Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group: Occasional Paper 6

Breaking the Mould:

Challenging the Past through Pottery

Edited by

Ina Berg

BAR International Series 1861 2008

This title published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England bar@archaeopress.com www.archaeopress.com BAR S1861 Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group: Occasional Paper 6 Breaking the Mould: Challenging the Past through Pottery © the individual authors 2008 ISBN 978 1 4073 0344 4 Printed in England by Alden HenDi, Oxfordshire All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England bar@hadrianbooks.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com

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THE HAND THAT MAKES THE POT…: CRAFT TRADITIONS IN SOUTH SWEDEN IN THE THIRD MILLENNIUM BC

Åsa M. LARSSON

Abstract: The archaeological evidence of the Middle Neolithic (3rd mill. BC) in South Sweden presents an interesting dichotomy between coastal and inland material culture. The coastal Pitted Ware hunting-gathering sites with large quantities of pottery can be contrasted with the inland long-houses of the Battle Axe culture, with small-scale farming and animal husbandry. The potential ethnic meaning of this patterning has been intensely debated in Scandinavian archaeology: are the differences due to ritual and social stratification within one society, or were there two distinct societies co-existing for centuries? By studying pottery in relation to style, function, and context, but most especially craft traditions and technology, I suggest there was a profound difference between the two groups that can only be understood in the context of separate cultural identities. The appearance of hybrid forms only towards the very end of the period highlights that choices in technology and decoration were highly conscious. INTRODUCTION Pottery has always been a category of prime importance to archaeologists interested in the Neolithic. Indeed, for most of the Neolithic, pottery has generally been given preference in assigning a site to a specific culture. Until now, our analysis has primarily focused on style and context of disposal, and only to a lesser extent on technology, use and the transmission of knowledge. The latter issues should not merely be of interest to pottery specialists but to all archaeologists, since they, when thoroughly investigated, might reveal profound aspects of social networks and societal organisation. This paper presents some of the conclusions from my doctoral thesis currently in preparation at the University of Uppsala. The thesis discusses ways in which to gain a better understanding of human practices in prehistory, and explores what these practices might say about mentality, identity and ethnicity. The timeframe under scrutiny is the Middle Neolithic B (c. 2900-2300 BC) where there existed a marked division between coastal and inland material culture. This dichotomy has resulted in an on-going debate among archaeologists with regard to its interpretation: should this patterning be interpreted as one single culture with different types of sites based on seasonal subsistence, social stratification and/or ritual practices, or are the differences indicative of two ethnic groups which co-existed in close proximity of each other for centuries (Artursson 2006; Carlsson 1987; Edenmo et al. 1997; Graner & Larsson 2004; Hallgren 1996; Lekberg 2002; Welinder 1974; 1978). BACKGROUND: CHRONOLOGY AND MATERIAL CULTURE Domestication of crops and animals was introduced with the Funnel Beaker culture in c. 4000 BC in South Sweden and reached at least as far north as the river Dalälven (Malmer 2002; Welinder 1998). The material culture remained strikingly consistent in this region until c. 3400/3300 BC when several important changes occurred. In southern and western Sweden (Figure 1) megalithic monuments began to be constructed; these

Figure 1: Map of southern Baltic Sea region. The thick line marks the region referred to as South Sweden in the article, and the thinner line marks the sub-regions. Eastern Central Sweden is marked by a circle. During the Middle Neolithic the Baltic Sea level was much higher, and the Lake Mälaren in Eastern Central Sweden was a deep bay stretching into Närke (after Åkerlund 1996: fig 2.1a). were associated with pottery of specific decorative styles and shapes. Eastern Central Sweden, on the other hand, followed a different trajectory. Here, evidence of cultivation and cattle bones becomes infrequent, and settlements become dominated by faunal remains from moose, seal and fish. It seems that people turned their back on agriculture and animal husbandry in favour of a hunter-gatherer lifestyle closely associated with coastal areas. As time progressed, the dominance of seal bones in the animal bone assemblages indicates that the economy became more focused on marine hunting (Ahlfont et al. 1995; Storå 2001; Welinder 1976, 1998). The material culture also changes, though not suddenly or dramatically. The pottery, for instance, retained many technological and stylistic features from the Funnel Beaker culture (Larsson in press). However, some changes in style and raw materials indicate increased contacts with, and influence from, hunter-gatherer societies in the North, and East across the Baltic Sea (Nordquist 2001; Taffinder 1998;

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Wyszomirska 1984). Nevertheless, the specific appearance of the material culture in east Sweden remained distinct. Due to the fact that the pots were commonly decorated with large impressed pits, these people have been named the Pitted Ware Culture (PWC) by archaeologists. By c. 3000 BC the PWC had spread to the large Baltic islands of Gotland and Öland, and along the coast all the way to Skåne (Scania). The contemporary seal hunters around Skagerrak and Kattegatt in the West will not be discussed here. PITTED-WARE POTTERY: STYLE, CONTEXT AND USE Counting mere quantity of retrieved pottery, no Stone Age culture in Sweden can compete with the Pitted Ware culture. Sites are often easily recognized due to the sheer abundance of pottery sherds. Assemblages of over one hundred kilogram are not uncommon, and over 3000 kg of pottery have been found at the settlement/cemetery of Ajvide on Gotland, (Papmehl-Dufay 2006: 48). Given the apparent importance of pottery in the material culture of the PWC, several archaeologists have tried to formulate typologies and style tables, but have only been successful to a limited extent (Bagge 1951; Österholm 1989; Papmehl-Dufay 2006). PWC design is deceptively simple, mainly organized in a horizontal fashion on the upper half of the vessel, though occasionally covering the whole body. The difficulties arise from the abundance of combinations and application techniques. As mentioned above, large pits are the most common type of decoration, alone or combined with one or two additional motifs. Herring-bone motifs, cross-hatching, vertical or oblique short lines, comb impressions, various forms of incisions and geometrical patterns, etc., are all combined to create a wide variety of designs (Figure 2) (Larsson in press).

Figure 2: Examples of pitted-ware pottery: A) Vessel from Siretorp, Blekinge; B) vessel profiles from Siretorp; C) Sherds from Eastern Central Sweden. Drawings not to scale (Modified from Bagge & Kjellmark 1939: pl. 30, fig. 44; Edenmo et al. 1997: fig. 5.30).

Figure 3: Vessels in burial contexts. A) Grave 70, Ajvide, Gotland. Complete base of vessel placed upside-down by the man’s right hip. B) Examples of miniature vessels from Siretorp, Blekinge (Bagge & Kjellmark 1939: pl. 33; Norderäng 2001: fig. 4). Two major chronological changes have been noted in the PWC: firstly, early vessels are mainly decorated with incisions, while later vessels show a preference for comb impressions – at least in eastern Sweden (Bagge 1951; Papmehl-Dufay 2006; Stenbäck 2003). Secondly, porous sherds became more and more common throughout the Middle Neolithic, and came to completely dominate the youngest material. This change is due to a switch in preferred temper from crushed stone to calcareous materials (see below), which have partly disintegrated over the millennia. Lipid analyses of several vessels have shown that many have been used for cooking, while some have probably been used to store dry goods and water (Isaksson 2006; Papmehl-Dufay 2006:214-227). Large quantities of Pitted-ware sherds frequently occur in settlements. These sherds do not appear to originate from deposited complete vessels. In burials, PWC pottery rarely occurs as complete pots, but more commonly as a few sherds, often in the fill itself. The only complete vessels occurring with any kind of regularity in burials are miniature vessels and cups (Figure 3b). Several graves also contain complete vessel bases – turned upside-down (Figure 3a) (Janzon 1974: 104-106; Larsson in press; Lindholm 2003; Norderäng 2001, 2004; Papmehl-Dufay 2006: 54-57). Thus, the final use and deposition of PWC ceramics seem to focus on fragmentation and destruction, as well as on settlements and activities surrounding the funeral except being the actual burial gift themselves (for more details on the context of PWC ceramics, see Papmehl-Dufay 2006).

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BATTLE-AXE POTTERY – STYLE, CONTEXT AND USE Pitted Ware culture replaced the Funnel Beaker culture in Eastern Central Sweden around 3300 BC, and dominated the eastern part of South Sweden for centuries thereafter (Malmer 2002). By 2900 BC, however, the Corded Ware complex appeared on the continent and spread to South Sweden, where it seems to have been adopted by the local Funnel Beaker people in southern and western Sweden as a regional version known as the Battle Axe culture (BAC). BAC also appears in the inland regions of eastern Sweden. Intriguingly, the new culture does not replace the PWC in any of the regions, nor does it spread as far North or East as the seal-hunting culture. PWC sites continue in use until the Late Neolithic material culture replaces both the PWC and the BAC (c. 2300 BC) (Edenmo et al. 1997; Holm et al. 1997). BAC settlements are mainly found on the light sandy soils on the slopes of the glacial eskers. Pollen data and carbonised cereals found in vessel walls indicate the existence of small-scale farming. Settlement evidence and identified houses are rare, though some have provided bones from sheep/goat (Larsson 2008). Sheep/goat bones have also been found in burials, often as tools; so have been bones from wild terrestrial mammals, especially red deer (Malmer 2002: 150). The general conclusion is that the BAC practiced small-scale farming and animal husbandry, and supplemented their diet through inland hunting and gathering. Dietary analyses made on human remains agree with this assessment (Lidén et al. 2004). Human remains from PWC burials, on the other hand, testify to a diet almost completely dependent on seal, and, to a lesser degree, on fish (Eriksson 2003; Fornander 2006; Papmehl-Dufay 2006). Aside from stray finds, the most common form of BAC finds are the burials themselves. These burials are consistent with the continental tradition where bodies are laid out in a crouched position on the right or left side depending on the gender of the deceased (Figure 4). Burial gifts are fairly few and vary little: work axes in stone or flint, flint blade knives, bone and amber pendants, bone awls, and occasional arrows, polishing stones and flint tools. The two most common finds are battle axes in male burials and pottery in both male and female burials – though it is possible that vessels, especially the practice of depositing more than one vessel, are more common in female burials. The vessels’ position in the grave is strictly regulated to be either by the head or the feet, occasionally both, but hardly ever by the torso or upper legs (Malmer 1962, 2002). The vessels found in the graves are fairly small, globular to semi-globular in shape with a wide opening (Figure 5). None has yet been found with visible food residues which has been taken to mean that they were mainly used as drinking cups. This theory is supported by a recent find made in an early burial on Jutland where a peculiar type of organic coating was analysed as being the residue of

starch from barley – possibly remains of an alcoholic beverage (Klassen 2005a, 2005b). BAC beakers are also found in settlements, though heavily fragmented. At settlements one occasionally finds sherds from larger vessels of the same general type of ware, as well as similar decoration, showing that the BAC also made larger ceramic containers (Figure 5). These larger pots do not show any compelling signs of having been used for cooking either, and may have stored dry goods or liquids. No lipid analysis has as yet been undertaken to verify their use. The amount of pottery found at settlements is quite small, sometimes a few kilograms but more often only a few hundred grams. This may in part be because thin-walled vessels can be broken more easily, and because settlements are generally difficult to identify. However, it is partly also a reflection of a completely different practice of making, using and depositing pots in the context of the BAC as compared to the PWC.

Figure 4: Battle Axe culture double burial from Linköping, Östergötland. Man on the left, woman to the right. Remains of an infant were also found in the grave. Two battle-axe beakers of type G were found by the woman’s head (modified after Janzon 1986: fig. 3). A typology of twelve main types of BAC vessels was constructed by Malmer based on the grave material, and it shows remarkable consistency in both design and techniques throughout the Swedish BAC region (Malmer 2002). The earliest vessels were mainly decorated with cord, sometimes in combination with incisions and comb stamps (Figure 5). Another type was decorated with short vertical incisions. Vessels most commonly found in settlements displayed dotted horizontal moulding. In most cases only the uppermost part of the vessel was decorated, irrespective of design, though some also had base decoration. The main body of the vessel was left undecorated. As time progressed, cord decoration became less common and fine tooth stamps dominated. The patterns were mainly angular bands and lines below horizontal lines around the neck. Short vertical incisions/nail impressions and herringbone motif

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reminiscent of Bell Beaker pottery were also common. The design now covered the whole vessel. Larger vessels had moulding, cord lines or angular lines of tooth stamps, though only the latter covered the entire surface.

Figure 5: Some examples of battle-axe vessels. Letters stand for type according to Malmer’s typology. Types A – D belong to the earliest period, types F – H middle period, and types J – K late period of the Middle Neolithic B (from Malmer 2002: fig. 42-52). The vessel typology has not put an end to the controversy surrounding the cultural identity of the peoples in South Sweden at this time. Due to poorly preserved bones in the burials, dietary analyses remain rare and often stem from different parts of the region. There is also some overlap in material culture, for example where certain types of work axes appear in both types of settlements. Also, the so-called battle axes that have given the BAC its name, have been found on PWC sites and even in a few burials on Gotland (Malmer 1962; von Hackwitz 2000). Archaeologists therefore find themselves in two camps: those that believe the differences are due to social and possibly religious differentiation within a common culture, and those who believe there existed two ethnically distinct groups, which may or may not have originated from a common local origin, and participated in various forms of exchange and trade. CRAFT IN TRADITIONAL SOCIETIES – LEARNING BY DOING

“[T]he most powerful meanings are generated, not only by the symbolism that is encoded in artefacts, but even more forcefully by the sequential, socially embedded sociotechnical activities that produce these artefacts” (Pfaffenberger 1999: 148, orig. emphasis).

An additional source of potential information about social identity lies in human practice as seen in craft traditions. In traditional small-scale societies, local crafts are the basis of production of most aspects of life, and are

therefore intimately linked to other aspects of the social structure – such as kinship, social sub-groups and often gender (Childs 1999; Dietler & Herbich 1998; Gosselain 1998, 2006; Wallaert-Pêtre 2001). Crafts can be organized according to very different principles: they may be generally transmitted to most members of society, limited to one gender, certain kin groups and/or social hierarchies such as aristocrats, smiths etc., or simply limited to those that show a natural proficiency and gift – or a combination of several aspects. In all societies a number of crafts are practiced simultaneously: house building, rope making, cooking, caretaking of the dead, etc., which may either include or exclude practitioners of other specific crafts. Any one person, no matter how specialized, probably takes part in a number of practices and crafts in his/her lifetime. The organization of these crafts may reveal important aspects of a society as well as its ideology; as will the manner in which the knowledge is transmitted to the next generation. There are many different ways for this teaching to be organized that, ultimately, reflect the underlying ideology (or ideologies) of a society: teaching may be an informal, every-day activity with children simply participating in the tasks the adults are performing. Or it may be surrounded by great secrecy, separated from the immediate settlement, and requiring ritual initiation simply to gain insight into the basic stages of production. Furthermore, teaching may encourage innovation and experimentation or it can emphasise submission to authority (Crown 2001; Gosselain 1998; Herbich 1987; Lackey 1993; Sassaman & Rudolphi 2001; Wallaert-Pêtre 2001; Wenger 1998). If archaeologists can ascertain to which degree these possibilities come into play in a given society, we can revealed a profound level not just of social organization, but also of ideology, mentality and relationships between individuals. MORE THAN SURFACE – NEOLITHIC POTTERY CRAFTS For this paper, I have chosen to focus on the craft of pottery-making within the PWC and the BAC as a way to pose the question of cultural identity. Based on an analysis of several stages within the chaîne opératoire, I will argue that the differences between pitted-ware and battle-axe pottery are due to different cultural identities and craft traditions. For the purpose of this article most attention will be paid to clay selection and choices of temper; shaping, surface treatment and firing techniques will be discussed in less detail. I will focus mainly on Eastern Central Sweden, where both cultures are strongly represented, and where there are a number of thin section analyses that can be drawn on. In addition, southern Sweden, Gotland and Öland will also be touched upon (Figure 1) in order to discuss the presence or absence of regional patterning. The selected PWC and BAC sites are contemporary and are dated to the Middle Neolithic B. The only exception are the two sites on Öland which are dated to c. 3100-2900 BC.

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Figure 6 (top) shows a comparison of clay choices between BAC and PWC pottery in Eastern Central Sweden. Whereas PWC potters seem to be almost exclusively choosing fine clays, c. 60% of the BAC pots are made with coarse and medium-coarse clays. This difference cannot be due to different geographical location of the settlements, since BAC sites are often found situated in the vicinity of old PWC settlements (Åkerlund 1996). These early PWC pots were also made exclusively of fine clays. Indeed, few pottery traditions in Scandinavian prehistory actually favour coarser clays, which makes this pattern particularly noteworthy. Turning to choices in temper the picture becomes even more interesting. Figure 6 (bottom) shows the use of specific temper materials. What is immediately clear is that BAC potters limited themselves to a very few types of temper: mainly crushed granite and most notably grog. That grog is made up of recycled pottery rather than crushed clay is evident in several cases where grog has been shown to contain grains of different grog – tempered temper in other words (Hulthén personal communication). The only deviation from these three tempering materials is one sherd found to contain temper of crushed burned bones. This sherd was in fact found in a PWC settlement (Hulthén 1996). As we can see in Figure 6 (bottom), PWC temper shows a wider selection, ranging from crushed stones such as granite, sandstone/quartzite, quartz and limestone, to natural sand,

Clay Selection: Eastern Central Sweden

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

PWC

BAC

Fine Medium-coarse Coarse

Figure 6: Comparison of BAC and PWC pottery traditions in Eastern Central Sweden during the Middle Neolithic B. Top: Clay selection; Bottom: Temper use. PWC (N =56), BAC (N =12). Sst/Qzite = Sandstone/quartzite. Data based on microscopy of thin sections, current project and published studies (Brorsson 2006a, 2006b, 2006c; Hulthén 1996; Nilsson 2006; Segerberg 1999).

plant material and burned bones. The find of a BAC sherd tempered with bones on a PWC site is therefore very interesting, especially since there were several BAC vessels found at the site but only one of the four analysed had this temper added. The rest had been made with common BAC tempering materials. So far, we do not know of a single PWC vessel from Eastern Central Sweden that has been tempered with grog. While grog is notoriously difficult to identify, this cannot be a coincidence. There are in fact two types of temper that seem to be almost exclusively used by each group: grog in BAC pots and burned bones in PWC vessels. PUTTING THE POTTER IN CONTEXT – SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF CRAFT TRADITIONS When comparing clay selection in BAC pots from Eastern Central Sweden with those from southern Sweden (Skåne and Blekinge), coarse clays are slightly more common in the latter region (Figure 7 top). However, the fact that coarser clays are more commonly used in both regions is a marked trait. While coarser clays seem to become more common over time in both regions, this difference might merely reflect that proportionately more later beakers were analysed from southern Sweden.

Clay Selection: Battle Axe pottery

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Southern Sw

E Central Sw

Fine Medium-coarse Coarse

Clay Selection: Pitted Ware pottery

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

…land

Gotland

E Central Sw

Fine Medium-coarse Coarse

Figure 7: Comparison of clay selection: Top: BAC in Eastern Central Sweden (N =12) and southern Sweden (N =61); Bottom: PWC in Eastern Central Sweden (N =56), Gotland (N =14) and Öland (N =39). Data from microscopy of thin sections, current project and published studies (Brorsson 2003, 2006a, 2006b, 2006c; Hulthén 1996, 1997; Nilsson 2006; Papmehl-Dufay 2006; Segerberg 1999; Stilborg 2005).

Temper materials: Eastern Central Sweden

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

PWC

BAC

Granite Quartz Sst/Qzite Sand Calcite Grog Bone Plant

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However, comparing PWC clay selection in Eastern Central Sweden with that on the large islands, there are notable differences that cannot be explained by chronology (Figure 7 bottom). While the analysis is hampered by fewer sites with published thin sections, coarser clays are clearly the most common type of clay used here, especially on Gotland (Hulthén 1997). This may be partly due to local conditions; however, clay prospecting has revealed that, although coarser clays are more common, fine clays can also be found locally (Papmehl-Dufay 2006:197). Potters can be very specific in their choice of raw material, and it is not uncommon in anthropological sources to find that they may travel for a full day or more to find the particular clay they want (Frank 1994; Gosselain 1994; Gosselain & Livingstone Smith 2005; Livingstone Smith 2000; Stark et al. 2000). If there was a strong craft tradition among PWC potters to make pots of fine clays, then they would have taken the time and energy to do so. Instead, different regional traditions seem to have prevailed. As yet, not sufficient microscopic analyses of PWC pottery in southern Sweden have been published to allow for a valid comparison, though two sherds from Siretorp in Blekinge had been made with medium-coarse clay (Hulthén 1997: 140). Overall, the results seem to indicate greater consistency in the choice of clay at a super-regional level for the BAC than the PWC. This impression of technological homogeneity for the BAC is strengthened when we look at the choice of temper (Figure 8 top). The similarities in occurrence and distribution of granite and grog temper in Southern Sweden and Eastern Central Sweden are striking. As regards southern Sweden, the only deviation is the occasional use of sandstone/quartzite or sand instead of granite, and the infrequent use of plant material (always in combination with grog and/or granite). For the PWC we actually have a large enough sample from individual settlements to make a comparison on the local level (Figure 8 bottom). The four sites are fairly contemporary and are dated to the Middle Neolithic B. Three of them are situated in Upland, geographically very close so that travel between them would have taken less than a day’s boat journey. The site of Bollbacken (Västmanland) can be no more than a day or two away from the rest by boat. Despite their proximity in space and time, tempering choices vary considerably between the sites, both in actual material and in average occurrence. While crushed bone is common on all the sites, Bollbacken is dominated by granite. Tibble (Uppland) uses no granite, and Brännpussen (Uppland) is the only site to use pure quartz as temper (Hulthén 1996; Nilsson 2006). The choice of temper within the PWC tradition is therefore more varied on a local level than the BAC’s choice at the super-regional level. Despite these locally specific choices in temper, and regional differences in clay selection, PWC pottery has notable visual similarities across the different regions. Although a typology of designs seems to be impossible except on the most general level, the design elements

Figure 8: Comparison of temper use in Middle Neolithic B: Top: BAC in Eastern Central Sweden and southern Sweden; Bottom: PWC from Eastern Central Sweden. Data from microscopy, current project and published studies (Brorsson 2003, 2006a, 2006b, 2006c; Hulthén 1996; 1997; Nilsson 2006; Papmehl-Dufay 2006; Segerberg 1999; Stilborg 2005). themselves are present across eastern and southern Sweden, as well as further north. There seems to be a common understanding of what a pot should look like. Likewise, there exists some implicit agreement that designs are based upon a few techniques and elements whose precise combinations, though, are at the potter’s discretion. By contrast all aspects of BAC pottery craft seem to be very explicit and fixed, from basic techno-choices to execution of designs – at least in the first half of the Middle Neolithic B. At the end of the period, there is increasing variation in designs, as well as greater variation in the execution of them. There is also evidence of pots becoming less thin-walled and more coarsely tempered at the end of the period. At the very end of the Middle Neolithic, a limited number of ‘hybrid’ vessels are emerging: BAC beakers with bone temper or pit impression, and new types of large vessels with cord decoration at PWC sites. It is important to note that, although there can hardly be any design easier to apply than large pits, they only appear on very late BAC beakers and only in Eastern Central Sweden – the heartland of the PWC (Figure 9). While bone temper seems to dominate in younger PWC vessels, only a very small number of BAC vessels have been tempered in this way - all of them found on PWC sites. Grog temper has yet to be identified in any PWC vessel in Eastern Central Sweden.

Temper materials: PWC sites in E Central Sweden

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Tibble (Up)

Torslunda (Up)

Bollbacken (Vs)

Brännpussen (Up)

Granite Quartz Sst/Qzite Sand Calcite Bone Grog Plant mat.

Temper materials: Battle Axe pottery

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Southern Swe

E Central Swe

Granite Sst/Qzite Sand Grog Bone Plant Natural

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In addition to clay and temper usage, there are also differences in shaping and surface treatment. PWC pots are shaped through coiling in very much the same way as the earlier local funnel beakers. The beakers of the BAC, however, were often shaped through pinching, resulting in almost globular or semi-globular vessels with very thin walls, often no more than 4-5 mm in thickness (Hulthén 1977). However, the larger storage vessels were often coiled.

Figure 9: Examples of ‘hybrid’ vessels at the end of the Middle Neolithic B in eastern Sweden. A) ‘Third group’-vessel: Battle-axe beaker with row of pits (Turinge, Södermanland); B) ‘Bollbacken-group’: Storage vessels with straight walls, smoothed surface, and cord impressions (Bollbacken, Västmanland). Drawings by Gunlög Graner (Artursson 1996; Graner & Larsson 2004; Lindström 2000). PWC pots hardly ever show any careful smoothing of the surface. In contrast, smoothing is common for most BAC beakers, which may even have a polished surface. What is noteworthy is that the larger storage vessels of the BAC, which are often undecorated except for the upper part, do not always have this smoothed surface. Instead, some have a faintly brushed surface – possibly from sweeping a bundle of grass across the wet clay (Hulthén 1977: 62). This is a practice found in most parts of the European Corded Ware complex (Becker 1955; Edgren 1970), and seriously undermines the alternative interpretation of the battle-axe pottery craft being solely dedicated to the manufacture of ritual/burial vessels (Carlsson 1987; Gill 2003). Finally there is the technique of firing the vessel. All PWC vessels, as indeed all pottery previously in Scandinavia, are fired in an oxidizing atmosphere – an open fire. Some BAC pots are also fired in such a manner, but there is also evidence of a different firing technique being used for the small, thin-walled beakers: here, the core of the fabric is often black, while the surface is of a lighter shade. Immediately below the surface layer is a sharp transition between light and dark. One possible explanation is the use of covered fires, thus creating a reduced atmosphere (Hulthén 1977: 157). The light colour of the exterior might indicate that, after being fired in a reduced or smoky atmosphere, they were left to cool on the open air, thereby oxidizing the surface (Rye 1981: 116). While the specific method used is yet to be ascertained, this is another aspect in which battle-axe pottery visibly differs from other earlier and contemporary ceramics.

CONCLUSIONS The results of this study are summarised in Table 1. Apart from general differences in clay and temper choices, the most interesting aspect is the application of new techniques by BAC potters in tempering (grog), shaping (pinching), and firing (reduced firing with rapid, but partial oxidisation). These innovations are used alongside traditional technologies utilised by contemporary PWC potters. Potters tend to be conservative and fairly inflexible in the basic technological choices of clay, temper and firing, when not pressured by a market economy or profit making. This is not surprising since several weeks of hard work, from extracting, transporting and processing clay, producing temper and mixing it, to shaping, decorating and drying the vessels, may still result in cracked and useless vessels after the firing. Few potters like to take chances with a proven process (Frank 1994; Gosselain 1994; Gosselain & Livingstone Smith 2005; Livingstone Smith 2000).

E Central Sweden: MN B PWC BAC Clay Fine

Medium coarse Coarse

X

X X X

Temper Burned bone Grog Local customs

X

X

X

Shaping Coiling Pinching

X X X

Surface Untreated Smoothed/Polished Brushed

X X X

Decoration Pit incision Cord impression

X X

Firing Oxidized Reduced

X X X

Table 1: Comparison of technological choices and preferences of potters in Eastern Central Sweden during the Middle Neolithic B. Numerous studies of practice also show that only part of our actions are what we might refer to as conscious, most are imprinted into our bodies in such a way that, while they can be altered, this requires directed mental and physical effort on the part of the individual (Gosselain 1998; Lackey 1993; Minar 2001; Wallaert-Pêtre 2001). Not only do most artists and crafts(wo)men make little attempt to change their ways of making things – the actively resist it. Resistance my be partly born out of the need to maintain an identity through being part of a tradition that is often thought to have been instigated by the ancestors, partly out of a belief that this is the best way of doing something (Barley 1983: 28; David et al. 1988: 375; Gosselain 1999: 206). Speaking with a potter, one may learn that use of another type of clay or temper, or use of a different type of wood for the fire will result in the assured destruction of the pots. However, in a

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neighbouring settlement the same argument will be used as to why the materials excluded by the previous potters are the only ones considered to produce reliable results… Based on the above anthropological studies, I suggest that the notable differences in the chaîne opératoire presented here are in fact evidence of autonomous social groups, not only with regard to the different formulas for making a vessel, but also different attitudes towards teaching. The pervasive super-regional similarities of the BAC pottery technology must be contrasted to the notable local differences of the pitted-ware pottery. The lack of individual variation in design, patterns and application methods on the BAC beakers greatly contrasts with the PWC material. Yet, there is no clear dichotomy of use: the same BAC vessels that we find in burials appear - with the addition of larger storage vessels - in the settlements. The PWC pots, so ubiquitous in the settlements, do occur in the burials, but in accordance with a very different set of rules from that followed by beakers. No BAC beaker has ever been found in a burial of PWC type, or vice versa. Based on the standardization of both technology and visual appearance in the Swedish material, I hypothesise that this patterning reflects evidence of a strong craft identity among the potters in the BAC. Such a clear identity is likely to be a reflection of a clear and defined social position for potters which restricted the passing down of knowledge to new generations of potters to a select few, at least initially. Considering the importance of beakers in burials – and burial rituals – it is possible that the technological knowledge of how to make a ‘proper’ beaker was only part of the learning process. In addition, more esoteric knowledge connected to the use of beakers in rituals and ceremonies could have been passed from teacher to pupil. If this was the case, it would explain why it was not sufficient to copy Corded Ware beakers in order to identify oneself with the Corded Ware ideology, one had to have a fully taught Corded Ware potter at hand. This would imply a very important position for these individuals in society, especially in the initial phase. The hand that made the pot was the hand that shaped cultural identity. AUTHOR’S ADDRESS Åsa M. LARSSON Department of Archaeology and Ancient History Uppsala University Postbox 626 751 26 Uppsala Sweden asa.larsson@arkeologi.uu.se ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Participation at the Pottery Conference was sponsored by the Royal Gustav Adolf Academy. Funding for ceramic analysis was granted by the Berit Wallenberg Foundation.

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