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139
Chapter – IV
Political Power Structures Munnurukapu Community in Telangana Region
In this chapter focuses on the political elite of Andhra Pradesh in Telangana re-
gion, looking at the sociological background of the elected members of the 11 succes-
sive legislative assemblies since independence for which extensive data has been col-
lected.1 It is intended to focus on how power was shared among the major sections of
society.It should mention here that the classical caste division made in Andhra Pradesh
is between Forward castes and backward castes. The Forward castes comprise
Brahmans, Kapus, Kamma, Reddy, Komati, Kshatriya, Velma, while the backward
castes are those that are classified as OBCs.
The focus is on the emergence of backward classes and their aspirations to hold
the political power and eventually it also examines how backward communities struggle
with dominant castes such as Reddies, Kammas and Velamas in political and electoral
process. The OBCs especially in Telangana were brought into the political ambit by N.T.
Rama Rao (N.T.R) to cultivate a wider base for the TDP equally. As a result of the re-
structuring of the administrative system with the insertion of Mandal system better
placed OBCs have begun to play an increasingly influential role in local and state level
politics. 2
1 The data presented here are for the 1962, 1967, 1972,1978,1983,1985.1989,1994, 1999.2004 and 2009 No Who’s who were, however. Available before 1972 2 Ahmed Basiruddin (1970) ‘Caste and electoral politics; Asian survey Vol 10
140
Among the substantial land owners and pattadars in Telangana districts, Brah-
mins were once predominant. With the rise of the Reddies, Velamas and Kammas the
influential castes of peasant properties, the influence of Brahmins as a land owning
caste declined. They continued to be powerful. Komatis, a caste of traders and money
lenders had considerable influence on the economic life in the area. Marwadi, Sahukars
gradually penetrated into rural Telangana and established their ascendancy as money
lenders, the Komatis still remained on the scene as traders shop keepers and mer-
chants. The bulk of the rural masses, poor peasants’ unprotected tenants, share crop-
pers, and agriculture labourers came from either backward classes or dalits or tribes3.
Regionally, OBCs percentage is highest in Telangana at 53 percent. The OBCs
category is extremely heterogeneous with numerous caste groups having varied posi-
tion in the socio–economic hierarchy. Some of these are Munnurukapu, Gollakuruma,
Gowd / Setti Balija, Padmasali, Mudiraju etc. occupying the middle level of the caste
hierarchy (between upper castes such as Brahmins, Reddys, Velamas, Kammas etc.
and lower castes such as Malas and Madigas and other OBCs). They are generally pro-
fessional groups or traditional service Castes such as toddy-tappers, weavers and small
agriculturists. Some of the OBC castes such as Goudas, Munnurukapus, Balija and
Padmashalies are better placed politically, economically on account of their economic
status and numerical strength.
3 Suri K.C (1996), ‘Caste Politics and Power Structure in India: The Case ofAndhra Pradesh in Subrata
Mukherjee and Sushila Ramaswamy (eds.) Political Science Annual New Delhi: Deep and Deep.
141
The caste structure in Andhra Pradesh is akin to that existing of standard in most
other parts of India. If it is viewed in traditional and social order in which people are
functionally dependent on each other they are separated as distinct groups, they are
four legally constituted groups which are known as SC, ST and OBCs and forward
castes. These OBCs are heterogeneous and there is always struggle by a few commun-
ities4.
Political History (Hyderabad state)
Hyderabad was the largest state in the Indian sub-continent in the colonial pe-
riod. Administratively, Hyderabad State was made up of 16 districts grouped into four
divisions, the covering an area of 82,698 sq .miles, with lying between 15 10’and 20 40’
and 81 35’ E. was an extensive plateau with an average elevation of 1,250 ft above sea
level. It is vast area, plentiful resources, and large population was a premier princely
state of India. It had 21.875 villages, 133 towns, 16 districts of Hyderabad state5. It the
three linguistic into four divisions, viz, Gulshabad Division or Medak Division included
Atraf-Baldah (Hyderabad) Nalgonda, Mahabubnagar, Medak and Nizamabad), Waran-
gal division included Adilabad, Karimnagar, and Warangal (present Khammam district
was present Warangal district) Gulbarga division included Bidar, Gulbarga, Raichur and
Osmanabad districts, Aurangabad division included Aurangabad, Parbhani, Nanded
and Beed 6.The population in Telangana was more than in other regions of the state.
4 Ibid., p.119 5 Vaikuntham.S,(2010) Water resorce management Riparian conflicts, feudal chiefs and Hyderabad state (1901-1956) Manohar publication New Delhi 6 http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
142
Located primarily on the Deccan plateau between the Krishna and Godavari riv-
ers, the state had mainly a dry economy. Throughout the 1920s the only cash crops
produced in the region were groundnut, Tobacco and oil seeds (primarily in Nizamabad,
Mahabubnagar, Karimnagar and Warangal districts.) Irrigation and commercial agricul-
ture did not really become significant until the 1930s when cotton and sugarcane culti-
vation began on a large scale. Throughout this period, there was little growth of agricul-
turally- linked trade and business, and little development of roads and other infrastruc-
ture. Only minor industry developed in the towns of Hyderabad, Warangal and Auran-
gabad, with some coal mining in the Telangana region.7
The Telangana comprises of nine districts. It was ruled by the Nizams for more
than two centuries. The last ruler was the Eighth Nizam, Mir Osman Ali Khan, who lost
power through police action of the Union Government on September 17, 1948. The Ni-
zam was a feudal Nawab and the state under his rule used to run on the rents collected
by feudatories and sub-feudatories. The Jagirdars, Deshpandes, Deshmukhs and Doras
used to collect rent and pay it to their superiors, ultimately reaching the treasury. Agri-
culture was backward and rain fed and there was intense classical feudal exploitation of
castes and classes by the landlords. Although the Hyderabad state was not declared a
Muslim state there was the unambiguous stamp of Muslim hegemony in all departments
of life, viz., language, dress, etiquette and culture. In fact, the Telugu people had no lin-
guistic and cultural identity8 . Most of the Telugu feudal landlords were the Reddys and
Velamas and a few Brahmins. They were also the dominant castes in Hyderabad and
7 Ibid., 8 Ibid.,
143
later in A.P. The language of administration was Urdu and the Telugu feudal landlords
emulated Muslim culture in its entirety. Consequently, this resulted in people’s move-
ment against domination and hegemony9
The Arya Samaj movement in 1940s was opposed to the Muslim rule and for the
protection of Hindu religion, temples and cultures. Dassera and Deepavali, Sri Ram Na-
vami became festivals for mobilization of Hindu unity, The Vinayayak Chavathi or the
Ganesh Festival used to be organized with great gusto and enthusiasm. Ganesh Man-
dals were organized in almost every locality. The Arya Samaj succeeded in mobilizing a
large number of BC castes like Padmashali (Weavers, Kapus, sagaras (masons), Ya-
davas (shepherds) and Meras (tailors) and also a few individuals drawn from SC (Madi-
ga) caste group. This was followed by the Andhra Mahasabha movement, which was
more linguistic and ethnic in character. It mobilized the Telugus in general cutting
across caste and class lines. It established libraries and cultural centers and endea-
vored to nourish and foster the roots of Telugu language, history, culture and Telugu
identity. The movement spread all over Telangana. 10
9 Raghavendra Rao J.V., (2002), “Backward class Mobilization, Marxist and Non-Marxist Paradigms”, The Eastern Anthologist Quarterly Journal EFCS, Luknow, India 9 Ibid.,
144
The Independence movement of the Congress Party had left its impact in Telan-
gana. The Vandemataram movement was a nationalist upsurge against the feudal rule
of Nizam as well as the imperialist hegemony of the British. It found its intense expres-
sion in the district of Warangal, Khammam and Karimnagar and also in the capital city
of Hyderabad. This movement was mostly led by Brahmins and Reddys with follower-
ship drawn from a few BC castes like Goudas, Yadavas, Padmashalis, Munnur Kapus,
etc11.
During the Nizam’s rule, caste association was not active only the Reddy and Ve-
lama associations were functional. The Backward castes and Scheduled Castes were
engaged in traditional occupations and they lived almost like serfs. For a short interreg-
num, the Madiga were converted into Islam and Backward Class (Past Aqwam) conver-
sion movement was led by B.S.Venkat Rao. He was rewarded with a ministerial berth in
Nizam’s government. This however, was only fleeting movement in local history12.
In Telangana, political mobilization seems to have substantively started only after
police action by the Union Government on 13 September, 1948. The communist Party
abandoned the violent path of Maoist strategy and adopted the parliamentary path of
struggle and social transformation. The Indian Constitution and the introduction of uni-
versal adult franchise brought about a sea change in the parties and their political mobi-
lization of groups. The Andhra state was formed in 1953 and the Andhra Pradesh state
11 Ibid. 12 Ibid.
145
emerged on 1st November 1956 as a consequence of Vishalandhra movement which
led to the fusion of Andhra and Telangana regions. 13
Anti-Jagirdhari peasant movement in Telangana
The feudal nature of the state, existence of Jagirdhari system of revenue, con-
centration of land in a few hands, the utter poverty of the millions of peasants kept the
people ignorant of the outside world. The land is dry and unfertile. The State has had a
poor agricultural economy; it had a low rate of literacy. Social relations among different
groups remained feudal. Prior to its merger with the Indian union, its economy had been
very much exploitative and the people have been forced to live in poverty. The feudal
exploitation of the peasantry was more intense in this region. Here some of the biggest
land lords whether Jagirdhars or deshmukhs, owned thousands of acres of land each14.
In the local idiom these powerful Jagirdhars and Deshmukhs were called Durra,
or Dora which means ‘sir’ ‘master’ or ‘lord of the village’. A durra often a combination of
land lord, money lender, and village official, traditionally enjoyed several privileges in-
cluding the services of occupational castes in return for some payments either in cash
or in kind. But he tended to extract these services free owing to his power and position.
Such extractions had become somewhat legitimized by what was known as the Vetti
system under which a land lord could force a family from among his customary retainers
to cultivate his land and to do one job or the other. Vetti has been developed to an 13 Sundarayya.P (1973) Telangana peoples struggle and its lessens, Marxist publications Vijayawada 14 Balagopal.K (1988) Probings in the political economy of Agrarian classes and conflicts,perspectives,Hyderabad pp 36-70
146
extraordinarily comprehensive extent in Telangana. Not only do the peasants do Vetti
in the field of the land lords all the working people suffer from this abuse. The dhobi,
(washer man), the shepherd, the barber, the toddy–tapper, everybody has to provide
unpaid services on customarily specified occasions. Added to this the abuse of women
belonging to the toiling classes by the land lords, the process became feudal customs.
The working people (particularly those belonging the lowest castes) was being
expected not to wear a short or chappals in the presence of the Dora (lord). The Vetti
extractions wear a symbol of domination of land lords in Telangana. Most of the agricul-
ture labourers on whom Vetti obligations fell were from the lower castes15.
Agricultural castes
Agriculture constitutes the main-stay of people irrespective of the place and the
stage of development. The position of an agriculturist however was degrading and de-
pressing from times immemorial. To support the above view, Goyal (1989) states caste
was essentially based on the concept of division of labour, with each caste being asso-
ciated with a specific occupation. The idea of caste-based occupation might not exist in
its old form but disparities in opportunities between higher and lower castes show that
caste’s influence on occupations is still strong16.
15 Venkateshu E. (2003), “Social Deprivation and Social Mobilization – A Cast Study of Backward Castes in Andhra Pradesh”, Unpublished thesis, Department of Political Science, University of Hyderabad, A.P 16 Ibid., p.121
147
In Andhra Pradesh too they did not receive the attention, honor and respect
which they deserved. The Munnuru Kapus, the Reddys the Velamas and Kammas were
the most important agriculturist casts of Telangana. Though they were in no way better–
off in the earlier periods like other backward castes an important change is discernible
in their position during this period, consequent to the Muslim invasions from the position
of being the servants of their superior castes they raised to the position of lords and ru-
lers of the land17.
A long term contributory factor to the sense of economic deprivation has been
agrarian or rural distress which has led to suicides in the state. Due to drought failure of
new varieties of cotton and loss of livelihood among weavers, between May 2004 and
November 2005, Telangana reported 663 suicides while Rayalaseema reported 231
and coastal Andhra stood at 174 out of a total of 1068 reported suicides. BCs are the
most affected lot in the whole episode of suicide deaths. The causes of farmer suicides
have to do with acute drought, higher investments in agriculture, failure of new crops
especially such as BT cotton leading to indebtedness with social repercussions. Difficul-
ties in wrestling a livelihood from agriculture, especially in the dry areas of Telangana
and Rayalaseema, have contributed to a general sense of dissatisfaction and distress18.
The dominant intermediary castes are the most important social group. They are
mainly represented by the agricultural caste of Reddys the Velamas and Kammas and
Kapus. Their economic and educational advancement in the early 20th century has
17 Ibid., p.122 18 Justice Sri Krishna B.N. (2010), Committee for consultation on the situation in Andhra Pradesh, New Delhi.
148
enabled them to challenge the Brahmin dominance in the cultural and political spheres.
The Reddys the Velamas of the Telangana region were landlords and pillers of a feudal
order19.
Land holding within category in Telangana
Tabel-4.1
Source: Backward classes special plan. Author: prof. K. Murali manohar
Land is a most influential asset for the socio-economic status in the society. Agri-
culture and its related activities are main income sources in the rural areas. Though the
land is the people’s livelihood, development projects treat it is a commodity. Backward
communities have no or low land holding in the state and at national level also accord-
ing to the present laws, and thus sustain themselves on what is acquired by rendering
services to the villages as agricultural workers and other professions. The data provided
19 Jaffrelot, Christophe & Sanjay Kumar (2009) Rise of the plebeians? The changing face of Indian Legisla-tive Assemblies, Star compu graphics Delhi
S.N
O
Dis
tric
t s Under 2 ½ Above 2½ acres Above 5 acres Above 10
acres Above 25
acres
Hol
ding
po
pula
-tio
n Ex
tent
of
land
Hol
ding
po
pula
-tio
n
Exte
nt
of la
nd
Hol
ding
po
pula
-tio
n
Exte
nt
of la
nd
Hol
ding
po
pula
-tio
n Ex
tent
of
land
H
oldi
ng
popu
la-
tion
Exte
nt
of la
nd
1 Mahabubna-gar 44.75 12.57 26.31 20.49 18.96 27.44 8.43 26.69 1.55 12.81
2 Rangareddy 47.35 13.8 26.22 2.1.27 17.5 26.5 7.48 24.93 1.45 13.5 3 Hyderabad 69 31.36 18.44 26.27 8.66 21.75 3.91 20.62 - - 4 Medak 61.19 22.26 22.5 25.32 11.32 24.03 4.3 19.89 0.69 8.5 5 Nizambad 64.82 27.98 22.22 29.26 9.83 24.17 2.86 14.98 0.27 3.61 6 Adilabad 43.13 11.34 24.93 20.19 21.92 31.97 9.02 28.35 1 8.15 7 Karimnagar 64.28 24.69 20.58 25.16 10.9 25.43 3.84 18.84 0.45 5.88 8 Warnagal 59.52 21.55 22.49 24.18 12.63 25.85 4.67 20.38 0.69 8.04 9 Khammam 52 16.65 23.62 21.63 16.75 28.84 6.79 24.63 0.84 8.25
10 Nalgonda 50.44 14.76 23.9 20.44 16.08 26.4 8.51 28.54 1.07 9.86
149
in Table – 4.420 (which was collected during the years 1993–94 and 2004 – 05) throws
light on the pattern of landholding by households across the Telangana region of AP.
The percentage of households not having land holding has increased.
Backward Classes in Telangana
The long history of Telangana people experienced the rule of local dynasties uni-
fied monarchies, conquered rulers, autocratic Zamindars, Jagirdhars, Colonial authority,
post independent dominate castes21 rule. Economically and politically this area was
conquered by many dynasties but socially caste was not eradicated by any intervention.
Even in the modern democratic era also it is the caste which is determining the direction
of democracy rather than democracy deciding the direction of castes. Therefore caste is
playing a significant role in the political process of Telangana, like any other state in In-
dia This region, except for Hyderabad city, being backward in almost every respect oc-
cupies 39.4 percentage of total area of the State. Centuries of feudal rule have left its
economy stagnant and undeveloped. The people are poor and its agriculture is confined
to some dry crops raised with the help of tank irrigation. Being he most backward of all
agricultural regions in the State, it is an extensive plateau with an average elevation of
1,200 feet above the sea level22.
The Government of Andhra Pradesh appointed a commission under the chair-
manship of Anantaramana on April 1, 1968, to look into the problems of the Backward
20 Prof. Murali Manohar K. (2011) , Backward Castes Special Plan (BCSP), Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phule Academy of Backward Castes Development and Empowerment (ABCDE), Warangal, Andhra Pradesh 21 Ibid., p.121 22 Ibid., p.121
150
Classes in the state. The commission identified different kinds of Backward Classes and
divided them into A, B, C and D categories depending upon the degree of their back-
wardness. The total number of Backward Communities is 93 Group ‘A’ consists of 37
castes, which are mainly aboriginal tribes, Vimuktha Jathis and nomadic and semi –
nomadic tribes etc. Group ‘B’ consists of 21 castes, comprising mostly occupational
groups. Group ‘C’ consists of Scheduled Castes converts to Christianity. Group ‘D’ con-
sists of 33 castes belonging to other Backward Classes23.
The BCs as they are popularly known in the south constitute nearly half the
population of the state at 44.5 percent. 93 caste groups are included in the OBC cate-
gory and they have been accorded 29 percent share in reservations in the following
proportion: Group A 7 percent Group B 10 percent Group C One percent Group D 7
percent and Group E 4 percent. The last category is the most recent addition, affording
4 percent reservation to OBC Muslims.
The Government also accepted this Classification of the Commission without any
modification. The grouping of Backward Classes was evidently made by the Backward
Classes Commission on the basis of population of those groups with a view to ensuring
that a few dominant and more advance sections of backward classes do not monopolise
the benefits to the detriment of the principle of equitable distribution among several oth-
er weaker sections of Backward Classes. One has only to observe how in the absence
of such equitable distribution persons born in a few Backward Classes sections are
alone represented in political bodies and institutions while several less advanced sec- 23 Anantharaman Commission (1970), “Andhra Pradesh Backward Commission”, Government of Andhra Pradesh,
151
tions among the Backward Classes have no representation at all in those bodies and
institutions24. This description of some of the caste based occupations reveals that there
are two types of backward castes one is that of ‘commodity producers’ and the other
that of ‘service providers’ including entertainment providers. The nature of production
activities and services led to cultural differentiation among them and stratification in the
social hierarchy25.
A brief explanation of the four different Backward Classes in the State is neces-
sary to understand the overall position of Backward Classes.
Group – ‘A’’ Consists of 37 different kinds of low occupational communities. This group
is bigger than the other social groups. The total number of communities occupies a
very low position in the social hierarchy. Service castes (Rajaka and Nai – Brahmin) are
included in this category.
Group – ‘B consists of 21 communities, comprising mostly vocational groups. It is also
known as a production group. Some major castes in this group are Gowda. Padmasalis,
wear the sacred thread. Vishwa Brahmins are also known as Pancha Brahmas. This
group comprises five divisions: (1) The Vadla (Carpenters) (2) The Kummari (Black-
smiths) (3) The Ausula (goldsmiths) (4) The Kase (carvers of figures on wood and
stone) (5) The Kanchari (Workers in bell metal). They are found in most of the villages
helping the agricultural castes by providing or repairing their farm implements.
24 Prof. Murali Manohar K. (2011) , Backward Castes Special Plan (BCSP), Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phule Academy of Backward Castes Development and Empowerment (ABCDE), Warangal, Andhra Pradesh 25 Ibid., p.121
152
Group ‘C’ consists of only one Caste Untouchability is the main reason why some
Scheduled castes converted to Christianity. There was no social discrimination in Chris-
tianity. Hence, some Scheduled Caste people convert to Christianity for a high social
status. The first Backward Classes commission of Andhra Pradesh identified Scheduled
Caste converts to Christianity and classified them into one Group ‘C’ of Backward
Classes.
Group ‘D consists of 33 castes; belonging to other backward communities this group is
the largest among the other three groups in relation to the population. Most of these
communities are agriculturists, business and many are engaged in agricultural laborer
and other occupations. Some major communities like Yadava, Munnuru Kapus, Tooru-
pu Kapus are included in this group26.
BCs Population – 1931 Census in Telangana
V. Satyanarayana estimated the population figures of Telangana on the basis of
1931 Census (see table 4.5). 27 The Backward Castes constituted a very large propor-
tion of the population in the ten districts of Telangana constituting 46 percent in 1931.
Backward Classes were unevenly distributed, and divided into a large number of small
groups. The most populous among them, the Munnurukapus &Muttra’s (23.9 percent)
were spread more or less evenly in the Telangana region. Among BCs Yadavas consti-
tuted 12.1 percent followed by Goudas with 10.4 percent Padmashalies (Weaver com-
munity) occupy fourth place with 8.6 percent followed by Chakali (Washer men) with 5.9
26 Anantharaman Commission (1970), “Andhra Pradesh Backward Commission”, Government of Andhra Pradesh, 27 Satyanarayana K.V.(2009) Samajikanyayam – Andariki Adikaram Suparna publications Hyderabad
153
percent. All other BCs communities constitute ranging from 0.52, 10.3, and 3.4 which
are numerically significant.
BCs Particulars in Telangana – 1931 Census
Table 4.2
S. No Caste Population %
S. No.
Caste Population %
1 Munnurukapu & Muttra’s 9,43,712 23.9 16 Arekatika 71,953 1.8
2 Yadav 4,76,825 12.1 17 Satani 55,564 1.4 3 Gouda 4,09,742 10.4 18 Darji 44,850 1.1 4 Padmashli 3,36,761 8.6 19 Waddera 44,712 1.1 5 Chakali 2,33,448 5.9 20 Balija 43,219 1,1 6 Kuruma 1,36,113 3.4 21 Uppara 32,138 0.8
7 Noobhasrladdaf,Dudekula,Mehtar, etc.
1,53,000 3.9 22 Perika 29,264 0.7
8 Bestha 1,39,582 3.5 23 Viswabrahman 27,704 0.7 9 Magali 1,07,132 2.7 24 Gandla 26,268 0.7
10 Vaddera 1,03,106 2.6 25 Medera 24,503 0.6 11 Kumari 98,643 2.5 26 Kanchara 20,805 0.5 12 Kamsali 94,791 2.4 27 Bhatraj 12,715 0.3
13 Vadla 88,099 2.2 28
Others Ramgreji,
Hatkar, Male, Parthi, Veera
Musti
35,158 0.9
14 Kammari 68,128 1.7 15 Jangam 79,926 2.0 Total 39,37,861
Source: Samajikanyayam – Andariki Adikaram, Author: K.V.Satyanarayana
Estimation of Population in Telangana
According to the Telangana region estimation itself, the BCs population is
48.68% SCs15.85% STs 8.87% Reddys 4.5% and, Kammas 3% Christians 1.24%
Muslim BCs 12.43% others 9.95%. Official caste census statistics in India are available
154
only up to the year 1931 and later only after several years an organized effort has been
made by mandal commission to assess the strength of backward castes. Census statis-
tics during the post-independence period cover only details about the populations by
region and especially data relating to SCs and STs. Mandal commissions has relied
mainly on the 1931 census data has the base and worked out projections of population
growth of OBCs on all India bases while Muralidhar Rao commission did the same for
the data relating to Andhra Pradesh28
Another organized estimate of caste projections has been made by the govern-
ment of Andhra Pradesh to conduct the local body elections based on caste reserva-
tions of elected positions in both rural and urban local bodies. Both Mandal and Mura-
lidhar rao commissions estimated the BC (OBC) population at 52 percent, while the
government of Andhra Pradesh estimated exclusively for the purposes of local bodies’
elections at 48 percent. The Sri Krishna committee (2010) on Telangana while quoting
the government sources put the BCs population figure at 44.5 percent in the state. Pro-
vides the details relating to the general caste composition of the state as estimated re-
cently
28 Satyanarayana K.V.(2009) Samajikanyayam – Andariki Adikaram Suparna publications Hyderabad
155
Estimate Population in Telangana
Tabel-4.3
SC ST Christians BC
Muslim
BC Others
Adilabad 18.54 16.74 0.59 45.94 2.85 6.87
Nizamabad 14.84 7.7 0.69 53.4 4.32 10.12
Karimnagar 18.62 2.60 0.59 60.51 1.80 4.32
Medak 17.58 5.4 1.30 53.63 3.33 7.77
Ranga Reddy 14.55 4.09 2.51 47.07 3.43 8.00
Mahabubnagar 17.10 7.93 0.54 55.11 2.54 5.91
Nalgonda 17.73 10.55 1.00 51.11 1.58 3.67
Warangal 16.99 14.10 0.95 52.26 1.64 3.82
Khammam 16.5 26.47 1.19 31.00 1.61 3.77
Hyderabad 8.21 0.90 2.43 37.70 8.23 32.94
Total 15.85 8.87 1.24 48.68 12.43 9.95
Source: Samajikanyayam – Andariki Adikaram, Author: K.V.Satyanarayana
According to the state estimation itself, the BCs population Census statistics dur-
ing the post- independence period cover only details about the populations by region
and especially data relating to SCs and STs. Mandal commissions has relied mainly on
the 1931 census data as the base and worked out projections of population growth of
OBCs on all India basis while Muralidhar Rao commission did the same for the data re-
lating to Andhra Pradesh. Another organized estimate of caste projections has been
made by the government of Andhra Pradesh to conduct the local body elections based
156
on caste reservations of elected positions in both rural and urban local bodies. Both
Mandal and Muralidhar Rao commissions estimated the BC (OBC) population at 52
percent, while the government of Andhra Pradesh estimated exclusively for the purpos-
es of local bodies elections at 48 percent. The Sri Krishna committee (2010) on Telan-
gana while quoting the government sources put the BCs population figure at 44.5 per-
centage the state. Provides the details relating to the general caste composition of the
state as estimated recently29
Population of BCs in Andhra Pradesh
Distribution of Social Groups by State and Region (percentage) Table – 4.4
Region
SCs
STs
Muslims
Other
Minorities
OBCs
Andhra Pradesh
16.2 6.6 9.2 1.7 44.5
Telangana inc
Hyderabad
15.8 8.9 12.4 1.5 50.7
Telangana
[ex. Hyderabad]
16.9
8.0
10.0
6.9
8.4
41.2
1.2
3.2
53
35
Rayalaseema
16.7 2.9 12.5 0.9 43
Costal Andhra
16.3 6.0 1.5 2.2 39
Source : Census 2001 and NSSO 64th round. Sri Krishna Committee Report
29 Satyanarayana K.V.(2009) Samajikanyayam – Andariki Adikaram Suparna publications Hyderabad
157
Table – 4.7 also indicate that there is variation in the formation of social groups
between various regions within Andhra Pradesh. The upper castes constitute only 10.7
percent of the total population of the Telangana region, while in Rayalaseema and Cos-
tal Andhra it is 24.2 percent and 32.0 percent respectively. BCs constitute 44.5 percent
in the State of Andhra Pradesh while the Telangana region excluding Hyderabad holds
53.00 percent of population. In Coastal Andhra, BCs constitute 39.0 percent (Srikaku-
lam, Vijayanagaram and Vishakapatnam districts cover a large majority of BC popula-
tion), while in Rayalaseema, it is 43.00 Andhra Pradesh has very nearly the same distri-
bution of SC population as in the rest of the country in general and from within its vari-
ous regions30.
However, the minorities especially Muslims constitutes 41.2 percent in Hydera-
bad city alone, while in Telangana excluding Hyderabad it has been 6.9 percent. Tribal
population in Telangana excluding Hyderabad constitutes 10 percent. In the overall
sense in Telangana BCs, SCs, STs and Minorities constitute slightly more than 89 per-
cent, while in overall in Andhra Pradesh it was 78 percent, while BCs in the whole of
Andhra Pradesh constitute slightly more than 44.5 percent. This data clearly indicates
that the upper castes or dominant castes constitute less than 11 percent in Telangana
and only 22 percent in the whole of Andhra Pradesh. This makes very clear that BCs
consisting of 140 different castes together with common interests and common prob-
lems constitute the single largest group of population as well as voters and spread over
30 Justice Sri Krishna B.N. (2010), Committee for consultation on the situation in Andhra Pradesh, New Delhi.
158
in almost all constituencies ranging from a maximum of 85 percent to a minimum 35
percent31.
The Role of Caste in Politics
The role of the caste is dominant in the politics of Indian society. Especially in
Andhra Pradesh the significance of the caste factor can be understood in the words of
Rajani Kothari ‘Those in India where campaign of casteism in politics are really looking
for a sort of politics which has no basis in the society. 32’ Caste plays an active role in
the political life of the country at the levels. Allotment of party tickets, formation of state
ministers, appointment of numerous boards, committees and commissions, are made
on a Caste basis, and this seems to be accepted as legitimate by a large number of the
people33. Since the first general elections caste has been an important factor in electoral
politics. Marxists and Non-Marxists scholars both acknowledge the importance of caste
in politics. Political support of the caste loyalists is enlisted in a number of ways, e.g. by
a generalized appeal to caste sentiment by the organized activities of caste associa-
tions34 etc.
31 Ibid. 32 Kothari, Rajani (1970) ‘Caste in Indian politics’ Orient long men New Delhi 33 Karanth G.K ‘Caste in contemporary Rural India’ in Srinivas M.N (ed) 34 Beteille, Andre, (1996) ‘Caste in contemporary India’ in Fulleer (Jled) caste Today, New Delhi, Oxford university press
159
Caste and District Background of MLAs of Telangana Region (1955-2009)
Table -4.5
District Unreserved Reserved
General Total
FC BC Minority Total S.C. S.T. Total
Mahabubnagar 101 28 05 134 24 Nil 24 158
77.09 20.89 3.75 100.0 15.12 Nil 14.12 100.00
Rangareddy 42 13 02 57 23 Nil 23 80
73.62 22.8 3.50 100.0 28.75 Nil 28.75 100.00
Hyderabad 61 28 53 142 23 Nil 23 80
42.95 19.71 37.32 100.00 28.75 Nil 28.75 100.00
Medak 83 11 02 96 26 Nil 26 122
86.45 11.48 2.02 100.00 21.31 Nil 21.31 100.00
Nizamabad 61 25 07 93 12 Nil 12 105
65.59 26.82 7.52 100.00 11.42 Nil 11.42 100.00
Karimnagar 110 18 Nil 128 28 Nil 28 156
85.93 14.08 Nil 100.00 17.94 Nil 17.94 100.00
Warangal 84 28 03 115 23 14 37 152
73.04 23.34 2.60 100.00 15.13 9.21 24.43 100.00
Khammam 47 05 07 59 15 30 45 104
79.68 8.40 11.88 100.00 14.42 28.84 43.28 100.00
Nalgonda 98 14 Nil 112 24 08 32 144
87.50 12.50 Nil 100.00 16.68 5.55 22.22 100.00
Adilabad 55 05 01 61 22 22 44 105
90.18 8.18 10.63 100.00 20.95 20.95 41.90 100.00
Total 742 175 80 997 208 74 282 1279
74.42 17.55 8.02 100.00 16.28 5.72 22.00 100.00
Source: Agrakula Palanalo Andhra Pradesh Rajakiyalu Author: Prof.K.Murali Manohar
160
Table -4.8 provides detailed districts-wise data relating to the caste- background
of MLAs being elected from different Telangana castes during the last 12 general elec-
tions. The data shows that out of ten districts, in almost eight districts, upper castes had
more than 80 percent of MLAs seats in their control in Telangana. In Adilabad the share
of upper castes has been more than 90 percent, while in Medak it was 84.48 percent,
Karimnagar 85.93 percent and Nalgonda 87.50 percent. BCs representation was no-
minal in several districts including Khammam and Adilabad, the highest representation
being found was at Warangal (23.34 percent) followed by Ranga Reddy district (22.80
percent). In seven elections each in Khammam and Adilabad, there was no BC repre-
sentation at all, Karimnagar and Nalgonda districts had never sent a minority candidate
in election to the assembly, though they had respectable percentage of minority popula-
tion. Like-wise Ranga reddy district was also under-represented despite the fact that
they had huge minority population in the region. Medak, Adilabad and Warangal had
little representation of minorities in the state assembly. This shows the ‘uneven repre-
sentation’ of castes and also ‘over representation ‘of certain upper castes and ‘lower re-
presentation’ of BCs and minorities. SCs and STs had representation mainly due to the
political reservation otherwise their position should have been much worse.
Caste and Religious compositions are the important indicators of the social struc-
ture and they have predominated role in political power equation especially in India.
The existence of caste system based on ‘superior–subordinate’ relationship of human
beings itself clearly indicate the social backwardness of the society and this particular
aspect i.e. relegation of a defined section of a society to inequality is found perhaps only
161
in India. Nowhere in the world has any particular section been devoid of basic human
rights, dignity of laborer and social equality on the basis of classification that finds its
roots in religious writings. In India, the Hindu society is divided into various castes and
sub–castes in a hierarchy manner and they are particularly divided ‘to do and not to do
certain things35
Caste composition of Assembly Elections from Telangana
Table-4.6
Caste 1962 1967 1972 1978 1983 1985 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 Total Reddy 42 33 27 34 35 34 36 31 33 42 40 387 Kamma 3 2 2 7 8 7 6 7 6 4 3 55 Velma 9 8 8 6 8 7 6 6 6 8 7 79
Brahman 11 5 6 2 6 4 3 4 3 2 3 49 Vysya 2 - - - 1 1 1 - - - - 3
Munnurukapu 2 2 1 2 2 2 6 4 10 7 9 47 Goudas - 3 3 - - 2 3 2 3 3 6 25 Mude raj - - 2 - - 3 3 3 2 2 3 18 Yadava - 1 2 - - - - 3 4 1 1 12 Muslim 6 6 7 5 6 6 5 5 6 6 7 65 Arya
Kshatriya - 1 1 - - 3 2 1 - 2 3 13
Meru - - 1 - - - - - - - - 1 Padmashali - 1 1 - - 1 2 1 - 2 1 9 Viswakarma - - 1 - - 1 1 1 - - - 4
Perika - - - - - - - - 1 1 1 3 Rajaka - - - - - - - - - 1 1 2 Boya - - - - - - - 1 - - - 1
Kurma 1 1 - - - 1 - - - - - 3 Others - 5 5 - 1 - 1 - - 1 1 14
Collected by researcher from the B.C Times, News papers
35 Prof. Murali Manohar K. (2011) , Backward Castes Special Plan (BCSP), Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phule Academy of Backward Castes Development and Empowerment (ABCDE), Warangal, Andhra Pradesh
162
The researcher wanted to focus on different BCs communities represented or
entered Assembly. The data in table-4.9 indicates that out of 11 elections held for the
state Assembly (1962-2009), the dominant castes could corner 573 of M.L.As positions.
When we take total numbers from different communities, Reddy caste tops with 387
followed by Velama community 79 and Kamma castes with 55. This shows domination
of these three communities over the politics of Andhra Pradesh. Almost all the chief
ministers are from these communities. After the emergence of the TDP, Kammas
domination started over Andhra Pradesh politics. During the congress rule all most all
the chief ministers are from Reddy communities. Among the chief ministers, Reddy
community dominated for almost 20 years whereas the dominated Kammas more than
16 years. No BCs could reach that level despite the fact that there does constitute more
than 50 percent of population in the state. The researcher wanted to examine the space
given to back ward class community under Congress and TDP rule in 11 Assembly
elections till 2009.So for Brahmans elected to Assembly are significant with 49
members as shown in the table. Sine research is on Munnurukapu community it is
interesting to note that only 47 members in community were elected during these 11
Assembly elections. Among other backward classes Goudas, Mudiraj and Yadavas
have fair representations. Rest of the communities such as Perika, Rajaka, Kurma,
Padmashalies and Meru, had no representations in various elections among 140 BCs in
Telangana Only 13 BC castes represented assembly so far.
The emergence of TeluguDesham party, which was initially relied on mobilization
BC votes, which were hitherto neglected by the Congress party, had successfully
163
converted them into their cadre at the grassroots level. In the same analogy TDP has
started offering a little more number of seats to BCs relatively higher than that of the
Congress party. In the process progressively all parties had recognized the need for
allotting more number of seats to BCs and as a result their representation in the state
Assembly has risen to a certain extent during the second phase. However, the allotment
of seats had never been as for the proportion of the population of various castes as
Congress, TDP Communist parities and the TRS continue to provide higher
representation to upper castes in the course of allotment of party tickets. It may be
observed that the Congress has mainly become a Reddy-Kamma party the
TeluguDesham and the Communist parties are Kamma-Reddy party, while The TRS a
Velma-Reddy party in other words ‘limited company’s of dominant castes. The table-5
established the fact that number of BCs elected to assembly increased from 1983
onwards.The 1985 election Scenario and the representation of the Backward classes
communities don‘t indicate much improvement of backward classes representation. The
representation the members from this caste increased with the emergence of TDP and
TRS. Over all analyses of this table show that show that more members are elected
from Munnuru Kapus community than from any other BCs community. 36
Indira Gandhi’s populist radicalism and political strategy of mobilization and ac-
commodation of marginalized groups was instrumental in increasing the social polariza-
tion along both caste and class lines. This not only led to the breakdown of the tradi-
tional patron-client relationships at the local level but also paved the way for the decline
36 Srinivasulu.K and Prakash Sarangi (1999), Political realignment in post-NTR, Andhra Pradesh ,EPW August 21-28, p 24-50
164
of the political control of dominant landed castes. Indira Gandhi populism and radical
rhetoric, by raising the aspirations and expectations of the marginalized social groups
and communities, opened up a new phase of political contradictions. Thus caught up in
the contradictions and intense factionalism a reflection of the contradictions the Con-
gress under Indira Gandhi increasingly resorted to centralization of power at the political
organizational level and at the governmental level in the center. The consequence of
this process was the erosion of regional leadership and initiative. The failure of the
Congress Party to accommodate contending interests, its inability to channelize the poli-
ticization of marginalized communities opened up new political possibilities. It is against
this background, that the emergence of the TDP in AP has to be appreciated37
The 1980s brought about an important change in the political history of the state.
The Congress Party tasted defeat for the first time in the electoral history of the state. It
was a sequel to the intra-party factional conflict and repeated ‘diktat’ from the ‘high
command’ leading to frequent changes of Chief Ministers, as witnessed by four changes
in a five-year period preceding the 1983 assembly election. As a reaction to these cen-
tralizing tendencies in the Congress, neglect - of the weaker sections, a regional party
emerged with a proclaimed objective to represent the interests of Telugu people.
NT.Rama Rao, who belongs to coastal Andhra Kamma caste, a popular film star
launched TDP on March 29th 1982, which within nine months of its formation emerged
37 Venkateshu E. (2003), “Social Deprivation and Social Mobilization – A Cast Study of Backward Castes in Andhra Pradesh”, Unpublished thesis, Department of Political Science, University of Hyderabad, A.P
165
with absolute majority in the 1983 assembly elections. The TDP won 202 seats out of
the total of 294, whereas, the Congress Party could secure only 60 seats38
Caste composition of Loksabha from Telangana.
Table-4.7
Caste 62 67 71 77 80 84 89 91 96 98 99 04 09 Total
Reddy 5 3 6 3 5 6 3 4 3 5 3 3 5 54
Kamma 1 1 1 1 1 – – 1 1 1 1 1 – 10
Brahman – – – 2 2 – 1 – 2 1 1 – – 9
Velma 2 3 2 2 1 2 3 1 – 1 1 2 3 23
Gouda – – 1 1 – 1 2 1 1 – – 1 2 10
Padma
shali – – – – – – 2 1 1 – – 1 2 7
Munnur
ukapu – – – 1 1 – – – – – – – – 2
Muslim 1 2 1 2 – 1 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 17
Kurma – – – – – – – 1 – 1 1 – – 3
Yadava – 1 – – – – – – – – – 1 1 3
Bondili – – – – – – – – – – – – 1 1
Mude raj – – – – 1 1 – – – – – – – 2
Collected by researcher from the B.C Times, News papers
38 Srinivasulu.K and Prakash Sarangi (1999),opcit.
166
The data in table-4.10 reveals the caste of members elected to Loksabha in elec-
tions held till 2009. Caste party and regional background of elected members of Lok-
sabha drawn from the state It may be observed that almost all political parties pre-
ferred to give party tickets to their members generally representing dominant castes and
as a result a large majority of unreserved seats were found to have been ‘informally re-
served’ to dominant castes. The caste background of the Lok sabha members during
the last 13 elections Table-5 Reddy community members top the list with 54 followed by
Velma community with 23.Next comes Kamma community with ten members followed
by gouda with 10 and Brahman with 9, it is significant note that only two members from
this community are elected to parliament so for. They are not adequately represented in
the Lok sabha as in the case of assembly. As for as OBC community is concerned in
parliament elections gouda community members top with 10 followed by Padmashali
with 5 Kurma and Yadav with 3 each as shown in the table. These two tables i.e. 5 and
6 analyzed together BC members are poorly represented in law making bodies when
compared to their population, therefore there is continuous movement by various BC
castes for 50 percent reservation in assembly and parliament. This demand is not ac-
cepted because the whole system is under different dominant communities in different
states.
Let us analyze at this point the nature of political power in Telangana from the
following data as seen from table 6 shows among the forward castes it is the Brahmin
caste which has declined in its position in the LokSabha, and the dominant castes
167
Kammas and Reddies have gained strength. However, the Reddies and Velamas have
managed to maintain a stable position the Lok Sabha election 1989.
Thus the past sixty four years of experience reveal that there has been a covert
or an overt understanding between the dominant castes that ‘power’ should never go
out of their ‘hands and bounds’ and for purpose, adjustments, divide and rule politics,
accommodation-politics, equity in sharing spoils. Dominant members individually or
combinedly played a significant role in keeping BCs away from political power, on the
other, it has also been proved beyond any doubt that ‘excessive loyalty’ of BCs to ‘polit-
ical parties’ which are ‘almost owned’ and managed by certain dominant castes as their
‘limited companies’ has been ‘fatal’ and such ‘politics’ were never proved panacea to
BCs. In case of assertion however, the dominant castes in power there used in every
manner from subtle ‘disenfranchising or keep-them-always-split and un-united’ devices
to sap the numerical strength of BCs and continued their legacy uninterrupted. Thus the
political status of non-dominant castes especially BCs in AP stand today as a story of
prejudice, discrimination, suppression and segregation covert or overt, subtle or blatant
and the full promise of constitution envisaging political equality and equality of political
opportunities had never been realized over the years and neither ‘the demolition of oli-
garchy’ nor the ‘universal adult franchise’ has resulted in political equality and political
justice to backward castes.
168
Munnurukapus MLAs in Telangana
Table-4.8
Year Congress TDP TRS BJP Left
parties
Oth-
ers Total
1983 - 2 - - - - 2
1985 - 2 - - - - 2
1989 5 1 - - - - 6
1994 2 2 - - - - 4
1999 5 4 - 1 - - 10
2004 6 1 - - - - 7
2009 4 - 4 1 - - 9
2014 - - 8 1 - - 9
Total 22 12 12 2 - - 48
Collected by researcher from the B.C Times, News papers
The Table No- 4.11 is formulated from news papers and caste association the
data in the table shows the number of Munnurukapus MLA’S elected from various politi-
cal parties in eight assembly elections. It is interesting to note that 22 members Munnu-
rukapu community members are elected from the congress party in eight elections,
whereas 12 members are elected from TDP. TRS is established in 2001 and contested
in three elections. TRS was created for the achievement of separate Telangana state.
The Telangana movement continued for 14 years. Munnurukapu leaders actively parti-
cipated in the movement and were part of JAC’S. Therefore they had good share in two
assembly elections that is 2009 and 2014 with 12 members. Their political share in As-
169
sembly increased with the emergence of TRS. As shown in the table. Munnurukapu
caste representations in 2009 constitute 4 members we are elected from TRS. In 2014
elections largest number of representatives i.e. 8 members share elected from this
community which never happened in any Assembly elections.
Caste and Democratic Decentralization
Our nation with centuries of its socio-cultural heritage marked by graded
inequalities both in status and opportunities, that denied among other education to
women, sudras and antisudras, a cruel consequence of Varna and caste systems,
sanctified by religion opted oath the dawn of independents for democratic form of
governance in tune with the rapidly emerging socio-political order on a global scale.
Equality of status opportunities and before law is the central theme of democracy in total
contrast with the unequal social order that prevailed in the cast ridden cultural
heritage39. To re-cultivate and reserve the mind-set deeply sub-merged in cast
privileges and pride so as to reconcile and accept the democratic rights of the
disadvantaged is indeed a very tough task for the constitution and its later
implementation over six decades of the instrument of the change- over constitution
suffered this serious limitation that had been still depriving the major chunk of the
disadvantaged of their proportional share of opportunities.
39 Satyanarayana K.V. (2011) ‘Reservations and their allotment by rotation in Panchayat Raj elections in A.P-a criti-cal analysis with constructive suggestions, Suparna publication Hyderabad
170
Summing up
The fourth chapter deals the Political Power Structure in Munnurukapu
Community in Telangana. The Political System in Telangana contextualises the
Munnurukapu Community in the backdrop of Political Power Structures in Andhra
Pradesh with special reference to Telangana. The population of BCs constitutes nearly
50 percent of total population. But, they have never been represented in the Assembly
proportionate to their population. In these elections, however on average, 15 percent of
BC communities are elected. Each political party is dominated by upper caste shows
that the BCs are divided in their loyalty to different parties. Thus the strategy of domi-
nant caste, heterogeneous nature and culture of BCs are resulting in inadequate repre-
sentation of BCs.
Further, different political parties have become synonymous with dominant com-
munities such as Congress for Reddys and TDP for Kammas. These communities nev-
er allowed other BCs to emerge independently. Within the various backward communi-
ties around 100 who are numerically less, economically unsound are never represented
in assembly. Only 13 BCs (communities) are represented in Assembly so far in Telan-
gana region, whereas around 100 communities are never represented. There is division
among BCs because some communities alienated are from the masses. Dominant
communities never allowed emergence of any BCs leader as powerful within the party.
There is no chief minister from BCs in AP so far. It is interesting to note that 22 mem-
bers of Munnurukapu community members are elected from the congress party in eight
171
elections, whereas 12 members are elected from TDP. TRS is established in 2001 and
contested in three elections. TRS was created for the achievement of separate
Telangana state.
The Telangana movement continued for 14 years. Munnurukapu leaders actively
participated in the movement and were part of JAC’s. But they had inadequate share in
two Assembly elections together 2009 and 2014 with 12 members. Their political share
in Assembly increased with the emergence of TRS. Munnurukapu caste representations
in 2009 constitute 4 members are elected from TRS. In 2014 elections fair number of
representatives i.e. 8 members elected from this community to the Assembly.