DEVELOPMENT AND EFFECTIVENESS OF MASS MEDIA …
Transcript of DEVELOPMENT AND EFFECTIVENESS OF MASS MEDIA …
DEVELOPMENT AND EFFECTIVENESS OF
MASS MEDIA EDUCATION CAMPAIGN ON THE
KNOWLEDGE, BELIEFS, ATTITUDES AND
BEHAVIOUR RELATING TO QAT CHEWING
AND HEALTH RISK AMONG SECONDARY
SCHOOL STUDENTS IN ADEN, YEMEN
by
MOHAMMED SALEH AHMED AL-KAF
Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
October 2017
نج راة والأ توبا عندهمأ في التوأ ي الذي يجدونه مكأ م سول النبي الأ يل يأأمرهم بالأمعأروف وينأهاهمأ الذين يتبعون الر
م عليأهم الأخبائث وي لل التي كانتأ عليأهمأ فالذين عن الأمنكر ويحل لهم الطيبات ويحر غأ رهمأ والأ ضع عنأهمأ إصأ
ئك هم الأمفألحون روه ونصروه واتبعوا النور الذي أنزل معه أول آمنوا به وعز
(157 الاعراف )
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated firstly to my father who nurtured and supported me
throughout his life, may Allah S.W rest his soul in peace, and to my beloved mother
who I still owe her and view the world through her eyes. And my dear wife who lost
her age taking care of my kids; my daughters Maryam and Aishah, sons Ahmed and
Omar, and to my sister Dr.Nadia and her husband, Dr.Musa at Taiba University (
Saudi Arabia), whom supported me financially. Also my thanks go to my sister and
her husband in Aden (South Arabia) for their moral support.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
My thanks and appreciation goes to my supervisor Professor Rahmat Bin Awang for
his keenness, patience, encouragement and advice throughout my time as his student,
which will be informative experience to my life and future career. Also, my thanks
go to Dr. Maizurah Omar for her coordination and administrative concerns that
contributed to the accomplishment of my Ph.D degree. I would like to thank my field
supervisor Professor Dr. Huda Basaleem from the Medical Institute and Health
Science (Aden University) and Dr. Khaled Al-Sakkaf as well. I would like to thank
the Teaching and Education Office in Aden city and all the public secondary school
directors and supervisor teachers and students who participated in this work. I must
express my gratitude to the University of Aden for their financial support during my
PhD study.
I would like also to thank the director of the National Poison Center in University
Sains Malaysia and all the staff for their assistance throughout my study. Special
thanks go to Mrs. Lucy Chuah, Miss Afiza, Mr. Ahmad Shalihin and Mr.
Mohammed Nazri for their assistance during my PhD study. Finally, I would also to
thank Aden Free and the Yemeni Health Organizations for the moral support. My
thanks also go to my friends, too many to mention, who contributed in other ways to
the success of this work. All of you Jazakum Allah Khair
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT…………………………………………………….. ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………………… iii
LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………….. x
LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………. xiv
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………….. xvi
ABSTRAK…………………………………………………………………….. xviii
ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………… xx
CHAPTER I - BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION
1.1 Introduction into qat chewing phenomena................................................... 1
1.1.1 The history and origin ........................................................................ 1
1.1.2 Chemical components........................................................................ 5
1.1.3 Mechanism of action……………………………………………….. 5
1.1.4 Pharmacological of qat in human beings.......................................... 6
1.1.5 Qat consumption and public health...................................................
1.1.6 Qat related morbidity and mortality..................................................
7
8
1.2 Socio-Economic aspects of qat chewing..................................................... 10
1.2.1 Social norms..................................................................................... 10
1.2.2 Economic aspects............................................................................. 11
1.3 Qat control in Yemen.................................................................................... 12
1.3.1 Qat control in Aden (before unification).......................................... 13
1.3.2 Qat chewing in different cultures..................................................... 14
1.4 Qat chewing and mass media education campaigns in Yemen................... 15
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1.5 The history of educational system in Aden city.......................................... 17
1.6 Purpose of the study..................................................................................... 18
1.7 Rationale of the study.................................................................................. 19
1.8 Study hypothesis.......................................................................................... 19
1.9 Study questions............................................................................................ 20
1.10 Study objectives........................................................................................... 20
1.10.1 General objective for the mass media exposure study...................... 20
1.10.2 Specific objectives............................................................................ 20
CHAPTER II - LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL
FRAMEWORK
2.1 Qat chewing prevalence...............................................................................
22
2.2 Health adverse effects of qat chewing on humans……………………….. 25
2.2.1 Physical and psychological effects…………………………………. 25
2.2.2 Qat chewing and oral health problems……………………………... 28
2.2.3 Qat chewing and cardiovascular system problems............................. 32
2.2.4 Qat chewing and gastrointestinal tract problems................................ 33
2.2.5 Qat chewing and reproductive system……………………………… 36
2.3 Knowledge, beliefs and attitudes related to qat consumption……………
38
2.4 Measures the impact of anti-drug abuse mass media campaigns...............
40
2.5 Drug abuse initiation among adolescents..................................................
44
2.6 Evaluating adolescents-based anti-substance abuse mass media............... 45
CHAPTER III - MATERIALS AND METHODS
3.1 Introduction................................................................................................. 50
3.1.1 Study location.................................................................................... 50
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3.2 Cross-sectional study (Part I)....................................................................... 51
3.2.1 Study design………………………………………………………..
51
3.2.2 Sample size and sampling procedure............................................... 51
3.2.3 Data collection method.................................................................... 52
3.2.4 Study variables................................................................................. 52
3.2.5 Statistical analysis............................................................................. 53
3.3 Pre-test and Post-test study (Part II)……………………………………… 54
3.3.1 Study design……………………………………………………… 54
3.3.2 The control and intervention groups………………………………. 54
3.3.3 Stages of the intervention…………………………………………. 55
3.3.4 The main outcome measures……………………………………… 55
3.3.5 Study population.............................................................................. 55
3.3.5(a) Inclusion criteria……………………………………....... 56
3.3.5(b) Exclusion criteria………………………………………. 56
3.3.6 Sample size estimation and calculation……………………….. 56
3.3.6(a) Sample size calculation……………………………… 56
3.3.6(b) Sample size selection………………………………... 57
3.3.6(b)(i) Selection of districts in Aden city………. 57
3.3.6(b)(ii) Selection of required schools……………. 59
3.3.6(b)(iii) Selection of required students…………..
60
3.3.6(b)(iv) Allocation of participates in each……….
control. and intervention groups
62
3.3.7 Study tools..................................................................................... 64
3.3.7(a) Questionnaire development and administration………. 64
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3.3.7(a)(i) Translation of questionnaire………………
3.3.7(a)(ii) Piloting the questionnaire………………
64
65
3.3.7(b) Mass media tools and validity of the program................. 65
3.3.8 Outcome measures of the study…………………………………. 66
3.3.9 Measurements of the study domains……………………………. 66
3.3.9(a) Exposure to the anti-qat mass media messages................ 66
3.3.9(b) Knowledge measurement………………………………. 67
3.3.9(c) Beliefs and attitudes measurements……………………. 67
3.3.9(d) Students behavior……………………………………..
3.3.10 Data collection …………………………………………………
67
68
3.3.11 Campaign process........................................................................... 68
3.3.11(a) Organizing school's staff roles…………………………. 68
3.3.11(b) Organizing active students’ roles in the intervention…...
schools
69
3.3.12 Health promotion activities……………………………………….. 69
3.3.12(a) Messages used in the campaign....................................... 70
3.3.12(b) Images related to messages (posters, sticker cards and...
wall magazines)
71
3.3.12(c) Tagline............................................................................. 71
3.3.12(d) Logos............................................................................... 71
3.3.13 Duration of the campaign………………………………………… 72
3.3.13(a) First month program (Feb 2014)……………………….. 72
3.3.13(a)(i) Educational program……………………... 72
3.3.13(a)(ii) Billboards session....................................... 75
3.3.13(b) Second month program (March 2014)………………….. 80
3.3.13(b)(i) Posters session……………………………..
80
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3.3.13(b)(ii) Brochures session........................................ 92
3.3.13(b)(iii)Wall magazines session............................... 92
3.3.13(c) Third month program (April 2014)……………………... 95
3.3.14 Data analysis……………………………………………………… 97
3.3 Flow chart of data collection……………………………………………. 98
3.4 Official approval of the study ………………………………………….. 99
CHAPTER IV- RESULTS
4.1 The socio-demographic characteristics (Part I) ..........................................
4.1.1 Current prevalence of qat chewing among adolescents...................
100
102
4.1.2 Qat chewing and associated risk factors......................................... 104
4.2 The general demographic characteristics (Part II).......................................
108
4.2.1 Current qat chewing status and experimentation of.......................
qat chewing history
111
4.2.2 Social norms and their acceptability of qat chewing......................
among family and friends
112
4.2.3 Students’ opinion and intention on qat chewing and cessation......
114
4.2.4 Initiation to qat chewing..............................................................
114
4.2.5 The social situations and restrictions of qat chewing...................
among household
115
4.2.6 Sources of possessing and obtaining qat.....................................
116
4.2.7 Purchasing qat.............................................................................. 117
4.2.8 Qat chewing and the addictive behaviour.................................... 118
4.2.9 First time chew qat (starting chew age)....................................... 119
4.2.10 Initiation of chewing qat..............................................................
120
4.2.11 Beliefs about quitting qat chewing..............................................
120
4.2.12 Types of cessation........................................................................
121
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4.3 Exposure to anti-qat mass media messages..............................................
123
4.3.1 Salience (Noticing and Reading) and level of exposure..............
123
4.3.2 Qat chewers and non-qat chewers’ salience.................................
and exposure level to mass media
129
4.3.3 Students mass media scores......................................................... 135
4.3.4 Male and female salience............................................................. 137
4.3.5 Secondary school students’ perception related-mass...................
media messages after the program
143
4.4 Secondary school students’ response to knowledge questions................. 147
4.4.1 Control and intervention groups’ response.................................. 147
4.4.2 Qat chewers and non-qat chewers’ response............................... 151
4.4.3 Male and female response to knowledge..................................... 155
4.4.4 Level of knowledge.......................................................................
159
4.4.5 Knowledge scores before and after the program............................
163
4.4.6 The association between knowledge and socio-demographics......
165
4.5 Students’ beliefs about qat chewing..........................................................
167
4.5.1 Pro-qat chewing beliefs (control vs. intervention) ........................
167
4.5.2 Pro-qat beliefs among qat chewers and non-qat chewers.............
in the intervention groups
171
4.5.3 Anti-qat chewing beliefs (control vs. intervention)...................... 175
4.5.4 Anti-qat chewing beliefs of qat and non-qat chewers................
in the intervention group
179
4.5.5 Pro and anti qat chewing beliefs scores........................................ 183
4.6 Students’ attitudes about qat chewing......................................................
185
4.6.1 Students attitudes (control vs. intervention)……………………..
185
4.6.2 Qat chewers and non-qat chewers’ attitudes.................................. 187
4.7 The overall behaviour of students............................................................... 189
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CHAPTER V- DISCUSSION
5.1 Prevalence of qat chewing (Part I) ..............................................................
191
5.2 Mass media education campaign (Part II)................................................... 194
5.2.1 Characteristics of students’ in the control and.................................
intervention groups
194
5.2.2 Exposure to anti-qat mass media campaign..................................... 197
5.2.2(a) Salience to mass media messages..................................... 197
5.2.2(b) Response to the anti-qat mass media messages................ 200
5.2.3 The impact of mass media campaign on students’ knowledge.........
201
5.2.4 Outcome of mass media campaign on pro-and-anti.........................
qat chewing beliefs
206
5.2.5 Impact of mass media campaign on attitudes..................................
208
5.3 Limitation of the study................................................................................ 211
CHAPTER VI- CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
FOR FUTURE RESEARCH
6.1 Summary of the study................................................................................ 212
6.2 Study recommendation.............................................................................. 213
6.2.1 Recommendation for future research............................................ 213
6.2.2 Recommendation to the Yemeni government.............................. 214
REFERENCES 215
APPENDICES
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS
x
LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 2.1
Estimated prevalence of qat chewing using samples of
younger age groups
25
Table 3.2
Selection of districts 58
Table 3.3a
Selection of intervention schools from intervention districts 60
Table 3.3b
Selection of control schools from control districts 60
Table 3.4a
Required number of male and female from intervention
schools
61
Table 3.4b
Required number of male and female from control schools 62
Table 3.5a
Allocation of participants to the intervention schools 63
Table 3.5b
Allocation of participants to the control schools 63
Table 3.6 Numbers of media tools used in the intervention schools 96
Table 4.1 Socio-demographic characteristics (cross sectional study) 101
Table 4.2 Current prevalence of adolescents' qat chewing 103
Table 4.3 Association of risk related-factors with qat chewing 105
Table 4.4 Predictors of adolescents' qat chewing 107
Table 4.5 Socio-demographic profile (mass media study) 110
Table 4.6 Current qat chewing status and experimentation 111
Table 4.7 Norms and the acceptability of chewing qat 113
Table 4.8 Secondary school students’ opinion, intention and cessation 114
Table 4.9 Secondary school students’ initiation to chew qat 115
Table 4.10 Social situation and restrictions of qat chewers 116
Table 4.11 Source of obtaining qat in the control and the intervention 117
Table 4.12 Qat purchasing characteristics 118
Table 4.13 Addictive behaviour of qat 119
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Table 4.14
First time started chewing qat (age) 119
Table 4.15 First time chewing qat (initiation) 120
Table 4.16 Attempts to quit chewing qat 121
Table 4.17 Qat chewers’ cessation help 122
Table 4.18 Differences in salience 124
Table 4.19 Differences in exposure level to mass media channels 126
Table 4.20 Changes in exposure level to mass media 128
Table 4.21 Differences in salience between qat and non-qat chewers 130
Table 4.22 Differences in exposure level to mass media channels in the qat chewers
and non-qat chewers
132
Table 4.23 Changes in the exposure level to salience of qat chewers and
non-qat chewers
134
Table 4.24
Differences in mass media scores between secondary school
students (control vs. intervention)
136
Table 4.25
Differences in salience to mass media in male and female in
the intervention group
138
Table 4.26
Differences in exposure level to mass media channels in the
male and female in the intervention group
140
Table 4.27
Changes in salience and exposure level of mass media in male
and female in the intervention group
142
Table 4.28
Perception of students in the control and the intervention groups after the
impact of mass media messages
144
Table 4.29
Perception of qat chewers and non-qat chewers in the
intervention groups after the impact of mass media message
146
Table 4.30
Differences in qat chewing-related knowledge between the
secondary school students in the control and the intervention
groups
148
Table 4.31
Changes in qat chewing-related knowledge in secondary
school students in the control and the intervention groups
150
Table 4.32
Differences in qat chewing-related knowledge between the qat
chewers and non-qat chewers in the intervention group
152
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Table 4.33 Changes in qat chewing-related knowledge for qat chewers
and non-qat chewers in the intervention group
154
Table 4.34
Differences in qat chewing-related knowledge between male
and female students in the intervention group
156
Table 4.35
Changes in qat chewing-related knowledge in male and
female students in the intervention group
158
Table 4.36
Level of knowledge in the control and intervention groups 160
Table 4.37
Level of knowledge among male students in the control and
the intervention groups
160
Table 4.38
Level of knowledge among female students in the control and the
intervention groups
160
Table 4.39
Level of knowledge among male qat chewers in the control
and the intervention groups
162
Table 4.40
Level of knowledge among male non-qat chewers in control and the
intervention groups
162
Table 4.41
Level of knowledge of female non-qat chewers in the control
and the intervention groups
162
Table 4.42
Total scores of knowledge in the control and the intervention
groups
164
Table 4.43
Relationship between the students’ characteristic in the
intervention group and qat chewing related knowledge
166
Table 4.44
Differences in pro-qat beliefs among secondary school
students in the control and the intervention groups
168
Table 4.45
Changes in pro-qat chewing beliefs in the control and
intervention groups
170
Table 4.46
Differences in pro-qat beliefs among qat chewers and non-qat
chewers in the intervention group
172
Table 4.47 Change on the pro-qat chewing beliefs among qat-chewers
and non-qat chewers in the intervention group
174
Table 4.48
Differences in anti-qat beliefs between the control and the
intervention groups
176
Table 4.49
Changes in anti-qat chewing beliefs in the control and
intervention group
178
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Table 4.50
Differences in anti-qat chewing beliefs between qat chewers
and non-chewers in the intervention group
180
Table 4.51
Changes in anti-qat chewing beliefs in the qat chewers and
non-qat chewers in the intervention group
182
Table 4.52
Differences in scores in pro and anti qat beliefs between
secondary school students in the control and the intervention
groups
184
Table 4.53
Differences in attitudes between the control and the
intervention groups
186
Table 4.54 Change in attitudes in the control and the intervention groups 186
Table 4.55
Differences in qat chewers and non-qat chewers in the
intervention group attitudes
188
Table 4.56
Change in qat chewers and non-qat chewers attitudes in the
intervention group
188
Table 4.57
Changes in qat chewers’ behaviour in the control and the
intervention groups
190
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LIST OF FIGURES
Page
Figure 1.1 Qat profile in Yemen 4
Figure 2.1 Conceptual framework of the study 43
Figure 3.1 The districts in Aden city 50
Figure 3.2
The intervention and control districts in Aden city the red spots
represent the intervention districts and the green spots represent
the control districts
59
Figure 3.3
Figure 3.4
Campaign logo
Lictures and seminars in male and female schools
71
74
Figure 3.5 Posted in the male Al-Nahda secondary school 75
Figure 3.6 Posted in the female secondary school, Abdulbary 76
Figure 3.7 Posted in the female secondary school, Balqees 77
Figure 3.8
Posted in the male secondary school wall (Abdo-ghanem) 78
Figure 3.9 Mounted on the male secondary school wall (Abdo-ghanem) 79
Figure 3.10
Environmental message: the message was related to the
important resources water "القات يستهلك مائنا"
81
Figure 3.11 Religious messages 82
Figure 3.12 Health message depicting a set of damaged teeth 83
Figure 3.13
Health message (A) warns that qat consumption can cause
cancer. (B) male student reading the health message on the
sticker card
84
Figure 3.14
Health message warning that qat consumption can lead to liver
cancer
85
Figure 3.15
Health related message (A) Qat and constipation (B) Qat and
stomach ulcer
86
Figure 3.16
Health related message (A) Qat a cause for heart attack and
brain strokes (B) Qat and unstable blood pressure
87
Figure 3.17 Health warning message on qat and diabetes mellitus 88
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Figure 3.18 Health, neurological disorders related messages qat can lead to
aggressive behaviour among family members
89
Figure 3.19 Health, economic and social. Qat can lead to poverty
90
Figure 3.20
Health, social and economic. Qat can lead to malnutrition
91
Figure 3.21 Two samples of brochures used in the campaign and distributed
to students
92
Figure 3.22 Wall chart. No to QAT "لا للقات" messages on wall charts in
female schools
93
Figure 3.23 Wall chart. No to QAT "لا للقات" messages on wall charts in
male schools
94
Figure 3.24 Flow chart of the study 98
Figure 4.1 Flow chart of study subjects 108
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AMI Acute Myocardial Infarction
ALT Alanine Amino-Transferase (liver enzyme)
ALP Alkaline Phosphatase (liver enzyme)
AST
Aspartate Trans-Aminase (liver enzyme)
BMI Body Mass Index
CNS Central Nervous System
DDT Dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane
ECG Electro-Cardio-Gram
EMCDD
European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction
GCC Gulf Cooperation Council
ITC
ICU
International Tobacco Control
Intensive Care Unit
IBM International Business Machines
MBP Mean Blood Pressure
NGOs Non-Governmental Organization
NIDA
NPSAD
National Institute on Drug Abuse
National Programme on Substance Abuse Deaths
PDRY People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen
SCL-90 Symptoms Check-List-90
SRS
Simple Random Sampling
USA United States of America
UK United Kingdom
UAE United Arab Emirates
xvii
UNICEF United Nations Children's Fund
UNNL
UNODC
United Nations of Narcotics Laboratories
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
USM Universiti Sains Malaysia
WHO World Health Organization
YAR Yemen Arab Republic
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PEMBANGUNAN DAN KEBERKESANAN KEMPEN PENDIDIKAN
MELALUI MEDIA MASSA TERHADAP PENGETAHUAN,
KEPERCAYAAN, SIKAP DAN TINGKAHLAKU BERKAITAN
PENGUNYAHAN QAT DAN RISIKO KESIHATAN DALAM KALANGAN
PELAJAR SEKOLAH MENENGAH DI ADEN, YAMAN.
ABSTRAK
Qat (Catha edulis) merupakan satu spesies tumbuhan yang digolongkan
dalam famili Celastraceae. Pengunyahan qat adalah amalan biasa di rantau Afrika
Timur dan Semenanjung Arab sejak 11 abad yang lalu. Daun segar dan tunas
tumbuhan tersebut mengandungi katinon dan katin sebagai bahan aktif. Katinon
adalah bahan perangsang menyerupai amfetamina yang bertanggungjawab terhadap
kebanyakan tindakan farmakologi qat. Antara kesan qat adalah untuk meningkatkan
tumpuan, dan ini telah digunakan sebagai alasan oleh para pelajar untuk mengunyah
qat. Satu kajian keratan lintang telah dijalankan bertujuan untuk mengenalpasti
prevalens pengunyahan qat dalam kalangan remaja diikuti oleh kajian rekabentuk
kawalan eksperimen pra-dan pasca-ujian untuk menilai kesan kempen pendidikan
melalui media masa terhadap pengetahuan, kepercayaan, sikap dan tingkahlaku
pengunyahan qat dalam kalangan pelajar sekolah menengah awam di bandar Aden,
Yaman. Dalam bahagian pertama kajian ini, prevalens pengunyahan qat dalam
kalangan pelajar sekolah menengah di bandar Aden adalah 19.9%. Rakan sebaya,
lelaki (jantina), tempat kelahiran, umur dan kepercayaan adalah peramal kepada
pengunyahan qat. Dalam bahagian kedua kajian ini, kempen anti-kunyah qat yang
terdiri daripada bahan audiovisual seperti papan iklan, poster, risalah, majalah
xix
gantungan dindingsiaran radio sekolah, filem dokumentari, kad pelekat dan lakaran,
serta kuliah dan seminar, telah diperkenalkan selama tiga bulan dan penilaian dibuat
menggunakan eksperimen pra dan pasca-ujian melibatkan pelajar sekolah menengah
awam gred kedua (ke-11) di bandar Aden, Yaman yang dibahagikan kepada
kumpulan kawalan dan intervensi. Kajian mendapati bahawa pelajar sekolah
menengah dalam kumpulan intervensi (89.9%) adalah lebih terdedah kepada mesej
media massa anti-kunyah qat berbanding kumpulan kawalan (44.5%) selepas
pendidikan semula dan ini meningkatkan tahap kesedaran berkaitan risiko kesihatan
mengunyah qat serta menambahbaik tahap kepercayaan dan sikap. Pada
keseluruhannya, pengetahuan, kepercayaan dan sikap pelajar sekolah menengah
dalam kumpulan intervensi meningkat dengan signifikan. Walau bagaimanapun,
perubahan tingkah laku dalam kalangan pelajar terhadap mengunyah qat masih tidak
jelas. Sebilangan besar remaja yang telah terdedah kepada mesej media massa
percaya bahawa kempen anti-kunyah qat berkait rapat dengan mereka. Mereka
faham daripada kempen tersebut, bahaya mengunyah qat, dan mengurangkan
kebarangkalian mereka untuk memulakan tabiat mengunyah qat pada masa hadapan.
Kesan kempen adalah lebih ketara dalam kalangan bukan pengunyah qat berbanding
pengunyah dan dalam kalangan pelajar perempuan berbanding lelaki. Secara
keseluruhannya, kajian ini menunjukkan keberkesanan kempen pendidikan melalui
media massa, khususnya kepentingan dan pengaruhnya terhadap pengetahuan,
kepercayaan dan sikap remaja. Walau bagaimanapun, kesannya terhadap tingkah
laku tidak diperhatikan, dan ini mungkin disebabkan oleh tempoh kajian yang
pendek.
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DEVELOPMENT AND EFFECTIVENESS OF MASS MEDIA EDUCATION
CAMPAIGN ON THE KNOWLEDGE, BELIEFS, ATTITUDES AND
BEHAVIOUR RELATING TO QAT CHEWING AND HEALTH RISK
AMONG SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS IN ADEN, YEMEN
ABSTRACT
Qat (Catha edulis) is a species belonging to the plant family Celastraceae.
Qat is commonly chewed throughout East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula since the
11th century. The fresh leaves and buds of the plant contain cathinone and cathine as
the active substances. Cathinone is an amphetamine like stimulant responsible for
most of its pharmacological action. Among them, is enhancing concentration, and
this has been used as a reason for the students to consume qat. A cross-sectional
study was carried out aimed at determining the prevalence of qat chewing among
adolescents followed by a pre-test post-test experimental control design study aimed
at evaluating the outcome of mass media educational campaign on the knowledge,
beliefs, attitudes and behavior of qat chewing health risk among public secondary
school students in Aden city, Yemen. In the first part of the study, the prevalence of
qat chewing among secondary school students in Aden city was found to be 19.9%.
Friends, male (gender), place of origin, age and beliefs were the predictors of qat
chewing. In the second part of the study an anti-qat chewing campaign consisted of
audiovisual material such as billboards, posters, brochures, wall magazines, school
radio, documentary movie, sticker cards and sketch, as well as lectures and seminars
were introduced for three months and evaluated using a pre-test and post-test
experiment consisting of control and intervention groups on second grade (11th)
xxi
public secondary school students in Aden city, Yemen. The study found that
secondary school students in the intervention group (89.9%) were more exposed to
the anti-qat chewing mass media messages than the control group (44.5%) after re-
education resulting in greater level of awareness about health risk of qat chewing and
improved beliefs and attitudes. The overall knowledge, beliefs and attitudes of the
secondary school students in the intervention group were raised significantly.
However, the behaviour change of students towards qat chewing was not evident. A
significant number of adolescents who had been exposed to the mass media
messages believed that the anti-qat chewing campaign relates closely to them. They
understood from the campaign the dangers of chewing qat, and reduce their
likelihood of acquiring or taking up the habit of chewing qat in the future. The effect
of the campaign is more pronounced in non-qat chewers than qat chewers and female
more than male students. Overall, this study demonstrated the efficacy of the mass
media educational campaign, with respect to salience and its effects on adolescents’
knowledge, beliefs and attitudes. However, its effect in behaviour was not observed,
but this could be due to the short duration of the study.
1
CHAPTER I
BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION
1.1 Introduction into qat chewing phenomena
1.1.1 The history and origin
The history of qat chewing can be traced back to as early as the fourteenth
century in the horn of Africa especially in Ethiopia. A sources of ancient Arabs claim
that qat originated from the highlands of Ethiopia and found its way to Yemen
(Gebissa, 2010). In Yemen, the qat tree was named and described by the Swedish
Botanist and Neutralist Peter Forsk (1732-1763), who had travelled to Yemen to
collect some botanical and zoological specimens. Qat was one of the specimens that
he found there. Forsk was died in Yemen by malaria disease. His companion Carsten
Niebuhr (1736-1815) who was expedition had termed qat in his first botanical
published under the generic name of Catha edulis Forsk in memory of his friend
(Greenway, 1947).
Qat is chewed to enhance concentration, reduce hunger and fatigue, and as
traditional remedies to cure venereal disease, asthma, cold, fever, cough and
headaches (Elmi, 1983; Kalix, 1984). This phenomenon is fostered with religious
ceremonies during worship, prayers and other religious affairs. By the sixteenth
century, qat chewing had spread into the various strata of the Yemeni society raising
legal and religious concern (Ward and Gatter, 2000).
Qat tree which belongs to the Celastraceae family is cultivated and harvested
in Ethiopia, Yemen, Somalia and Kenya (Halbach, 1972). It is perennial species and
thriven in the wet highlands lasting more than 50 years. This characteristic makes qat
a profitable crop (Kalix and Glennon, 1986). Qat is known by various names in the
2
western literature: Qat, khat, Chat, Qaad, Jaad, Miraa, Mairangi, Cat, Flower of
Paradise, Tohai, African salad, and Catha and Tea of the Arabs (Kalix, 1990).
Advancement in transportation in the last two decades enabled qat to find its
way into some Arab countries, Europe, North America, India and even Australia
(Klein et al., 2012). In recent years qat cultivation has expanded to new territories to
Somalia, Djibouti, Tanzania, Uganda, Zimbabwe and Zambia, as well as Afghanistan
and Turkistan (Halbach, 1972; Cox and Rampes, 2003). In Islamic countries like
Yemen, Somalia, Ethiopian and Kenyan, qat chewing is prevalent among the local
Muslims, considers legal unlike alcohol which is prohibited. Saudi Arabia, however
bans qat chewing citing religious and economic reasons whereas in Yemen, even
religious leaders practice this habit to induce milder antisocial behavior as oppose to
narcotics that is unacceptable (Dhaifalah and Santavy, 2004).
The general pharmacological effects of qat chewing due to presence of
cathinone and cathine include high blood pressure, enhance pulse rate, euphoria,
depression and insomnia followed by constipation, anorexia, gastritis and lack of
libido (Kalix, 1983). An updated report conducted in Yemen shown that long term of
qat consumption may lead to psychosis disorders (El-Guneid, 1991). Because of its
many repercussions on health, a number of European countries have banned qat
import for negative social and economic reasons (Dhaifalah and Santavy, 2004).
In June 2014, because of drug misuse, the United Kingdom banned the
import of qat, placing and scheduled it as class C an illegal drug. Likewise
Netherlands and some other European countries followed the British example and
prohibited qat chewing and its sale (Drugs and Addiction, 2014). Despite the
negative consequences of qat chewing imposes on health and its social and economic
implications, its consumption and usage remain a popular trend in Yemen, including
3
very remote areas. In the mid-1980s, the prevalence of qat usage was 85% for male
and 60% for female in the north Yemen. After the unification, the chewing habit
spread to the south of Yemen and evolved from occasional usage to everyday
consumption (Ward and Gatter, 2000). Basunaid et al. (2008) reported the
prevalence of qat chewing among Yemeni male and female to be about 80% and
60% respectively. According to the World Bank Report Qat Consumption Survey in
Yemen 2006, the prevalence of qat chewing among male and female was 73% and
33% respectively (Milanovic, 2008). Astonishingly, 15 to 20% children less than 12
years were found to be daily qat chewers (Mugahed, 2008).
Qat consumption plays a major role in Yemen’s economy and represents 10%
of consumption and one-third of agriculture of gross domestic product (Ward and
Gatter, 2000). It was also reported that qat consumers spent approximately half of
their monthly income for purchase of the product and parents spend 4 to 5 hours a
day joining other qat chewers away from their homes, thus neglecting their children’s
welfare and supervision of their education, leading to an illiterate generation (Al-
abed et al., 2014).
In Yemen, qat consumption particularly among children, have not yet been
investigated although some studies have covered limited population groups
(Bawazeer, 1993). This study aims to evaluate the efficacy of an anti-qat chewing
mass media education campaign based on knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and
beahviour of secondary school students in Aden city, Yemen.
It hopes that the outcome of this effort will be able to convince relevant
authorities to institute policy change on the use of qat. It has the potential to provide
schools, communities, cities, regions and countries with useful information to
develop appropriate early measures to combat qat cultivation, production and
4
consumption and in doing so, protect the public and the environment from
destruction and waste (Figure 1.1).
A) Qat Sellers
B) Qat cultivation
C) Stalks and leafs of qat
D) Yemeni youths chewing qat
Figure 1.1 Qat profile in Yemen (All pictures are reproduced from the internet: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/khat)
5
1.1.2 Chemical components
The United Nations of Narcotics Laboratories (UNNL) in 1975 isolated the
main constituent called cathinone which analogue amphetamine a psycho-stimulant
substance. Qat contains more than 40 alkaloids, glycosides, tannis, amino acids,
vitamins and minerals (Elmi, 1983; Abdulwaheb and Abebe, 2007). The major
active ingredients in a qat leaf was identified as the phenyl alkyl amine(-)-alpha
amino-propiophenone named cathinone and cathine (nor-pseudo-ephedrine) (Kalix,
1984).
The fresh qat leaves after picking contain a higher proportion of cathinone.
During the drying process cathionone is converted into cathine, which has milder
effects than cathinone (Milanovic, 2008). To obtain better stimulation, chewers have
to continually chew fresh leaves. Similarly to the amphetamine the cathinone exert
its effects throughout neurochemical pathway: dopamine and noradrenalin as well as
cathinone may release serotonin in the CNS (Numan, 2012).
1.1.3 Mechanism of action
Cathinone or alpha-amino-propiophenon is considered as the most active
ingredient of the qat plant, since its effect has been shown to be similar to
amphetamine. Cathine nor-pseudoephedrine or phenylpropanolamine, isolated from
the Ephedra plant has similar effects of qat components, cathine has milder psycho-
stimulant action than cathinone. Fresh green leaves contain a higher proportion of the
desirable cathinone. Cathinone, because of its instability, breaks down during drying
into cathine which is less powerful than cathinone. It releases dopamine in the
striatum and nucleus accumens shell of similar potency to amphetamine in low
concentrations (Kalix, 1980; Kalix, 1983). Cathinone, in contrast, has more rapid
6
and intensive action that explains its high lipid solubility facilitating access into the
CNS. Because it offers better stimulation, users prefer to chew fresh qat leaves
continually (Cox and Rampes, 2003; Halbach, 1972; Brenneisen et al., 1990; Al-
Motarreb et al., 2010; Kalix, 1987; Patel, 2000; Kalix, 1994).
1.1.4 Pharmacological of qat in human beings
Qat is a psychotropic drug having the amphetamine-like substance called
cathinone. Both have the similar reaction on the brain. Cathinone has the ability to
pass through the brain carrier and induced euphoria, increased alertness,
hyperactivity, excitement, aggressiveness, anxiety and obsessive behaviour. A
depression phase of malaise, lack of concentration, usually follows (Cox and
Rampes, 2003; Al-Motarreb et al., 2002; Hassan et al., 2002). According to
Luqman and Danowski (1976), the green leaves of qat with tiny tips contains
cathinone and cathine, which is capable of inducing; stomatitis, oesophigitis, gastritis
and constipation due to the presence of tannins in the gastrointestinal tract.
As for the genitourinary and reproductive system, cathinone reduces urine
flow rate and is a cause for spermatorrhoea and erectile dysfunction. It is also
reducing libido. Studies have shown the significant incidence of low birth-weight of
full-term infants in the offspring of women who used qat during pregnancy (Kalix
and Braenden, 1985; Kalix, 1990; Hassan et al., 2007; Patel, 2000).
The consumption of large amounts of qat can lead to behavioural hypomania
and psychosis syndromes, such as mania, schizophrenia, paranoid psychosis and
symptoms of acute schizophrenia (Odenwald et al., 2005). The World Health
Organization (WHO) commission on Narcotics Drugs has reported qat consumption
since 1946. Because of the qats biological and social effects, and vague scientific
7
literature of its chemical reactions, it was placed under the list of dangerous and
banned drugs by the WHO in the 1980s (Kennedy et al., 1980; Hassan et al., 2003).
In recent years, even young children and secondary school students in Yemen
have taken up qat chewing. Students appear to have the notion that chewing qat aids
their ability to concentrate better, hence better performance in their studies. It is
important, therefore, to evaluate this perception since qat usage has become a
widespread habit in the Yemeni society. There is a need to understand what attracts
people to this habit, the magnitude of this phenomenon, and how this seemingly
harmless culture can be a bane to the nation’s social and economic well-being.
1.1.5 Qat consumption and public health
According to the reports of United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC), qat chewing has reached a proportion that warrants public and health
concern, and recently there is an accepted view that qat chewing, like other substance
abuse, could ultimately affect the users health (Drugs and Crime, 2010; Dependence,
2003; WHO, 2006) . The widespread prevalence of qat chewing reportedly ranges
between 4.3% to 84% in countries where qat originate and elsewhere available
(Elmi, 1983; Bhui et al., 2003). Literature has suggested that qat chewing is
detrimental not only to the health but socio-economically as well (Al-Motarreb et al.,
2005; Kassim and Croucher, 2006). Qat chewing may also lead to dependence, as
recently suggested by (Griffiths, 1998; Odenwald, 2007; Kassim and Croucher,
2006).
In Yemen, there is an absence of vital indicators on the contributory factors
of poverty, low participation in education particularly among girls, high rate of
illiteracy and proper sanitation. Also lacking is the medical knowledge and initiatives
8
to tackle public health issues among which, is qat chewing.This inadequacy could
possibly bring about greater damage to the national health and economy (Ward and
Gatter, 2000). Qat chewing should be viewed as a potential threat to public health.
It can, however, be curtailed through partnerships and collaborations among the
strata of the general community that should ideally include policy makers, workers,
educators, NGOs and health researchers and other related professionals (Douglas et
al., 2011).
One of the ways to counter qat usage may be in the form of health promotion
activities in the form of campaigns to increase the public’s knowledge and
understanding on the dangers of qat chewing, particularly in communities where this
activity is rampant. The campaign could also incorporate and promote harm-
reduction strategies through educational programs (Douglas et al., 2011).
1.1.6 Qat related morbidity and mortality
As for the physical, pharmacological and psychological effects of qat on
humans, there are some issues in classifying the risk associated with drug morbidity.
In Yemen and other qat producing countries, there is scant literature on the morbidity
and mortality of qat use due to the lack of documented information and insufficient
quantitative research (Gatter, 2006).
Morbidity relating to qat chewing was discussed in some recent literature
encompassing cultivation to consumption (Corkery et al., 2011). Death linked to qat
chewing is traceable in every stage of the plant journey, from its cultivation,
consumption and the effects in the human body. Date et al. (2004) reported that qat
chewers who do not wash the qat leaves before consuming may ingest pesticides
leading to cancer of the digestive system and kidney failure.
9
Corkery et al. (2011) documents reported deaths caused by poisoning from
ingestion of pesticides and fertilisers used in the cultivation of qat. In Ethiopia, Daba
et al. (2011) found excessive levels of pesticide residues such as, Diazinon and DDT
in qat leaves which are linked to oral and oesophageal cancers in various qat
producing areas. Sudden death was linked due to the use of other pesticides such as
Dimethoate. However this was attributed to the accumulation of acetylcholine in the
heart and brain muscles that may lead to bradycardia and cardiac arrest, as several of
qat chewing fatalities (Daba et al., 2011; Corkery et al., 2011).
Despite increasing qat consumption-related deaths in Yemen, no documented
literature or research has looked into this matter. There exist only isolated reports in
Yemen on deaths of individuals due to choking on qat. Yemen reported the death of
an 11-years old boy when a chewed qat was lodged in his trachea and could not be
ejected despite repeated coughing (Mugahed, 2008). The UK National Programme
on Substance Abuse Deaths (NPSAD) also reported a number of deaths due to
medical complication related to qat consumption.
Ghodse et al. (2013) identified and described causes of qat-related deaths.
They suggest that no deaths associated with qat toxicity and overdose have been
reported,but cases due to its toxic effects are now known and confirmed (George’s,
2010). According to the National Programme on Substance Abuse Deaths Report,
Corkery et al. (2011) revealed that there were fifteen qat related deaths (14 male and
1 female) in various hospitals in the UK. The roles of qat in death are the prolonged
use with other substnance of abuse such as alcohol or tobacco, traumatic suicide,
psychosis and hepatic necrosis. Most of the victims were from Somalian and Eretrian
immigrants residing in the UK.
10
1.2 Socio-Economic aspects of qat chewing
1.2.1 Social norms
According to Borelli (2005), essentials factors such as social and economic
generally influence the level an individual consuming qat. Notwithstanding this, qat
is sometimes consumed in significant amount due to “social pressure”, e.g. at a qat
chewing party where the pressure or the temptation to use the substance may be
unusually high. Qat chewing is a factor to socio-economic problems due to loss of
work hours, reduced economic production, malnutrition and diversion of money to
buy excessive quantities of qat (Kassim et al., 2010).
Traditionally, qat chewing is common in the Horn of Africa and the Arab
Peninsula. The chewing process involves the picking of the soft leaves of qat that are
then placed inside the cheek. After chewing, the leaves remain in the mouth. The
leaves extract mixed with saliva is then swallowed. The consumption produces a
sense of euphoria and excitement due to the cathinone effects. In a traditional social
setting, qat chewers are likely to conduct this activity in one of the homes of a fellow
chewer, usually in the afternoon. Each chewer comes with his own supply of qat.
They laze on cushions while indulging in this pastime that might also include
smoking water pipes, cigarettes, sweet beverages and coffee. A gathering of this
nature may have as many as twenty chewers at one time such sessions are perceived
by qat users as promoting social interactions (Luqman and Danowski, 1976; Ward
and Gatter, 2000; Ageely, 2008; Milanovic, 2008; Baasher and Sadoun, 1983).
Students, workers and especially long distance drivers chew qat to obtain the
stimulant effect, purportedly to keep them alert and enhance work capacity (Halbach,
1972; Kalix and Braenden, 1985; Toennes et al., 2003). An informal report from qat
producing countries even suggests that qat chewing is a remedy for treating asthma,
11
depression and abating hunger and fatigue (Luqman and Danowski, 1976;
Al‐ Motarreb et al., 2002; Dhaifalah and Santavy, 2004). In Ethiopia and Yemen,
qat chewing is common among the communities. One of the factors that contribute to
the widespread chewing is an absence of policy on the cultivation and production of
qat (Ward and Gatter, 2000). A World Bank Report has mentioned that qat chewing
has even become prevalent among women of different backgrounds in qat-producing
countries (Griffiths, 1998; Patel et al., 2005).
1.2.2 Economic aspects
In the 17th and 18th century, Yemen’s coffee was a highly sought after
commodity, but its popularity gradually declined against competition from Indonesia,
South America, and East Africa (Ageely, 2008). Currently, farmers are switching to
qat cultivation as the financial returns are more lucrative. Large farmlands are now
dedicated to qat cultivation in place of sorghum and coffee (Ward and Gatter, 2000).
In Ethiopia, thousands of hectares of farmlands are devoted to qat cultivation
because of its investment value despite being a “non-nutritious and unproductive”
crop (Ageely, 2008). Qat chewing affects human productivity hence contributes little
to boost the factor. This is due to time explicitly wasted when qat chewers indulge in
their chewing sessions instead of being productive otherwise. It was suggested in
1973, that an estimated 4 billion hours or more, of work a year was lost due to qat-
chewing habit. The move to completely ban qat consumption was heavily resisted
despite heavy tax levied. The levying of high taxes on other substances such as
nicotine was able to reduce its consumption but was not effective on qat. According
to latest statistics, Ethiopians, Yemenis, and Djibouti families spent about one-third
of their income on qat consumption (Ageely, 2008).
12
1.3 Qat control in Yemen
Qat chewing habit has been rooted for hundreds of years in Yemen, both as a
social and culture-based activity. Qat is consumed to broaden social interaction and
is prominent at ceremonies such as, wedding, birth and for solace (Numan, 2012).
However, despite the scientific evidence that qat chewing has negative impact
affecting health, social and the economy, the Yemeni government has not made
serious efforts to curb qat consumption to reduce its undesirable effects (Ward and
Gatter, 2000). Prior to the unification between the south and north Yemen in 1990,
there was no law to either control qat chewing or reduce its cultivation that had risen
in popularity, particularly in the northern Yemen (Ward and Gatter, 2000).
In the southern Yemen, known as the People’s Democratic Republic of
Yemen, a law prohibited people from chewing except at the end of the week
(Thursday and Friday). Qat users to be more disciplined because of this law (Ward
and Gatter, 2000). In 1972, North Yemen prime minister banned public servants
from chewing qat during work hours including restricting its cultivation. He also
initiated a campaign using the mass media (radio, newspaper, poems, skits and
journals) to encourage the population to quit qat chewing saying it was bad for their
health. Unfortunately, the commendable efforts of the Prime Minister met with
opposition and he lost his position just after three months and the campaign he
initiated was abandoned (Ward and Gatter, 2000; Gatter, 2007).
The World Bank Report in 2007 estimated that one-third of Yemenis,
especially the rural population, depended on qat crop for their domestic income.
Restrained by this condition, the country will require a significant and balanced
policy change if qat cultivation and its usage is to be effectively controlled. At the
Yemeni International Convention in 2002, many suggestions and recommendations
13
were put forth by researchers to assist the government to fight the negative impacts
of qat (Ward and Gatter, 2000). The Yemeni government adopts a cautious policy
on its stand on qat. While imports are banned, production is legal and sales are taxed
(Ward and Gatter, 2000). Although some politicians have opposing views on qat,
there is however no concerted effort to implement anti-qat campaigns. Since 1999,
the government has adopted a number of specific policies to control, regulate and
taxes on qat. However, these policies have not successfully curbed the production or
consumption of qat. It did, however, succeed in fostering public debates on qat and
policy makers continue to seek ways to reverse the alarming spread of its usage
(Ward and Gatter, 2000).
1.3.1 Qat control in Aden (before unification)
Qat chewing was not noted among the Adeni community until the 19th
century after it was brought in from Ethiopia and Somalia. The chewing habit in the
Adeni society started in a small area around Taiz (Dhalla and Yaffa), where qat was
grown in small quantities. The governing party in Aden attempted to control qat use
among the Adenis in the 1950s. Despite this effort, there were reports of illegal use
especially among foreign Arab workers. By 1958, measures to stem out qat use had
all failed.
Following the British occupation in Aden, the People’s Democratic Republic
of South Yemen was established in 1967. The authority outlawed the chewing of qat
in Aden except on Thursday and Friday. This law was very effective in controlling
qat use among the people of Aden and in the People’s Democratic Republic of South
Yemen. In 1990, South and North Yemen unified as one country, known as it is
now, the Republic of Yemen. The new Republic replaced the old constitution and
14
abolished the previous law on qat use, though it remained valid in Southern Yemen
(Ward and Gatter, 2000). As a result, qat chewing became rampant and uncontrolled
in Aden and in many southern provinces. The government was powerless to deal
with the situation, as there was no law prohibiting the public from using qat.
However, the lack of control by the Yemeni government has enabled qat traders to
expand their business to new markets, particularly to the main cities such as Aden
and Hadramout where qat cultivation did not exists. In a World Bank 2007 report,
‘Yemen Towards Qat Demand Reduction’ the rate of qat chewing in non-cultivated
areas had reached 83% and 61% in the coastal areas and 23% in the areas around the
Wadi of Hadramout. This phenomenon gave rise to new problems in the
communities previously known to be peaceful areas (Ward and Gatter, 2000). In fact,
in some areas, qat cultivation and trading became a new source of income for the
economy.
1.3.2 Qat chewing in different cultures
In Yemen and southern Saudi Arabia, qat chewing is one of the traditional
habits within communities. Qat chewing is very common as some people believe that
it can overcome fatigue and depression and confer a euphoric effect for a more active
lifestyle. In Ethiopia, people have used this plant to treat ailments such as depression
or as part of their dietary requirements. long-distance drivers who are known to chew
qat to keep them awake and more energised and for better concentration (Al-
Motarreb et al., 2002; Baynesagne et al., 2009).
Qat chewing is endemic among Yemenis, Somalis, and other minorities in
Ethiopia and Kenya. It is not prohibited in Islam unlike alcohol where its use is
clearly stated in the Holy Quran (Verse 219 in Surah 2 and Verses 90 and 91 in
15
Surah 5, and the Hadith). However, there are disagreements on the permissibility of
qat chewing in Islam; some scholars deem it as impermissible while others (primarily
Yemenis) do not see it as such. Qat is also used by some Yemeni community and
farmers for crafts (Kennedy et al., 1983; Kalix, 1984; Krikorian, 1984; Mekasha,
1984; Weir, 1985; Hassan et al., 2007).
1.4 Qat chewing and mass media educationan campaigns in Yemen
The media play an essential role in any society. It is an undisputable fact that
media campaigns do have strong impact on the audience of different social classes
(McQuail, 1977; Straubhaar et al., 2013). Media is considered as the most important
source to publicize information and create awareness among the society. Media
campaigns are used around the world for targeted individuals and the society. Such
campaigns may focus on various issues e.g. health, agriculture and education. A
successful campaign can yield the desired results and significantly improve a
prevailing unhealthy situation. One of the most widely used media campaign is on
stamping out smoking and the use of substance of abuse (Levy and Friend, 2000).
This study on qat usage will focus on Yemeni secondary school students.
This section of the Yemeni population was chosen for two reasons: First, Yemen is a
country where student numbers is very low (Gatter, 2002). Second, students are
generally considered as the backbone of the society. Healthy students can deliver a
wealthy society and result-oriented nation. The Yemeni government does not control
or limit qat growing, production and sale. Farmers and landowners are not
encouraged to grow alternative cash crops (Ward and Gatter, 2000). There is also no
policy to control or reduce the number of chewers, especially the younger
population. Perhaps it is also the unwillingness of the people themselves to change.
16
In fact, most if not all people do not recognize that this habit has negative effects on
health, social and economic aspects of life (Ward and Gatter, 2000; Numan, 2012).
To educate people on the health risks associated with qat chewing, it is
important to design an awareness campaign that can effectively highlight the
negative and harmful effects of qat on health including its social and economic
implications. The influence of the media on society can be quite profound, be it the
good or less desirable aspect. Nevertheless, its effect on children and youth can be
quite intense (Gatter, 2002; Sacks, 2003; Gatter, 2006).
There are several ways to use the mass media to curb qat chewing. A mass
media campaign proposed in a 2002 convention to counter the negative effects of qat
use in Yemen included dissemination through radio and television, lectures,
newspapers, internet and printed materials (Abdul-Malik, 2002). However, this
process did not take place as planned (Ward and Gatter, 2000). Generally, in Yemen,
there is poor utilization of mass media channels specially to target health issues and
social matter. Instead, they are more used for other purposes such as marketing and
trading propagandas (Gatter, 2006).
Anti-qat chewing campaigns activities in Yemen are rarely publicized and it
can be said it was practically not done until the writing of this chapter. This could be
due to the lack of, or, poor planning by the government to control the cultivation,
production, sale and use of qat. Furthermore, the negative attitude of the general
population is clearly reflected by the way they live their life and the activities they
indulge in, especially among the youths (Ward and Gatter, 2000). It is therefore vital
and urgent for NGOs and other civil society in Yemen to put concerted effort to
counter the qat chewing habit and reduce the negative consequences of qat practices
on population life (Ward and Gatter, 2000). Recently, some anti-qat NGOs in Yemen
17
under the auspices of the United Nations Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF)
have taken on this initiative but they had little political backing to fight against qat
consumption. As pointed out by Ward and Gatter (2000) such initiative requires full
governmental as well as public support for the outcome to be noticed.
This study focuses on an important section of the Yemeni population, that is,
the secondary schools students. It is the first study of its kind to examine qat chewing
among Yemeni secondary school students using the mass media as a study tool. This
section is aimed to development the mass media tool and the use of educational
program to improve the secondary school students’ knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and
behaviour on qat chewing habit in the Aden city, Yemen.
1.5 The history of educational system in Aden city
The educational system in Aden, considered as the oldest in the area, started
in 1930s, before World War II. At that time, there were about 1,000 students
enrolled in the public schools and around other 2,000 studied in private education.
Majority of the teachers in Aden then were English and Indian. In 1943, the British
Council introduced English classes for both men and women in Aden. In addition,
young people from elite backgrounds had the opportunity to attend primary and
higher education system in UK elite schools and universities.
Immediately after the independence of PDRY (South Yemen) in 1967 from
British occupation, the PDRY’s education system was expanded, nationalized, and
Arabized. In 1975, the structure of educational schooling system changed to two-
eight-four: two years of kindergarten, eight years of basic schooling (effectively
covering primary and preparatory or lower secondary), and four years of secondary
schools. The education system was completely free at all levels with students
18
(Anaam et al., 2009). Pupils were given free textbooks and transportation. In rural
areas where small villages distributed around within the same area of a governorate,
but further apart, pupils were also given free board. At the universities levels,
students were also given a monthly stipend equivalent to about half of the average
salary at that time.
The education system that was adopted in the Republic of Yemen after
unification in 1990 was essentially a blend and merger of both systems of the Yemen
Arab Republic (YAR), (North Yemen) and PDRY People’s Democratic Republic of
Yemen (South Yemen) with few changes. The current education system consists of
nine years of primary education, followed by three years at secondary level. At
recent count, public secondary schools numbers in Aden city were 35 and 14 were
private secondary schools. The student numbers stood at 181,087 in both public and
private basic education and 23,686 in the secondary school systems in the Aden city
(Ministry of Education, 2009).
1.6 Purpose of the study
1. The purpose of the study is to evaluate the current level of knowledge,
beliefs, attitudes and behaviors among public secondary school students on
qat chewing in Aden city, Yemen.
2. To develop the practical and effective intervention tools to improve students’
knowledge, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors.
3. To evaluate the impact of intervention (using tools) on students knowledge,
beliefs, attitudes and behaviors.
4. To develop a model to improve students’ knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and
behaviors throughout Yemenis education system.
19
1.7 Rationale of the study
1. The lack of information and knowledge on qat consumption and increased the
level of qat chewing habit among Yemeni people, particularly children and
students.
2. The results of this study will be utilised to provide information to the
knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and behaviour which could be used as a basis
for the preparation of a remedial action by the relevant authorities.
3. The outcome of this study will be useful to both Ministry of Education and
Ministry of Public Health in drafting effective guidelines to reduce problems
associated with qat chewing habit among Yemenis.
4. The results will enable policy makers to create and formulate new policies to
control the cultivation and production as well the consumption of qat in
Yemen.
5. The study findings may be utilised as references to counter other possible
drug problems in Yemen.
1.8 Study hypothesis
The second grade secondary school students in Aden have less knowledge on
the harmful effects of qat chewing;
There is no relation between students' knowledge and socio-demographic
factors (pre-and post-intervention);
There is no relation between student’s beliefs and attitudes and socio-
demographic factors (pre-and post-intervention);
There is no relation between students beliefs and perception with socio-
demographic factors (pre-and post-intervention);
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There is no relation between student’s behaviour and socio-demographic
factors (pre-and post-intervention);
1.9 Study questions
1. What is the impact of the mass media educational campaign in the knowledge,
beliefs, attitudes and behaviour of secondary school students about qat
chewing habit?
2. What is the level of secondary school students’ knowledge before and after
the intervention particularly for those who were exposed to the campaign?
1.10 Study objectives
1.10.1 General objective
To evaluate the effectiveness of mass media education campaign on knowledge,
beliefs, attitudes and behavior related to the health, social and economic impacts of
qat chewing among public secondary school students (second grade student’s) in
Aden city, Yemen.
1.10.2 Specific objectives
(A) Prevalence study
1. To determine the prevalence and patterns of qat chewing among the public
secondary school students in Aden city, Yemen.
(B) Mass media education campaign study
1. To develop and validate the campaign tools on knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and
behavior on qat chewing effects among public secondary school students in Aden
city, Yemen
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2. To assess and determine the level of students’ knowledge, beliefs, attitudes and
behavior related to qat chewing effects among public secondary school students
after the final intervention in Aden city, Yemen.
3. To assess the impact of the mass media tools after the program among public
secondary school students in Aden city, Yemen
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CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Qat chewing prevalence
A study conducted by the National World Bank (2007) revealed the
prevalence of qat chewing in seven cities on Yemen, with age groups of 12 years and
above accounting for 54.4% of the overall figure (Gatter, 2007). Al-Khader and
Darwish (2009) reported the prevalence of qat chewing among male medical Yemeni
students in Aden showing an increase in frequency from their first to the final year of
study (35% to 90%). Qat history has played a major role in Yemeni Society culturally and
traditionally, which may explain the conflicting beliefs among Yemeni students. In the past
two decades, qat chewing habit has spread rapidly and extensively among the general
population.
There is evidence of a growing number of school children who are attaching
themselves to the usage of qat and indulging in qat chewing (Arrabyee, 2002). The
lack of knowledge on the adverse health effects of chewing qat does little to reduce
the usage (Corkery et al., 2011). Traditionally, qat chewing is only initiated when a
person turns 20 years old. These days, however, chewers start even as early as 8 to
10-years-old. This is noted in qat cultivating countries, e.g. Yemen, Ethiopia and
Kenya, (Griffiths, 1998; Alem et al., 1999; Nabuzoka and Badhadhe, 2000;
Carrier, 2005). In fact, qat consumption in these countries has become a youth
culture.
Similar to tobacco smoking, several factors may accelerate this habit, such as,
less or non-existence of anti-smoking campaigns, higher exposure to pro-tobacco
messages, normalisation of smoking (community acceptance), parents and friends
using tobacco, and, the affordability of the product. All the above-mentioned factors
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may make teenagers more inclined to smoke (Seo et al., 2008). The popularity of qat
chewing varies between population in the cultivating and producing countries such as
Yemen, Ethiopia and Kenya. Most studies are carried out in the local communities.
Some clinical studies and homogenous samples include all age groups such as
university and school students. Ageely (2009) found that the prevalence of qat
chewing among junior and high secondary school male students in southern Saudi
Arabia was 63.90% in the Jizan Province, a qat cultivating area. In Ethiopia,
(Kebede, 2002) reported that prevalence of qat chewing among students was 26.6%,
and, 10.9% indulged in smoking as well as chewing qat. Baynesagne et al. (2009)
has record that the prevalence of qat chewing among university students in Ethiopia
is 31.2%. Almost half of the qat chewers in the study used the product for relaxation
and to boost their performance.
Hannani (2004) was conducted astudy among Yemeni university students. He
has found that 81.1% male and 25.9% female students have chewed qat. Statistics
show qat chewing among this group to be approximately 2.3% (female students) and
38.2% (male students) who use the substance on a daily basis. Interestingly, the
study also found that about 19.8% of female and 35.1% of male students were not
willing to stop using qat. In another study, to measure the prevalence of qat chewing
among medical students in Aden University also involved both genders. Bawazeer
(1993) reported the number of medical students’ qat chewers as 17.2%.
In Somalia, Elmi (1983) reported that the prevalence of qat chewing among
the Somalia’s was 59%. A similar study in Kenya reveals that qat chewing
prevalence among Kenya’s Northeast population is as high as 88 % (Aden et al.,
2006). According to Litman et al. (1986) the prevalence of qat chewing in diasporas
was about 39% among Jewish immigrants, Yemenis male in Israel.
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On Europe, there were a few published studies conducted among Yemenis,
Somalis and Ethiopians refugees. However a study among Somalis in the United
Kingdom found that the prevalence of qat chewing was 24% to 67%, male and
female, respectively (Ahmed and Salib, 1998; Nabuzoka and Badhadhe, 2000;
Griffiths et al., 1997; Griffiths, 1998; Bhui et al., 2003). Gebreslassie et al. (2013)
conducted a study in Ethiopia on undergraduate students and found that the
prevalence of qat chewing, alcohol drinking and smoking was 7.9%, 32.8% and 9.3%
respectively. Comparison on the prevalence of qat chewing from several studies
conducted in Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Saudi Arabia and Yemen on school and
university students are as shown (Table 2.1).