another category identified by Rao (2008). Only one student admitted

that he was pressured to go to IIT and then again pressured to choose between two disciplines:

My father wanted me to go for mechanical [engineering] or computer sciences and I didn’t want to study

computer sciences, so mechanical was my second option…

Would you change your subject of study if you had the chance?

pg. 45

They would forbid me to go for something that has no scope, you know, security and everything. My mum

always said that I should finish this course first and settle in life and all that. Then, if I still want to do something

else, I can do it. (Int. 3, ♂, ME)

Another student also mentioned patterns of parental involvement that appeared to be rather

coercive, although he consistently denied that he was put under any pressure by his parents.

What did they say to you when you got into IIT Madras and you started studying Civil Engineering?

Congratulations… well done? Did they expect it?

Euh well they expected a bit more of me. I was expected to get a much higher score. On the day of the exam I

puked, I lost my nerve. A lot of other things happened, so my mum was a bit disappointed that I couldn’t get

better score, but then that’s what mums are for you know. They always expect like their child is the best child in

the world (laughs). My dad was pretty fine with it; whatever’s done is done, so do the best with your

opportunities. (Int. 8, ♂, CE)

In his own research, Rao considers “expressing disappointment” as one of the most pressurizing

forms of parental strategies:

… Parents would be disappointed if they did not perform well in their exams or get into a prestigious university.

[…] Those students who had experienced the disappointment of their parents in the past viewed the potential for

future disappointment as motivation. (2008: 153)

The CE student mentioned above further alluded to having his options limited by his parents,

similar to the case of the ME student in interview 3:

Can you tell me a little bit about how you decided to study Civil Engineering?

So in my [JEE] rank I was getting [admission to] electrical [engineering] in IIT Goharti and civil [engineering]

here [at IITM] and metallurgy [engineering] in IIT Bombay. So metallurgy is perceived in India as not a very

high rep [reputation] or a respectable branch as such, so my family ruled it out in the initial status. (Int. 8, ♂, CE)

Interestingly, from this comment we see that not only security matters to parents when it comes

to making a decision of what to study. The respective status of the course and of the institute in

which it is taught are also deemed important. Metallurgy was rejected on account of its lower

status, compared to the other available options this student had. Electrical engineering, on the

pg. 46

other hand, was rejected because IIT Goharti has a lower status than the other IITs. One

computer science student explained:

[B]asically these 5 [Kharagpur, Bombay, Kanpur, Madras and Delhi] are the oldest IITs and then you have the

new IITs. So people mostly want to get into the old ones, because they are very established and [have] good

professors, so mostly we try to get into here. (Int. 4, ♂, CS)

This suggests that, although parental involvement mostly appeared to be propelled by economic

motives, there is also a social aspect to choosing a higher education programme. However, the

respective status of a course or institute is likely to be linked to the security that is associated

with it. Other students also mentioned the status of particular courses and IITs, but they did not

explicitly mention it as an important feature with regards to parental involvement. It seemed that

most parents were content with the overall status that IITs and IIT programmes have, and cared

less about the status differences between IITs or specific IIT programmes.

4.4 Conclusions

Based on the results of the PROBE report (1999), it became clear that parental motivation for

education in India is generally in line with the dominant discourse. The most highly valued

aspect of any higher education programme is security; the anticipated potential of a programme

to land the student with a decent job and salary. Once these have been attained, the student, who

will by then have become an adult, is on track to “settle in life”.

According to students and local professionals, parents believe that engineering and

medicine programmes score highest on the “security-scale”; a belief that is probably related to

the surge in job opportunities in these branches, in the 1990s. Not surprisingly, it was found that

parental involvement in the EDPs of IITM students paralleled the common parental motivation

and, thus, also paralleled the dominant discourse. The strategies that parents applied were

classified as “showing the right path”; the right path being (a) the science stream, in upper

secondary school, or (b) a (specific) professional programme (which in the case of the IITM

students was usually a particular engineering programme) or (c) a career in a prestigious

institution.

Although “security” was evidently the primary criterion used to evaluate a higher

education programme, it was found that the status of a course or institute also mattered to some

pg. 47

parents. This suggested that there was also a social aspect to choosing a discipline or institute,

even though the status of a course is probably based primarily on its expected security.

Before we turn to the next chapter, I find it important to reiterate that, although parental

involvement was found to be quite intense and sometimes appeared to take on pressurizing

forms, most students did not perceive parental involvement as stressful or inappropriate. As a

matter of fact, many students agreed with their parents’ reasoning or indicated that, although

their parents were highly involved, the final decision of what to study was still theirs.

pg. 48

Chapter V

Life at the IITM

Virus: What is this?

Chatur: Sir, nest, sir.

Virus: What kind of nest?

Chatur: Sir, a Koel bird’s nest, sir.

Virus: Wrong!

A Koel bird never makes her own nest. She lays her eggs in other nests.

And when they hatch, what do they do? They push the other eggs out of the nest.

[Virus drops an egg, which breaks upon impact]

Competition over…

Their life begins with murder, that’s nature.

Compete, or die.

pg. 49

5.1 Introduction

So far, the storyline of the 3 Idiots movie appears to have been relatively close to reality. The

notion that children, boys in particular, are destined to become engineers from the moment they

are born, is perhaps slightly over-exaggerated, but it serves as a metaphor for the dominant

discourse in the field of education, which, as we have seen, is indeed widespread. Furthermore, 3

Idiots correctly shows that parents play a major role in their children’s education and that their

involvement is usually consonant with the discourse. Farhan’s father has a clear distaste for

wildlife photography, but speaks highly of a career in engineering. Raju’s parents have high

expectations of his career, which include him taking care of his sick father and providing money

for his sister’s wedding. These are examples of parental motivations that are parallel to the

dominant discourse and which, to a degree, appear to reflect the motivations of IITM students’

parents.

However, the crux the 3 Idiots revolves around the student’s themselves and so it is time

to get to know IITM and its students a bit better. The hypothesis is that students will dislike

student life, because the competition and close parental monitoring continues (perhaps even

intensifies) in higher education. This hypothesis is no longer solely based on 3 Idiots, since we

have seen that the dominant discourse tends to create such circumstances (competition and

parental involvement) and there is no reason, as of yet, to believe that this would be any different

for higher education.

Nevertheless, for reasons of comparison, I will begin each paragraph with a brief

description of the state of affairs in 3 Idiots, before turning to my own findings. The findings

presented in this chapter are primarily based on data collected through participant observation as

well as student interviews.

5.2 Comparing Mentalities: ICE vs. IITM

The movie 3 Idiots is set against the backdrop of the Imperial College of Engineering (ICE), a

fictional higher education institute located in Delhi. Despite having a different name, it is

obvious that the ICE is supposed to resemble India’s famous IITs. As a matter of fact, Five Point

Someone, a popular novel that served as the main source of inspiration for the movie, was set at

the IIT in Delhi. Like the IITs, the ICE is presented as a top-notch university with an extremely

low admission rate.

pg. 50

The spirit of the ICE is illustrated through the character of headmaster Virus13, an

extremely competitive and principled man. He has taught himself to write with both hands

simultaneously and take 7.5 minute power naps, during which his valet carries out all

unproductive tasks, like shaving and nail-cutting. This is the kind of attitude which he wishes to

impart unto the newly-arrived students with his welcoming speech: ‘Remember! Life is a race

and if you don’t run fast, you’ll get trampled.’

Under his administration, the

ICE is portrayed as an institute where

creativity is thwarted and conformity

reigns supreme. Student life, according

to the ICE gospel, is all about

maintaining high grades, meeting

deadlines and competing for well-paid

jobs during the placement period.14 The

conditions are so harsh that Rancho

eventually exclaims from in front of the

classroom: ‘This is college, not a

pressure cooker!’

The filmmakers clearly ascribe the sombre atmosphere of the ICE to the ubiquitous

influence of the dominant discourse. The stronger the discourse becomes, the more students will

pursue a career that is deemed “sensible”, like engineering, resulting in more and more

competition in the education system. The filmmakers argue that the Indian higher education

system, in an effort to deal with the large quantities of students, has taken to grading students

based on their ability to memorize information. As a result, only students who have disciplined

themselves to mug incessantly will be able to score high grades. Finally, students, teachers and

parents realize grades are connected to eventual job and salary offers which, as the common

perception goes, is the ultimate goal of education.

13This is his nickname in the movie; his actual name is Viru Sahastrabuddhe. 14 The placement period refers to a period in the curriculum when representatives of various companies visit higher education institutes to hold job interviews amongst the students.

Principle Virus with Koel bird

pg. 51

The mentality of the ICE in 3 Idiots, thus, is consonant

with the dominant discourse and students have become the

victims of this predicament. The obvious question, however, is

whether that same competitive mentality is innate to the IITM.

From the first moment I walked onto the campus grounds I knew

that IITM was different from the ICE. It was the 16th of July, two

weeks before the start of a new semester. Most of the students

were still at home celebrating the holidays with their parents, but

a few had returned to their hostel rooms early. In the middle of the

day, when the sun was at its hottest, they would sit in the cool

shade of the overhead forestry, reading novels or talking with

friends.

By the end of July, most senior students had returned and

together with their friends they made a game out of spotting the

newly arrived students. This was quite easily done, as the new

students appeared to be lost most of the time and were visibly

overwhelmed by the enormity as well as the beauty of the IITM

campus grounds. (See blog post) They carefully evaded the

groups of blackbuck and spotted deer that were grazing in the

open fields, not entirely convinced of their harmlessness. The

senior students knew better and laughed when they saw a

“freshie”15 avoiding a short-cut to make his way around the

wildlife. One of the main campus roads was transformed into a

market place where students could make some final arrangements

for the upcoming academic year. Students purchased bicycles,

sleeping matrasses, mobile phones and subscriptions and all sorts

of study equipment.

For the freshies, the first semester started with two days of

so-called “Orientation”. During these two days the new students

and their parents gathered in the giant convocation hall of the

15 This was the common term senior students used for first-year students.

Reflections of an ex-freshie.

‘My college is in a forest. Literally.’ That’s the first thing I noticed when I looked out of the car window, on the first day of college. There were deer, live walking deer! If you are from Sharav itself, I’m sure this is an everyday story for you, but remember that initial excitement you had on seeing those creatures previously seen only on TV? The wilderness, the houses incorporated carefully into the greenery, animals, and finally, the Gajendra Circle, a perfect culmination to a pleasant journey. IIT Madras does create a pretty good first impression.

Source: http://myblogreshmi.wordpress.com/tag/iit-madras/

pg. 52

IITM, to listen to welcoming and informative speeches by professors and student councils. On

the balconies in the back of the hall sat the parents, overlooking their children, like shepherds

keeping watch over their flock. The atmosphere in the hall was tense. The new students looked

timid and kept absolutely still. It felt as if they were expecting principle Virus to storm in at any

moment.

As a matter of fact, the principle of IITM was the first to speak. He welcomed all the

students and thanked the parents for joining them. After giving a short introduction, he gave the

floor to some other professors. An informational speech about the grades system and the campus

placement periods, given by a very old-looking professor, was perhaps most reminding of

Virus’s speech. The message, in short, was that the students needed to work hard throughout

their time at IITM; only then would they be able to maintain a high CGPA (Cumulative Grade

Point Average). He went on to show that the students with the highest CGPA’s usually got the

best package deals during the placement period.

This professor clearly linked education to financial prosperity in his speech, but, all the

while, he appeared to be addressing the parents, rather than the students, as if the aim of his

speech was to comfort them a little. By the time the new students have their first classes, the

parents will be back home,

usually far away from their

children. The prospect of

financial benefits might be a

soothing factor for them.

Ironically, as if to lighten

the mood, his speech was

followed up by that of a student

who spoke enthusiastically about

the wildlife on campus, inviting

the students to join in extra-

curricular activities, such as bird-

watching during the semester.

Finally, the principle returned to the stage to wrap up the first day of Orientation. While

he reminded the students, once again, of their academic duties and responsibilities as students, he

Orientation

pg. 53

also reminded them of the ‘… fun there is to found in learning new, exciting things.’ He also

encouraged the students to participate in some extra-curricular activities that the IITM has to

offer. In a final word to the parents he argued that: ‘Here at IIT we give the students a lot of

freedom to develop themselves, please remind them to use this freedom wisely.’ From an article

in The Hindu (July 24, 2012) it emerged that last year’s Orientation speech was almost identical,

although it had more references to 3 Idiots, which, at the time, was still rather fresh in most

student and parents’ minds.

Apart from the activities, IITM has many entertainment facilities to offer its students, which

reinforces the idea that life at the IITM, unlike life at the ICE, can be rather pleasant. Nearly

every hostel had badminton grounds, a volleyball field and a pitch used for hockey, cricket or

football. Outside of the hostels there were even better courts that were used primarily by IITM’s

competitive sports teams.

Some hostel also hosted a music room, equipped with speaker systems, a drum set and

even some electrical instruments, that the students could use on request. Other hostels had a

games room, were the students could play table tennis, table football, or watch television on a

big plasma screen.

Although the hostel rooms

themselves were not that great,

equipped with little more than a

bedframe and desk, every one of

the rooms was connected to the

IITM network via a LAN-cable.

Not only did this provide the

students with an enormous

bandwidth, but it also enabled them

to share files with anyone on

campus. This meant quick and free

access to many movies, video-

games and a lot of music.

Hostel Cricket Grounds

pg. 54

IITM also had an open air theatre, which doubled as a cinema. Nearly every Friday

evening they showed a movie here. Surprisingly, during the time of my fieldwork, they only

showed Hollywood movies, rather than Bollywood movies, like “Superman” and “Pacific Rim”,

which clearly had no educative value. Instead, these movies contained a lot of action scenes

alternated by scenes of romance, which evidently pleased the student crowds.

Finally, IITM has multiple food courts spread out over campus. These served a wide

range of food and beverages, but also provided a space to sit down with friends

All in all, it seems that the ICE is a misrepresentation of the IITs, at least as far as IITM is

concerned. While the teaching staff did advise the newly arrived students to be disciplined in

their studying behaviour and to aim for good grades, they also urged them to have fun and to

engage themselves, occasionally, in extra-curricular activities. The facilities that the IITM offers

its students clearly supports this mentality.

5.3 The Experience of Student Life

Now that we have seen that the mentality of the ICE is quite different from that of the IITM, it is

time to examine whether students also experience student life differently. Based on 3 Idiots, one

would expect to find that most students are under a lot of stress during their final years of

education.

Take the movie character Joy Lobo, for example. He is portrayed as an ambitious and

rather inventive student of mechanical engineering at the ICE. Unfortunately, however, his

challenging project of building a miniature four propeller helicopter is not finished in time for

the deadline. Principle Virus refuses to accept his request for more time and, to make things

worse, calls Joy Lobo’s father to inform him that his son will not be graduating this year. Soon

afterwards, Joy commits suicide by hanging himself in his hostel room. The words “I quit” are

written in large letters on the wall.

Raju, one of the three “idiots”, nearly befalls a similar fate. His family have all their hope

riding on his career at the ICE. They expect him to get a well-paid job that will pay for his

sister’s wedding, his father’s medical treatments and will see his family raised out of poverty.

When principle Virus threatens to rusticate him for misconduct, Raju is no longer able to cope

with these high expectations and jumps off the campus roof. Miraculously, he survives the fall.

pg. 55

Farhan, the second “idiot”, is less suicidal, but also experiences his share of misery.

Pressured by his father he has decided to do an engineering programme, even though he is

passionate about wildlife photography. Farhan prefers to hang out with Rancho, since he has no

interest in his courses. However, the abysmally low grades he keeps scoring infuriate his parents,

who then blame Rancho. Farhan is caught between choosing to enjoy student life with his

friends, and choosing to study to please his parents.

These three characters supposedly reflect the average student. They are, as it were,

situated between Rancho, who chooses to enjoy student life, and his nemesis Chatur, the

mindless mugger, who dedicates all his time to studying. But is this really the way students

experience student life?

Just like it was clear from the start that the ICE mentality was different from the IITM mentality,

so it was instantly evident that the students were different. The IITM students did not appear to

be experiencing student life in the same way as the ICE students. For most of the time, in fact,

they appeared to be enjoying themselves.

Every day, the hostel courts were occupied by students playing football, volleyball,

badminton, cricket and hockey. Sports appeared to be one of the most popular activities in IITM,

at least amongst male students.16 It was on these courts that I observed competition between

students, rather than anywhere else. Some students were clearly more talented at sports than

others. Usually a “winner-stays-on” type of game was played, which meant that some students

played continuously. Nevertheless, the less sporty students kept challenging the champion and

overall a friendly atmosphere was maintained.

I was surprised to find out how much students knew about sports, off the pitch. A lot of

students appeared to be following the English Premier League and they were all up to date with

the latest transfer news. Every now and then a student would come up to me and say something

like ‘…have you heard that Samuel Eto’o is returning to Chelsea for the next season?!’ In their

hostel rooms the walls were quite often covered with posters of their favourite Premier League

team.

16 Unfortunately, boys are not allowed to enter the girl’s hostels, so it was hard to find out what most girls did during the day.

pg. 56

Apart from sports, students were often seen to relax in their rooms. Together with friends

they would play videogames or watch the latest episodes of popular American TV-series, like

Game of Thrones and Breaking Bad. In between episodes they would go out to get food from the

food courts on campus and it often happened that they would meet more friends here.

The food courts were extremely busy throughout the day. In the shadows of huge Banyan

trees students enjoyed rich fruit drinks and tasty snacks. The terraces also served as a spot to

meet with girls, since they are not allowed to meet inside the hostels. Café Coffee day, the Indian

equivalent of Starbucks, was especially popular for this reason. Here couples could be slightly

more intimate, due to the cleverly styled interior of the place.

Studying was not an entirely absent aspect of student life, but many students appeared to

prioritize entertainment. Once every so often there would be a week of examinations (there was

only one during my period of fieldwork), during which most students retreated to their rooms or

the library to study. Campus life visibly quieted down in anticipation of the exams. A week

before the exams, many senior students had already begun to study and they would be out of

their rooms less than was normally the case. First and second year students generally started

studying at a later stage and there were a few who did not appear to study at all. One third year

student of civil engineering, whom I found studying behind his desk, explained to me why many

students, unlike him, had not yet started studying:

The first year students only have common courses, like basic physics, basic math etc. They had all that in school

so they don’t care [to study much for it]. Second year things become more serious, but still you have much time.

Now my third [year] is pretty intense, but I can manage, I just started a bit earlier this semester. […] one other

thing, actually this is very important, many students want to peace out after JEE, you know, the hard work they

put and all. I was like that too. (Int. 6, ♂, ME)

This comment was backed up by a student from one of my interviews, when I asked her what she

thought about IITM:

IIT[M] is amazing, the atmosphere… like for two years we have prepared for JEE and worked so hard and this is

like a huge eh… it’s amazing, yeah, we have like so much free time and we have so much scope to do so

much… like there’s even sports, singing, dancing, you name it, it’s here! (Int. 23, ♀, EE)

pg. 57

Thus, it seemed that, instead of continuing to work really hard, like the students had done to get

admission to the IITM, many students felt they deserved a break, once they arrived at IITM.

They gratefully accepted the freedom of which the IITM principle spoke in his final speech

during orientation.

Even the students who were somewhat pressured by their parents to go to IIT or to study

a specific course, appeared to be enjoying life at the IITM, contrary to Farhan in 3 Idiots.

Consider the following comment by a computer science student, who simply went to IITM

because her parents had taken her to coaching classes for JEE and she eventually managed to

“crack” JEE:

When I was small, I never had this fascination to do computer science or any of that kind of thing. It was never

like that. But it’s not like I’m having any grudges. I’m happy with it. Actually, I like the courses I have to do

here. (Int. 11, ♀, CS)

Another student who declared that he would have preferred to study “something like

psychology”, but whose parents presented him with a choice of either electrical or mechanical

engineering, argued:

‘I don’t’ like all the subjects, but at least I will get a secure future. Maybe later, if I get the chance, I will still do

some psychology classes. IIT actually has electives also, so it’s really not so bad. I even quite like thermo-

dynamics now.’ (int. 3, ♂, ME)

The latter student was one of those students that hardly ever studied, yet he told me that his

grades were about average. ‘The courses are really not so hard, so you don’t have to study

much’, he said.

As a matter of fact, it was through the last mentioned student that I discovered another reason

why students seemed to enjoy life at the IITM so much. Contrary to 3 Idiots, it appeared that

parental supervision of student life was very limited. Most parents of IITM students lived very

far from Chennai and were thus unable to watch over their children as much as they may have

done prior to their child’s departure for IITM.

pg. 58

The parents of the student in interview 3 called him on a daily basis. This became

apparent when they called him during a game of cards and he suddenly ran off to find a secluded

spot somewhere. One of his friends explained to me:

Student A: His parents are calling. They always call at this time. They want to check if he is studying in his

room, so he has to find a spot where they cannot here us. Sometimes they [parents in general] do that.

Student B: It’s like, you know, at home they could check up on us, now they can only call. {laughter}

Do your parents call you guys too?

All: yes

Does it bother you guys that they call often?

Student A: No, actually they call me only once in a week… I just let them know everything is fine and then I

usually talk with my brother. This way I also know everything is good at home.

Student B: Yeah me neither, I don’t care if they call me often. I think it’s normal for parents to worry a little bit

about their children.

What are they worried about?

Student B: not really worried, but….

Student C: Because they know he is a lazy one! {laughter}

(13-08-2013Conversation was reconstructed from Fieldwork notes)

Telephone calls did very little to disturb student life. Some students simply decided not to answer

their phones or told their parents that they were rather busy at the moment and then hung up.

Most parents, it seemed, had little option but to accept this behaviour from their children. It is

possible, though none of the students mentioned this in my interviews, that parents believe that

parental involvement is more important prior to the student’s admission to IIT than after. It

seems likely that parents would be less concerned about their child’s future, once he or she has

made it to an IIT, because, due to the prestigious nature of the IITS, practically all IIT students

are able to find an employer once they are graduated.

The lack of parental supervision and the relatively relaxed atmosphere at the IITM allowed

students to explore an unprecedented amount of freedom. Nevertheless, there were quite a few

students who still believed that the freedom offered by the IITM was too limited. Consumption

of alcohol on the campus grounds, for example, was prohibited, as was smoking cigarettes and

the use of drugs. Such activities are met with a zero tolerance policy that has seen students, who

repeatedly violated these rules, expelled from IITM. Three of my friends at IIT had been caught

pg. 59

smoking joints in their first year and the infamous DisCo (Disciplinary Committee) had

sentenced them to pay a fine of Rs. 10,000 (€125) each. Nevertheless, many students smoked

cigarettes on a daily basis, secretly or just outside the campus gates, where the IITM’s

jurisdiction ends.

It is near impossible for IITM staff to eradicate such habits simply because cigarettes and

booze are readily available just outside the campus gates. Most students would simply walk out

the nearest gate several times a day for a cigarette and a snack or a lime juice. Even marihuana,

which is illegal in India, was not at all hard to come by. Twice a week, at least, a group of

students I knew would take a rickshaw to one of Chennai’s slum areas to “score” from the local

dealer. They used to collect money from fellow student and would buy large quantities of

marihuana at a time. When they got back they would keep the lion’s share and hand the rest out

to whoever had put in money. There is no doubt that many other students made similar errands

on a regular basis.

Since the guards at the gates did not check the students for booze or any other illegal

products – this would have been a very laborious task, due to the amount of students coming and

going out of campus – many students drank alcohol in their rooms. Some even smoked cigarettes

or joints here, but that would usually call for extra caution due to the smell. Apart from hostel

security guards and the hostel warden snooping around from time to time, students were also

aware of the fact that other students might tell on them if bothered by the smoke.

I never thought to ask the students directly, why they liked to smoke and drink so much,

because the answer seemed quite clear to me. Illegal activities have a certain power of attraction

and the secrecy needed to perform them makes for additional excitement. Furthermore, and this

is perhaps most important, the decision to smoke or drink is largely a personal decision, which is

not run by parents and teachers for approval. Being able to make such a personal decision, even

if it requires a certain amount of secrecy, may boost the student’s sense of freedom.

A couple of months after my fieldwork I decided to ask the students, via Facebook, why

they smoked and found that they did indeed associate smoking with freedom. (see next page

pg. 60

Facebook messages

5.4 Conclusions

Life at the IITM, unlike life at the fictional ICE in 3 Idiots, can be rather pleasant. Instead of a

strictly educational atmosphere, in which students are all but forced by parents and teachers to

study incessantly, it was found that the mentality of the IITM staff was much more easy-going.

Certain aspects of the speeches, held during orientation, appeared to be consonant with the

dominant discourse; especially the suggestion that the most diligent students at the IITM will be

rewarded accordingly during the campus placement period. However, according to Bröer’s

model of discursive resonance, the mentality of the IITM – reflected by the totality of speeches

during Orientation, but also reflected by the amount and nature of IITM’s facilities for students –

has to be designated as dissonant, for while it partially reflects the dominant discourse, it also

counters it; diverting attention away from incessant studying by openly offering the freedom and

facilities for students to engage in extra-curricular activities.

Students, as we have seen, gratefully accept and make use of the freedom offered by the

IITM. Therefore, they also have to be classified as dissonant. This conclusion, however, reveals

a short-coming in Bröer’s model of discursive resonance, for it does not explain that there can be

pg. 61

varying degrees of resonance. While both the students and teaching staff appear to be dissonant,

it is clear that students behave in a much more dissonant way. To them, studying has become a

secondary feature of student life, particularly during their first years at IITM. They argue that

they have been consonant with the discourse for a long period of time, studying arduously to

gain admission to an IIT course. Many of them continue to be consonant in that they believe to

have opted for the most sensible career path by choosing an engineering course. However, they

simultaneously use this argument to distance themselves from the dominant discourse, insisting

that they deserve some time off from studying to engage in leisurely activities, such as sports or

gaming.

While the dissonant student behaviour is partially supported by the mentality of the IITM,

it is also caused by a relative lack of parental involvement at the IITM. As we have seen in the

previous chapter, parents are usually very consonant with the dominant discourse. Many parents

convinced, or tried to convince, their children that working hard throughout the educational

career would earn them a seat in a prestigious course and institute and would eventually help

them to settle in life. The diminished parental monitoring experienced at the IITM, which was

usually due to the fact that the parents lived far away from the IITM, meant that students

experienced a high degree of freedom in student life.

Some students used this freedom to explore hitherto unthinkable activities, such as

drinking alcohol and smoking cigarettes and marihuana. These activities are forbidden within the

walls of the IITM and thus involved a lot of secrecy. Because of the secrecy involved, this

behaviour should, in my opinion, be classified as autonomous. Secrecy, in a way, implies that

there is little or no resonance. Students did not attempt to justify these secret activities in the

same way as they justified leisurely activities. In other words, the opportunity to engage in secret

activities was not regarded as a reward for having been consonant with the dominant discourse

prior to coming to IITM, but was associated with a degree of personal freedom that some

students wanted to claim.

pg. 62

Chapter VI

Free Idiots

Rancho: Aal izz wellllll!!! (all is well)

pg. 63

6.1 Conclusion

At the outset of this thesis I presented three interrelated hypotheses, which I deducted from the

immensely popular Bollywood movie 3 Idiots. The first hypothesis postulated the existence of a

nationwide educational discourse that favours professional education, especially the various

branches of engineering, over liberal education. To understand the dynamics of a discourse, I

turned to Fairclough’s approach of conceptualizing and analysing a discourse. He holds that

discourses should be seen as a form of social practice that are in a constant dialectical

relationship with other social practices. In other words, discourses are both socially constituted

(by other social practices) and socially constitutive (of other social practices).

Thus, to test my first hypothesis, I set out to explore a number of important historical

events and policies within the field of education in India, to examine whether they might have

contributed to constituting a discourse that favours professional education. It was found that,

from the moment of India’s independence in 1947, the country’s political leaders (with the

exception of Gandhi) saw advancements in the technological sector as the best way to modernize

India. India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, oversaw the construction of the first five

IITs and called upon its engineering students to help build a self-reliant Indian nation.

Meanwhile, Nehru promised that there would no lack of “worthwhile work” for any engineer in

India.

In the years to follow, India’s political policies for education were focused on expanding

the education system. The newly drafted constitution decreed that education should be

compulsory for everyone up to fourteen years of age. In the 1980s, amendments were made to

the Indian reservation policy to encourage people from less privileged backgrounds to enrol in

education. However, it was due to the economic reforms of the 1990s that the demand for

education really increased significantly. The increasing amount of jobs, particularly in the

technological sector, combined with multinational companies’ meritocratic approach to

recruiting Indian workers instigated an unprecedented demand for professional higher education,

which forced the Indian government to allow the entry of private enterprise in that area. As a

result, thousands of private higher education institutes, offering engineering and other

professional courses, were set up throughout the country. These findings supported the idea that

a discourse favouring professional education could indeed exist.

pg. 64

A look at the current format of education in India revealed a number of constitutive

effects of the discourse, which confirmed that the discourse was still present. The science stream

in upper secondary school, which is the required stream for students who wish to enrol in a

technological or medical programme, is by far the most popular stream. The existence of an

enormous shadow education industry – of which a large section, known as the coaching classes,

is solely dedicated to preparing students for the JEE, IIT’s infamous entrance examination,

which has an admission rate of less than 2% – indicates, once more, that this sector of higher

education is immensely popular. Finally, one cannot miss the discourse-as-discursive-practice in

the Indian media and commercial industries. Newspaper articles and advertisements as well as

roadside billboards were seen to (re)produce and circulate the discourse. The manifold evidence

supporting my first hypothesis convinced me that the examined discourse was, in fact, the

dominant discourse in the field of higher education in India.

By examining parental involvement on IITM students’ educational decision-making

processes, another constitutive force of the dominant discourse was found. Not only did these

parents manifest a clear preference for engineering courses, the reasoning behind these

preferences appeared to be consonant with the discourse. The engineering courses and the

institute itself have a great deal of status, as a result of the longstanding political tradition of

favouritism and funding this sector of higher education. More importantly, they are associated

with job security and financial prosperity, particularly since the economic reforms of the

nineties. Based on the accounts of IITM students, it was discovered that parents predominantly

used these arguments to indicate that engineering or, at the very least, a career at the IIT, was the

most sensible career path.

To make sure that their children would actually choose the “sensible” career path, parents

applied different strategies. Some parents made sure that, starting from primary school, their

child got the best science education. In upper secondary school, parents tried to convince their

children, if necessary, to choose the science stream. Another very straightforward strategy was to

persuade students to prepare for JEE, IITs entrance examination, by taking coaching classes after

school. Finally, parents also concerned themselves with the actual educational decision in higher

education, by indicating which discipline they preferred or, especially in the case of humanities

students, by leading them to the IITM. These findings confirmed the second hypothesis deducted

from 3 idiots.

pg. 65

With the first two hypotheses confirmed, it remained to be seen whether the constitutive

powers of the dominant discourse, the competition for engineering programs and the consonant

parental involvement, caused the IITM students to dislike student life. Contrary to expectations,

it was found that the speeches of IITM’s teaching staff, during the annual Orientation for new

students, were partially dissonant with the discourse. Most professors argued that studying ought

to be a student’s priority, which appears to be consonant with the discourse. However, they also

urged the students to engage in extra-curricular activities every now and then. The facilities

available to students of the IITM appeared to support this mentality, which the IITM principle

called ‘freedom with responsibilities’ and which, to a degree, appears to counter the dominant

discourse.

By observing and interviewing students, I realized, however, that Bröer’s model of

discursive resonance was oversimplified. There appears to be very little room for differentiation

between consonance and dissonance, which became problematic when it was found that students

were far more dissonant than the professors. While the teaching staff argued that students should

make time for entertainment, it appeared that students, particularly first and second year students,

saw entertainment as their top priority. Although they did occasionally study for exams and mid-

term assignments, they appeared to spend most of their time hanging out with friends, playing

sports and video games, or anything else unrelated to studying. They justified this behaviour by

arguing that they had done so much studying prior to coming to IITM.

This type of reasoning is highly dissonant. Many of these students had indicated that they

agreed with their parents that engineering was the most sensible career path and that getting

admission to IITM was worth all the effort. Yet, now that they had made it to the IITM, many

students decided that they deserved a break from studying. The institutional freedom, along with

a greatly diminished amount of parental monitoring, made it possible for the students to enjoy

student life most of the time.

As a matter of fact, some students used this freedom to explore new things that they

could never have done when they were still at home. Smoking cigarettes and marihuana and

drinking alcohol were unthinkable activities for most students, before they came to the IITM.

While the institute strictly prohibits these activities, it was evident that they could not be

banished from the campus grounds, as students were very careful not to get caught. Smoking

cigarettes or drinking beers should, in my opinion, be seen as an act to signify personal freedom.

pg. 66

Not every student was engaged in these activities and, unlike with entertainment, the students

who were did not attempt to justify smoking or drinking in terms of the dominant discourse. This

behaviour was therefore dubbed autonomous, which is not to say that it is wholly unrelated to the

dominant discourse.

The behaviour of these students, as well as that of the students who argued they deserved

entertainment, may be regarded as idiotic. In response, I believe the students would reply that, at

least, they should be regarded as FREE IDIOTS.

6.2 Suggestions for Further Research

The field of discourse analysis is extremely broad and will, most likely, never be completely

saturated. It is a field that requires both case studies, like this one, and large sample studies to

understand how discourses affect and are affected by the daily lives of people all over the world.

It is a field that is extremely dynamic; hegemonic discourses will fade as new discourses assume

powerful positions within society. Further case studies dealing with the educational discourse in

the field of higher education in India, perhaps at an arts institute, could provide insight into

whether dissonant discourses are contesting the hegemony of the current dominant discourse. It

is conceivable, for example, that a dissonant discourse propagating the idea that educational

decisions should be made on the basis of personal interests, is much stronger at these institutes.

Furthermore, there are a number of topics that this research has touched upon that

deserve to be more thoroughly researched. Very little has been written about India’s shadow

education industry, for example, even though it is clear that it has a profound impact on

education and educational discourses. Surprisingly, I also found very little literature dealing with

the personal decision-making power of adolescents within the household in India, whereas this

has been elaborately described for mothers and fathers.

I truly hope that the findings of this research promote further research in these areas,

because I believe a lot is yet to be revealed.

pg. 67

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Page 11 Cartoon

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pg. 73

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Page 31

Top left Newspaper Advertisements for Coaching Centres

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Top right Newspaper Advertisements for Coaching Centres

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Bottom Roadside Advertisement for Technical University

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Page 53 Orientation

Own collection

Page 54 Hostel Cricket Grounds

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Page 60 Facebook Messages

Own collection

Page 63 Aal Izz Well…

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pg. 74