Beyond Jidai-geki: Daiei studios and the study of transnational Japanese cinema

This article was downloaded by: [McMaster University]On: 26 November 2014, At: 11:50Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: MortimerHouse, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Journal of Japanese and Korean CinemaPublication details, including instructions for authors and subscriptioninformation:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjkc20

Beyond Jidai-geki: Daiei studios and the study oftransnational Japanese cinemaChristopher Howarda

a Chongqing UniversityPublished online: 03 Jan 2014.

To cite this article: Christopher Howard (2012) Beyond Jidai-geki: Daiei studios and the study of transnationalJapanese cinema, Journal of Japanese and Korean Cinema, 3:1, 5-12

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jjkc.3.1.5_1

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”)contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensorsmake no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitabilityfor any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinionsand views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy ofthe Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings,demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arisingdirectly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial orsystematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distributionin any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found athttp://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjkc20

http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jjkc.3.1.5_1

http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

5

JJKC 3 (1) pp. 5–12 Intellect Limited 2011

Journal of Japanese and Korean Cinema Volume 3 Number 1

© 2011 Intellect Ltd Article. English language. doi: 10.1386/jjkc.3.1.5_1

KEYWORDS

transnationalDaieiNagata MasaichiWalt DisneyRashomonShaw Brothers

CHRISTOPHER HOWARDChongqing University

Beyond Jidai-geki: Daiei

studios and the study

of transnational

Japanese cinema

ABSTRACT

This article looks at the strategies used by Daiei studios for increasing their share of the international film market during the 1950s and 1960s. Rather than relying on the ‘exoticism’ of Rashomon (Kurosawa, 1950) or Gate of Hell (Kinugasa, 1953), Daiei instead had ambitions for a wide variety of productions, few of which were actually jidai-geki. In addition to importing the latest technology, Daiei, under studio head Nagata Masaichi, also attempted to foster mutually beneficial relation-ships with a range of overseas film companies. From a methodological perspective I argue that it is useful to focus on a specific studio in order to think about individual companies’ approaches to domestic and international markets and their power rela-tions with international collaborators.

INTRODUCTION

The aim of this article is to look more closely at Daiei studio’s activities in the post-war international film market, arguing that the company had ambitions well beyond what some commentators see as the exoticization of

JJKC_3.1_Howard_5-12.indd 5JJKC_3.1_Howard_5-12.indd 5 12/13/11 12:17:25 PM12/13/11 12:17:25 PM

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Christopher Howard

6

Japanese cinema through the circulation of jidai-geki films such as Rashomon (Kurosawa, 1950), Ugetsu (Mizoguchi, 1953) and Gate of Hell (Kinugasa, 1953) (Miyao 2007: 275). Instead, I suggest that the studio wanted to sell a wide range of films to many different territories in the global film market-place. One of the reasons why Daiei’s intentions have become obscured, however, is that several of their ventures either performed very poorly or were not even bought for distribution at all. This, I suggest, raises methodo-logical issues for the study of ‘transnational’ Japanese cinema with recep-tion-based approaches unable to uncover some of the historical complexities at stake.

In the space available I predominantly look at the period from studio head Nagata Masaichi’s trip to the United States in 1949 through to the problems associated with the 70mm production, Buddha/Shaka (Misumi, 1961). From a historiographical perspective, I also suggest that it is useful to look at a specific Japanese studio’s attitudes and strategies towards the international market. With regard to studies of transnational Japanese cinema this leads to several useful questions. What effects, if any, did an interest in foreign markets have on film production? How did each studio approach selling their films? What kind of overseas business partnerships did each company develop? Were foreign markets even deemed of financial value at all? Despite early festival awards for The Life of Oharu (Mizoguchi, 1952), Shinto-ho-, for instance, demonstrated little interest in international sales, focusing instead on safeguarding its domestic security.

DAIEI AND NAGATA MASAICHI

Further historiographical questions arise when thinking about the role of studio head Nagata Masaichi within the Daiei company. Although Nagata appears to have been a hands-on producer in many of the international projects discussed, there remain questions as to his level of involvement in the company’s domestic planning. In addition to his business ties to the worlds of horse-racing and baseball, his biographical history is further complicated by clandestine connections to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the criminal underworld.

Given the nickname ‘rappa otoko’ (bugle man), the loquacious Nagata was always keen to emphasize his entrepreneurial credentials, enthusiasti-cally engaging with both the Japanese and the overseas press. Expounding the values of ‘PR’, two autobiographies were also published under Nagata’s name: Eigado- Masshigura (1953) and Eiga Jigakyo- (1957). These were followed by a charitable biography by Japanese film historian Tanaka Junichir-o (1962). While Tanaka’s book does cover some of the controversy of Buddha, Nagata’s international failures receive only minor coverage in these works.

Nagata’s biographical narratives also tend to foreground those activities that transcend the lowly film industry. Here his successful effort to clear his name of war crimes charges is marked as a heroic achievement, receiving the attention of those at the very top of the Occupation hierarchy, including General MacArthur himself (Tanaka 1962: 106–10). His 1949 international trip was also notable as the first time any Japanese citizen outside the mili-tary or civil service had travelled to the United States during the Occupation, with much also made of Nagata’s contacts with Joseph Dodge, the architect of Japan’s post-war financial stabilization policy (Tanaka 1962: 111–18).


Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Beyond Jidai-geki

7

DAIEI AND THE AMERICAN FILM INDUSTRY

Beyond visiting country clubs with Joseph Dodge, Nagata’s trip to the United States saw him develop two of the strategies that Daiei would persistently use in the company’s pursuit of foreign markets. In the first instance, Nagata made alliances with foreign film companies such as the Walt Disney and Samuel Goldwyn studios. The reason these two studios were particularly amena-ble was because neither were members of the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA). Under the film quota system of the Occupation and post-Occupation periods, only MPAA members were given import licences for Japan, meaning neither Disney nor Goldwyn had direct access to the Japanese market. Indeed, until Nagata signed a contract with Disney during his trip and petitioned its validity on his return to Japan, import licences for American films were also withheld from the Japanese studios. In addition to anima-tions, Daiei would later import live-action Disney films such as The Living Desert (Algar, 1953) and as part of the two companies’ connections Disney distributed some of Daiei’s films overseas in return. In the second instance, in addition to investing in Westrex sound equipment, Nagata also took the opportunity to visit Eastman’s facilities in Rochester. After Japanese photo-graphic companies failed to match Nagata’s standards, Daiei subsequently licenced Eastman colour to use in the studio’s productions, including inter-nationally popular films such as Gate of Hell. In both these instances I argue that some of the frameworks for the subsequent export of Japanese films were thus already in place almost two years before the festival success of Rashomon. Indeed, with Disney and Goldwyn films often distributed by RKO Pictures, this may have helped Daiei win a distribution contract with the Hollywood major after the film’s breakthrough.

Despite Nagata’s forward-thinking, Rashomon’s victory at the Venice Film Festival was, nevertheless, a genuine surprise as there was no company repre-sentative in attendance at the 1951 event. The breakthrough of Rashomon has been covered from various angles by Nygren (2007) and Smith (2002), with a useful selection of reviews collected by Richie (1972). I prefer here, therefore, to look at Daiei’s activities after Rashomon to see what assumptions were being made about this success for further developing Daiei’s international profile.

To this degree Nagata set about making films that would appeal to international audiences and American audiences in particular. This initial enthusiasm resulted not in further jidai-geki but rather a series of modern-day dramas about Japanese–American relations. The first of these, Forever My Love (Sloane, 1951), saw the American director Paul Sloane travelling to Japan. Here he was assisted by respected Japanese director Ushihara Kiyohiko, who had met Sloane during a pre-war visit to Cecil B. DeMille’s Culver City studios (Ushihara 1968: 267). Forever My Love also saw the arrival of unknown actor, and former marine, Chris Drake. The tragic love story received rather unfavourable reviews for its culture-clash themes and earthquake finale, with Sloane criticized for his presumptions about Japan (Ogi 1952: 66). Ushihara himself also complained about the conflicting demands of Daiei, an American backer in Japan, and a monitor from the Civil Censorship Detachment (CCD) (Ushihara 1968: 268).

Apparently using contacts at Samuel Goldwyn studios (Tanaka 1962: 162), Nagata was able to sign former child star Margaret O’Brien to star in Girls Hand in Hand (Nakaki, 1952) opposite Misora Hibari. It seems likely that the script was written specifically to suit the religious interests of O’Brien, with her


Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Christopher Howard

8

character successfully persuading the Catholic Church to open an orphanage to help Marie (Misora), her friends and their pet dog. Concluding with O’Brien flying out of Japan, Girls Hand in Hand even closes with a tearful Misora Hibari singing ‘Ave Maria’ as her American friend disappears into the clouds. Despite the wartime popularity that had seen O’Brien win an Oscar (Best Juvenile) for Meet in Me in St Louis (Minnelli, 1944), her career had faltered as she moved into her teens. Although her visit to Japan received newsreel and national press coverage, Girls Hand in Hand was released with little fanfare. Beyond these two productions, Anderson and Richie (1982: 232) claim that Nagasaki no uta wa wasureji/ I’ll Not Forget the Song of Nagasaki (Tasaka, 1952) was also intended for the American market and there is very little written about Onna jirocho- wakuwaku do-chu- (Kato, 1951), a Daiei-produced western starring Kenne Duncan and Kasagi Shizuko.

The failure of the international ambitions of these films seems to have reinforced the importance of stable relationships with foreign distributors for getting Japanese films onto overseas screens. Although Goldwyn did not have a distribution arm, Daiei subsequently made deals with Walt Disney’s Buena Vista International for Maboroshi no uma/The Phantom Horse (Shima, 1955) and Yokihi/Princess Yang Kwei-Fei (Mizoguchi, 1955). For many of its releases in Manhattan art cinemas, Daiei also regularly used Edward Harrison Inc. Harrison, a former press agent for RKO’s release of Rashomon (Balio 2010: 84), handled Daiei’s next festival success Ugetsu and the 1954 Cannes winner, Gate of Hell.

One of the main focal points for the marketing of Kinugasa’s film appears to have been the strong connections made with the Japanese visual arts, tying in with James Michener’s book on Japanese prints, The Floating World (1954). With the film based on a play by former Daiei chief Kikuchi Kan, it seems unlikely that Gate of Hell was made specifically for foreign audiences. Daiei, however, surely had international hopes for its first feature-length colour production by nominating a work that was neither a critical nor a box office success in Japan for the Cannes festival. After playing for over 40 weeks at Manhattan’s Guild Theatre, other Daiei colour films followed Gate of Hell to American cinemas, with Konjiki yasha/The Golden Demon (Shima, 1954) preceding both The Phantom Horse and Princess Yang Kwei-Fei. The fact that the films following Gate of Hell consisted of a Meiji-mono (including a striking baseball scene), a children’s film and an adaptation of a classic Chinese histor-ical romance suggests, however, that Daiei was certainly interested in finding foreign markets for a broad range of colour films beyond decorative jidai-geki.

THE PURSUIT OF INTERNATIONAL TRENDS

Two subsequent Nagata films from the 1950s aimed to follow other inter-national trends: the black-and-white production Brooba/Tropic Twilight (Suzuki, 1955) and the nature documentary Shiroi Sanmyaku/The Savage Mountain (Imamura, 1957). Like Ushihara, Suzuki Shigeyoshi had made some stylistically innovative films during the 1920s and 1930s, but was here simply employed to make a generic clone of the American Tarzan series, starring Japan’s own version of Johnny Weissmuller, Hamaguchi Yoshiro. According to reports, some of the filming was also completed using the facilities of Samuel Goldwyn studios and even the nearby Los Angeles Botanical Gardens. (Anon 1955: A11). Although the film is notable for scenes featuring the African American actor Woody Strode, this particular production was made without


Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Beyond Jidai-geki

9

an American distributor in place and also made little impact on the Japanese box office. This, however, might not even have entirely surprised Nagata for despite the success of Gate of Hell, the subsequent American releases of The Golden Demon, Princess Yang Kwei-Fei and The Phantom Horse had all earned a fraction of the former’s 1954 box office total.

Disregarding the failure of Brooba, Nagata’s determination to follow recent international trends continued. After Disney’s global success with The Living Desert, Daiei financed documentary film-maker Imamura Sadao’s project for a colour production about the Japanese Alps. A much bigger production than anything Imamura had been used to, this saw a crew of thirteen filming across an entire year (Kinema Junpo- 1957: 115–19). Despite appearing at the 1957 Cannes film festival, the film made little international impact, screen-ing only in a small number of European countries. Daiei’s production of two other Imamura documentaries shot in India, Himitsu no kuni: Indo- (1958) and The Long Nose (1958), both made in conjunction with Run Run Shaw, also met with little enthusiasm either in Japan or among foreign buyers.

BEYOND THE ART CINEMA BARRIER

Despite his early prize-winning success, as a businessman Nagata was persistently concerned about the dependence on film festivals for launching Japanese films overseas. Several of the aforementioned films also appear to be ways of trying to go beyond the so-called ‘art film barrier’ that limited the circulation of all foreign language films travelling to the United States. With no artistic pretensions Brooba was a genre-based effort geared towards the double-bill market. Furthermore, while Shiroi Sanmyaku was an easily dubbed nature documentary, both The Phantom Horse and Brooba have many scenes with limited dialogue, also making them more suitable for dubbing. Daiei additionally applied for a Production Code seal for The Phantom Horse so that it could be released as a family film. The studio, of course, later tried to capitalize on Toho’s success in producing kaiju (monster) films, start-ing with Uchijin Tokyo ni arawaru/Warning from Space (Shima, 1956) but most notably with the Gamera series. These, however, generally met with less enthusiasm from major American buyers than Honda Ishiro-’s superior films at Toho and became more a feature of foreign television screens than cinema screens.

Daiei had also been actively seeking other international markets for their films from the early 1950s. While Yukiwariso/Hepatica (Tasaka, 1951) had triumphed in India after its appearance at the International Film Festival of India (IFFI), most industry figures in Japan thought that other areas of East and Southeast Asia were likely to prove the most secure source of box office revenue for Japanese films, albeit not offering the potential riches of the American market. This was also quite explicitly stated by Nagata himself (Tanaka 1962: 155). After a tour of non-Communist countries in East and Southeast Asia in 1953, Nagata subsequently formed the South-East Asian Film Producers Association, with Run Run Shaw acting as vice-chairman. The major activity of the association was to organize the South-East Asia Film Festival (still in existence as the Asia Pacific Film Festival). While the history and politics of this festival deserves its own treatment (see Yau 2003 for a good introduction), it was certainly seen by Nagata as a tool for Japanese films to expand into other Asian markets (Tanaka 1962: 155), with the inaugural festival seeing the top prize awarded to The Golden Demon.


Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Christopher Howard

10

In addition to the Shaws, Daiei also had business dealings with the French subsidiary, Pathé Overseas. Together with Anatole Dauman’s Argos Films, Pathé Overseas and Daiei were among the backers for Hiroshima Mon Amour (Resnais, 1959). It is, of course, likely that the end product was not exactly to Nagata’s taste, given the way some Japanese posters for the film featured the two stars embracing above a picture of the Eiffel Tower. This well-known production was, however, only one part of the two companies’ relationship. Pathé Overseas also distributed a number of Daiei’s more artistic productions in France including films by Mizoguchi Kenji and Ichikawa Kon. Some of these were also released in the Studio Étoile, a short-lived exhibition venture between Pathé Overseas and Daiei close to the Champs-Elysée. The further mapping of Japanese film exports to other areas of Europe should also reveal the role Pathé Overseas played in circulating a range of Japanese films, includ-ing some by other studios, to areas outside France.

Finally, despite giving a sympathetic view of events, Tanaka’s 1962 biog-raphy opens with the difficulties afflicting Nagata’s worldwide ambitions for Buddha. While Tanaka would not have been able to report fully on the international box office failings of the film, the political problems caused by the production were already apparent. Again following international film-making trends by moving into 70mm production, the choice of subject matter evidently proved far more contentious than Nagata anticipated. With Hollywood companies already using various widescreen formats for histori-cal epics, a number of biblical films such as The Robe (Koster, 1953) and The Ten Commandments (DeMille, 1956) had proved spectacularly popular in the global film marketplace. In order to follow this religious pattern Nagata, himself from a Buddhist family, put a biopic of Buddha’s life into produc-tion. Hoping that the film would have universal appeal, he instead found himself under intense fire from Buddhist representatives from Asia, including several ambassadors to Japan (Tanaka 1962: 10–11). Beyond perceived factual inaccuracies, many were offended by the idea of making a film biopic about the life of the religious figure at all. Although a re-edited version did play in a number of international territories, in Europe and America it was only ever bought by smaller distributors, sometimes long after the film’s Japanese release. Daiei’s further attempts to produce 70mm epics in the form of Shin Shikotei/The Great Wall (Tanaka 1962) again fell well short of expectations both in the domestic and in the international marketplace.

CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSITIONS FOR FURTHER STUDY

While Nagata’s wartime politicking has received some attention by High (2003: 316–20), there is still perhaps much to be written about his murky connec-tions to crime lord Kodama Yoshio and senior LDP member Ko-no Ichiro-. Indeed, his embarrassing connections to the former were brought to public attention with the 1961 Bushu-u-tetsudo- bribery scandal. In an earlier roundta-ble with Nagata and representatives from other studios in Kinema Junpo- there were also several voices that were very sceptical about the business develop-ment of Daiei (1959: 74–80). With all Nagata’s public emphasis on his inter-national activities, the company lagged behind other studios, most notably To- ei, in the competitive rush to a double-bill system. With much of Nagata’s interests seemingly directed elsewhere, the responsibility for the domestic market would most likely have been the preserve of other company execu-tives such as Matsumoto Tsu-mu, although there would clearly have been an


Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Beyond Jidai-geki

11

issue with Nagata channelling so much of the company’s resources for his own ambitious productions.

The period from Buddha’s failure until Daiei’s bankruptcy in 1971 evidently failed to warrant another Nagata biography. Nagata’s emphasis on big films and international films, however, continued with productions such as the Majin series and the Russian co-production Malenkiy beglets/The Little Fugitive (Kinugasa, 1966). Interestingly, however, Nagata was not the producer of the popular Zato- ichi series, also exported to other countries in Asia. His interest in big films also saw him appeal, evidently unsuccessfully, to the Japanese government to provide bridging loans to cover the gap between film produc-tion and the return of international box-office receipts that could sometimes take up to three years (Nagata 1964: 42).

To study the ‘transnational’ dimensions of post-war Japanese cinema I think it is essential to take into account macro-level processes such as the global dominance of Hollywood films, international import quotas and even European Economic Community (EEC) policies encouraging member co-productions at the expense of potential Japan–Europe productions. The Japanese government’s relative disinterest in Japanese film export is another important factor. Combining this macro-level view with studio-level research, it is arguable that Nagata’s emphasis on big productions was actually the best opportunity for international success, albeit a risky strategy that drained resources from domestic productions. A studio-level historiography might, for instance, also reveal whether To-ho-’s strategy of investing in more overseas cinemas was any more successful than Daiei’s plans. Such an approach is also useful for analysing the balance of power between different self-interested commercial companies. It is revealing, for instance, that Disney seem to lose interest in ties with Daiei as soon as Nagata is able to negotiate with the Japanese government to release the American studio’s frozen box-office remittances. While Nagata played such a dominant role in Daiei’s international activities, it would be interesting to see whether there are similar patterns with other powerful studio heads such as To-ei’s Okawa Hiroshi.

Although there were other intriguing rumours of floundering distribution deals and aborted Daiei co-productions, I hope I have nevertheless demon-strated that Daiei, with Nagata in a dominant role, was not simply interested in sending jidai-geki films to America and Western Europe and that criticisms of exoticization should be laid instead on gatekeepers, distributors and/or audi-ences. At a methodological level I hope this short piece has also demonstrated the potential usefulness of a studio-based approach to transnational Japanese cinema and suggestive of similar studies for the other major film studios.

REFERENCES

Anderson, J. L. and Richie, Donald (1982), The Japanese Film: Art and industry, Rev. ed., Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Anon (1955), ‘Japanese film company shooting tarzan here’, Los Angeles Times, 6 September, p. A11.

Balio, Tino (2010), The Foreign Film Renaissance on American Screens, 1946– 1973, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.

High, Peter B. (2003), The Imperial Screen: Japanese Film Culture in the Fifteen Years War 1931–1945, Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.

Kinema Junpo- (1957), ‘Shiroi Sanmyaku seisakusha zadankai’, Kinema Junpo- , 1 March, pp. 115–19.


Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Christopher Howard

12

—— (1959), ‘Nagata Masaichi zadankai’, Kinema Junpo- , 1 March, pp. 74–80.Michener, James A. (1954), The Floating World, London: Secker & Warburg.Miyao, Daisuke (2007), Sessue Hayakawa: Silent Cinema and Transnational

Stardom, Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Nagata Masaichi (1953), Eigado- Masshigura, Tokyo: Surugadai shobo-.—— (1957), Eiga Jigakyo- , Tokyo: Heibonsha.—— (1964), ‘Kore ga nihoneiga o sukuu michi’, Kinema Junpo- , 1 April,

pp. 39–43.Nygren, Scott (2007), Time Frames: Japanese Cinema and the Unfolding of History,

Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.Ogi, Masahiro (1952), ‘Itsu itsu made mo’, Kinema Junpo- , 15 November, p. 66.Richie, Donald (1972), Focus on Rashomon, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice

Hall.Smith, Greg (2002), ‘Critical reception of Rashomon in the West’, Asian Cinema,

13: 2, pp. 115–28.Tanaka, Junichiro- (1962), Nagata Masaichi, Tokyo: Jijitsu- shinsha.Ushihara, Kiyohiko (1968), Kiyohiko Eigafu Goju-nen, Tokyo: Kagamiurashobo- .Yau, Kinnia (2003), ‘“Shaws” Japanese collaboration and competition as seen

through the Asian film festival evolution’, The Shaw Screen: A Preliminary Study, Hong Kong Film Archive, pp. 279–91.

SUGGESTED CITATION

Howard, C. (2011), ‘Beyond Jidai-geki: Daiei studios and the study of transnational Japanese cinema’, Journal of Japanese and Korean Cinema 3: 1, pp. 5–12, doi: 10.1386/jjkc.3.1.5_1

CONTRIBUTOR DETAILS

Christopher Howard holds a Ph.D. in Media and Film Studies from SOAS, University of London. His thesis looked at film trade in Japan in the post-Occupation period. He is currently Lecturer in Media Studies at Chongqing University, China.

Contact: 9 Norfolk Close, Maldon, Essex CM9 6BA, UK.E-mail: mailto:[email protected][email protected]


Dow

nloa

ded

by [

McM

aste

r U

nive

rsity

] at

11:

50 2

6 N

ovem

ber

2014

Beyond Jidai-geki: Daiei studios and the study of transnational Japanese cinema

Documents

Transcript of Beyond Jidai-geki: Daiei studios and the study of transnational Japanese cinema