CHAPTER 5 - shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.inshodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/16881/11/11_chapter...
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CHAPTER 5
SOCIAL STATUS OF PALESTINIANS IN LEBANON
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SOCIAL STATUS OF PALESTINIANS IN LEBANON
Attainm~.:nt of social status attainment IS the process by which individuals or
community attain a position in the system of social stratification in a society. Social
stratification regulates the differential distribution of social position, resources and the
access to them by the community within a society. On the basis of social stratification
any community acquires key positions in the social institutions in the country. The
education and occupational status of any community determines its participation and
influence, vis-a-vis others in the country. 1
Since the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are the residents under the UNRWA
programme Article l of 1951 Convention of the United Nations relating to refugees'
status stipulates that the Convention should not apply to those persons who, at that
time, were receiving assistance from the UNRWA other than UNHCR. As a result,
the Palestinians are excluded from the special protection provided for in the
Convention and also from the international Convention provided by the UNHCR
International Covenant on social, cultural and economic rights of 1966. The
International Covenant clearly stipulates that refugees may get benefit of the social
and cultural rights from the member countries Lebanon officially accepted this
Covenant but failed to ahide by it and to integrate its provisions in their national laws.
The Casablanca Protocol of 1965, relating to Palestinian identity, was included by the
League of Arab States in their respective constitutions in 1966, including Lebanon.
Edgar F. Borgatta, "Status Attainment", Encyclopedia of Sociology (New York, 1992). pp.2090-93.
164
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The Casablanca Protocol clearly stipulates that the Palestinian identity should be
endorsed by each member of League of Arab States in their own country. However,
Lebanon did not adopt the Casablanca Protocol in its own national laws. 2
Article 9 of the Constitution of Lebanon guarantees full rights to individuals
and community. But, since the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon were not considered
as a Community they could not enjoy the rights. The Lebanon Government provides
social and cultural rights to their citizens. Again since the Palestinian refugees are not
considered as citizen of the country, they could not even avail of the social and
cultural rights . either. As such they could not even establish their own social
institutions in the country. 3
The Palestinians migrated to Lebanon in 1948. Initially they settled in southern
Lebanon and the capital Beirut and, subsequently, they spread throughout the country.
Lebanon was a country tamous for its ethnicity and Catholic Christian-dominated
culture. About 80 per cent Palestinians coming to Lebanon were Sunni Muslims,
while 20 per cent were others including Christians. The Palestinian had a pluralistic
character of Arab society, but in theory they projected an image of a homogenous
society. They emphasized on oneness of linguistic and cultural values, and the Arab
identity. However, the Palestinians were the inseparable part of the homogenous Arab
socit:ty. The rural Palt:stinians. both Muslims and Christians, had been facing
------··-------
3
Abbas Shiblak. "Residency Status and Civil Rights of Palestinian Refugees in Arab Countries". Journal of Palestine Studies, vol. XXV, n. 3, Spring 1996, pp.37-38.
A. H. Hourani. Minorities in the Arab World (New York, 1947), p.64.
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166
problems of language, culture and identity. On the other hand, the urban wealthy and
educated Palestinians both Christians and Muslims adjusted well in Lebanon.4 Here
we will discuss the social status of Palestinians in Lebanon in the light of various
aspects associated with it.
Ethnicity
Lebanon has a multi-ethnic society consisting of sectarian as well as
contcssi' lila I communities such as Christians, Muslims and Druze. Among these no
single community can claim to constitute a majority. Lebanon was predominantly a
Christian state .before the creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920. After 1920, the
Muslim population greatly increased numerically; today the Muslim Shiites, probably,
constitute the largest sect. 5 Fertility rates have been generally higher among
Muslims than among Christians, even though Islam allows for contraception while
Catholic Christianity does not. Officially, the census of 1932 remained the basis for
the distribution of public and political power, and authority in Lebanon. Accordingly
tht: largest confessional group was Maronite Christians, the second largest that of
Sunni Muslims, while the third largest group was Shia Muslims. No survey took
place after 1932 because the Christians feared domination of Muslims regarding
confessional equation. 6
4 El ia Zureik. "Toward a Sociology of the Palestinians", Journal of Palestine Studies, voi.VI, no.4, Summer 1979, p.15 .
.'i David C. Gordon. 71ze Republic of Lebanon: Nation in Jeopardy (London, I '>83). p.4.
(, I hid., p.4.
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District-wise Lehanese religious confessions population in Lebanon, as on 31
Decemher 1944, is given in Tahk-5.1.
Table 5.1: Population of Lchanon according to religious composition in 1944
Sect Muhafil7..at Muhafazat Muhafazat Muhafazat Muhafazat Total
of of Mount of North of South of the
Beyrouth Lebanon Lebanon Lebanon Beqaa
Sunnis 5lJ,593 20,369 102,462 23,418 29,753 235,595
Shiis 10,979 18,948 1,017 126,701 51,693 209,338
Druzcs 1,926 59,303 34 6,167 6,881 74,311
Maronitl'S l~U04 176.248 86,476 27,992 21.726 327,846
Greek ~.H40 15.470 1,841 17,1 18 24.011 64,280
Catholtcs
Greek 20.075 22,373 4 7,522 6,911 13,002 109,883
Orthodox
Protestants 3,760 3,025 750 1,895 1,110 10,440
Latins 2,191 540 63 179 144 3,117
Armenian 36,264 15,379 1,025 1,695 5,386 59,749
Orthodox
Armenian 5,362 3,091 194 273 1,128 10,048
Catholics
Syrian 4,089 275 169 9 442 4,984
Catholics
Syrian ~.070 209 100 22 1,352 3,753
On hod ox
Jews ~.022 65 3 I 506 42 5,666
Chaldaca11s !)74 120 10 225 1,330
Others 452 339 5,279 52 119 6,261
Total 174.001 335,774 246,964 212,848 157,014 1,126,601
Sourcl': A.H. Hourani~ Minori1ies in !he Arab WJrld (New York, 1947), p.63.
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The above table shows that as in 1944, 53 per cent of Lebanese population
was Christian and 46 per cent was Muslim. The largest single community was that
of the Maronite Christians which constituted 29 per cent of the total population of
Lebanon.
Each confession had its own sense of community in a particular district but
none was monolithic. Within each community there were extended family rivalries
and competing interests. But on the same levels these ethnic communities cooperated
with each other on social and political discourse.
There were six major groups of ethnic communities in Lebanon. The Maronite
Christians were the largest and mainly an agricultural community. As a whole, their
standard of living was higher as compared to other communities. They were holding
large estates, and were prosperous bourgeoisie in Beirut. They were highly educated
and kept independent churches; their heads of the Churches were socially high. They
were a highly organized community.
The second largest in number were Sunni Muslims, and they were mostly an
urban community. They were concentrated in Tripoli, Beirut and Saida. They were
mainly proletariat, hut there were also some commercial and professional bourgeoisie
and large land-owning families among them. They were not religiously organized like
the Maronites.
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169
Tile third largest were Shia Muslims who were mainly a peasant class living
m southern district and in Beqaa. They were also engaged in lower grade jobs in
Beirut. They were, however, a much organized community.
Fourth in the line were the Druze who were also mainly an agricultural
community and relatively prosperous; socially they were the most· solidly organized
of all the communities: religiously with its hierarchy and as feudal with its gradation
of ranks. The fifth, Greek orthodox and Greek catholics were also partly peasant
communi I ies. They formed a commercial class in Beirut and other parts of the
country. The sixth community were the Armenians who were non-Arabic speaking
people and mainly craftsmen, small traders and office workers and were mainly town
dwellers. Socially they were half semi-isolated community. 7
Communal separatism was strong, but living together was a practical necessity
as long as the sectarian balance of power remained stable at the national level.
Besides, each ethnic group also maintained its own communal identity at the national
However, in the 1950s, Muslim population increased considerably because
their fertility rate was higher than the Christians in Lebanon. Table 5. 2 shows the
rapid increase in Muslim population.
7 1-lourani, n.3. pp.65-67.
R Michael C. Hudson, The Precarious Republic: Modemizarion 111 Lebanon (New York. 196H), pp.24-25.
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Table 5.2: Confessional Distribution in Lebanon
Sects Mountain Lebanon Beirut
1865 1932 1956 1977 1956
Maronitcs 172,000 226,378 424,000 23%
18,000
Druzcs 29,000 53,047 88,000 7%
Greek Orthodox 30,000 76,522 149,000 7% 25,000
Greek Catholics 19,000 45,999 91,000 5% 4,000
Sunni Muslims 8,000 175,925 286,000 26% 76,000
Shia Muslims 10,000 154,208 250,000 27% 17,000
Armenians 31,156 79,000
Others (including Jew~. 44,000
Protcstanls, Syrian
Orthodox. Latins.
Nestori uu Chaldeans) --
Total 266,661 785,543 1,431,000
Source: Michael Hudson, The Precarious Republic: Modernization in Lebanon (New York,
1968), pp.22, 58.
The Table 5.2 shows that the rate of increase of non-Christians was higher
than thai of the Christians. Therefore, the proportion of sectarian balance in the
country was changing. In most states such demographic shift might have sufficed for
changinl:! lhe political equations, hut in Lebanon it has hardly had any impact over the
govt:rlliiiL'tHal functioning. In Lebanon, myth of Christian dominance was the deciding
factor. According to this myth, this structure was legitimate because it allocated
political positions by sect in accordance to their total population. The 1932 Census
shows that Christians exceeded non-Christians in a ratio of six to five and the political
positions were allocated accordingly.
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171
However, the provision adopted was that the President of the Republic would
he a Maronite, the Prime Minister a Sunni, the speaker of the Chamber of Deputies
Shias, and the Deputy Speaker and Deputy Prime Minister Greek Orthodox. Cabinet
portl()lios were also carefully distributed among Christians and non-Christians and the
key ministries were reserved for particular sects. The Foreign Minister was always
a Christian and usually a Maronile. The Interior Minister was usually a Sunni and the
Defence Minister was usually a Druze. The political and social sectarianism in
Lebanon existed somewhat deeper than in the United States and ethnic security issue
received higher. priority. 9
The formula of six Christians and five Muslims in Parliament was the outcome
of Lebanon's last official census in 1932. At that time the total population of the
country was 793,000. The Maronite Christians alone constituted 29 per cent of the
populal ion. the second largest religious group was the Sunni Muslims and they
constituted 21 per cent of the population and the Shia Muslims were 18 per cent. It
was clear to everyone that the natural rate of increase of the Muslims population was
more rapid than that of the Christians. Moreover, the rate of long-term migration
outside Lebanon was higher among Christians than the Muslims. The post-1950s
showed that the Christian had become a minority in Lebanon. Following the
contessional system of apportionment, the Maronite had lost the presidency as also
a majority of the scats in parliament. Shias had become single largest religious group
in LcharH1n, as shown in ·1;1hle 5.3.
9 !hid., pp.22-23.
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'liahlt· 5 . .\ Lebanon's 1-.stimated Population, by Sect, 1932-1983
Sect IYJ2 1983 1983
Population % Population % Population %
'lillal Christians 410,246 51.7 I ,525,000 42.6 965,000 36.6
Maron it,· 22ti.37!l 28.6 900.000 25.0 580,000 21.0
G red < l11hodox 76.522 9.6 250.000 7.0 185,000 6.8
Grcd ( 'iltlwlic 45.99Y 5.8 150.000 4.2 115,000 4.2
t\nnen1ans .11.156 3.9 175.000 4.9 70,000 2.6
<llhn,•· .111.191 3.8 50.000 1.4 40.000 1.5
li1t;d Mu•,lllll' a11d WI.IXO 4X.3 2.050.000 57.3 1.435,000 60.2
Drut.L'
SUI Ill I' 175.Y25 22.2 750.000 21.0 600,000 25.0
Shi'ites 154,208 19.4 1.100.000 31.0 665,000 27.0
Druze 53.047 6.7 200.000 5.6 180,000 7.7
'Iilia I 793.426 100.0 3,575,000 100.0 2,400,000 100.0
*Includes .ll'ws
Sourec: The first and last columns arc from Arnon Soffer, "Lebanon--Where Demography is the Core of Politics
a11d Lit<:". Mitltf/,• J:ustnn Studil'.l, vol.22. no.2, April 1980, p.l99. The middle column is from
/.l'i•(llt/111: A CPII/Iif'! uf l\1i11Pritil·.l'. l.ondon. Minority Rights Group. November 1983, as cited in Middle
/·,,f. March I 'IHIJ. p.·ll.
·n,hle 5.3 shows that the two columns cited under the year 1983 reveal a
discrepancy of over I million people. Almost 80,000 people died during the civil war
of I 975-76 and 400,000 Lebanese migrated, half of whom were Maronite. It also
included 220,000 Palestinians and 80,000 others. The Shia Muslims were the poorest
of all IIIL· religious and ethnic sects. They were concentrated in the impoverished
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173
southern agricultural area whereas Palestinians refugees numbering about 50,000 lived
in the camps. 10
Since the majority of camp resident Palestinians were Sunni Muslims with a
rural background, < •nly the non-camp residents from both Christians and Muslims
were integrated into urban areas of Lebanon in 1990s. They were highly educated and
urban people. The Maronite Christians were both urban as well as rural bourgeoisie.
The Sunni Muslims of Lebanon were predominantly urban. The peasant class was
predominantly Shia Muslims, Druze and Christians. The majority of Camp residents
were Sunni Muslims and rural people and therefore, did not integrate into local
population; the Shias of Lchanon were urban, and, therefore, they easily got mixed
with tltl'lll. II
Thus, during the last tifty years, each ethnic group had its own distinct
category of the population in their own areas. The members of each ethnic group felt
themselws bound together by common ties of sect.
Education
Education serves as most useful index of the socio-economic position of
imlividtt;lls and of 11tc cla.-;s wmposition in the ethnic society. In Lebanon, Education
10 J\ ian Richards, A ltJ!itical Economy of the Middle East (Santa Cruz, University of Calit(lrnia, 1990), pp.96-97.
11 Rosemary Sayigh, "The Palestinian Identity Among Residents", Journal of llllestine Studies, vol. VI, no. 3, Spring 1977, p. 7.
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had been mainly in the hands of confessional and foreign missionary societies. The
secondary and higher education was controlled by the Maronites, Greek Orthodox and
Greek Catholic Christians. The majority of foreign schools were. owned by French
Catholic missions. t2
The United Nations ·Refugees Works Agency (UNRWA) had assigned itself
the task of providiug education to the Palestinian camp residents in Lebanon. The
Agency had been providing education to refugees in Lebanon since 1956. However,
the liNHWA schools were limited only to the primary and intermediate levels. Most
of these schools operated in double shifts each day -- one in the morning and the
other in the evening. This was because there was a limited number of schools and
number of students was higher. Generally only the camp residents taught in the
UNRWA schools. Their method of teaching was old and they used vernacular
language .. The UNRWA schools stood nowhere in comparison with missionary and
private schools. Only a tl;w wealthy and urban Palestinians of both the communities
managed to get admitted their children to missionary and private schools. The
medium of teaching in these schools was English. 13
There is no authentic data available showing educational level for both camp
and non- camp residents in Lebanon. Bassem Sirhan surveyed the Palestinian camps
in Lebanon in 197 I- According to him, the estimated illiteracy among camp residents
I J ;\ Rc.:port ol Majed al Zcer, Chairman of Fact-finding Mission to Lebanon on l'alestinian Camps. Palestine Return Centre, 1997, p.6.
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175
was as high as 58.-t per cent. Children between 6 to 9 had 48.4 per cent illiteracy.
As the IINRWA pr11vided no scholarship for children up to the age of 5, illiteracy
was almwa Lotal in this age group. Another fact to be noted from Sirhan's statistics
is the high percentuge of illiteracy among the older age group.
The level of education among the camp population is thus very low. The
overwhelming majority of refugee children of the camps never got beyond the
elementary state: ahout 76,020 persons above the age of 5 received one to six years
of schooling. In comparison only 2,310 completed preparatory and 1,020 secondary
school level. Only about :wo residents got university education. The male and female
illitcraL·y was 48.7 per cent and 68.7 per cent respectively. 14 (See Tables 5.4 and
5.5).
14 Bassem Sirllan. "Palestinian Refugee Camp Life in Lebanon", Journal of lttlestine Studies. voi.IV, no.2, Winter 1975, pp.95-96.
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Table 5.4: Age-wise Educational level of Male camp residents m Lebanon, 1971
Age Received no Below Elementary Preparatory Secondary Uni-.:rsity Total %of
gmup education Elementary illiteracy
0-5 14.085 75 14,160 99.5
6-9 3.390 4,515 30 7,93 42.7
10-14 465 4,650 2,190 120 7.42 6.3
15-19 555 I ,935 2.340 1,065 135 6.03 9.2
0
20-24 450 1.560 735 480 495 30 3,750 12.0
25-29 690 1,140 420 !50 225 120 2,745 25.1
30-34 1.065 1.200 165 30 45 105 2,610 40.8
35-39 690 1,035 75 45 30 15 1,890 36.5
40-44 885 960 90 1.935 45.7
45-49 870 720 60 35 1,665 52.3
50-54 690 335 15 15 1,035 66.7
55-59 465 225 15 705 66.0
60-64 570 195 765 74.5
65-70 480 135 615 78.0
70 and 1,290 !95 1.485 86.9
ab<Nc
Unspc- 45 45 100.0
cificd
Total 26.685 18,855 6,135 1,905 945 270 54,79
48.7
Source: Statistics Department of the Lebanese Ministry of Planning, 1971.
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Table 5.5: Number of Female Residents According to Age and Educational Level of Refugees m Lebanon. 1971
A~c Rc:~ivc:d Below Elementary Prt:pilfatory Seamdary Umvcrsny Total %of
group No Edn. Elementary illiteracy
0.5 12.705 90 12.795 99.3
6-9 3.435 3.675 7.110 48.3
10-14 1.485 4.575 1.680 7.74D 19.2
15·1~ 1.620 1.995 1.350 240 5.205 31.1
20-24 2.040 960 24D 105 60 3.4D5 59.9
25-29 2.685 300 195 45 3.225 83.3
)().)4 ~.3::!5 2X5 30 15 15 2.260 87.1
35·3~ 2.0X5 75 2.160 96.5
-1()44 1.665 45 15 15 1,74D 95.7
4549 1.44D 45 15 15 1,515 95.0
5().54 765 30 795 96.2
55-59
61).64 630 15 64S 97.7
65-70 495 495 100.0
70 and 1.410 30 1,440 97.9
above
IJJL"ij>C IS IS 100.0
cllicd
"({)tal 35.475 12,135 3.525 405 75 30 51,646 68.7
Source: Lebanese Survey, 1971.
In the 1970s, wealthy and educated Palestinian urban elites got tremendous
support from the different strata of the society. About 50,000 Palestinians, mostly
Christians, acquired Lebanese citizenship few wealthy and urban elite Muslim who
had good relations with ruling elites also got Lebanese citizenship in 1973. These
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educated Palestinians established their own schools but these schools were only
confined 10 Beirut area. The children of these people were highly educated and their
medium of education wds English. They contributed a lot to the Lebanese educational
system. Many of them served as a University Professors in Beirut. Some of them
were the members of the Executive Board of the University. There were also
journalists, engineers, doctors, architects and advocates. They served as members of
the Board of Education in Lebanon. Some of them were not only involved in
decision-making of the social institutions of the government, but were also holding
key positions in the government. 15
l·nllowing the Civil War of 1975-76, 16 schools were occupied by the
displan:d refugees. 16,714 refugee pupils, studied in these schools, 26,943 of whom
were in the elementary which 79,771 were in the preparatory levels, of those 74
schools, 47 schools were operated on double shift. 16 Refugee children generally
drop out from the schools because of regular violence. For example, in 1979 Israeli
forces allacked the refugee camps. Schools also closed down.
In 1985, intra-Palestinian conflict moved from the Beqaa valley to the Tripoli
area. TilL' displaced families forcefully occupied 16 agency schools. Only 44 schools
had opnatecl out 11f 8l1 schools at that time. The number of children enrolled
---------
15 Pamela Ann Smith, Palestine and the Palestinians 1876-1983 (London, 1984), p.l25.
16 Report of Commissioner General of UNRWA, Official Records of the General Assembly thirty Second Session Supplement No.13 (A/32/13), 1 July 1976, 30 June 1977. p.l3.
l
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decreased because of violence. By the end of 1980s, only 16,504 students were
enrolled in UNRWA schools as compared to 32,826 in the 1970s. The number of
students in UNRWA schools decreased by 50 per cent. There was only one technical
institution meant for the refugee children at Siblin.
There was a regular improvement in the political and security situation m
Lchano11 111 I <J93. hJucational progress could be directly related to improvement in
· the security situation. Sec Table 6.67.
Table 5.6 Distribution of refugee pupils in UNRWA schools in 1993
Number of
UNHWA
Schools
77
Number of T!:achers
1.179
So urn·: II N HWA, I !)IJ I
Number of pupils in
elementary
classes
Boys Girls
1,745 1,169
Number of Number of
pupils in pupils in preparatory secondary
classes classes
Boys Girls Boys Girls
5,762 4,361 48 37
The table indicates that while the number of schools increased the number of
pupils decreased to 9261 at the elementary level and 10,123 at the preparatory level
in 1993 as compared to 1980s. The Agency opened its first secondary school in
Beirul area in view of the inaccessibility of the refugee students to public schools,
mainly because of high cost of private schools. 17
17 Hl'port of < ·,,mmissioner General of UNRWA; Official Records of General Assembly, h1rty-h1urth Session, supplement No.l3 (A/44/13) 1 July 1988-30 June 1989, pp.l7, 41.
l
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180
Aller the OSLO Peace Accord in 1992, the UNRWA suddenly reduced its / .
hudgct ou educatiou. For instance, in 1992-93 Lebanon received a mere 11.8 per cent
of UNRWA expenditures as compared to 31.8 per cent for Gaza and 22.4 per cent
for the West Bank. The Agency also decided to cut funds for public school education
to refugees in I 992. IN fact, the UNRWA itself depended upon the United States
from where it got its maximum donation. The US idea behind cutting the budget was
to check refugee education level through dismantling its educational institutions. 18
Bassem Sirhan surveyed the Palestinian camps in 1994. He stipulated that
duriu~ arademi~ year 1 1>93-94, the camp- resident population was 332,000. Agency
schools had enrolled 34,000 pupils out of 81,000 between the age group of 6-17
years. At elementary level the enrolment was 55 per cent. In all schools 44 per cent
pupils were enrolled by age group between 6-11 years. The average class in Agency's
elementary schools accounted 40-50 students. In these schools there were 36.3 pupils
per class and one teacher for 36 students. The Agency schools in Lebanon had the ,
highest repeater rates 9.(l per cent of pupils in elementary schools and 15.5 per cent
of those attending the preparatory level. Student drop-out rates showed similar
dispuritirs hetwccn UNRWA schools in Lebanon and other Agency fields. 19
18 Report of Commissioner General of UNRWA; Official Records of General Assembly Forty-Eighty Session Supplement No.l3 (A/48/13) 1 July 1992-30 June 1993, pp.32, 54.
19 Rosemary Sayigh. "Palestinians in Lebanon: Harsh Present, Uncertain hlture". Journal l!rlulesrine Studies, voi.XXV, no. I. 1995. pp.38-39.
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181
The UNRWA issLu:J a rule f(,r the University degree-holders in 1996 stating
that the Palestinian university degree-holders were not entitled for jobs in the
Lebanese Universities; only the Lebanese citizens could get these jobs. 20
The central Palestinian oflice for Statistics and Natural Resources, in
coordination with tltt.: UNHWA conducted a survey on Palestinian camps in Lebanon
in 1996.According to this survey, illiteracy and semi-illiteracy stood at 48 per cent
of the entire population with 51 per cent among women and 45 per cent among men.
At the same time the survt.:y confirmed that only 4.2 per cent of the camp residents
in Lebanon attained the University degrees. 21
;\ rticle 10 ,,f the l.chant.:se Constitution stated that education will be free,
provitkd 11 did not ronflict with public order or morals or touch the dignity of the
conlcssions, and that tht.:rt.: would be no infringement on the right of communities to
have their own schools under reserve of the general regulations on public education
issued by the State.
The camp resident's children could register m Lebanese colleges and
universities only in the field of Arts and humanities studies. The technical and
vocal ional trainin)! schools were covered under the Ministry of Vocational and
·kcllltiLal Training and were opened only for the Lebanese nationals. At the
~a,~~· ---· ·-····· 20 Strhan. "Education and the Palestinians m Lebanon" Journal of Refugee
Studies, vol.!O, no.3, 1997, pp.390-91.
21 Exclusive Report on the Palestinian Camps m Lebanon Majed al-Zeer, (I .ondon, I<J98), pp.6-7.
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182
government higher secondary school level, 10 per cent seats were reserved for the
foreigners and Palestinians came under this 10 per cent quota. Very few of them
could manage to acquire professional degrees in Lebanon; but even those Palestinians
who had degrees could not practice their professions in Lebanon according to
Lcbam:sc law. The Lebanese Law prohibited appointment of Palestinians as teachers
in secondary schools Hnd in Universities. 22 The Lebanese authorities also
supervisnlthc school curriculum and teachers' behaviour. Authorities also maintained
traditional way of teaching. Hnd the Camp residents were specifically alienated from
the modern education. 23
Palestinian Identity
The Casablanca Protocol of 1965 clearly laid emphasis on maintaining
Palest iniun Identity. The League of Arab States included the Casablanca Protocol in
their rc:-.pect ive ct~nstitutions in 1966. The League of Arab States wanted the
Palestinian identity to he maintained in their own country. Since Lebanon was a
member of League of Arab States it endorsed the order, in practice did not follow the
League's directives. 24
22 s~,uheil AI Natour. "The Legal Status of Palestinians in Lebanon", Journal of Ht•/ilgee Stutli1'S, voi.IO. no.3. 1997, p.371.
24 :J'IIe State t!( the WJr/d's Refugees (New Delhi, 1997), p.249.
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183
Identity as ;1 nexus of solidarity for groups that whatever their internal
dilh:rent iations and shared a situation in ethnic society. Sunni Muslims in Lebanon
have largely shared the situation of Palestinians in a society. The Palestinian identity
largely depended on the policies of the Maronite Christians in the country. Since the
Palestinian are the Arab minority in Lebanon. The Palestine Liberation Organization
(PU>) came into existence in 1964,. It was the legitimate representative of the whole
diaspora. Palestinian identity did not emerge until 1968. The Palestinians vehemently
opposed being called "refugees"; they insisted that were freedom fighters,
revohl11o11aries and strugglcrs. Their real identity came out through their rejection of
refugee identity. in lebanon.
Following the Cairo Accord in 1969, the Government of Lebanon recognized
the Palestinians as a minority group stating the following reasons:
(a) Palestinians had a common language, religion and culture with the people of Lebanon. The Palestinians had got tremendous support not only from Sunni Muslims of Lebanon but also deprived Christians and leftist political elites.
(In Individual Palestinian reached positions to influence to Lehancse people. The educated and urban middle class Pakslini~111s were the highly influential the name of Arab iden111y I• > I he masses on the common Arab culture and
.,~
language.··
The Palestinian middle class and urban elites were highly influential people
and in a way the master of the common Palestinians. Their country faced civil war
in I <J7:'i 76. Palestinians were in the forefront during the Civil War and the country
25 Hosemary Sayigh, "Sources of Palestinian Nationalism", Journal of Palestine ,\'tudies, vol VI, 1Hl.4, Summer 1977, pp.20-21. ·
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184
had suffered very badly,. The Government of Lebanon unilaterally declared the Cairo
Accord null and void in 1987, and it even refused to consider the Palestinians as
minority group in Lebanon.
Rosemary Sayigh made a survey of Palestinian camps in Lebanon between
1973-75. According to Sayigh after the Civil War in 1975-76, the Camp residents
became more potent symbol of Palestinian identity. The Dispersion united them,
expulsion created the necessity for them to return and, attempts to destroy their
identity all the more strengthened it. The Palestinian identity took mass character
among the peasants,. the proletariat and the intellectuals in 1970s that it did not have
in 1948. The Camp residents were more keen and closer to their Palestinian identity
than the middle class. The middle class and urban elites defined themselves as Arabs
while the camp residents differentiated themselves from other Arabs. No particular
leader or group appeared to be symbolising the Palestinian group. the common
misery, common poverty, common traditions, culture and language, common people
and land was the symbol of camp resident Palestinian identity. 26
The Arab League has laid special stress on Arab independence and its political
integrity. But the PLO's association with Iraq's position during Kuwaiti crisis in 1991
proved a setback to the Palestinian identity. The Arab League adopted a resolution
in 1995 to delink the clause of Palestinian identity from the League States'
constitutions and immediately ordered all the members of the League to derecognize
26 !hid., pp.22-23.
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185
the Palestinian identity in their own country. Since Lebanon had been a member of
League. it derecognized the Palestinian identity in the country. 27
Sources of Palestinian Identity
(a) F~milv awl r~mmunitv: The Palestinian identity consciOusness was the
natural product of daily interaction between the families and community. Mothers
spoke more about everyday life, family property, kin and community interaction,
while father's talked more of history and rights. The misery of father's life as an
agricultural day labourer in Lebanon had affected the son's life.
(b) Fch!cational Svstcm: Education in Lebanon was totally controlled by the
Maronite Christians. Even the UNRWA schools were supervised by Lebanese
authorities who never allowed the teacher to tell children about Palestinian misery in
Lebanon. Only a few families came across the PLO published books. The UNRWA
teachers never taught Palestinian history, legend, and cultural values. So camp
residents were alienated from their own history. This made the Palestinians more
conscious about their identity in Lebanon.
(c) Mnvements_~n~ I {'~tlen: Acti~iti~s: In 1960s the camps became centres of
all kinds of political activities. The camp residents participated in rallies,
demonstration, and got enrolled in the resistance organization. These activities also
created a sense of identity among them.
27 Shiblak, n.2. p.38.
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186
(d) Events: Turbulent events became an important source of Palestinianism, e.g.,
Arab Israeli War of 1948. These events boosted their morale and led them to become
more determined towards Palestinianism or Palestinian identity. 28
Social Integration
Social integration is based on class, sex and ethnicity. Since the Lebanese
society consisted of Christians, Muslims Druze and Armenians, each community had
its own separate social identity. The Lebanese Sunni Muslims belonged to the
proletariat class. The deprived sections of Christians felt Palestinians were their
brothers and cross-cousin marriages were taking place between Lebanese Muslims and
camp resident Muslims. Marriages also took place between non-camp residents and
Christians of Lebanon. 29 More than 80 per cent of the Palestinians in Lebanon are
Sunni Muslims but only the middle class Palestinian elites had integrated into the
social life of Lebanon in 1970s. They have contributed to the quality of Lebanese life
in general, and to the development of intellectual and cultural life of the people
particular. The middle class Palestinians integrated socially with Christians and
Muslim Lebanese in Beirut only.
Moreover. there had been a sectarian division within the Christians and
Mus! im populations. The Maronite Christians located in the mountains east and north
of Ikirut feared the Muslim population. While the Greek orthodox, geographically
28 Sayigh, n.ll, pp.34-35.
29 lhid.' p.l4.
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187
as well as socially, integrated much freely with Muslims both in Lebanon and
supported the Palestinian integration into Lebanese society on the basis of cultural and
language. The Lebanese Sunni Muslims and Druze also supported their integration
into Lebanese society. Therefore, the Government had granted Lebanese citizenship
to 50,000 people, both Christians and Muslims. The non-camp residents had
culturally stabilized themselves and regrouped into Lebanese society. While the
majority of camp dwellers were poor, uneducated and unskilled, they were also
culturally and socially depressed and oppressed. Following the Civil War in 1975-76,
relations between two communities got strained; however, culturally they felt
themselves one since all of them considered themselves the community of Bilad al-
Shams. 30
The middle class urban elites contributed a lot to the Lebanese society at
cultural and social kvel and. therefore, the Government granted Lebanese citizenship
to another 384 persons in 1994. Sunni Muslims, Druze and Orthodox Christians had
favoured the remaining camp residents integrating intc the Muslim region because
Sunni Muslims of Lebanon are culturally and linguistically the same with the
Palestinian Muslims. But the Maronite Christians opposed their social integration into
Lebanese Society because of cultural obliteration. Palestinians' integration also
became a threat in view of the fact that the Lebanese people were staunch pro-Arab,
and had a strong Pro-Palestinian tendency. 3!
-----. ---·----
30 SL· Khalidi. R. Anderson, L., et. al., eds., The Origins of Arab Nationalism (new York. 1991), pp.247-50.
31 lhid., p.246.
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188
To sum up, the middle class and urban non-camp elites had been very much
social with both Lebanese Christians and Muslims while the camp residents still
remain alienated from the general Lebanese people because of illiteracy and
conservatism and poverty.
Family Values
Family is a primary institution found in all human societies. A family may be
defined as a group of people who habitually share a common dwelling and common
ti>OJ supply. Since the Palestinians have extended family units, the camp residents had
stressetl traditional family values such as respect for elders, family honour and
loyalty, toleration tor others at the cost of personal inconvenience, and offering
hospitality and generosity. 32 The eldest son played a quasi-parental role for
younger brothers and sisters. In fact, other kin (brothers) intervened only when
parents were found to be incapable. Ethical and social values continued to dominate
the Palestinian families. A majority of camp residents had an extended family unit.
Blood relations retained a strong feeling of responsibility for each other. Marriages
took place within the t:u11ily circle, but this was frequent and habitual in rural
Palestinians; it was rarely found in urban elites and higher educated Palestinians.
lnherital customs continued to be cherished and traditional, ceremonial and courteous
manners were still cultivated in spite of increasing pressures disrupting the family
norms. The father's authority over his sons and daughters was still intact. In case of
--------
32 Sirham, n.l4. pp.102-03.
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189
his htther's death, the eldest son took on the responsibility of looking after his sisters
and brothers as father's representatives and successor in authority. The respect for the
oldest and wisest memher of the larger family circle still prevailed. These factors
work fi1r the coherence of a family. Parents also taught their children to acknowledge
community responsibility and solidarity.
The camp residents' traditional attitude started undergoing a change in the
process of searching livelihood in Lebanon. However, they still maintained strong
group sentiments and remained conscious of the ties to their family and clans.
Generally the famihes gave priority to blood relations at the time of marriage. The
law of inheritance n:cognized the value of blood relations and family bonds through
the with: range of relativL:s entitled to inherit from each other. Majority of Palestinians
have fi:~llnwed the law of inheritance. 33
The wealthy urban elites generally preferred their marriage within the
extended kin or clans while the lower, poor and rural Palestinians who lived in camps
generally preferred kin relationship, and rarely chose relationship outside of their
natal village. The wealthy Palestinians continued to adopt the family's last name.
Palestinians got married generally through religious ceremony within the same clans
or tribes. Since the Lebanese society continued to encourage Christians marrying
Christia11s, and Muslims marrying Muslims. the average Palestinian girl and women,
brought up in a segregation atmosphere and rarely found an opportunity to compare
themselves with Christians. Muslim families defended segregation and the custom of
33 lise Lichtenstadter, Islam and the Modern Age (New York, 1958), pp.119-20.
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190
wearing of veil by women as protection against numerous defined and undefined
evils. However, the educated Palestinian families did not follow the custom of
segregation and sent their girls to convent schools and to attend the offices. The
Christian women have freedom of movement, and thereby have unlimited
opportunities for education and professional life. 34
Tile Lebanese Government did not follow the family reunification law. The
woman ol Palestinian tinnily has no right of family reunification if she marries a
Lebanese citizen. The government could not permit their family to unite themselves
in terms of husband and children. The authority refused entry into Lebanon of RD
has not been stamped properly with concerned authority. It is also RD renewed every
six months. It is very difficult for Palestinian family to renewed RD every six months
in Lebanon. 1982 expelled Palestinians from Lebanon could not reunite their own
family. y;;
·n' sum up. the camp residents still preserved the family values such as respect
f(>r elucrs. family llllnour and loyalty, offering hospitality and generosity, while the
·non-camp residents were highly educated they did not follow the family traditions and
values. They had also started adopting the nuclear family system.
:14 II lid .. pp.l27 30.
35 Slliblak, n.2. p.44.
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191
Cultural Values
Culture is ohtaim:u hy people's experience and everyday life. Culture means,
culture of the society in which you live. Christians were different from Muslims who
were born in Palestine. The Palestinian Arabs wanted to gain superiority over the
Christian society the basis of their Arabic culture, language and heritage. The
Christian of Lebanon used French and were more inclined towards the Western
Culture. The Palestinian Arabs came from Palestine in 1948 had everyday dealings
with other Arabs and thereby differentiated themselves from the Lebanese Christians.
The Christian woman had more freedom and liberty as compared to Muslim
woman.·111
The Christian Society was more liberal and open while the Palestinian Arab
society was more conservative and traditional. The camp residents were a mixed
society; both Muslims and Christians were living together and speaking the same
language and followed the same culture. They were a coherent community, but in
urban areas each community maintained its own schools, and synagogues, churches
or mos4ues. The Rural Palestinian Arabs, maintained their common traditions,
customs. Arabic language. Arabic newspapers, Arabic literature and other
publ icatit~ns, and their Arabic schools. Culturally, the camp residents, whether
Christians on Muslims, were the same, although they maintained separately religious
institutions and traditional heritage.
36 Fouzi ei-Asma, Uri Davis and Nairn Khadr, eds., Towards a Socialist l<l'public (~r Pt:zlesrine (London: 1978), p.21.
l
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192
After the formation of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964, the
Arabic speaking Muslims inclined more towards the Lebanese Sunni Muslims while
the French speaking Christians inclined towards the Christian community. Lebanon
had predominantly a J<"r·ench society and culture although Arabic was the first
langua~c and French the second language of the country. The Arabic language was
spoken hy the Shia Muslims, Sunni Muslims and Druze, while the French was spoken
by Christians, both the Orthodox and Catholics. Armenians were another community.
It maintained its separate Armenian language, literature, literary society, schools and
religious institutions. But there was always a clash between Maronite Christians and
Muslims at cultural level. The Maronite Christians were in majority and maintained
their separate French language, literature, customs, separate schools and Churches.
Their schools emphasised more on French history and French culture. The Arabic
speHk ing Lebanese a I so maintained their separate schools, and the teachers taught in
Arabic language at elementary and secondary school levels. The Christian schools
taught in English at elementary secondary, as well as the University level. 37
In the 1960s the wealthy and elites Palestinians who acquired Lebanese
citizenship contributed a lot to the Lebanese cultural activities. Many of them were
university professors, teachers, writers, poets, historians, etc. They established their
own cttllltral clubs. socit:tics and schools. They participated in the government
decision 111aking body and in the cultural activities. The camp residents who were
illilt:ratc and pour. wne alienated from this cultural societies. The Maronite
37 Ibid., pp.14-15.
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193
Christians were a ruling class in Lebanon. They were very conscious about their
cultural superiority and they maintained it. There was already a dispute between
Christians and Muslims. The Muslims of Lebanon concentrated and adhered to the
history of Arab people. history of Islam and heritage of Muslims. But both the
Christians and the Muslims knew each others very well. In the government schools,
while the students were taught one unified curriculum, for religious studies, both the
Christian and Muslims had separate classes. In their private schools, the Muslims
taught Ambic language and culture, while the Christian taught French and Christian
religion and cultun.:. This system however, created a frightening chasm between the
two cultural communities. The Maronite Christian always feared that of the
Palestinian elites, who were highly educated and culturally very sound, joined hand
with the Sunni Muslims of Lebanon, then definitely the Muslims could dominate over
Christians. Therefore, the Maronite Christians always disturbed the Palestinian camp
residents and, in 1981, even massacred thousands of residents in Sabra and Shatila
camp. Thousands ',f Palestinians were displaced, and the Lebanese Government
expelled lhousands ,,,. Pakstinians from the Lebanese soil. Relations became normal
between Sunni Muslims of Lebanon and Christian elites only after 1989. About 384
bourgeoisie Palestinians were granted Lebanese citizenship in 1994.
The camp residents did not speak French language. Language is the medium
of undcrstanding the culture of any society other's culture. When the common
languagc is lost the.: medium f(H understanding is also lost. The Christians did not
lcarn IIIL· Arabic la11guagc. lhe obvious result was cultural separation. Therefore, the
camp rc.•o~dcnts were socially alienated from the rest of the masses. The non-camp
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194
residents. on the other hand, interacted with the masses, while maintaining there own
traditions. languagl' and customs. As a result, they shared a common culture,
com tnt 111 1 raui lions. common customs and common habits.
s, 1 far as Camp rcsiuents' cultural values were concerned, the common eating
habits 111 Lebanon were that of Arabs. There was no specific Palestine food in
Lebanon. Palestinians also maintained their "debka" dancing. Women were regarded
as the ornament and were mostly confined to home. Usually women wore trousers
with a long-sleeved tunic over them. Camp residents still preserved their peasant
\H culture. values and uorn1s.
·11, sum up. lhe upper miudle and educated elites non-camp residents shared
the cultural lite of the Lebanese people, while the camp residents still preserved their
own peasunt culture and values. Therefore, they were socially alienated.
Palestinitm Nationalism
Nationalism developed a sense of identification with a people, an ideology of
common history. destiny and social and political movement shared a common
uhjcclivl· It abo ukntilicd the language. religion. culture, racial background and
territury 1'1 There was no Palest in ian identity before 1964. The Palestine Liberation
Organil-<11 ion (PU)) came into existence in 1964 with the objective of liberating
]8 I hid .. pp.21J30.
39 Ht 1rgalla. n. I . p. IJ33.
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195
Palestine from Israel through armed struggle. The became PLO the first mouthpiece
and the legitimate representative of the whole Palestinian diaspora. Sunni Muslims of
Lebanon. the orthodox Christians and Druze elites welcomed them and sought to help
them, hut the Maronite Christians opposed the PLO policy and programme. The PLO
started a rcsistancl' movement against Israel from the soil of Lebanon.
Slllce the PalcstiniHns were the agents of Pan-Arabism and their natural allies
were the Lebanese Sunni Muslims, secular Arab nationalist and left wing of political
elites, the Palestinians also got tremendous support from the masses. As a result, the
Cairo Accord signed between the PLO and the Lebanese Government in 1969. The
Accord permitted the Palestinian resistance movement organization to participate in
political demonstrations and resistance movement against Israel from the Lebanese
soil. 40
Bl'sides, 50,000 middle class and wealthy urban Palestinian elites obtained
Lebanesl.' citizenship in 1973. These educated Palestinians formed cultural societies,
cultural clubs, and religious institutions. The Palestinian ideology and the Palestinian
history became known to the masses through PLO publications. These educated elites
aroused Palestinian national consciousness through poetry, literature, fiction, through
writings in newspapers, journals and periodicals. These educated elites of Ras Beirut
and Sidon provided a sak place to the Palestinian resistance movement organization
l i II I'JK 2 1 1
40 Kllalid, Andcrsou cl al.. n.30. pp.20-21.
41 Smith, n.15, pp.ll6, 125.
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Palestinian 11ational consciousness took amass character among the peasant,
proletariat and intellectual people in Lebanon in 1970s. During the civil war of
Lebanon in 1975-76, the Palestinians were in the forefront in the war. Palestinians
were also involved in 1981 Israeli invasion. Thousands of Lebanese civilians were
killt:J along with Palestinians in this invasion. The Lebanese civilians turned against
the Palestinian political elites weakening their public support base.
The camp residents are more closer to national struggle than the middle class
non ctllllf' rcsiucnb. These non-camp middle class Palestinians defined themselves as
Arabs while the camp residents differentiated themselves from the other Arabs. They
express self-confidence and solidarity with their national struggle. They insisted on
their ability for sustained struggle and political independence.42
Conclusion
(', 1nstitution of l.chanon stipulates that education provided to all communities
111 tile w1tnLry hut the camp residents were not considered by the government as a
commtmit y. lJ nited Nat ions Refugees Works Agency (UNRWA) is the legal guardian
of education to camp residents and agency established number of primary and
secondary schools hut not higher institutions. The area of teaching are traditional and
not taught science and information technology in these schools. Education is mainly
controlled hy Mawrlite Cl1ristians. They established a number of convent schools and
42 Suvigh. n.2.~. p.2J.
l
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teachers taught science and technology in their schools. There were also government
schools and univcr~itie~. hut limited numbers and their teaching standard low as
compared to conwnt schools. In these Schools admission fee were very high.
Govrrnnwnt t1 xed H l per cent quota for foreign nationals including Palestinians. Since
the camp residents were poor and rural people could not afford these admission fee,
Government has banned the professional and technical education to Palestinians. Even
some of them acquired professional degree from outside the country but they could
not he allowed to practice. These Palestinians could take admission only in faculty of
Arts and humanities in the University after intermediate. Government passed an order
in 1995 that those Palestinians acquired university degree could not appoint as a
t lniversitv teacher and thl:sc johs meant for Lebanese nationals. Only 50384 middle
class and wealthy educated acquired L,ebanese citizenship to succeeded in University
professors and in key positions in public sectors. The camp residents not even 1 per
cent succeeded in the government jobs. The camp residents were mostly low paid job
holders and seasonal workers.
The wealthy and educated urban elites acquired Lebanese citizenship and
government of Lehunon provided social and cultural rights to only those Palestinian
who had ncquired I eham·se citizenship. They also have the right to adhere to and to
develop their own t.ultural and social institution and maintained their own language
and custt~ms. Many of them University professors, cultural directors, executive
members of the hoard of literary society of the government and Chairman of the
hoard of education of Lehanon government. They are very much shared with the
cultural and social life nf the Lebanese people. International Covenant on social,
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cultural and economic rights of refugee 1966. Covenant stipulates that refugee getting
benefits of social and cultural rights from the member country. Lebanon officially has
accepted this Covenant hut camp residents did not coming under UN Convention of
i 951 refugee status. Thcrcfilre camp residents excluded from the social and cultural
lite of tlw people of Lebanon.
"li' sum up. only he middle class and urban elites were instrumental in
arousing Palestinian nationalism in Lebanon through their cultural societies, cultural
dubs and religious Institution and political organizations. They also aroused national
consciousness ti:trough writings in Arabic language in newspapers, their literature, and
their history and heritage. On the other hand, the camp residents who are mostly
peasants, rural and illiterate. express their solidarity with their land of Palestine and
their people.
Thus. durinp the last fifty years, camp residents could not acquire social status
in Lchun~•n hectusc of their poverty and illiteracy, while 50,384 non-camp residents
from middle class and educated urban elites shared the cultural and social life of
Lebanese people and succeeded in gaining some social status.