COMBINING GEOLINGUISTIC SOURCES IN DIALECT … · (1) verb stem + -ndo: cantando bebendo dormindo...

Dialectologia.Specialissue,V(2015),141-166.ISSN:2013-2247

141

Received16May2015.

Accepted17July2015.

COMBININGGEOLINGUISTICSOURCESINDIALECTSYNTAX:

THREECASE-STUDIESTHROUGHALPIANDCORDIAL-SIN

MariaLOBO1&ErnestinaCARRILHO2

CLUNL/FCSH-UniversidadeNovadeLisboa1/CLUL/FLUL-UniversidadedeLisboa2

[email protected]/[email protected]

Abstract

Although geolinguistic projects do not usually provide adequate (if any) coverage of syntactic

variation, current studies of dialect syntax still may benefit from data that were made available in

traditionallinguisticatlases.Concomitantly,dialectcorpora,asadifferentkindoflinguisticresourcefor

the studyofnonstandard syntax,oftengrantaccess to spontaneousoraldata thatallow the studyof

phenomenathatarehardtoelucidatethroughtraditionalquestionnaires.

InthispaperwepresentanddiscussthreemorphosyntacticphenomenainEuropeanPortuguese

varieties,as theyappear throughbothkindsof sources–morespecifically, theAtlasLingüísticode la

Península Ibérica (ALPI),a traditional linguisticatlas,andCORDIAL-SIN,adialectcorpus.Throughboth

sources,wewillinvestigatethegeolinguisticsyntacticvariationconcerning:(i)thedistributionofgerund

forms; (ii) the presence of articles before prenominal possessives; and (iii) the distribution of verbal

formsendingin-ra.

The contrast and complementarity of both kinds of sources, namely, their advantages and

inconveniences, inviteustodiscussnewmethodsthat integratecomplementarymethodsincollecting

datafordialectsyntax.

Keywords

dialectsyntax,EuropeanPortuguese,dialectcorpus,linguisticatlas,methodology

©Universitat de Barcelona

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SOBREACOMBINAÇÃODEFONTESGEOLINGUÍSTICASEMSINTAXEDIALECTAL:ESTUDODETRÊS

CASOSAPARTIRDOALPIEDOCORDIAL-SIN

Resumo

Embora os projetos geolinguísticos não forneçam habitualmente uma cobertura adequada da

variação sintática, ainda assim os estudos recentes de sintaxe dialetal podem beneficiar de dados

disponibilizadosnosatlas linguísticos tradicionais.Concomitantemente,oscorporadialetais,umoutro

tipo de recurso para o estudo da sintaxe não padrão, dão geralmente acesso a dados orais que

permitemoestudodefenómenosdifíceisdeinvestigaratravésdequestionáriostradicionais.

Neste artigo, apresentamos e discutimos três fenómenos morfossintáticos em variedades do

portuguêseuropeuatravésdestesdoistiposdefontes–oAtlasLingüísticodelaPenínsulaIbérica(ALPI),

um atlas linguístico tradicional, e o CORDIAL-SIN, um corpus dialetal. Através destas duas fontes,

investigaremos a variação sintática geolinguística relativamente a: (i) distribuição de formas de

gerúndio; (ii) presença de artigos antes de possessivos pré-nominais; e (iii) distribuição de formas

verbaisterminadasem-ra.

Ocontrasteecomplementaridadeentreestasduasfontes,nomeadamente,assuasvantagense

inconvenientes, levam-nosadestacara importânciadacombinaçãodemetodologiascomplementares

paraarecolhadedadosparaoestudodasintaxedialetal.

Palavras-chave

sintaxedialectal,portuguêseuropeu,corpusdialetal,atlaslinguístico,metodologia

1.Introduction

Althoughgeolinguisticprojectsdonotusuallyprovideadequate(ifany)coverage

ofsyntacticvariation,currentstudiesofdialectsyntaxstillmaybenefitfromdatathat

weremadeavailableintraditionallinguisticatlases.Concomitantly,asadifferentkind

oflinguisticresourceforthestudyofnon-standardsyntax,dialectcorporaoftengrant

accesstospontaneousoraldatathatallowthestudyofphenomenathatarehardto

elucidatethroughtraditionalquestionnaires.

In this paper we present and discuss three morphosyntactic phenomena in

EuropeanPortuguesevarieties,astheyappearthroughtwokindsofsources—more

specifically, theAtlas Lingüísticode laPenínsula Ibérica (ALPI), a traditional linguistic

atlas, and CORDIAL-SIN, a dialect corpus. Through both sources, we investigate the

geolinguisticsyntacticvariationconcerning:(i)thedistributionofgerundforms;(ii)the



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presenceofarticlesbeforeprenominalpossessives;and(iii)thedistributionofverbal

formsendingin-ra.

By contrasting both kinds of sources, and discussing their advantages and

inconveniences, we intend to evaluate the relevance of complementarymethods in

collectingdatafordialectsyntax.

Thepaperisorganizedasfollows:insection2,wecharacterizethesourcesand

themethodologyforobtainingthedataforthisstudy;insection3,wediscussdialectal

variationinthesyntacticpropertiesofthreemorphosyntacticphenomena,comparing

dataobtainedfromALPIandfromCORDIAL-SIN—variationinthesyntacticproperties

of gerunds (§3.1), variation in the distribution of determiners before possessives

(§3.2),variationinthedistributionofverbalformsendingin-ra(§3.3).

2.Methodology:twokindsofgeolinguisticsources

Asmentionedabove,inthisstudyweconsidertwosources:theAtlasLingüístico

de la Península Ibérica (ALPI), a traditional geolinguistic project that includes a

morphosyntactic questionnaire besides phonetic and lexical questionnaires, and

CORDIAL-SIN,adialectcorpus.

Forthefirstsource,weobservedtheanswersgiventoelevenquestionsrelated

to the threemorphosyntacticphenomenawewanted to investigate,as registered in

the fieldwork questionnaires.1 We considered only the Portuguese network,

comprising 93 localities distributed alongmainland Portugal. The enquiries for ALPI

wereconductedbetween1931andthe1950s(GarcíaMoutonetal.2012:2).Wehave

alsotakenintoaccountpreviousworkbyMouzo(2008)on-raformsusingALPIdata.

CORDIAL-SIN is a dialect corpus that includes transcribed samples of

spontaneousorsemi-directedspeechofruralspeakersfrom42localities,includingnot

onlymainlandPortugal,butalsotheislandsofAzoresandMadeira.Thetranscriptions

1ThedataweregentlymadeavailablebythecoordinatoroftheprojectALPI–Elaboraciónyedicióndelos materiales del Atlas Lingüístico de la Península Ibérica (CSIC), Pilar García Mouton, and by thePortuguesecoordinator,JoãoSaramago.


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totalize approximately 600,000 words. The recordings were selected from enquiries

conducted for geolinguistic projects between 1974 and 2004. We have taken into

account data obtained for gerunds and for possessives without determiners in two

previousstudiesthatusedCORDIAL-SINasasource(Lobo2008andCarrilho&Pereira

2011). For the verbal forms in -ra, the datawere obtained through a Concordancer

programthatrunsonthePOSannotatedfiles(Concordance3.3,July2009©R.J.C.Watt

1999-2009).

Bycomparingthedataobtainedforthreedifferentmorphosyntacticphenomena

inthesetwodifferentsourcesweintendtoevaluatetherelevanceofeachmethodand

theircomplementarityforthestudyofdialectsyntax.Inthenextsection,weconsider

eachofthephenomena.

3.Threemorphosyntacticphenomena

3.1.Gerunds

3.1.1.Variationingerunds

Portuguesegerundsarenon-finiteverbalformsinwhichthesuffix-ndoattaches

totheverbstem(rootfollowedbythemevowel):

(1)verbstem+-ndo: cantando bebendo dormindo

singing drinking sleeping

There is dialectal variation in the use of gerunds, concerning their syntactic

distribution, inflectional morphology, types of connectives that introduce gerund

clausesandwordorderingerundclauses.



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3.1.1.1.Syntacticdistribution

In the standard variety, gerunds may be found mainly in adverbial adjunct

clauses,witha temporal,conditional,concessive,mannerorcausalmeaning (2),and

withsomeaspectualauxiliaries(3):

(2) Estando achover, ficaremos emcasa.

being torain, stay.FUT.1Pl athome

“Ifitisraining,wewillstayhome.”

(3) Vou sobrevivendo.

go.1Sg surviving

“Igoonsurviving.”

In non-standard varieties of European Portuguese and in the Brazilian variety,

gerundscanalsooccurintheprogressive,withtheauxiliaryestar‘tobe’(4),withother

aspectual auxiliary verbs (5), as complements to perceptive verbs (6), as secondary

predicates(7),and incoordinatedsmallclauses(8). Inall thesecases,wewouldfind

thevariantwitha(to)+infinitiveinthestandardvariety:

(4) Estou escrevendo umlivro.

am.1Sg writing abook

“Iamwritingabook.”

(5) Ocão começou coxeando.

thedog started limping

“Thedogstartedtolimp.”

(6) Orapaz ouviu ocão ladrando.

theboy heard thedog barking

“Theboyheardthedogbarking.”

(7) Metia-se aágua fervendo namurta.

put-SE thewater boiling in.themyrtle

“Onepouredthewaterboilingonthemyrtle.”


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(8) Ele cantando e eu dançando.

he singing and I dancing

3.1.1.2.Inflectionalmorphology

In the standard variety of European Portuguese, gerunds are morphologically

invariable. In somenon-standardvarieties,however,gerundsmay inflect forperson,

displayingagreementmorphologywiththesubject(Mota1997;Lobo2008,i.a.).Overt

agreementmorphemesonlyshowupforpluralandsecondsingularpersons,similarly

toinflectedinfinitives.

(9) Em eles tendem aoutra, já não querem aquela(LVR05)2

in they having.3Pl theother yet not want.3Pl that

“Iftheyhavetheotherone,theydonotwantthatone.”

(10) E tendem umaárvore, não há pássaro nenhum que poise

and having.3Pl a tree, not is bird no.one that land

no chão.(STJ30)

on.the floor

“Andiftheyhaveatree,thereisnobirdthatwilllandonthefloor.”

3.1.1.3.Connectives

In the standardvariety,adverbialgerundclausesareusuallynot introducedby

anyconnective,andmaymarginallybe introducedbytheconnectiveem ‘in’. Innon-

standardvarieties,onemay findgerundclauses introducedbydifferentconnectives,

includingconnectives that typically introduce finitedomains, suchasquando ‘when’,

se‘if’(Lobo2001,2008):

2 The indicated sources for the CORDIAL-SIN examples are available at:http://www.clul.ul.pt/en/resources/412-cordial-corpus-verbatim-transcription.



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(11) Mas agente, em tendo saúde, trabalho nãomata

but thepeople in having health work not kill

ninguém.(AAL35)

nobody

“Butifoneishealthy,workdoesnotkillanybody.”

(12) Tomasoutranovavidaquandoumanosepassando.(MLD35)

take.2SgothernewlifewhenayearSEpassing

“Yougainanewlifewhenayeargoesby.”

3.1.1.4.Wordorder

Finally, in the standard variety of European Portuguese, there is obligatory

subject-verbinversioningerundclauses.Innon-standardvarieties,incontrast,wemay

find either subject-verb or verb-subjectwordorders (Lobo 2003, 2008; Fiéis& Lobo

2011):

(13) elestendemascoisasemcasa,fazematodaahora(AAL36)

theyhaving.3Plthethingsathome,do.3Platallthetime

“Iftheyhavetheirstuffathome,theydoitallthetime”

(14) Agentepodendo-sedefender,nãohánadamelhor.(MLD03)

thepeoplemight.GER-SEdefendnotexistsnothingbetter

“Ifwecandefendourselves,thereisnothingbetter.”

(15) Tomasoutranovavidaquandoumanosepassando.(MLD35)

take.2SgothernewlifewhenayearSEpassing

“Yougainanewlifewhenayeargoesby.”

3.1.2.Comparingsources

3.1.2.1.DistributionofgerundsinCORDIAL-SIN

Inthedialectcorpustheoccurrencesofinflectedgerunds(16)areonlyfoundin

onelocalityoftheAzoresandinthesouthernvarieties,asshowninMap1.Thecorpus


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allowsustoconcludethatinflectedgerundsaremainlyfoundinadjunctclausesandin

parentheticalclauses,and(almost)absentfromverbaldomainsselectedbyauxiliaries

(Lobo2008).

(16) … – estândomos agente afalar–…(CBV41)

being.1Pl thepeople totalk

“whileweweretalking”

(17) Digo assim:“ Pronto! Em tu querendos”!(CBV41)

say.1Sg so rightin you wanting.2Sg

“Isaythen:Right!Ifyouwant!”

Map1.Distributionofinflectedgerunds(adaptedfromLobo2008)

Gerundsinprogressivestructures,withtheauxiliaryverbestar‘be’arefoundin

southern varieties, in the islands (Azores and Madeira) and in one border location

closetoGalicia,asshowninMap2(adaptedfromCarrilho&Pereira2011).



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Map2.Distributionofgerundsinprogressivestructures

Whileinthesevarietieswefindthegerund(18a)and(19a)inthesecontexts,in

the standard and northern varieties, we would find a ‘to’ + infinitive in the same

context,asshownin(18b)and(19b):

(18) a. Estãoardendo.(PAL36)

are burning

b. Estãoaarder.

are toburn

“Theyareburning.”

(19) a. Essa pessoa estava varrendo.(LUZ30)

that person was sweeping

b. Essa pessoa estava avarrer.

that person was tosweep

“Thatpersonwassweeping.”

3.1.2.2DistributionofconnectivesingerundclausesinCORDIAL-SIN

In the dialect corpus, gerund clausesmay be introduced by different types of

connectives.Themostfrequentisem‘in’,whichcanbefoundacrosstheterritory,but


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we can also find gerund clauses introduced by connectives that are typical of finite

domains, suchasquando ‘when’, se ‘if’,caso ‘if’ andother connectives that arenot

foundinthestandardvariety,suchasembem‘inwell’.

(20) Embemlhepartindemacasa,elasmorrem.(CBV72)

inwellhimbraking.3Plthehouse,theydie.3Pl

“Whenyoubreaktheirhouse,theydie.”

(21) Borregos é pequenos e quando sendem aí mais

lambs is small and when being.3Pl theremore

dum ano(...) já é carneiros.(MLD52)

than.a year already is sheep

“(Wecall them) lambswhen theyare small, andwhen theyareolder thana

yearit’salreadysheep.”

(22) Isto osarrendamentos, já se sabe, quenãohá

this therentings, alreadySEknows, thatnothas

comoascoisas estandem nasmãos dosdonos

as thethings being.3Pl inthehands oftheowners

“Therentings,youknow,thereisnosuchthingastheybeinginthehandsof

theirowners.”

Thefrequencyofeachconnectiveinthelocalitieswithinflectedgerundsisgiven

inTable1:



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ConnectiveLocalitieswiththe

inflectedgerund

Localitieswithoutthe

inflectedgerund

em‘in’66/235

28%101/274

36%

quando‘when’47/235

20%1/2740,4%

embem‘inwell’7/235

3%0

bem‘well’4/2351,7%

1/2740,4%

caso‘if’1/2350,4%

0

se‘if’ 02/2740,7%

onde/donde‘where’1/2350,4%

1/2740,4%

como‘how’1/2350,4%

0

Table1.Frequencyofconnectivesintroducingadverbialgerundclausesinthe10localitieswithinflected

gerundsandinthe31localitieswithoutinflectedgerunds

Map 3 illustrates the distribution of each connective of gerund clauses across

Portugal.

Map3.Distributionofconnectivesofgerundclauses


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Ascanbeseen,whilegerundclauseswithemarecommonacrossthecountry,

gerund clauses with quando and em bem are found in the geographic area where

inflectedgerundscanbefound.Overalladverbialgerundclausesaremorefrequentin

the southern and insular varieties,where inflected gerunds can be found (there are

274gerundadverbialclausesinthe31localitieswithoutinflectedgerunds,whilethere

are235adverbialgerundclausesinthe10localitieswiththeinflectedgerund).

Whenweconsiderwordorderinadverbialgerundclauses,theCORDIAL-SINdata

allowustoseethatthepresenceoftheinflectiondoesnothaveacleareffectonword

order.InPortuguesedialects,bothSubject-VerbandVerb-Subjectwordorderscanbe

found,unlikewhathappensinthestandardvariety(Lobo&Fiéis2015).

Localitieswith

inflectedgerunds

Localitieswithout

inflectedgerunds

Su-V4264%

3560%

V-Su2436%

2340%

Total 66 58

Table2.Proportionofsubject-verbandverb-subjectwordordersinadverbialgerundclauses

3.1.2.3.GerundsintheALPI

The morphosyntactic questionnaire of ALPI does not include questions that

favourtheoccurrenceof inflectedgerunds.Thethreequestionsthat includegerunds

(Table 3) are all third singular person contexts and they do not include peripheral

adjunct clauses, the oneswhere inflected gerunds aremore common. Furthermore,

only Q. 352 presents a context subject to variation between the gerund and a +

infinitive. Therefore, the relevance of these questions for dialect variation in

Portuguese is rather limited, since the crucial linguistic contexts have not been

includedinthequestionnaire.



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Q.Nb Page Question

326 22 Todosealcanzateniendopaciencia

Tudosealcançatendopaciência

“Everythingisreachedhavingpatience”

327 22 Sepuedevivirqueriendotrabajar

Pode-seviverquerendotrabalhar

“Onecanlivewantingto.work”

352 25 Alpadrelevieronllorando

Opai,viram-noachorar

“Thefather,(they)saw-himcrying”

Table3.QuestionsincludinggerundsintheALPI

Nevertheless, question 352 allows us to conclude that the gerund variant in

complements to perceptive verbs seems to be geographically more limited than in

progressivecontexts(Map4,vs.Map2above).

Questions 326 and 327 allow us to map gerund clauses introduced by the

connectiveem ‘in’ (Map5). Comparing these resultswithMap3 above,we can see

thatprobablythekindofmannergerundclauseconsideredintheALPIquestionnaireis

notthepreferentialcontextforthiskindofconnective.Thegeographicdistributionof

em+gerundclauses ismuchmore limited in theALPIdata.Gerundclauseswithem

occur only in five locations in these data: Montalegre (Vila Real); Reguengo

(Portalegre);Povos(Lisboa);FerreiradoAlentejo(Beja);MontedosSapos(Beja).


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Map 4. Distribution of the variants gerundand a + infinitive in complements toperceptiveverbs,basedonQ352fromALPI(fromCarrilho&Lobo2012)

Map 5. Gerund clauses withconnectiveem‘in’,basedonQ326and327fromALPI

3.1.2.4.Summary

MorphosyntacticvariationingerundsinPortugueseisattestedinbothsources.

However, the corpus and the linguistic atlas provide different and, to some extent,

complementarypicturesconcerningthegeographicalandlinguisticdistributionofthe

considered variants. While CORDIAL-SIN data lack certain contextual manifestations

(namely, gerunds in complements to perceptive verbs, which by contrast are

considered in the ALPI questionnaire), the geographical distribution of the relevant

phenomenaseemstobelessrestrainedinthecorpus(eventhoughtheCORDIAL-SIN

networkislessextendedthantheALPInetwork).Ontheotherhand,theALPIdatado

not include important contexts for studying variation in gerunds, namely the

combinationwithauxiliariesandgerundsinadjunctclauses.



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3.2.Determinerbeforepossessives

3.2.1.Variationintheoccurrenceofarticlesbeforeprenominalpossessives

One of the phenomena that is subject to intralinguistic and crosslinguistic

variation is thepresenceofadeterminerbeforeapossessive (23avs.23b-e) (cf. i.a.

MattoseSilva1989;Miguel2002;Rinke2010).InthehistoryofPortuguesetherewas

agradualchangetowardsahigherfrequencyofdeterminersbeforepossessives.Inthe

Brazilian Portuguese variety, the absence of the determiner is nowadays the most

frequent variant (23b), although, there is still variation, mostly dependent on

geographicandstylisticvariables(Callou2008).3InModernEuropeanPortuguese,the

standardvariantcorrespondstothearticlebeforethepossessive(23a).

(23) a. os meus livros EP

themy books

b. meus livros BP

my books

c. mislibros Spanish

d.meslivres French

e.mybooks English

We can still find variation in Modern EP, however, in contexts with kinship

nouns. There is thus lexical conditioning in non-standard varieties of EP for the

absence of the determiner before possessives. Variation between the presence or

absence of the determiner before possessives is displayed only with this semantic

subclassofnouns:

3AccordingtoCallou(2008),thearticleisstillpreservedinthesouthernregionsofSãoPauloandPortoAlegre(withahigherfrequencyinwrittenregisters),ismostlyabsentinthenorth-eastregionsofRecifeandSãoSalvador,andRiodeJaneiroisinanintermediateposition.


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(24) a. o meu pai

themy father

b. meu pai

my father


3.2.2.1.AbsenceofthedeterminerbeforepossessivesinCORDIAL-SIN

A search in the dialectal corpus shows that the articlemay be absent in non-

standard varieties before possessives that precede kinship nouns, as shown in (25)-

(28):

(25) E minha tia lia aqueles livros.(GRJ06)

and my aunt read those books

“Andmyauntreadthosebooks.”

(26) Olha, fala com teu avô[…](CTL18)

look talk with your grandfather

“Look,talktoyourgrandfather”

(27) Olhe, só tive minhasirmãs à noite que me ajudaram

look,only had my sisters atnightthat me helped

a lavar as tripase não tive mais ninguém.(PIC29)

towashthe guts andnothad morenoone

“Look,IonlyhadmysistersthathelpedmeatnightwashingthegutsandIhadnoone

else.”

(28) Masmeu pai tinha era gado,fazendas[…].(PST25)

but my father had wascattle,farms

“Butwhatmyfatherhadwascattleandfarms”



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Map 6. Distribution of the absence ofdeterminer before possessive with kinshipnouns

Map 7. Frequency of the absence ofdeterminer before possessive with kinshipnouns

Although the absence of determiner can be found across Portugal (both

mainlandandislands),whenwelookatthefrequencyofthenon-standardvariant,we

observethatithasmuchhigherratesintheislands,particularlyinMadeira(asshown

inMaps6and7,fromCarrilho&Pereira2011).

3.2.2.2.AbsenceofthedeterminerbeforepossessivesinALPI

The morphosyntactic questionnaire of ALPI includes four questions that have

preverbalpossessives(Table4).However,onlythreeofthemhavekinshipnouns.The

datafromquestionnumber261,theonlyonethatdoesnothaveakinshipnoun,have

beenstudiedandmappedbyFernández-Ordóñez(2011).

0 < 20 % 20 < 45 % 45 < 65 % > 65 %


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Q.Nb PageQuestion

260 17 Miscuñadosymisprimos

Osmeuscunhadoseosmeusprimos

“Mybrothers-in-lawandmycousins”

261 18 Suscorderosestánennuestroprado

Osseuscordeirosestãononossocampo

“Hislambsareinourfield”

394 29 Siembraparaquecomasufamilia

Semeiaparaasuafamíliacomer

“Hesowsforhisfamilytoeat”

403 29 Abandonaranasutío

Abandonaramoseutio

“Theyabandonedtheiruncle”

Table4.QuestionsincludingpreverbalpossessivesintheALPI

As can be seen inMap 8, the area corresponding to possessives preceded by

determinerscoversthewholePortugueseterritory.

Map8.Determinerfollowedbypossessive,basedonQ261fromALPI(fromFernández-Ordóñez2011:52,map28)

Determiner followed by possessive



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For the other three questions, we can find variation in the presence of the

determiner,ascanbeseeninMap9.

Map9.Absenceofdeterminerbeforepossessive,basedonQs260,394,403fromALPI

Although ALPI does not include data for the islands, the locations where the

absenceofthedeterminerwasfoundinthecontinentalterritoryshowafairlysimilar

distributionasthelocalitieswherethesamephenomenonwasfoundintheCORDIAL-

SINdata–westernborder,Minhoandcentralcoast(comparewithMaps6-7).

3.3.Verbalformsendingin-ra

3.3.1.Variationinthedistributionofverbalformsendingin-ra

Verbalformsendingin-ramayhavedifferentvalues.Theymayrefertoanevent

thatoccurredinthepastpriortoapastevent,correspondingtothepluperfect(mais-

que-perfeito).Thisusageisavailableinthestandardvarietyandcanalternatewiththe

verbal complex with the auxiliary ter ‘have’ in the imperfect followed by the past

participleofthemainverb:


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(29) a.Quando acampainha tocou, ela já terminara

when thebell rang, shealreadyfinish.PPF

“Whenthebellrang,shehadalreadyfinished.”

b. Quandoacampainha tocou, ela já tinhaterminado

when thebell rang, shealreadyhadfinished

“Whenthebellrang,shehadalreadyfinished.”

They may also occur in conditional clauses ((30a), (31a)), as a variant to the

imperfect subjunctive (imperfeito do conjuntivo) ((30b), (31b)), similarly to what

happens in Spanish where both forms are traditionally classified as imperfect

subjunctive(Rojo&Veiga1999):

(30) a. Tivera eumenosvinteanos,tudo seria diferente.

have.ra I less twenty years, all would.bedifferent

b. Tivesse eumenosvinte anos,tudo seriadiferente

have.IMPSBJI less twenty yearsallwould.bedifferent

“IfIwastwentyyearsyounger,everythingwouldbedifferent.”

(31) a. Seforacharrueco,era omesmo.(SRP09)

ifbe.raplough was thesame

b. Sefosse charrueco,era omesmo.

ifbe.IMPSBJ plough was thesame

“Ifitwasaplough,itwouldbethesame.”

In non-standard varieties, some modal verbs (haver de ‘have to’ and dever

‘must/should’), as well as the volitional verb querer ‘to want’can also bear the -ra

ending ((32a), (33a), (34a)), and in this case they are equivalent to the imperfect

indicativeortheconditionalinthestandardvariety((32b),(33b),(34b)):

(32) a. Eunãodeveradeteridoapanhartomate.(STJ02)

Inot shouldofhavegonepicktomato

b. Eunãodevia/deveriateridoapanhartomate.

Inot shouldhavegonepicktomato

“Ishouldn’thavegonetopicktomatoes.”



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(33) a. queaquiloquehaveradecairporsi.(CLH17)

thatthat.thingthathadtofallbyitself

b. queaquiloquehavia/haveriadecairporsi.

thatthat.thingthathad/would.havetofallbyitself

“thatthatthingwouldhavefallenbyitself

(34) a. Euquiseraserrico.

Iwantedto.berich

b. Euqueriaserrico.

Iwantedto.berich

“Iwantedtoberich.”

Verbal formsending in -ra canalsooccur in someexclamative contextswitha

counterfactualvalue(35a).Inthesamecontext,wecanfindthepluperfectsubjunctive

(auxiliaryter‘have’intheimperfectsubjunctivefollowedbythepastparticipleofthe

mainverb)(35b).

(35) a. Senãodápassada,comera!(STA19)

ifnot give step ate

b. Senãodápassada,tivessecomido!

ifnot give step had eaten

“Ifyoudonotwalk,youshouldhaveeaten!”

Finally,verbalformsin-ramayoccurinidiomaticexpressionswithadesiderative

value(tomaraandquemmedera):

(36) Tomaraagentesaúde!(AJT32)

caughtthepeoplehealth

“Wewishwewerehealthy.”

(37) Quemmederaterunsolhosassim.(MTV43)

Whomegavehavesomeeyesso

“IwishIhadeyeslikethat.


M.LOBO&E.CARRILHO

162


3.3.2.1.Verbalformsin-rainCORDIAL-SINandinALPI

The morphosyntactic questionnaire of ALPI includes four questions that

potentially induce verbal forms in -ra (Table 5). Three of them correspond to

conditional clauses, in which there is variation in Spanish between the imperfect

subjunctivein-raorin-se.

Q.Nb. Page Question

386 28 Situvieradinerolocompraría

Setivessedinheiro,comprava-o/comprá-lo-ia

“IfIhadmoney,Iwouldbuyit”

387 28 Siestudiaseaprendería

Seestudasse,aprendia/aprenderia

“IfIstudied,Iwouldlearn”

388 28 Sipudieralamataría

Sepudessematava-a/matá-la-ia

“IfIcould,Iwouldkillher”

389 28 Yoquisieraserrico

Euqueriaserrico

“Iwouldliketoberich”

Table5.Questionsincludingpotentialcontextsforverbalformsin-raintheALPI(threeconditional

clausesandacounterfactualmodalcontext)

Ifwemap thedifferentverbal formsending in -rabasedon thedialect corpus

andontheALPIdata,accordingtotheircontexts,weobtainthefollowingmaps:

As illustrated in Map 10, we find verbal forms in -ra with different values in

CORDIAL-SIN, although they arenot very productiveoverall, even for thepluperfect

value. The uses corresponding to the pluperfect do not have a clear geographic

distribution in the corpus data and can be found in four locations (two northern

locations, one in the Azores and one in the south-east coast). As for modal verbs

ending in -ra, we may observe that they are only found in the Azores and in two



163

localitiesofsouthernPortugal.Inthecorpusdata,verbalformsin-racorrespondingto

the imperfect subjunctive are only found in two locations near the western border

withSpain.

In theALPI data, the relevantquestions rarely induceda verbal form in -ra: in

conditionalclausesthereareonlytwooccurrencesoftheseformsinthecentralregion

–Almeirim(Santarém),Montemor-o-Velho(Coimbra)–forthequestionsanalyzedby

MouzoVillar(2008),andtwooccurrencesof-ra formsforQ.389thatweanalyzed–

AlmeirimandRioMaior(Santarém).

Maps10and11.Occurrencesofverbalformsendingin-raaccordingtocontextinCORDIAL-SINandinALPI(mapsfromCarrilho&Lobo2012)

Inconditionalstructures,thepredominantformsareimperfectsubjunctivesin

-sse,asinthestandardvariety;forQ.389,wheretheverbalformhasamodalvalue,

mostresponsescontainedanindicativeimperfect(queria ‘wanted’).Theareaswhere

the forms were registered in CORDIAL-SIN and in the ALPI data are not the same,

althoughtheyaresimilarforthemodalvalue.


M.LOBO&E.CARRILHO

164

4.Conclusions

The three case studieswe analyzed comparing data obtained from the dialect

corpusanddataobtained inresponsestotheALPIquestionnaireallowustoconfirm

the classical advantages and drawbacks of these two kinds of sources and to some

extenttheircomplementarity.

Directorindirectquestionnairesofatlasesinducelessspontaneousresponsesto

morphosyntacticphenomena.Thiscouldexplaintosomeextenttheabsenceofnon-

standardorregionalvariants.Asforgerunds, for instance,theareawherethey(asa

varianttoa+ infinitive)werefound intheALPIdata ismuchmorerestrictedthan in

theCORDIAL-SINdata.Verbalformsin-raalsohaveawiderdistributioninthecorpus

whencomparedtotheALPIdata.Aquestionnaireallows,however,directcomparison

betweenthedifferentnetworkpoints.Thedataobtained inthecorpusshowusthat

thequestionnairehastobecarefullybuiltsoastoincludetherelevantcontexts.This

did not happen for all phenomena in the case of ALPI: crucial contexts of

morphosyntactic variation in the Portuguese domain (gerunds with auxiliaries,

peripheralgerundadverbialclauses)werenotconsidered.

The corpus also has some limitations in what concerns the study of

morphosyntacticphenomena.Somecontextsmaybeabsentjustbecausetheyarenot

veryfrequentinspontaneousspeechanddidnotshowupintheparticulardiscourse

situation. We did not find gerunds following perceptive verbs in the corpus, for

instance.Thecorpusallowsus,however,tomeasuretheproductivityofthedifferent

structuresandoflinguisticvariantsandtocarryamoredetailedstudyofthesyntactic

distribution of linguistic forms. The study of the frequency of possessives without

determinersinthecorpusgaveusimportantinformationonasymmetriesintheuseof

thenon-standardvariantacrossthePortugueseterritory.

Wewould liketoconcludethatacarefullybuiltmorphosyntacticquestionnaire

taking into account the relevant contexts is crucial for a better understanding of

syntactic variation. As we have seen, the ALPI questionnaire does not include

fundamental morphosyntactic variables for the Portuguese domain. In that respect,

thecorpusdatagiveusageneralpictureofrelevantmorhosyntacticphenomenaand



165

are thus extremely important to serve as the basis for the preparation of a more

accuratemorphosyntacticquestionnaire.

Finally, we would like to highlight that, in spite of the traditional problems

encountered when analyzing both sources, in general the data obtained from the

corpus and from the ALPI questionnaire are quite consistent: both sources show a

lexical conditioning in the absence of determiner before possessive and a southern

distribution of gerund forms in verbal periphrases and complements to perceptive

verbs (although, since the atlas does not include the islands, some important non-

standardmorphosyntacticphenomenaarenotsufficientlyrepresented).

To conclude, we would like to stress the importance of taking into account

different sourceswhen studyingmorphosyntactic variation. The data obtained from

the corpus and from the responses to the ALPI questionnaire complemented each

other.

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